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First women to graduate from Army's Ranger School talk military milestone

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https://padlet.com/marchan1/socialstigma

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https://padlet.com/ekrami/ojshbmcef3dt

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https://padlet.com/marchan1/module1socialmedia

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As social media acts as

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Social Media as a Medium of Connecting Large Groups of People

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Social Media as a Medium of Connecting Large Groups of People

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Social media is a contemporary means to reach many people simultaneously. Unlike

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Social Media's Effect on Empowerment Movements

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Social Media's Effect on Empowerment Movements

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The Opposition w/ Jordan Klepper - Puerto Rico's Hurricane Recovery: A 10 out of 10

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Impression management (and how it relates)

Structural functionalism aspect (connecting large groups of people and how technology helps this)

Everyday use- reduces deviance through social media pressure to conform; Durkheim's idea of aligning society

Elaborate on effect on social movements

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http://metro.co.uk/2018/04/02/women-told-hide-hijabs-punish-muslim-day-7434860/

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Woes Of The "Strong Black Woman": Mental Health Is Very Real For Us

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I was always taught to be strong. At a ripe young age, I...

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SACRAMENTO - As the California sun burned away the haze on Easter Eve, a few hundred people gathered at yet another rally for Stephon Clark at the picturesque Cesar E. Chavez Plaza across from City Hall.

Clark is the unarmed black man, a young father of two boys, who was shot to death two weeks ago in his grandmother's backyard.

The police were investigating a vandalism complaint when they encountered Clark, firing 20 shots at him. According to an independent autopsy commissioned by Clark's family, eight of the bullets found their mark, six of them entering his body through his back. No weapon was found on Clark - only his cellphone.

People showed up with placards and optimism for change and justice, but dogged by the shadow of other such shootings where legal accountability has been thwarted.

I try to come to each of these moments with a fresh perspective, but I am undermined and betrayed by having covered too many of them.

I can't escape the reality that there is a ritualization of these traumas in which the shootings serve as catalysts, a lancing of the boil, in which decades of oppression, neglect, desperation and hopelessness finds a venting valve. And what starts as white-hot rage slowly cools into a dispassionate disappointment in a system that, it is revealed, is operating as designed.

Each protest is undoubtedly about the case at hand, but collectively they are also about communities that feel abused and betrayed in a country that sees them as expendable. It is not a " local matter," as the White House suggested last week, but a national disgrace.

Efforts at policy reform - better training, utilization of body cameras (which the officers in Clark's case suspiciously muted after shooting him), changes in rules of pursuit - can have an effect, but they can't fully remedy this problem.

These shootings keep happening and officers are rarely charged with crimes - and even more rarely convicted - because what they are doing is legal. That is the true American tragedy.

In the 1989 case of Graham v. Connor, the Supreme Court ruled that the Fourth Amendment's "objective reasonableness" standard overrode the amendment's protections "against unreasonable searches and seizures" and even the Fifth Amendment's admonition that no person shall "be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law."

By ruling that an officer's use of force must only meet the "objectively reasonable" standard while allowing that "police officers are often forced to make split-second judgments - in circumstances that are tense, uncertain and rapidly evolving - about the amount of force that is necessary in a particular situation," the court itself laid the groundwork for the extrajudicial killings by police officers that we keep seeing. This ruling has become scripture for law enforcement.

As Police Magazine wrote in 2014:

"A generation of officers has been trained in the case's practical meaning and has spent decades applying it to every use-of-force decision. So it has become part of law enforcement DNA, often unnoticed as it works in the background to determine our actions."

What is "objectively reasonable" is clearly a subjective determination, and when the assessment interacts with race, class, gender and the stereotypical perception of criminality and propensity for violence surrounding those classifications, the "objectively reasonable" standard can easily become corrupted and used more as a badge of permission and a shield against liability.

In a utopian society where people did not discriminate - consciously or subconsciously - "objective reasonableness" would be a perfectly serviceable standard. But we don't live in that world; we live in this one.

We live in a world in which, as The New York Times reported in 2016 about a study issued by the Center for Policing Equity:

"African-Americans are far more likely than whites and other groups to be the victims of use of force by the police, even when racial disparities in crime are taken into account."

The courts have given police officers broad discretion, but they simply aren't applying that discretion equitably. Certain people, in certain communities, are viewed as more of a threat more quickly.

This ignoring of the racial realities on the ground is not only an issue of police officers. The police are merely articulating and enforcing American ideals. Not only do police actions demonstrate inequity on the ground, but policymakers, and therefore policies, ignore that inequity, and by extension we the public who elect those policymakers ignore it.

These shootings keep happening because, on some level, America finds them acceptable, finds them unfortunate but unavoidable. We regard the dead as collateral damage in a quest for safety and civility, not registering that the countenancing of such killings exposes in us a predisposition for racially skewed cruelty and brutality.

Stephon Clark is not only a casualty of this particular shooting, but he is also a casualty of American moral paucity, race-hostile policies and corrosive jurisprudence. The sound of his body falling to the ground became just another beat in America's rhythm of state-sanctioned tragedy.

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Opinion | Stephon Clark: Rhythms of Tragedy

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SACRAMENTO - As the California sun burned away the haze on Easter Eve, a few hundred people gathered at yet another rally for Stephon Clark at the picturesque Cesar E. Chavez Plaza across from City Hall. Clark is the unarmed black man, a young father of two boys, who was shot to death two weeks ago in his grandmother's backyard.

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Is Puerto Rico in or out (of America)?

Conflict Theory

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As Lourdes reached the top of the stairs, she felt an uneasy stillness in the air. The sky was thick and black. No moon was visible. And the electric generator, a machine that sometimes rumbled like a car engine, had fallen eerily silent.

She swung open the living room door to find her father clutching his chest.

The machine was off. Her father appeared unable to breathe.

Her mother, Julia "Miriam" Rodriguez, stayed with Natalio while Lourdes rushed to restart the generator, which had run out of gas, and repower the breathing machine. Her mother felt Natalio's body go limp in her arms and then collapse to the floor, face down.

Frantic, they called 911 and tried to comfort him.

Waiting there on the floor, Julia Rodriguez told me, she felt a wind -- a physical gust -- leave her husband's body and pass into her own. She said it was as if the decades they'd spent together -- the moves from Puerto Rico to the mainland and back; the hours they both worked as nurses; the three children they raised -- hovered in the room, a tangible, living thing, and then became part of her.

Julia Rodriguez knew then that her husband might not survive.

All these months later, it seemed the storm may have won.

It's been nearly six months since Hurricane Maria.

Its howling winds, which topped 150 mph, long have dissipated. The storm that battered Puerto Rico on September 20 before hooking northward into the Atlantic is a memory.

Yet, in this US commonwealth, people are still dying in Maria's wake.

That's especially true of those who lack basic services like electricity.

Rodriguez died on January 6. In addition to his death, CNN identified five people who died in 2018 from causes that friends, family, doctors or funeral home directors consider to be related to Hurricane Maria and its aftermath.

It's not possible to say with 100% certainty that a death this long after a storm was "caused" by Hurricane Maria, experts told me. But that's beside the point. These deaths show dangerous conditions persist in Puerto Rico.

I spent several days in Maunabo, Rodriguez's town on the southeast coast, and other areas without power, to try to understand how communities are faring all these months later.

I had been to Puerto Rico several times since the storm, reporting for CNN on topics from uncounted deaths to water outages and an "exodus" to the US mainland. In December, I drove the entire path the eye of the storm took across the island. On that route, I met a woman whose clock was stopped at 3:27 -- the moment the hurricane swept through. Puerto Rico, it seemed, was an island frozen in time, doomed to relive that day again and again.

Would that still be the case after six months?

Metrics on the response to Hurricane Maria told me that might be the case, at least for some residents. So, too, did academics and others who study how we respond to hurricanes.

Puerto Rico, some of these experts said, appears to be stuck between the "emergency" and "recovery" phases of disaster response. Typically, in the United States, the emergency phase -- in which people lack necessities like food, water, shelter and power -- lasts for days or, at most, a few weeks, said Lori Peek, director of the Natural Hazards Center at the University of Colorado Boulder. Then comes recovery, when residents, government agencies and others start to rebuild.

"Here we are months after this storm and we are debating if we should still be sending these emergency -- really emergency, and life sustaining -- supports, or (should we) transition into this recovery process," Peek said. "That is just truly breathtaking."

It's true that progress has been made. Tourists are coming back to San Juan, and parts of the city are humming. Casinos are open in ritzy Condado and the bomba dancers are back in Río Piedras. A month after Maria, roughly 1 million of the 3.3 million American citizens here remained without running water service. Now, nearly everyone has it.

In late December, only about a third of temporary roof requests had been met by the US Army Corps of Engineers, leaving some people sleeping in homes where it rained inside at night. Months later, nearly all those requests for professionally installed tarps have been fulfilled. Formal shelters for hurricane victims are now empty, according to federal officials.

Yet inequities remain, especially when it comes to electricity.

As of March 7, more than 10% of electric customers in Puerto Rico were still without power, according to figures reported to the US Department of Energy by the local utility. Maybe that sounds small -- but it represents nearly 156,000 customers, and likely more than that number of people, since the average Puerto Rican household is about three individuals.

Also consider that figure in the context of other recent storms.

Hurricane Harvey hit the Gulf Coast of Texas on August 25. The next day, an estimated 304,000 customers were without power -- yet all but about 2,600 had electricity restored in 19 days, according to data provided to CNN by the Public Utility Commission of Texas. Florida after Hurricane Irma? That storm left an estimated 6.2 million customers in Florida without electricity on September 11, according to the Florida Public Service Commission, which, like the commission in Texas, collects data from electric utilities. In a little more than two weeks, virtually all power was back.

These comparisons are, of course, imprecise. No two storms are the same in terms of intensity, needs or geography. Puerto Rico is an island and, as federal officials have said repeatedly since the storm, you can't just drive in supplies from another state. Communications systems were down and many roads were impassible in the first weeks after the storm. The island's power grid also was in lousy shape, by many accounts, before Hurricane Maria. Comparing that grid to Florida's, which is the gold standard for preparedness, is somewhat unfair, said Seth Guikema, an associate professor of engineering at the University of Michigan, who studies grids and disaster response. After Hurricane Andrew in 1992, he said, some Florida utilities built concrete posts and took other measures to ensure power could be restored faster after storms.

The US Federal Emergency Management Agency, FEMA, which oversees disaster recovery, says it is doing everything possible to ensure basic services are restored to Puerto Rico.

Michael Byrne, FEMA's federal coordinating officer for Puerto Rico, told me in an interview that Puerto Rico's unique logistical challenges fully explain the delays. No other US disaster has presented these unique and difficult circumstances, he said, which meant FEMA had to invent a strategy for how to respond to the crisis. The unique situation here also makes comparisons between the response to Maria and responses to other storms problematic, he said.

If storm-related deaths are continuing, he said, his heart goes out to affected families. "The initial reaction is the reaction anyone would have: I'm sorry to hear that. Truly. One of the things that you don't stop being, no matter your job, is a human being." There are programs, he added, to help bring generators and financial assistance to storm victims, especially those who are in vital need of medical services.

In a statement emailed to CNN this week, the US Army Corps of Engineers, which is helping with power restoration, said back-to-back 2017 disasters, the remoteness of the island and the fact that some supplies had to be manufactured for installation in Puerto Rico, slowed down work on the electric system. "Helicopters have been used to airlift poles, materials and people into remote locations to perform repair work," the Corps said.

Yet these explanations matter little to many of those who have been living without electricity for nearly six months, and have gone without running water for much of that time.

They know another truth: The longer the wait, the more a person is at risk.

The family legend goes like this: The first of Natalio Rodriguez's ancestors to arrive in Maunabo was hidden in a barrel aboard a ship from Africa. He may have arrived as a free man, they said. This much is sure: Rodriguez roots travel deep into this fertile soil. The family has been here as long as anyone can remember.

By the time Natalio Rodriguez was born in December 1940, the 11th of 12 children, much had changed in Puerto Rico -- and yet little had, as well. Rodriguez grew up helping his father, Juan Ines Rodriguez Monclova, work the verdant sugar cane fields behind their home on the side of a shark-tooth mountain. This was the work of his ancestors, too. The Spanish enslaved Africans and, before that, indigenous Taino people -- who gave Maunabo its name -- to work in that industry.

Natalio Rodriguez and his neighbors had all those stories coursing through their veins. His original ancestor in Maunabo is said to have married a Spanish woman, which is how relatives explain the fact that some of their cousins and aunts have bright blue or green eyes, while Natalio's and Lourdes' eyes and skin carry the deep hues of espresso and midnight.

When Rodriguez was a boy, slavery had long been abolished, of course; and the Spanish had been kicked out of Puerto Rico by a new colonial power: the United States. The US, which occupied Puerto Rico in 1898 after the Spanish-American War, granted Puerto Ricans citizenship about two decades before Rodriguez's birth. Still, his family members and neighbors couldn't elect their own governor until 1948. Even today, Puerto Ricans, while subject to US laws and given US aid, can't vote for president or elect full, voting members of Congress.

Despite all that, young Rodriguez remained enchanted by American culture.

He loved Western movies and books and grew up galloping the family's horses down from the mountains and into the valley, which was home to the town square, not far from a lighthouse and the radiant turquoise coast. His childhood nickname was "Hormiguero," Spanish for anthill, his longtime friend, Damian Lopez, 70, told me. I laughed and asked about the origin of that name. The kid was something of a living verb, Lopez said -- always moving, never still.

That restlessness would take him places his father never saw.

Some of Rodriguez's older brothers enlisted in the US military (one lost part of his hand in the Korean War, according to Julia Rodriguez) and, as a teenager, Natalio Rodriguez tried to do the same. Unable to join the service because of a heart arrhythmia, according to his wife, he found other ways to follow in their footsteps. After one brother moved to New York -- bringing home exotic northeastern foods like cod, cherries and white grapes to a family that grew avocado, grapefruit and oranges -- Rodriguez decided, after high school, to move there, too. He would become a big man like his dad -- 5-foot-9 and 300 pounds -- and not averse to physical labor. But he began to resent helping in the sugar fields. Maunabo was, and is, desperately poor. (Fifty-six percent live below the poverty line, according to the US Census Bureau). Some of his relatives still plowed up their fields with bulls tied to oxcarts. The brother who moved away seemed so much happier, and so much richer. In the United States, Rodriguez thought, he'd have a better life, too.

So, in his late teens, Rodriguez boarded a plane for New York.

"Right after getting out of the cab, he stepped on a pile of dog s---."

Natalio loved to tell this story, his wife, Julia, said.

"He'd go, like, 'Wow, so this is how you all live here, dodging piles of poop in the streets!?'"

Julia Rodriguez grew up in Maunabo, too, just up the hill from Natalio and his family. The couple raised three children together, primarily on the US mainland.

For him, the 50 states were a place of promise and of hope -- a place of purpose and duty.

Still, strangely, that first New York impression -- the muck on the street -- stuck with him, too.

He never felt fully settled, his wife told me.

In 2009, he and Julia finally resettled in Maunabo.

"Look," says Luis Lafuente, Maunabo's vice-mayor.

He points at a perfectly circular hole extending from the roof of city hall.

"That's where the clock used to be."

It was busted by Hurricane Maria.

Time hasn't just stopped in this town, which is at the southeast corner of Puerto Rico, near where Maria delivered its first punches. After the storm, it's almost irrelevant. On this day, March 9, Lafuente tells me exactly 0% of the area's 11,500 residents have been reconnected to the electric grid -- the same as the day Hurricane Maria struck. Between 35% and 50% of residents do have electricity, he said, from three emergency generators installed on December 23 by the US government. But those generators are prone to failure, he said, and don't reach mountain communities. (The Army Corps said the alleged "failures" result from generator switch-overs, not from problems with the equipment. The Puerto Rican power authority -- PREPA -- told CNN 37% of customers in Maunabo had power as of March 13, but did not specify the source of that electricity.)

At dusk, those mountains turn to charcoal silhouettes. Few lights shine. Only the lucky and the wealthy can afford personal generators.

We drive Lafuente's Jeep Renegade around the town where he's spent his life. Parts of it are unrecognizable to him. Playgrounds are twisted. A truck barn turned to scrap metal. Power lines are draped over posts like wet noodles. Some electric posts are so off-kilter, they look like they're doing pushups.

The hospital had to be relocated to another municipal building, which most recently had been home to emergency management workers and police. Those officers and workers, in turn, had to move into a public school that closed before the storm. The hospital still has a sign that says "Emergencia 24 Horas," indicating the emergency room never closes. The reconfigured hospital, however, opens at 7 a.m. and closes at 11 p.m. Many of those who require emergency assistance earlier or later than that have to drive through an unlit mountain tunnel -- it feels like something out of "The Walking Dead" -- to seek medical help.

Maunabo's five schools reopened in late November. But students leave class at 12:30 p.m. because there's no power. A school principal I met told me she drives to other towns to make photocopies so students can take tests. Teachers assign very little homework, she says, because the students are so overwhelmed already.

We stop by the lighthouse, perhaps the most iconic site in Maunabo, to find that its searchlight and glass have been shattered by Maria. The Coast Guard hadn't used it since the 1990s, anyway, according to Wanda Marín Rivera, board president of the town's cultural center. But Lafuente and others had hoped tourism might revive the town, with the lighthouse as a destination, since sugar cane, plantains and crab fishing haven't been providing stable work. (Maunabo became known as a hub for crab fishing. Crab images are stamped into the sidewalks and painted on walls; a crab statue sits in front of the baseball stadium, which was heavily damaged, and a smaller one perches on the mayor's desk).

Despite the state of things, Lafuente says Maunabo will improve. Tourists will come. Industry will pick back up. Already, he says, crabbers are setting traps by flashlight at night.

"The people of Maunabo are very motivated and anxious to grow and make the town even better than it was before," he tells me. "We will rise again. We are rising."

At first, the mountain protected them.

The day Maria hit, Natalio Rodriguez huddled in a small bathroom with his wife, his daughter Lourdes, her two children, and, nearby, Natalio's elderly sister. "We were crammed like tuna in a can," Lourdes Rodriguez recalled. Water poured under the door. Natalio told everyone to stay calm, Lourdes told me. Meanwhile, she said, the house "shook like Jell-O."

Still, they survived. Most of the house did, too. The hillside, which had raised so many of their ancestors and grown so many of their crops, sheltered them from the worst of it.

It was after Maria that the real danger began.

The power was out. Water, too. Food was scarce. For several days, the winding, steep-pitched road to their mountain home was blocked, Lourdes said. It was a week before she was able to wait in hourslong lines for gasoline and get her car to a hill in a neighboring city, Caguas, where she could call their many relatives on the mainland to say they had outlasted the hurricane. Communications systems in Maunabo remained essentially inoperable for months, she told me. Island-wide, according to Puerto Rico government data, only 25% of cell towers were functional by October 20.

It was in these isolated circumstances that Natalio Rodriguez's medical conditions began to worsen. The labored breathing was especially troubling for his wife and daughter. The sleep apnea machine he used at night to get oxygen into his lungs wasn't working without electricity. That meant he and his wife could not rest, much less sleep. He paced the house at night and walked the neighborhood by day. In desperation, the family made cardboard fans for him to use to try to move air around his face. No one thought it would help him breathe, really, but it was something.

"All of a sudden he became a quiet person. He was a talker. Pepito enjoyed long conversations," Julia Rodriguez said, using Natalio's family nickname. "He could spend hours and hours talking. But then (after the storm) he didn't speak much."

The family worried also about the insulin he used for diabetes. It required refrigeration. They had no working refrigerator without power. And ice was difficult to come by.

What they really needed, of course, was electricity.

On November 17, Maunabo plaza and city hall got power from a small generator -- purchased for $35,000 by the municipality, according to the mayor, Jorge Márquez. From their home in the mountains, Lourdes Rodriguez said, the family could see a faint glow. It looked like the town downhill was on another planet.

About a month later, the family received a small power inverter, Lourdes Rodriguez said. It ran for only two or three hours before running out of fuel, she said.

A bigger generator was donated later, but the family had trouble affording the gasoline needed to run it, she told me. The fuel alone cost them $60 per week while her father was alive, Lourdes Rodriguez said. Plus, there were filters, oil and repairs.

When the machine was on, they said, Natalio calmed some.

But they could not keep it going.

Some of them died during the storm.

A mudslide in Utuado, Puerto Rico, killed two "bedridden" sisters. Another person drowned in Toa Baja. But the aftermath of Hurricane Maria appears to have been most deadly.

More than 1,000 "excess deaths" occurred after the storm, in September and October 2017, than during the same timeframe in 2016 and 2015, according to Alexis Santos, a professor at Penn State University who analyzed Puerto Rican government mortality statistics.

That doesn't tell you 1,000 people certainly died directly because of Hurricane Maria. But it does indicate an unusual number of people were dying -- and well into October.

The only difference, Santos said, was the hurricane.

In November, I put together a CNN team to survey the funeral homes in Puerto Rico. We were only able to reach about half, but those directors and other staff members told us they had seen at least 499 deaths they considered to be hurricane related, based primarily on their conversations with family members. We then documented the deaths of several uncounted people who died in the weeks after the hurricane, not only the day the storm hit. They included an older man in Cayey who died in a fire set by a lantern he wouldn't have been using if he'd had electricity; a man in Canóvanas who committed suicide in the storm's aftermath; and a woman in Corozal who lacked access to medical treatment. (Two deaths we highlighted were later added to the Puerto Rico government's list of official hurricane-related deaths).

Still, I didn't expect deaths would continue into 2018.

It's impossible to use statistics to prove that they are, because the Puerto Rican Demographic Registry has not released data for this year. (CNN and Puerto Rico's Centro de Periodismo Investigativo are suing that agency for access to death records). Trends suggest the aggregate loss of life in Puerto Rico is slowing and may have normalized, Santos told me.

Still, I was able to document several deaths that occurred this year and appear related to Maria's frantic aftermath.

Several of the deaths I researched occurred in Maunabo.

Braulio Salinas Santiago, 71, died of an apparent heart attack in the parking lot of Maunabo's makeshift hospital on January 18, according to his wife, Margarita Baerga Diaz. It was about 5 a.m., she said, before the hospital, which operated 24-7 before the hurricane, had opened.

Similarly, Fulgencio Velazquez Chevalier died on February 20 in the car of his wife, Litza Rodriguez Figueroa. The 50-year-old suffered depression and intense anxiety after the storm, according to Rodriguez Figueroa, who is a nurse. She believes that stress, along with a related increased smoking, contributed to her husband's cardiac arrest. When she drove by the closed Maunabo hospital, she told me, Velazquez was still alive.

Carmen Rodriguez Martinez died on January 25 at age 71.

Her doctor, Arturo Torres Borges, wrote two words on the death certificate in a spot reserved for circumstances that may have contributed to the death: "Huracán Maria."

The causes of death included respiratory failure and heart disease.

Rodriguez Martinez required an oxygen machine to breathe, according to her daughter, Iris Janette de Jesus Rodriguez, 54. They still didn't have electricity from the grid when I visited in late February. A generator hadn't been enough, she said.

In Corozal, farther into the mountains, Victor Manuel Belen Santiago wept as he told me that his mother, Zoraida Santiago Torres, 58, had saved his life by helping him kick drug addiction.

Their home was destroyed by the storm, and Belen Santiago rebuilt it by hand, puzzling scraps of the roof and walls together like a reassembled house of cards. But he couldn't restore the power his mother needed to run an oxygen machine. She died on February 13, he said, after getting fluid in her lungs that could not be cleared. Her death certificate lists organ failure and a bacterial infection among the causes of death, along with chronic liver disease.

After the loss, Belen Santiago said he contemplated suicide.

His beloved mother was gone. He had no job -- no prospect for a job after the debt crisis, which struck Puerto Rico before the hurricane. It was unclear if life ever would feel safe again.

"We are the forgotten people," he said. "It's like we don't exist."

The morning of January 5 started like so many others, with a tap-tap-tap of her father's cane on the second-story patio -- Natalio Rodriguez's way of waking his daughter up for the day.

Lourdes Rodriguez rolled her eyes playfully and walked upstairs to see what he wanted this time. She and her two children, ages 13 and 8, had been sleeping on twin beds in a room downstairs since the storm. The roof of a new home they had been building was torn off by Maria.

She would awake to her father's screams the following night, but this day now occupies a different territory in her memory. She considers it one of the best days of her life.

Her father seemed so healthy, so alive.

He wanted to go everywhere that day, see everything. He carried his cane with him while visiting his sister, a nun, in Ponce, a city on the south coast. But he kept it in his elbow crease -- more ornament than crutch. At an ice cream shop, he pretended to be a clueless American tourist -- using affected Spanish, asking to see tourist attractions on the other side of the island. The store's workers laughed when he broke the gag, Lourdes Rodriguez said. He ordered his favorite flavor: passion fruit with pineapple. That night, they ate seafood at a restaurant near the beach.

Now, Lourdes Rodriguez wonders why that day was different.

Maybe it was the upcoming holiday? January 6 is Three Kings Day in Puerto Rico, or Epiphany, when Christians commemorate the arrival of wise men visiting the infant Jesus.

Her father had been talking about it for some time, telling her children to prepare their best clothes (the truth was that most of their clothing had been donated after the storm) so they could go to a pig roast in a neighboring community. In years past, they'd gathered up guitars, pots and sticks and gone caroling up and down the hillside -- a Puerto Rican parranda -- growing the party as they visited one house and then the next, offering food and drinks and collecting stories.

Maybe he was living in anticipation of that day?

Or maybe this day was his way of saying goodbye.

That question nagged at me as I reported on Puerto Rico's ongoing electrical outages. And it's a question that clearly haunts many Puerto Ricans.

Experts offered some theories.

"They're Americans but they're not represented in Congress," said Dr. Irwin Redlener, director of the National Center for Disaster Preparedness at Columbia University in New York. That means there are few political repercussions for a botched disaster response, he said, and few advocates for funding. "It really gets down to money and poverty and politics."

"It's unconscionable and unreasonable that it has taken so long" to restore power, he said. "You have to ask yourself, 'why is that?' It's money and politics, the common denominator for so many things. ... Can you imagine no (electric) power in Beaumont or Port Arthur or Rockport, Texas, for this amount of time? I don't care what kind of disaster it was. You would never see this."

Byrne, the FEMA official, said this disaster has been adequately funded and the federal government is responding to the crisis in Puerto Rico in the same way it would in the 50 states. "We're not leaving," he said. "We're here until we take care of all of the requirements that are needed."

As of March 15, FEMA had spent $1.1 billion in Puerto Rico; $1.6 billion in Texas; and $993 million in Florida for individual assistance following the fall 2017 hurricanes. "That's the initial, quickest payment to individual citizens for immediate needs, but the real cost is in long-term recovery dollars for infrastructure projects, like buildings, roads and other public facilities," which is not included in those figures, said Chris Currie, director of emergency management issues at the US Government Accountability Office.

Congressional appropriations for disaster response and recovery in recent months are not always itemized by storm, he said, making it difficult to say which hurricanes ultimately will be given the most federal funding. An estimated $23.2 billion has been appropriated specifically for Puerto Rico, according to The Center for Puerto Rican Studies at Hunter College in New York.

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration estimates Maria caused $90 billion in damages; Harvey, $125 billion; and Irma, $50 billion.

Regardless of financing, the relative slowness of the recovery in Puerto Rico is seen by some people here as dehumanizing.

In a way, Maria has revealed the ugly colonial relationship between the island and the United States, said Silvia Álvarez Curbelo, a historian and director of the research center at the University of Puerto Rico's school of communications.

"This raw nerve of colonialism comes creeping in in every conversation" these days, she told me. "It's this feeling of subordination. The people -- common people -- have no way (to respond) except to wait. Wait for this letter. Wait to see if FEMA comes to town. Wait to see if the federal government comes (though) with the money they told us they would give us for recovery."

Such frustrations reached a boiling point in the past.

There were plenty of other factors at play, but Spain's failure to address a humanitarian and economic crisis after an 1867 hurricane in Puerto Rico "provided the context for the first political movement for independence on the island," Stuart Schwartz, a Yale history professor, writes in "Sea of Storms."

The uprising, however, was "crushed immediately," said Álvarez Curbelo, from the University of Puerto Rico. Nothing like that ever would be tried today, she said. While Puerto Ricans have worked hard to create a national cultural identity, and while the idea of independence was popular decades ago, few Puerto Ricans in recent years have supported political independence from the United States, according to Florida International University anthropologist Jorge Duany.

If anything, Álvarez Curbelo expects Puerto Rico to sink further into "political paralysis" and become more US-dependent after Maria.

She doesn't see the United States granting Puerto Rico full rights as the 51st state, a move that likely would require the approval of Congress. Remember, she said, this storm follows a massive debt crisis in which the island's government declared bankruptcy. What does Puerto Rico have to offer the United States now? A fiscal oversight board, appointed by the US President, is steering austerity measures. Meanwhile, Puerto Ricans have been taught, generation after generation, she said, to believe that they cannot survive without the help of a colonial power.

"I'm not a pessimistic person," she told me. "I'm a historian. I tend to be sober. I watch the long trends. But I don't see the light -- in the total sense of the word 'light.' The thing about power is it's a metaphor for the island. The fragility of the energy system -- of the power system -- is the perfect metaphor for our condition: The light comes and goes. There is no sense of future."

The ambulance arrived at 2:18 a.m. on January 6, records show.

Natalio Rodriguez Lebron died at 1:23 a.m.

According to the death certificate, Rodriguez's death was caused by chronic lung disease, hypertension and diabetes. In the notes on that document, a doctor from the Puerto Rico Bureau of Forensic Sciences also mentioned that he was a smoker and obese.

That bureau, in San Juan, is the only laboratory in Puerto Rico authorized to classify deaths as hurricane-related. In the months after Maria, the office has come under criticism, including from CNN, for possibly missing dozens if not hundreds of "indirect" hurricane deaths.

The official death toll has stood at 64 since early December.

In February, Gov. Ricardo Rosselló announced Puerto Rico had enlisted the help of George Washington University to study the mortality that followed Hurricane Maria. That analysis, due out in coming months, will focus on deaths from September through February.

To date, Natalio Rodriguez's death has not been classified as hurricane-related. Puerto Rico's Department of Public Safety, which oversees the forensics bureau, did not respond to repeat requests for comment on his death and others in this story.

Rodriguez's family believes his death was related to Hurricane Maria. His doctor, Pedro Lopez Lopez, shares that view. Rodriguez's health deteriorated in the conditions Maria left behind, he told me. He saw Natalio about two weeks before his death; and he was "stable" then, he said.

The body was not delivered to the forensics office until 2:38 the following afternoon, a time that forensics documents confirm. By afternoon, the body had started to decompose. The family was told it would be impossible to have an open-casket service, as is the norm in Puerto Rico.

The closed casket was the hardest part of the funeral, a longtime friend told me.

"It was terrible," Damian Lopez said. "If you love someone, you'd like to see him for one last time."

There was also the matter of the expense.

The Federal Emergency Management Agency manages a program that can cover some funeral expenses for eligible families after hurricanes. But those deaths typically must be certified as hurricane-related in order to qualify.

The Rodriguez family already put $4,000 toward his funeral, a receipt shows.

In December, FEMA did grant the family $4,000 for home repairs and $3,000 to replace household items that were damaged in Maria, Lourdes Rodriguez said. Julia Rodriguez told me friends and relatives tried to offer the family money after the storm but that her husband turned away the help. He was a proud person, she said, and generous. He also knew that everyone in the community was suffering.

People will keep dying until power is restored.

That's the stark assessment Arturo Torres Borges shared with my colleagues Leyla Santiago and Khushbu Shah, who tipped me off to the possibility of continued deaths in Maunabo. Torres is the medical doctor who wrote "Huracán Maria" on the death certificate of a local woman.

Natalio Rodriguez's doctor puts it this way: "This is a public health crisis." I met plenty of people at risk in Maunabo.

Some are so sick of the situation they try to laugh it off.

Across the street from Litza Rodriguez Figueroa, whose husband died in February, lives Ana Ramos Davila, a 74-year-old who will insist you drink her bottled water and then ask if you have any cute gringo friends who would drink Coors Light and play dominoes with her.

That's the dream! she said -- gringos, Coors and dominoes.

Post-Maria has included little of that.

"Christ! When is this going to be over?" she said of the storm. "I've spent $100 or more just on bags of ice" to try to keep food cool without power. "No one is helping me, my dear."

"I already told my psychologist if you get a call that I took my life, don't be amazed," she said, serious. "I'm so tired of this -- looking for supplies, finding water, lighting candles. I'm so tired."

A few houses up the street, I met David Torres and Juanita Guzman, who were having their home repainted. Torres showed me a breathing machine he's supposed to use at night but doesn't, he said, because it requires a steady power source and could short circuit without one. He has a small generator -- "I use it to turn on one light and one fan; if I turn on the light, I have to turn off the fan." It doesn't provide steady enough power to run the machine, he said.

"I need my oxygen mask. One of these days my wife is going to wake up and find me dead by her side," he said. "She told me that in the night she hears me having trouble breathing."

"If it's my time to die, I'll die," he said, laughing. "There's nothing I can do."

Experts say post-storm stress and depression can be deadly.

Poverty exacerbates the risks, said Redlener, from Columbia University.

The way people interpret a disaster matters, too. If they believe the disaster is simply weather-related rather than manmade, they're more likely to accept it, said Peek, from the University of Colorado. What she fears is that Puerto Ricans are struggling because of the human response to the hurricane.

"It's like the despair effect," she said. "People who feel forgotten and neglected -- they may suffer negative mental health effects."

Up the hill from the Rodriguez family live Miguel Amaro Leon, 79, and Maria Morales Ortiz, 76. They welcomed me onto their outdoor patio just as the sun was setting. A generator roared behind our conversation as they told me how hard it's been to keep the thing running.

"It's been really difficult because we have to pay for the gas," Amaro Leon said. "We only use the generator three or four hours daily. If not, we would have to spend more money."

Can they keep their insulin cold?

"We try to eat food that doesn't need to be in the refrigerator."

As we talked, the generator ran out of gas.

Frogs chirped in the night.

"Things are getting better little by little," Amaro Leon said. "We just need power."

On my last evening in Maunabo, Lourdes Rodriguez took me to see her father's grave. It's in a cemetery in the valley, not far from the town plaza. Looking across the property, you can see the foggy mountains in the distance where so many of Lourdes' relatives cut sugar cane and plowed the earth, first under the rule of the Spanish and now the United States commonwealth.

Tears streamed down her cheeks.

Her father's family nickname -- "Pepito" -- was written by hand in wet cement.

The family hasn't been able to pay for a headstone.

"I can't fix it," she said, sobbing. "It's hard for me to see it that way."

Álvarez Curbelo, the professor at the University of Puerto Rico, told me earlier that she wished Hurricane Maria's dead could speak. That way they would not be ignored.

I asked Lourdes what she thought her father would say if he could talk with us now.

"He would tell us to keep calm," she said, somber. "That was always his saying: 'Take it one day at a time.' Don't think about the next week or the next month.

"Take it one day at a time."

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puerto ricans are still dying in hurricane maria's wake - cnnpolitics

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Story by John D. Sutter, CNN
Video by Leyla Santiago and Khushbu Shah, CNN
Photographs by Erika P. Rodriguez for CNN
Graphics by Sam Petulla, CNN
Additional reporting and translation by Cristian Arroyo for CNN

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Puerto Ricans are still dying in Maria's wake

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As Lourdes reached the top of the stairs, she felt an uneasy stillness in the air. The sky was thick and black. No moon was visible. And the electric generator, a machine that sometimes rumbled like a car engine, had fallen eerily silent. She swung open the living room door to find her father clutching his chest.

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Negative: Social Norm of Projecting a Fake Life

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Negative: Social Norm of Projecting a Fake Life

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Sociological Concepts:
Goffman's Dramaturgical Approach: Front Stage and Back Stage. The blurred line between the two when it comes to social media.

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Sociological Concepts: Relative deprivation. Social media is the institutional platform for which movements can gain supporters, which increases the potential for success.

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$10,000 in debt in order to portray an elevated status

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Some millennials say they're spending thousands of dollars on crafting shots made for Instagram.

This week, the New York Post reported the story of Lissette Calveiro, a 26-year-old who racked up $10,000 of debt while trying to become an Instagram star.

Calveiro told the Post that a lot of the travel she did "was strictly for Instagram."

The quest for this picture-perfect lifestyle isn't only financially crippling for some - recent studies have found that it's contributing to mental-health issues.

Some millennials say they're sinking thousands of dollars into crafting perfect Instagram photos.

This week, the New York Post reported the story of Lissette Calveiro, a 26-year-old who racked up $10,000 of debt trying to become an Instagram star.

Calveiro says she splurged on designer handbags, expensive clothes, and luxurious vacations while working low-salary jobs, including an internship in New York.

She told the Post that she would shop for clothes "to take the perfect 'gram" and that she was living above her means.

"I was living a lie," she said, adding: "Debt was looming over my head."

Calveiro said a lot of the travel she did "was strictly for Instagram."

Instagram has created a generation of consumers obsessed with making their lives look perfect - and some are apparently spending thousands of dollars to do so.

For some, this leads to big payoffs. Successful influencers can earn thousands of dollars per post and may be even more influential than other celebrities.

For example, Lauren Bullen, 24, and Jack Morris, 26, a well-known travel-blogging duo, say they make a six-figure salary traveling the world together. In a recent interview with Cosmopolitan, Morris said he wouldn't post for less than $3,000 from a sponsor.

But for others, the lifestyle can be financially crippling.

Calveiro told the Post that "nobody talks about" their finances on Instagram.

"It worries me how much I see girls care about image," she said.

Calveiro added that she had "a lot of opportunities to save."

"I could've invested that money in something," she said.

Wider repercussions

The quest for that picture-perfect lifestyle isn't only pushing some Instagram users into debt - it's also contributing to some broader cultural issues.

The UK-based Royal Society for Public Health recently named Instagram the worst social-media app for mental health. Its study of almost 1,500 Britons aged 14 to 24 found that young people were most likely to associate Instagram with negative mental well-being and feelings of inadequacy and anxiety.

"Social media has been described as more addictive than cigarettes and alcohol and is now so entrenched in the lives of young people that it is no longer possible to ignore it when talking about young people's mental health issues," Shirley Cramer, the CEO of the organization, said in a post on its findings.

Instagram isn't the only thing to blame - the obsession with image existed long before the app exploded in popularity.

But a study published in 2012 by the American Psychological Association that looked at 9 million young adults over 40 years found that millennials cared more than previous generations about money and image.

"The proportion of students who said being wealthy was very important to them increased from 45% for baby boomers (surveyed between 1966 and 1978) to 70% for Generation Xers (surveyed between 1979 and 1999) and 75% for millennials (surveyed between 2000 and 2009)," a press release about the study said.

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A 26-year-old woman racked up $10,000 of debt after trying to become an Instagram star - and it reveals a huge issue with the platform

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Some millennials say they're spending thousands of dollars on crafting shots made for Instagram. This week, the New York Post reported the story of Lissette Calveiro, a 26-year-old who racked up $10,000 of debt while trying to become an Instagram star. Calveiro told the Post that a lot of the travel she did "was strictly for Instagram."

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(if needed later)
in the meantime ill be working on the document for our existing modules to flesh out what we're going to say
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1niUKLxiQj5GGCGtg37YHbgHLgrBzLzbR6hhzSepw4y4/edit?usp=drivesdk

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Tarana Burke: Founder Of The Me Too Movement On Empowering Sexual Violence Victims | POY 2017 | TIME

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How the President's tweets can lead to "othering" Puerto Rico

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The American Sociological Association expresses deep concern with the unfolding humanitarian crisis in the American territories of Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands in the wake of Hurricane Maria.

Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands have experienced unprecedented devastation with grave human consequences. A month after the hurricane, millions remain without access to reliable and steady sources of electricity, food, and clean water. Medical supplies and diesel for power plants and transportation are running low and are not reaching those in most need, particularly in the municipalities in the interior of the island as well as in remote rural areas. Communication remains severely compromised throughout Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands. Thousands have lost their homes and most of their cherished belongings. Public health officials have expressed concern about widespread water contamination and the potential spread of waterborne, foodborne, and mosquito related diseases. These precarious conditions have exacerbated an already dire fiscal, social, and political situation in these U.S. territories.

For decades, sociologists have carefully studied the human impacts of disaster. This research has consistently shown that the majority of those who reside in the most vulnerable places are also the most vulnerable people. Race, social class, gender, and age influence where people live, where they work, and where they go to school. This, in turn, literally becomes a matter of life and death in disaster, influencing who is killed, injured, and most likely to be displaced. Hurricane Katrina, perhaps the most studied modern U.S. disaster, revealed such structured inequality, where African Americans suffered disproportionate loss of life, were displaced further from their homes, and were the least likely to have the opportunity to return.

This structured inequality may be exacerbated in the current context given that Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands are not states, but rather U.S. territories. Given this, we are deeply troubled with the federal government's slow and, thus far, insufficient response. Hurricane relief for Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands has paled in comparison to the relief efforts in Texas and Florida after Hurricanes Harvey and Irma. As sociologists, it is incumbent upon us to share our knowledge about social inequality, especially in the context of disaster relief, so the federal government and the American public can be cognizant of the importance of ensuring equal treatment to all American citizens, regardless of whether they reside in states or in territories, are rich or poor, or are white or non-white.

We call on the federal government to expedite all emergency efforts, to collaborate with local civil society organizations and international bodies, and to accelerate recovery and support initiatives so that they reach residents throughout all parts of the islands, and to invest the needed resources to reconstruct and rebuild Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands.

After the initial emergency response period ends, we encourage sociologists to pursue empirically rigorous and culturally informed research on the unfolding social effects of the crises in Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands. We encourage assessment of whether race, poverty, colonial status, or other factors exacerbated the social, economic, and health problems that will inevitably be brought on by Hurricane Maria and the ongoing aftermath. Sociologists are also particularly well suited to explore factors driving short-term evacuation and longer-term relocation and migration decisions. How children fare in new schools and how families settle into receiving communities is of particular import, as is understanding the consequences of U.S. disaster policy on long-term rebuilding decisions for the built, natural, and social environments.

Sociologists have long been at the forefront of understanding the human consequences of disasters. As they have rightly pointed out, there is no such thing as a "natural" disaster. Instead, natural hazards become disasters as a result of all-too-human decisions and, in this case, inactions.

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ASA Responds to Ongoing Crisis in Puerto Rico and U.S. Virgin Islands

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The American Sociological Association expresses deep concern with the unfolding humanitarian crisis in the American territories of Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands in the wake of Hurricane Maria. Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands have experienced unprecedented devastation with grave human consequences.

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Viewing as an In-group or out-group effects views about giving aid

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Severe social disapproval of a person because of a particular trait that indicates their deviance from social norms
Erving Goffman presented the fundamentals of stigma as a social theory, including his interpretation of “stigma” as a means of spoiling identity.

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Deviance

Deviance refers to behaviors that violate social norms.

Learning Objectives

Define deviance and explain the nature of deviant behavior

Key Takeaways

Key Points

Deviant behavior may violate formally-enacted rules or informal social norms.

Formal deviance includes criminal violation of formally-enacted laws. Examples of formal deviance include robbery, theft, rape, murder, and assault.

Informal deviance refers to violations of informal social norms, which are norms that have not been codified into law. Examples of informal deviance include picking one's nose, belching loudly, or standing unnecessarily close to another person.

Deviance can vary dramatically across cultures. Cultural norms are relative, which makes deviant behavior relative as well.

Key Terms

Deviance, in a sociological context, describes actions or behaviors that violate informal social norms or formally-enacted rules. Among those who study social norms and their relation to deviance are sociologists, psychologists, psychiatrists, and criminologists, all of whom investigate how norms change and are enforced over time.

Deviance is often divided into two types of activities. The first, crime, is the violation of formally enacted laws and is referred to as formal deviance. Examples of formal deviance include robbery, theft, rape, murder, and assault. The second type of deviant behavior involves violations of informal social norms (norms that have not been codified into law) and is referred to as informal deviance. Examples of informal deviance include picking one's nose, belching loudly, or standing unnecessarily close to another person.

Deviance can vary dramatically across cultures. Cultural norms are relative, which makes deviant behavior relative as well. For instance, in the United States, Americans do not generally impose time-based restrictions on speech. However, in the Christ Desert Monastery, specific rules govern determine when residents can and cannot speak, and speech is banned between 7:30 pm and 4:00 am. These rules are one example of how norms vary across cultures.

Current sociological research on deviance takes many forms. For example, Dr. Karen Halnon of Pennsylvania State University studies informal deviance and focuses on what she calls "deviance vacations," whereby people of a given socioeconomic status voluntarily enter a different, often lower, social strata. One example involves heterosexual white males who become drag queens on weekends. This behavior represents a luxury, because heterosexual white males can afford to make a temporarily shift, knowing that they may subsequently return to the comforts of their prevailing socioeconomic status. Other examples include performers who may affect deviant behaviors in order to gain credibility with an aim to increasing commercial profits.

Norms and Sanctions

Norms are social rules of behavior, and a sanction is a form of punishment against violation of different norms.

Learning Objectives

Key Takeaways

Key Points

Deviance, or the violations of social norms, can be easier to identify than the norm itself. For this reason, deviance frequently provides a tool to learn about norms.

Norms and deviance always depend on the culture in which they exist.To study norms and deviance, one must contextualize the action, or consider the action in light of all of the circumstances surrounding it.

Norms can be formal, as in the case of laws, or informal, as in the case of codes of etiquette. Formal deviance results in legal sanctions, such as fines or prison, while informal deviance results in social sanctions or stigma.

The violation of a folkway leads to the development of a preference rather than stigmatization. When a more is violated, on the other hand, it results in a more serious degree of social sanction.

Informal deviance, or violation of unwritten, social rules of behavior, results in social sanction, or stigma.

A folkway leads to the development of a preference rather than stigmatization.

When a more is violated, it results in a more serious degree of social sanction.

Key Terms

Norms are the social rules that govern behavior in a community. Norms can be explicit (such as laws) or implicit (such as codes of polite behavior). Norms can be difficult to identify because they are so deeply instilled in members of a given society. Norms are learned by growing up in a particular culture and can be difficult to learn if one does not grow up in the same social milieu.

The act of violating a social norm is called deviance. Individuals usually have a much easier time identifying the transgression of norms than the norms themselves. For example, few Americans would think to tell a sociologist that it is a social norm to hold the door open for a fellow pedestrian entering a building if within a particular distance. However, someone might remark that another person is rude because he or she did not hold the door open. Studying norms and studying deviance are inseparable endeavors.

Like deviance, norms are always culturally contingent. To study norms and deviance, one must contextualize the action, or consider the action in light of all of the circumstances surrounding it. For example, one cannot merely say that showing up nude to a job interview is a violation of social norms. While it is usually social convention to show up in some manner of (usually professional ) dress to a job interview, this is most likely not the case for someone interviewing to be a nude model. To understand the norm, one must understand the context.

The violation of social norms, or deviance, results in social sanction. Different degrees of violation result in different degrees of sanction. There are three main forms of social sanction for deviance: 1) legal sanction, 2) stigmatization, and 3) preference for one behavior over another. Formal deviance, or the violation of legal codes, results in criminal action initiated by the state. Informal deviance, or violation of unwritten, social rules of behavior, results in social sanction, or stigma. Lesser degrees of social violation result in preference rather than stigmatization. While society might deem it preferable to show up to most job interviews wearing a suit rather than casual attire, you will likely not be out of the running for the job if you are wearing khakis rather than a suit. However, should you show up nude to most interviews, you would likely be stigmatized for your behavior, since it would be such a drastic departure from the norm.

We say that the norm that governs wearing professional rather than casual attire to a job interview is a folkway because its violation results in lesser degree of social sanction-the development of a preference rather than stigmatization. The norm that governs wearing clothing to most job interviews, rather than showing up nude, is a more because its violation results in a more serious degree of social sanction.

Deviance and Social Stigma

Social stigma in deviance is the disapproval of a person because they do not fit the require social norms that are given in society.

Learning Objectives

Describe the meaning of stigma through the work of two sociologists

Key Takeaways

Key Points

Social stigma is severe social disapproval of a person because of a particular trait that indicates their deviance from social norms.

Émile Durkheim, one of the founders of the social sciences, began to address the social marking of deviance in the late nineteenth century.

Erving Goffman presented the fundamentals of stigma as a social theory, including his interpretation of "stigma" as a means of spoiling identity. By this, he referred to the stigmatized trait's ability to "spoil" recognition of the individual's adherence to social norms in other facets of self.

Without a society, one cannot have stigma. To have stigma, one must have a stigmatizer and someone who is stigmatized. As such, this is a dynamic and social relationship.

Key Terms

Social stigma is the extreme disapproval of an individual based on social characteristics that are perceived to distinguish them from other members of a society. Social stigma is so profound that it overpowers positive social feedback regarding the way in which the same individual adheres to other social norms. For example, Terry might be stigmatized because she has a limp. Stigma attaches to Terry because of her limp, overpowering the ways in which Terry might be social normative-perhaps she is a white, Protestant, or a heterosexual female with a limp. The limp marks Terry, despite her other traits.

Stigma plays a primary role in sociological theory. Émile Durkheim, one of the founders of the social sciences, began to address the social marking of deviance in the late nineteenth century. Erving Goffman, an American sociologist, is responsible for bringing the term and theory of stigma into the main social theoretical fold. In his work, Goffman presented the fundamentals of stigma as a social theory, including his interpretation of "stigma" as a means of spoiling identity. By this, he referred to the stigmatized trait's ability to "spoil" recognition of the individual's adherence to social norms in other facets of self. Goffman identified three main types of stigma: (1) stigma associated with mental illness; (2) stigma associated with physical deformation; and (3) stigma attached to identification with a particular race, ethnicity, religion, ideology, etc.

While Goffman is responsible for the seminal texts in stigma theory, stigmatization is still a popular theme in contemporary sociological research. In Conceptualizing Stigma (2001), sociologists Jo Phelan and Bruce Link interpret stigma as the convergence of four different factors: (1) differentiation and labeling of various segments of society; (2) linking the labeling of different social demographics to prejudices about these individuals; (3) the development of an us-versus-them ethic; and (4) disadvantaging the people who are labeled and placed in the "them" category.

Ultimately, stigma is about social control. A corollary to this is that stigma is necessarily a social phenomenon. Without a society, one cannot have stigma. To have stigma, one must have a stigmatizer and someone who is stigmatized. As such, this is a dynamic and social relationship. Given that stigmas arise from social relationships, the theory places emphasis, not on the existence of deviant traits, but on the perception and marking of certain traits as deviant by a second party. For example, theorists of stigma care little about whether Emily has a psychiatric diagnosis, but rather on how Sally perceives Emily's psychiatric diagnosis and, subsequently, treats Emily differently. Stigma depends on a another individual perceiving and knowing about the stigmatized trait. As stigma is necessarily a social relation, it is necessarily imbued with relations of power. Stigma works to control deviant members of the population and encourage conformity.

Deviance and Technology

Advances in technology have resulted in new forms of deviance as well as new forms of control.

Learning Objectives

Discuss the impact of technological innovation on forms of deviance and social control

Key Takeaways

Key Points

Cyberloafing refers to the use of high-speed internet by employees for personal use instead of work-related purposes.

Production deviance refers to the behaviors of deviant employees that have a negative impact on the overall productivity of the organization.

Property deviance refers to cases in which workers damage an employer's property without authorization.

Property deviance typically involves theft, but it may include sabotage, intentional errors in work, and the misuse of expense accounts.

Key Terms

As technology has opened up a new space for cyberculture, new forms of deviance and social control have appeared. Some individuals use technology as a means of deviating from more traditional cultural norms. For example, in the United States, employees in offices are encouraged to remain productive and efficient, letting their minds wander off-task as little as possible. In the past decade, most companies have installed high-speed internet access as a means of improving efficiency. However, employees often reappropriate the internet access to avoid work by using social networking sites. Such procrastination and corporate inefficiency stemming from internet access is called "cyberloafing. "

In addition to new forms of deviance in traditional cultural mores, new forms of deviance have arisen within cyberculture. New technologies result in new standards of how to engage with them. The behaviors of deviant employees ultimately have a negative impact on the overall productivity of an organization. For this reason, all of these behaviors are considered production deviance. More serious cases of deviant behavior involve property deviance. Property deviance refers to workers damaging an employer's property without authorization. This type of deviance typically involves theft but may include sabotage, intentional errors in work, and the misuse of expense accounts.

Just as new forms of deviance have come about as a result of technological advances, so too have new means of controlling deviant populations. In reaction to cyberloafing, companies have developed new technologies to monitor employees' computers and restrict social networking during the workday. These methods include installing proxy servers to prevent programs from accessing resources like Internet Relay Chat, AOL Instant Messenger, or online gambling services. Other practices include strict disciplinary measures for employees found cyberloafing, and carrot-and-stick measures, such as providing free or subsidized Internet access for employees outside of working hours. Technology is used in policing to monitor formal deviants and encourage conformity to the law and social norms.

The Functions of Deviance

Deviance provides society the boundaries to determine acceptable and unacceptable behaviors in society.

Learning Objectives

Describe how structural functionalism views the relation between deviance and social change

Key Takeaways

Key Points

Deviance provides the key to understanding the disruption and recalibration of society that occurs over time.

Systems of deviance create norms and tell members of a given society how to behave by laying out patterns of acceptable and unacceptable behavior.

Deviance allows for group majorities to unite around their worldview, often at the expense of those marked as deviant.

Social parameters create boundaries between populations and lead to an us-versus-them mentality within various groups.

Being marked as deviant can actually bolster solidarity within the marked community as members take pride and ownership in their stigmatized identity.

Some traits will be stigmatized and can potentially cause social disruption. However, as traits become more mainstream, society will gradually adjust to incorporate the formerly stigmatized traits.

Key Terms

structural functionalism: The structural-functionalist approach to deviance argues that deviant behavior plays an important role in society by laying out patterns of what is acceptable and unacceptable. These social parameters create boundaries and enable an us-verus-them mentality.

What function does the notion of deviance play in society? Sociologists who identify with the tradition of structural- functionalism ask this type of question. Structural functionalism has its roots embedded in the very origins of sociological thought and the development of sociology as a discipline. A structural functionalist approach emphasizes social solidarity and stability in social structures. Structural functionalists ask: How does any given social phenomenon contribute to social stability? This cannot be answered without addressing this question of deviance.

For the structural functionalist, deviance serves two primary roles in creating social stability. First, systems of deviance create norms and tell members of a given society how to behave by laying out patterns of acceptable and unacceptable behavior. In order to know how not to unsettle society, one must be aware of what behaviors are marked as deviant. Second, these social parameters create boundaries between populations and enable an us-versus-them mentality within various groups. Deviance allows for group majorities to unite around their worldview, at the expense of those marked as deviant. Conversely, being marked as deviant can actually bolster solidarity within the marked community as members take pride and ownership in their stigmatized identity, creating cohesive units of their own.

From a structural-functionalist perspective, then, how does society change, particularly in regards to establishing norms and deviant behaviors? Deviance provides the key to understanding the disruption and recalibration of society that occurs over time. Some traits will be stigmatized and can potentially cause social disruption. However, as traits become more mainstream, society will gradually adjust to incorporate the formerly stigmatized traits. Take, for example, homosexuality. In urban America 50 years ago, homosexual behavior was considered deviant. On the one hand, this fractured society into those marked as homosexuals and those unmarked (normative heterosexuals). While this us-versus-them mentality solidified social identities and solidarities within the two categories, there was nevertheless an overarching social schism. As time went on, homosexuality came to be accepted as more mainstream. Accordingly, what originally appears as a fracturing of society actually reinforces social stability by enabling mechanisms for social adjustment and development.

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Deviance refers to behaviors that violate social norms. Define deviance and explain the nature of deviant behavior Key Points Deviant behavior may violate formally-enacted rules or informal social norms. Formal deviance includes criminal violation of formally-enacted laws. Examples of formal deviance include robbery, theft, rape, murder, and assault.

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OJ Simpson: Dichotomy between White and Black reactions to verdict

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Issue: use sociological concepts to help illuminate that issue. That is, how can sociological concepts help us better understand that issue?

Concept: use pieces of the social world to illustrate what that concept is and how it can help us understand the social world