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Sexism in tennis : Serena Williams denounces it after a polemic on her tutu

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Sexism in tennis : Serena Williams denounces it after a polemic on her tutu

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Serena Williams has accused an umpire of sexism and treating her more harshly than men as she used a press conference to double down on her earlier on-court tirade at the official during her US Open final defeat to Japan's Naomi Osaka.

Williams was cited by official Carlos Ramos for three code violations during her 6-2, 6-4 loss to the 20-year-old Osaka on Saturday: for getting coaching signals; for breaking her racket, which cost her a point; and for calling the chair umpire a thief, which cost her a game.
Serena Williams rails at umpire as superb Naomi Osaka wins US Open
But despite the match penalties, she renewed her attack at a media conference later.

"I've seen other men call other umpires several things," she said. "I'm here fighting for women's rights and for women's equality and for all kinds of stuff. For me to say 'thief', and for him to take a game, it made me feel like it was a sexist remark. He's never taken a game from a man because they said 'thief'.

"For me, it blows my mind. But I'm going to continue to fight for women."

Earlier, as Williams pleaded her case on court with tournament referee Brian Earley, calling the penalties unfair, she said: "Because I'm a woman, you're going to take this away from me?"

The two-times Australian Open champion and two-times US Open runner-up Victoria Azarenka backed up Williams' stance, writing on Twitter: "If it was men's match, this wouldn't happen like this. It just wouldn't."

victoria azarenka (@vika7)
If it was men's match, this wouldn't happen like this.
It just wouldn't

Billie Jean King, who won 12 grand slam singles titles and helped found the women's tennis tour and pave the way for equal prize money in the sport, also commented via Twitter on what happened on Saturday.

"Several things went very wrong during the US Open women's finals today," King wrote. "Coaching on every point should be allowed in tennis. It isn't, and as a result, a player was penalized for the actions of her coach. This should not happen."

In a second tweet, King said: "When a woman is emotional, she's 'hysterical' and she's penalized for it. When a man does the same, he's 'outspoken' & and there are no repercussions. Thank you @serenawilliams for calling out this double standard. More voices are needed to do the same."

Williams' supporters could point to recent examples of how tennis has treated women differently to men.

Ernest Owens (@MrErnestOwens)
Same umpire accused Venus of cheating in 2016 gave her a coaching violation because of it.

So when I say there is racial bias, please stop denying the obvious.

This is disgusting. Serena knew exactly what was happening and fought for the truth. #USOpen
pic.twitter.com/nYt1z70rFl

Just before the US Open, the French tennis federation president said that the black catsuit worn this year by Williams at the French Open would not be allowed at that tournament in the future. During the US Open, a female player, Alizé Cornet, was incorrectly admonished by a chair umpire for changing her shirt during a match, which is allowed and which men do all the time. And the US Tennis Association created a new rule last week that allows for a 10-minute break in men's matches when the heat and humidity are too harsh; previously, only women were given that chance for a delay.

"I just feel like the fact that I have to go through this is just an example for the next person that has emotions, and that want to express themselves, and want to be a strong woman. They're going to be allowed to do that because of today," Williams said. "Maybe it didn't work out for me, but it's going to work out for the next person."

Williams has fallen foul of officials before, most notably when she launched a tirade for a penalty in the final against the Australian player Sam Stosur at Flushing Meadows seven years ago.
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Serena Williams accuses umpire of sexism and vows to 'fight for women'

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Serena Williams has accused an umpire of sexism and treating her more harshly than men as she used a press conference to double down on her earlier on-court tirade at the official during her US Open final defeat to Japan's Naomi Osaka.

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Ahed Tamimi, the teen who daily protested against Israeli soldiers takeover in Palestine

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Ahed Tamimi, the teen who daily protested against Israeli soldiers takeover in Palestine

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Ahed Tamimi, right, during a demonstration near Ramallah last year. Credit Credit Abbas Momani/Agence France-Presse - Getty Images

JERUSALEM - Ahed Tamimi, a Palestinian teenager whose angry altercation with an Israeli soldier outside her West Bank home made her a worldwide symbol of resistance but quickly got her jailed without bail, was sentenced in a military court on Wednesday to eight months in prison.

Ms. Tamimi, 17, accepted a plea bargain that will end her trial and should bring about her release in July, her lawyer said. It includes a fine of about $1,400 and a three-year suspended sentence.

On Dec. 15, a few hours after a cousin of Ms. Tamimi's was shot in the face with a rubber bullet during a clash between villagers of Nabi Saleh and Israeli forces, Ms. Tamimi erupted at a pair of heavily armed soldiers as they took up a position in the front yard of her home.

As her mother streamed the confrontation live on Facebook, Ms. Tamimi, wearing a kaffiyeh over her denim jacket, screamed at, punched, slapped and kicked at one of the soldiers, an officer.

The officer faced her impassively, absorbing some blows, evading others, but never striking back at her, then finally turned and, with his comrade, walked away. A few days later, a clip of the scuffle was broadcast on Israeli television, setting off a debate on both sides of the conflict and turning the blonde, blue-eyed and seemingly fearless teenager into a hero for supporters of the Palestinian cause.

Israelis argued over whether the soldiers had demonstrated admirable forbearance and fortitude or a kind of weakness and vulnerability that could send dangerous signals to the country's enemies. Palestinians, while showering Ms. Tamimi with praise, asked whether publicizing the video might have been counterproductive, by showing the soldiers behaving with restraint, or helpful, by showing that even unarmed resistance can be effective.

But Ms. Tamimi, whose family is well known for its protests against the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, also quickly became a symbol of how harshly the military justice system can treat young Palestinians. She was arrested in the middle of the night after the video's broadcast on television. Her mother and a 20-year-old cousin, Nour Tamimi, were also charged. And their trial in a military prison was closed to the news media to protect Ms. Tamimi's privacy, according to Israeli officials, though her defense lawyer, Gabi Lasky, asked to waive that, insisting that publicity would provide far better protection.

All three women agreed to plea bargains on Wednesday. Ahed Tamimi pleaded guilty to attacking the soldier and to two other counts of disrupting a soldier and incitement, the Israeli military said. Other charges, including stone-throwing, were dropped.

Nour Tamimi was sentenced to the time she had spent behind bars before being released on bail, about two weeks. Ahed's mother, Nariman Tamimi, who was charged with incitement for showing the altercation live on Facebook, was sentenced to eight months in prison, a suspended sentence and a fine of about $1,700. Mother and daughter are both expected to be released in July.

On social media, Wednesday's plea bargains prompted instant comparisons to the case of Elor Azaria, the Israeli soldier convicted of manslaughter for fatally shooting an already-wounded Palestinian attacker in the West Bank city of Hebron in 2016. On Monday, the military said Mr. Azaria would be released early, for good behavior, on May 10. His 18-month sentence had previously been reduced to 14 months, but he will now have to serve only a few weeks more in prison than Ms. Tamimi will under her sentence.

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Ahed Tamimi, Palestinian Teen, Gets 8 Months in Prison for Slapping Israeli Soldier

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JERUSALEM - Ahed Tamimi, a Palestinian teenager whose angry altercation with an Israeli soldier outside her West Bank home made her a worldwide symbol of resistance but quickly got her jailed without bail, was sentenced in a military court on Wednesday to eight months in prison.

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Brexit is barking, say dog lovers marching for a 'people’s vote' - TheGuardian

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Brexit is barking, say dog lovers marching for a 'people’s vote' - TheGuardian

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Brexit is barking, say dog lovers marching for a 'people's vote'

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Demonstration calling for a 'wooferendum' ended with rally at Parliament Square

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Jesse Owens was an athlete who has participate in Olympic Games in Berlin. Hitler was in power and the segregation law was busy

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Jesse Owens was an athlete who has participate in Olympic Games in Berlin. Hitler was in power and the segregation law was busy

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Race Official Trailer #1 (2015) - Stephan James, Jason Sudeikis Drama HD

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Do you know what they're protesting against? Why are they dressed like this?

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Do you know what they're protesting against? Why are they dressed like this?

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An Article from the Economist

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A just-announced collective of more than 300 women in Hollywood is attempting to fight sexual harassment in their own industry-and, crucially, far beyond.

Sarawoot / Shutterstock

For the most part, powerful women. For the most part, wealthy women. For the most part, white women. #MeToo, for all the progress it has made in exposing sexual harassment and abuse-and in exposing the contours of systemic sexism more broadly-has been, from the outset, largely limited in its scope: a movement started, in this iteration, by the famous and the familiar, a movement unsure of how to convert itself from stories into action. The question quickly became: How do you broaden it? How do you move the #MeToo movement beyond the provinces of privilege to be more inclusive, more systematized, more politically effective? How can #MeToo, essentially, move from the realm of the "me" to the realm of, more fully and more meaningfully, the "we"?

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One possible answer: Shift its orientation, collectively, intentionally. Move from identifying the problem to actively solving it. On Monday, as 2017 gave way to 2018, more than 300 women in Hollywood-executives, actors, agents, writers, directors, and producers- announced the formation of Time's Up, an effort to counter systemic sexual harassment not just in the entertainment industry, but also in industries across the country. It is an effort, significantly, that aims to combat workplace sexism at its foundations: through legal recourse. Through improved representation in board rooms and beyond. Through the changing of norms. "We just reached this conclusion in our heads that, damn it, everything is possible," Shonda Rhimes, who has been closely involved with Time's Up, told The New York Times of the effort. "Why shouldn't it be?"

The initiative includes efforts to create legislation that will penalize companies that tolerate harassment, and that will discourage the use of the nondisclosure agreements that have helped to silence victims of abuse. It has embraced a mission to reach gender parity at Hollywood studios and talent agencies. And, perhaps most significantly, it includes a legal defense arm that will be administered by the National Women's Law Center's Legal Network for Gender Equity and that will connect victims of sexual harassment with legal representation. To that end, Time's Up has established a GoFundMe effort aimed at raising $15 million -from Hollywood honchos and the public at large-to provide legal support to women and men who have experienced sexual harassment, assault, or abuse in the workplace. "Access to prompt and comprehensive legal and communications help," the campaign notes, "will mean empowerment for these individuals and long term growth for our culture and communities as a whole." (As of this writing, the campaign has raised nearly $14 million.)

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Is This the Next Step for the #MeToo Movement?

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A just-announced collective of more than 300 women in Hollywood is attempting to fight sexual harassment in their own industry-and, crucially, far beyond. For the most part, powerful women. For the most part, wealthy women. For the most part, white women.

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Susan Chira, the senior correspondent for gender issues at The New York Times, reflects on last year's Women's March. Published On

A year ago, when millions of people stormed the streets in women's marches to proclaim their outrage and despair at the inauguration of Donald J. Trump, no one knew whether it was a moment or a movement.

Now the answer is coming into focus. Women have become the foot soldiers and emerging leaders of a two-pronged effort: sustained political resistance to the Trump presidency, as they run for office in unheard-of numbers; and a broader cultural challenge to men's power and privilege, embodied by the #MeToo uprising.

"Everyone kept saying people are going to burn out; don't highlight all the terrible things that are happening," said Fatima Goss Graves, chief executive of the National Women's Law Center. "But I haven't seen a weakening."

Marchers once more took to the streets this weekend, gathering in hundreds of cities across the country and around the world, from Osaka and Rome to New York and Chicago. But even with the show of strength, the movement faces several hurdles.

Leaders in the United States say it is no small task to sustain enthusiasm and plot strategy in the face of policy defeats on a range of issues. President Trump has appointed conservative judges and empowered federal agency leaders who have approved work requirements for Medicaid, religious exemptions for providers who oppose abortion, and changes to campus guidelines for sexual assault. Gender - and the charged issue of sexual harassment - has proved a resonant rallying cry, but it has also stoked a backlash. The movement has largely become synonymous with progressive causes, alienating some who may dislike Mr. Trump but part ways on abortion, economic policy or other issues.

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People gathered on the Washington Mall on Saturday for the Women's March. As the movement has grown, its challenges have, too. Credit Andrea Bruce for The New York Times

The #MeToo moment and allegations of men sexually harassing women, in particular, has resonated more with some women than with others. Nancy Isenberg, the author of "White Trash," an expansive look at class in America, said the working-class women she has studied are far more skeptical of claims of sexual harassment that do not involve violence.

"Unlike the MeToo crowd, they do not see all women as facing the same kind of abuse, and reject the idea that all women suffer from sexism in the same way," she wrote in an email. "Conservative women often want to protect the privileges they have (which often means enforcing traditional gender roles, not eliminating them)."

Yet organizers said they were putting aside their divisions, even as some groups disagree over who can claim the mantle of the Women's March. "What we saw in 2017 was that women are prepared to carry more than their share of weight for defending our democracy," said Ai-jen Poo, the director of the National Domestic Workers Alliance, one of the many advocacy groups that were partners in the original march and provided resources and training to women throughout the year. "I think that women are driving and leading a transformation in American and civic life and culture that is unendingly hopeful."

Marchers in New York on Saturday. Credit Andrew Kelly/Reuters

Ms. Poo herself embodies the merging of these strands of the movement. For years she worked in relative anonymity championing domestic workers, but walked the red carpet as Meryl Streep's guest during the Golden Globes as celebrities sought to make common cause with less privileged women in the wake of the uproar over sexual abuse.

While the marches were the first tangible demonstration of women's anger and resolve, the health care fight proved the first test of how to channel that energy. Women took the lead, spurred by advocacy groups that married traditional community organizing tools with online templates.

With Congress poised to end Obamacare, women deluged their representatives with calls and letters, and confronted them at town halls. In one survey conduced by Celinda Lake, the veteran Democratic pollster, women placed 86 percent of 28,000 calls and texts to Congress on health care through Daily Action, another postelection resistance group. Planned Parenthood funneled more than 350,000 such calls, according to Kelley Robinson, its national organizing director. T he Women's March estimates that its participants sent 250,000 postcards to senators. And at town halls during congressional recesses, women offered vivid accounts of what would happen to them or their families without affordable health care.

The furor about health care crossed usual partisan lines, and along with internal fractures within the Republican Party, prompted enough Republican defections to thwart repeated attempts to end Obamacare through legislation.

As for #MeToo, the pink hats that became the emblem of the marches offered an early clue to the persistence of an issue many women believed was buried by Mr. Trump's election. The hats were a reference to Mr. Trump's comments, caught on an Access Hollywood tape, bragging about kissing women and grabbing their genitals without their consent. The emergence of the tape just before the election provoked an outpouring of women testifying about sexual harassment. It was not until this most recent wave, though, that men lost jobs - and in some cases, women are taking their places.

The broader cultural conversation that #MeToo is generating will lend the movement additional momentum, its organizers contend. "The words 'patriarchy' and 'misogyny' have probably been used more in the past two months than over the past two decades," said Kathy Bonk, long active in the women's movement.

Ms. Lake said an overview of current polling, as well as focus groups and polls her own firm has conducted, suggest that health care and sexual harassment are the issues that matter most to women, and give female candidates the most traction.

Galvanized by the election, women are proclaiming their intent to run for office at record levels - a trend that began right after the election and has only intensified since.

Debbie Walsh, director of the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers, has tallied 390 women who say they will run for seats in the House of Representatives - 314 are Democrats and 184 of them are running for seats held by Republicans. Nineteen Democratic women are challenging incumbents in their own party in primaries. That fervor extends beyond the federal level: 79 women say they are running for governor. Ms. Walsh thinks it's possible that 15 women, a record, could withstand primaries and run for governor in general elections.

Caitlyn MacGregor at the Women's March in Cambridge, Mass. The #MeToo moment, and the national conversation on sexual harassment and coercion, has resonated more with some women than with others. Credit Brian Snyder/Reuters

Mustering money and support for women who run, as well as concerted efforts to increase voter registration and turnout, are explicit aims not only of the Women's March organizers but virtually every group mobilizing for elections at all levels of government. On Sunday in Las Vegas, a march will culminate in a voter-registration drive called Power to the Polls; parallel efforts abound.

Inspired by the women's march last year, Megan McCarthy, who lives in a solidly Republican suburb of St. Louis, organized a "huddle" - mostly women and some men devoted to sustaining political involvement. One member of the group is running for state office for the first time - and the group is also rallying behind efforts to flip the district's longstanding Republican House seat.

Ellen Bravo, a director of Family Values at Work, said she was recently in a small general store in Spring Green, Wis., and learned that the store clerk was going to make her first run for local office.

Money is flowing to Democratic women who are running, said Sarah Bryner, the research director of the Center for Responsive Politics. They are raising as much as their male counterparts, and even in the first nine months of 2017, the center saw double the number of Democratic women who donated money compared with 2016.

Democrats are particularly emboldened because of the role women have played, as voters and organizers, in recent victories over Republican candidates in Wisconsin, Virginia and particularly in the defeat of Roy Moore in Alabama.

The Alabama contest showcased another demographic for the movement: Black women, so outraged by exit polls suggesting that the majority of white women voted for Mr. Trump, are playing leading roles. Racial tensions that flared among some organizers before the first women's march appear to have ebbed.

A strong gender gap continues to play out in approval ratings for Mr. Trump. While trends fluctuate, Ms. Lake said recent polls show that independent women, who broke for Mr. Trump at the last minute in the election, now largely oppose him, while independent men still approve of him. Majorities of rural women and women without college educations still support him, but Ms. Lake said she had seen some softening in those groups.

Gender can alienate as well as energize. Emily Ekins, director of polling for the libertarian Cato Institute, said that in general, gender issues do not seem to galvanize Republican women to the degree they do Democratic ones. And her polling found many conservatives and even some liberals still feel inhibited and resentful discussing issues like gender and race, which can lead to election surprises.

As the marchers rally this weekend, they are girding for battles - and an increasing number of legal challenges - on a vast range of fronts: abortion rights, changes to Medicaid and Medicare, and environmental regulations. Many expect setbacks at the federal level, so they will turn to states and localities.

"Last year, I just felt kind of angry and impassioned," Ann Dee Allen of Wauwatosa, Wis., said at the march in New York on Saturday. "This year, I just feel like I'm in it for the long haul."

Sean Piccoli contributed reporting.

A version of this article appears in print on , on Page A17 of the New York edition with the headline: Broader Movement, Bigger Challenges. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

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The Women's March Became a Movement. What's Next?

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A year ago, when millions of people stormed the streets in women's marches to proclaim their outrage and despair at the inauguration of Donald J. Trump, no one knew whether it was a moment or a movement. Now the answer is coming into focus.