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Apologies Over Enslavement (Reuters, 2022)

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Apologies Over Enslavement (Reuters, 2022)

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LONDON (Reuters) - British financial institutions that benefited from slavery such as Lloyd's of London should go further than saying sorry for their role in the Atlantic slave trade and atone for their sins by funding Caribbean development, the region's countries said.

More than 10 million Africans were shackled into the Atlantic slave trade by European nations between the 15th and 19th centuries. Those who survived the often brutal voyage, ended up toiling on plantations in the Americas.

While the history of Europe's scramble for African slaves has been widely known for centuries, the death of George Floyd in the United States has prompted a sweeping global reassessment of racism and the financing of the slave trade.

The Lloyd's of London insurance market apologised on Thursday for its "shameful" role in the 18th Century Atlantic slave trade and pledged to fund opportunities for black and ethnic minority people.

But a regional alliance of Caribbean countries said that Britain's institutions should go much further than simply apologising and give some of the wealth back to the Caribbean by funding development at the epicentre of the slave trade.

"It is not enough to say sorry," said Hilary Beckles, chairman of the CARICOM Reparations Commission which was set up by Caribbean countries to seek reparations from former colonial powers such as the United Kingdom, France and Portugal.

"We are not asking for anything as mendicant as handing out cheques to people on street corners," Beckles told Reuters from Jamaica. "The issue of money is secondary, but in this instance the moral discharge of one's duty does require in a market economy that you contribute towards development."

There was no immediate reply from Lloyd's of London to a request for comment.

NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENT

Beckles, a Barbadian historian, said the antecedents of many British and European banks, as well as an array of accompanying institutions in the City of London, "drank from the well of Caribbean slavery".

The Bank of England apologised for what it called the "inexcusable connections" of some past governors and directors to slavery, and said it would remove any portraits of them from display anywhere on its premises.

The history of several other British financial firms, including Barclays , is also under fresh scrutiny.

"Unfortunately, one cannot go back and remake the history but you can make atonement: it is not enough to make your apology as a public spectacle, it is not enough to present it as public relations exercise," said Beckles.

"It is not about public relations - it is about a negotiated settlement whereby everyone finds closure within a moral framework," he said. "To say sorry and issue a press release is disrespectful - it does not fly with the people who were victimized."

British institutions, he said, should sit down with Caribbean nations to fund development projects - or even consider a sort of "Marshall Plan" to give some of the plundered wealth back - a reference to the U.S. aid given to Europe after the destruction of World War Two.

"The British legacy of slavery and colonalisation has left the black community in quite a mess," Beckles said, adding that he was not calling for litigation of any kind.

"All the institutions that created this mess really have to come and help in practical ways to clean it up."

On Britain's broader reassessment of its past, Beckles said public consciousness was catching up with history.

"Public consciousness is catching up with history: that moment has come. British public morality has caught up with its own institutional history of slavery."

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investment management & fund operators (trbc level 4)

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multiline insurance & brokers (trbc level 4)

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Exclusive: 'Sorry is not enough', Caribbean states say of British slavery apologies

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LONDON (Reuters) - British financial institutions that benefited from slavery such as Lloyd's of London should go further than saying sorry for their role in the Atlantic slave trade and atone for their sins by funding Caribbean development, the region's countries said.

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Queen Elizabeth II and Indigenous Australia (ABC News, 2022)

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Queen Elizabeth II and Indigenous Australia (ABC News, 2022)

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When the Queen first visited Australia in 1954, my mother almost did not get to see her.

Like millions of other school kids, Mum was expected to join the throng flocking to glimpse the young royal.

The problem was, my mother didn't have any socks.

She was a dirt-poor Aboriginal kid living in a tin humpy on the outskirts of Coonabarabran, in north-west NSW. Socks were a luxury. Clothes and shoes were shared among a dozen siblings.

The school said no socks, no go for the trip to Dubbo to see the Queen. Mum's older brother had made the royal trek a day earlier and met Mum at the back fence between the primary and high schools and threw his socks over.

It is a memory that has stayed with Mum. She has told me the story many times - wearing her brother's cast-off socks to see the Queen.

Queen Elizabeth II and the Duke of Edinburgh - pictured in Bathurst - toured NSW by train in 1954.(ABC Archives )

It is one of the rich memories of a long life. And she has other memories, other stories that she has told me.

Stories of her father being tied to a tree like a dog by police and left all day without food or water to swelter in the sun.

Seeing Aboriginal men arrested for drinking alcohol and roped together and marched down the main street of her hometown.

Stories of two younger brothers who died as children.

Stories of her siblings taken to welfare homes. Stories of aching hunger. Of once following a white girl eating a cake around the schoolyard and pouncing on a crumb that the girl dropped. My mother still says it was the best cake she ever tasted.

The girl with no socks got to see the Queen, while her family and other black families lived in poverty that the Crown inflicted on them. Living homeless in a land that had been stolen from them in the name of the Crown.

We aren't supposed to talk about this

I called my mother this week and she told me the story of her childhood brush with royalty over again. I have thought about Mum and Dad and all of my family, of my people - First Nations people - who die young and live impoverished and imprisoned lives in this country.

We aren't supposed to talk about these things this week. We aren't supposed to talk about colonisation, empire, violence about Aboriginal sovereignty, not even about the republic.

Everyone from the prime minister down has told us it is not appropriate.

I'm sure I am not alone amongst Indigenous people wrestling with swirling emotions. Among them has been anger. The choking asphyxiating anger at the suffering and injustice my people endure.

This anger is not good for me. It is not good for my mental health. It is not good for my physical health. I have been short of breath and dizzy.

But that is nothing compared to what too many other Indigenous people go through day after day. Those languishing in cells. Those who take their own lives. Those who are caught in endless cycles of despair.

Writing this is not good for me. I feel my pulse racing now. I feel the tension building in my head. The veins constricting.

I know what will come. I know the abuse that will come from those who don't like Aboriginal people who speak up.

I know that online trolls will target my family with the most foul language, even threats of physical violence.

Why do we do it? I ask myself that, too. Why do we have to explain ourselves, why do we have to relive pain?

Why? Because a voice is all we have. Because too often that voice is silenced. Like this week.

The other side of history

I have wondered where that voice is. If it has spoken it has more often been in muted tones, lest anyone be offended.

I have wondered where the voices of Indigenous political leadership have been. Where have they been as Indigenous rugby league player Caitlin Moran received a suspension to the equivalent of a quarter of her salary for an Instagram post deemed offensive to the Queen?

Space to play or pause, M to mute, left and right arrows to seek, up and down arrows for volume.
Watch

Duration: 1 minute 22 seconds

Sport in 90 Seconds(ABC News)

Australians will likely vote in a referendum for a constitutionally enshrined Indigenous Voice to Parliament, but what good would that voice be if at times like these it is reduced to a whisper?

This past week, I have been reminded what it is to come from the other side of history. History itself that is written as a hymn to whiteness.

History written by the victors and often written in blood. It is fashioned as a tale of progress, as a civilising mission.

As historian Caroline Elkins writes in Legacies of Violence, her history of the British Empire, for hundreds of millions of people "the empire's velvet glove contained an all too familiar iron fist".

From India to Africa to Ireland, the Pacific, the Caribbean and of course here, Australia, people from the other side of history have felt that fist.

It is not a zero-sum game. There are things in the British tradition that have enriched my life. But history is not weighted on the scales, it is felt in our bones. It is worn on our skin. It is scarred in memory.

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Watch

Duration: 1 minute 39 seconds

Indigenous elder accepts invitation to attend Queen Elizabeth II's funeral

How do we hold strong?

How do we live with the weight of this history? How do we not fall prey to soul-destroying vengeance and resentment, yet never relent in our righteous demand for justice?

At times like these I struggle with that dilemma. Because Australia has never reached a just settlement with First Nations people.

The Voice to Parliament - whatever its virtues - falls well short of justice. It is another step on the long journey to justice.

But again, we don't talk about that this week.

I have felt a sadness at feeling adrift, estranged from friends and colleagues. Sadness at knowing that at times like these there is a chasm between us.

I have watched as others have worn black and reported on this historic event, participated in this ritual mourning. And knowing I cannot.

They come to this with no conflict. I cannot.

My colleagues can extol the Queen's undoubted and admirable devotion to duty. They can lament the passing of "everyone's grandmother."

This is their 'sorry business'

My thoughts have been on my grandmother.

My people have a word, Yindyamarra - its meaning escapes English translation. It is a philosophy - a way of living - grounded in a deep respect.

I have sought to show Yindyamarra to those for whom this moment is profound. This is their "sorry business" and I respect that.

But it will pass. For Indigenous people, our sorry business is without end.

At times like these I wonder what it would be to not know apocalypse. To not know what it is to come from a people who face an existential threat. Who have clung on to their very place on this earth.

I wonder what it would be like for me to be like my colleagues for whom this is one of the defining stories of their lifetimes.

Sometimes, I wonder what it must be like to be white.

But then I would not be my mother's son.
Stan Grant is the ABC's international affairs analyst and presenter of Q+A on Thursday at 8.30pm. He also presents China Tonight on Monday at 9:35pm on ABC TV, and Tuesday at 8pm on the ABC News Channel.
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As my colleagues have worn black in mourning for the Queen, I've wrestled with asphyxiating anger - and I'm not alone

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When the Queen first visited Australia in 1954, my mother almost did not get to see her. Like millions of other school kids, Mum was expected to join the throng flocking to glimpse the young royal. The problem was, my mother didn't have any socks.

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In Britain, as in the United States, the anti-racism protests that have erupted since the police killing of George Floyd in late May have reinvigorated campaigns for reparations for slavery. Having only recently acknowledged their historical links to slavery and the trans-Atlantic slave trade, British universities and London financial institutions are facing calls to make amends for past injustices and pay reparations to the descendants of enslaved people.

But one institution has remained silent: the British monarchy. Still, it's no secret that the history of the British royal family is intertwined with slavery.

The slave-trading initiatives endorsed by the English monarchy began with Queen Elizabeth I's enthusiastic support of John Hawkins' slaving expeditions in the 1560s. In three separate voyages backed by government officials, London merchants, and the queen, Hawkins raided African settlements on the West African coast and seized hundreds of enslaved captives from Portuguese ships. In defiance of Portugal's dominance over the European slave trade in Africans, Hawkins sold his cargo of African captives in the Spanish Caribbean. After his profitable second voyage, the queen honored Hawkins with a coat of arms and crest featuring a nude African bound with rope.

During the reign of King Charles II, from 1660 to 1685, the Crown and members of the royal family invested heavily in the African slave trade. Seeking to bolster the wealth and power of the restored monarchy and to supplant the Dutch in the Atlantic trading system, Charles granted a charter to the Company of Royal Adventurers Into Africa, a private joint-stock company, less than six months after ascending the throne. The charter gave the Royal Adventurers a 1,000-year monopoly over trade, land, and adjacent islands along the west coast of Africa stretching from what was then known as Cape Blanco (western Sahara) in the north to the Cape of Good Hope in the south. The king lent the company a number of royal ships, including a vessel called the Blackamoor, and reserved for himself the right to two-thirds of the value of any gold mines discovered. Controlling English trade with West Africa-in gold, hides, ivory, redwood, and, ultimately, slaves-offered the prospect of a revenue stream that would enable the Crown to gain financial independence from Parliament.

The company's intimacy with the royal family proved attractive to investors seeking to profit from the sale and exploitation of African men, women, andchildren.

From its founding, the Royal Adventurers benefited from royal connections and the Crown's political and financial backing. More than half of the original beneficiaries of the first charter were peers or members of the royal family, including the king himself. The company's intimacy with the royal family proved particularly attractive to investors seeking to profit from a trading monopoly with West Africa and the sale and exploitation of African men, women, and children.

In 1663, the Royal Adventurers received a new charter explicitly granting the company an exclusive right among English traders to purchase enslaved captives on the West African coast and transport them to the English colonies in the Americas. Sponsored by the king's inner circle and politicians and courtiers expecting to use the African trade for personal profit, the fledgling company set out to deliver thousands of African captives to the English Caribbean. Upon disembarking, Africans who survived the horrors of the middle passage were sold to English buyers or to foreign traders looking to acquire slaves for transshipment to Spanish America. By March 1664, the company had delivered more than 3,000 enslaved men, women, and children to Barbados and 780 African captives to Jamaica.

In England, new coins minted from African gold, known as " guineas," entered circulation, stamped with an elephant-the distinctive emblem of the Royal Adventurers-under the monarch's head. The message to the public was clear: The king had successfully expanded English interests in Africa, enriching the mother country and strengthening its Atlantic empire.

The company's initial success was short-lived, however. In 1665, the Royal Adventurers ran into financial difficulties resulting from mounting unpaid debts owed by colonial planters who had purchased African captives from the company on credit. The arrival of a Dutch naval force intent on retaking forts on Africa's Gold Coast further eroded the company's tenuous position. Commercial rivalries with Holland over control of the African trade sparked the Second Anglo-Dutch War from 1665 to 1667. With the company's finances in tatters and its business disrupted, competing English merchants moved in, helping to sustain the supply of enslaved Africans to England's plantation colonies. Faced with insolvency, the Royal Adventurers was dissolved in 1671 in favor of a new monopoly trading company.

By the time King Charles II granted a charter to the reorganized Royal African Company of England in 1672, the demand for slave labor in the Americas had intensified. Ensuring a steady supply of African captives to England's Caribbean and North American colonies promised not only to generate profits for shareholders and the Crown but also to expand England's imperial footprint in the Atlantic world.

As English planters in the Atlantic colonies clamored for more enslaved Africans, English enslavers profited and the African slave trade expanded. "The Royal African Company of England," notes historian William Pettigrew, "shipped more enslaved African women, men, and children to the Americas than any other single institution during the entire period of the transatlantic slave trade." The company's seal captures how English enslavers, with Crown encouragement, eagerly harnessed the lives and bodies of Africans to generate commercial wealth and build an overseas empire. The seal shows an elephant bearing a castle, flanked by two enslaved African men. Surrounding the figures is the company's motto: Regio floret patrocinio commercium, commercioque regnum ("By royal patronage commerce flourishes, by commerce the realm").

From its founding in 1672 to 1688, James, the Duke of York (the future King James II), served as the governor of the Royal African Company and its largest shareholder. James also held the position of Lord High Admiral, which enabled him to exercise punitive power over anyone who challenged the company's monopoly in West Africa or the English colonies. So intimately intertwined was the English monarchy with the slave trade that the company left a permanent mark of royal ownership on the bodies of the enslaved: Before their departure for the Americas, African captives were branded on the right shoulder or breast with the letters D.Y., for the Duke of York, or R.A.C.E., for the Royal African Company of England.

The Glorious Revolution of 1688-89 dethroned King James II and undermined the privileged position of the Royal African Company. With the company's royal patron out of the picture, English merchants seeking access to West African markets and colonial planters demanding greater numbers of enslaved Africans at lower prices eroded the company's attempt to maintain a monopoly. In 1698, Parliament opened the slave trade to all English traders; independent traders were required to pay a 10 percent duty to the Royal African Company to help maintain its African forts. When this act expired in 1712, an official era of free trade began. Millions of Africans were captured, torn from their families, forcibly transported across the Atlantic, sold to the highest bidders, and subjected to physical, psychological, and sexual violence by their enslavers.

During the peak years of the Atlantic slave trade, between 1690 and 1807, European enslavers carried approximately 6 million enslaved Africans to the Americas; almost half of these captives arrived in British or Anglo-American ships. Protected by the Crown and Parliament, the slave trade became one of Britain's most profitable industries. The production of popular, labor-intensive agricultural products such as sugar, tobacco, cotton, and coffee in the Atlantic colonies hinged on the regular supply of African captives. The vast majority of enslaved African men, women, and children were destined for the sugar fields of Brazil and the Caribbean islands.

As the British Atlantic empire became more reliant on the labor of enslaved Africans, critics of the slave trade and colonial slavery were marginalized or dismissed as radicals. Meanwhile, enslaved men and women took matters into their own hands, struggling against slavery and racist colonial regimes from below. By running away, refusing to work, feigning illness, and rebelling collectively, over and over again, enslaved Africans and their descendants made it clear that their lives mattered. Some people of African descent who gained their liberty joined the transnational abolitionist movement and made both anti-slavery and anti-racism central to their mission.

During the lengthy reign of King George III, from 1760 to 1820, Atlantic slave uprisings and a multiracial coalition of abolitionists transformed the British public's view of the slave trade at the same time the Crown supported its continuation. The pro-slavery views of the king and his sons bolstered the efforts of the London Society of West India Planters and Merchants to delay the abolition of the British slave trade for nearly two decades. George's third son, Prince William (the future King William IV), served in the Royal Navy as a teenager and was the first member of the royal family to visit Britain's North American and Caribbean colonies. While stationed in Jamaica, William witnessed colonial slavery firsthand and approved of what he saw. In 1799, William, now the Duke of Clarence, delivered his maiden speech in the House of Lords against the abolition of the slave trade. Printed by the pro-slavery lobby and widely circulated, his speech was viewed by many Britons as representative of the attitudes of the royal family.

But not all members of the royal family supported the slave trade. George's nephew and son-in-law Prince William Frederick, Duke of Gloucester and Edinburgh, allied with the abolitionists in Parliament and became a vocal anti-slavery supporter. After the British Parliament outlawed the slave trade in 1807, Frederick served as the first president of the African Institution, an abolitionist organization founded to enforce the Abolition Act and promote "civilization and improvement in Africa." William Frederick worked closely with leading English abolitionists such as Thomas Clarkson and William Wilberforce to influence the major European powers to follow Britain's lead and abolish slave trading.

Although the Slave Trade Act of 1807 had made it illegal for British subjects to buy or sell African captives, demand for slaves remained high in the Caribbean, Brazil, the Spanish colonies, and the United States. After 1808, as the illegal slave trade flourished, European enslavers transported millions of enslaved Africans to the Americas, many in ships built, financed, or outfitted in Britain.

In the decades after the abolition of the British slave trade, enslaved and free people of African descent petitioned the Crown repeatedly, seeking royal intervention on their behalf in their quest for liberty and civil rights. These petitions largely fell on deaf ears. Even after Parliament passed the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833, which ended slavery in the British Caribbean, Mauritius, and the Cape Colony (South Africa), enslaved people did not immediately receive their freedom. The negotiated settlement required enslaved men and women to continue to labor for their former masters as unpaid "apprentices" and also granted 20 million pounds in compensation to Britons with financial interests in slavery. Formerly enslaved people and their descendants received nothing, other than recognition of their status as free subjects of the British sovereign.

After 1838, with both slavery and the apprenticeship system at an end in Britain's Atlantic empire, the British monarchy publicly supported the anti-slavery cause for the first time. In May 1840, Prince Albert, Queen Victoria's husband, accepted an invitation to serve as the president of the Society for the Extinction of the Slave Trade and for the Civilization of Africa. A month later, he delivered a brief opening speech at the first international anti-slavery convention held in London. According to eyewitness accounts, when the prince appeared onstage, the crowd of 5,000 or 6,000 people cheered wildly; his remarks could barely be heard above the tumult. "Everyone seemed to link with his presence and feelings, those of her Amiable Majesty the Queen," Thomas Clarkson later recalled, "and received him as tho' (independent of his own professions) he was conveying the feelings and sympathies of her much loved Majesty to her loyal and humane subjects."

Victoria and Albert acquired an international reputation as humanitarian reformers yet simultaneously oversaw an expanding empire rooted in the racial subjugation and exploitation of subaltern populations in the Americas, India, Africa, and Asia and throughout the Pacific. A self-proclaimed anti-racist, Victoria became the patron of Sarah Forbes Bonetta (born "Aina"), an orphaned child of Yoruba descent and a princess of the Egbado clan in West Africa. After her parents were killed by King Ghezo of Dahomey, Aina was kept as a state prisoner until a Capt. Frederick E. Forbes arrived on board the Bonetta in June 1850 to advocate for the suppression of the slave trade. Forbes negotiated for Aina's release as a "gift" for the queen and transported her to England; there Aina was stripped of her Yoruba name and christened Sarah Forbes Bonetta. Later on in Victoria's life, her close friendship with Abdul Karim, her Indian secretary, led to friction in the royal family and scandalized the nation.

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Victoria's relationships with "Sarah" and Abdul-romanticized, respectively, in the PBS series Victoria and the film Victoria & Abdul-offer examples of how, since the 19 th century, the British Crown has sought to rehabilitate its reputation by distancing itself from slavery and racial prejudice-a rehabilitation that Prince Harry's marriage to the Black American actress Meghan Markle in 2018 has since tested. In recent days, the Duke and Duchess of Sussex have argued that, in light of the Black Lives Matter movement, it's time for Britain to address its "uncomfortable" past. But the British monarchy continues to refuse to recognize its historic ties to the slave trade and racial oppression.

Officially acknowledging that the royal family both fostered and profited from the enslavement of millions, and affirming a commitment to reparatory justice as the Caribbean Community has urged the governments of Britain and Europe to do, is the very least the present-day British monarchy owes to the descendants of enslaved people.

The Crown's act of willful forgetting demonstrates how easy it was to overlook-then and now-the pivotal role played by the royal family in accelerating England's involvement in the trans-Atlantic slave trade and the development of an Atlantic empire built on the backs and blood of African and Indigenous people.

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It's Time for the British Royal Family to Make Amends for Centuries of Profiting From Slavery

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In Britain, as in the United States, the anti-racism protests that have erupted since the police killing of George Floyd in late May have reinvigorated campaigns for reparations for slavery. Having only recently acknowledged their historical links to slavery and the trans-Atlantic slave trade, British universities and London financial institutions are facing calls to make amends for past injustices and pay reparations to the descendants of enslaved people.

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Australian senator calls the Queen a coloniser while being sworn in to parliament (The Guardian, 2022)

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Australian senator calls the Queen a coloniser while being sworn in to parliament (The Guardian, 2022)

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Indigenous senator Lidia Thorpe was told to repeat the oath of allegiance for Australian parliamentarians on Monday after she initially described the Queen as a coloniser.

Thorpe, a Greens senator for Victoria, was chided by her parliamentary colleagues, one of whom yelled, "You're not a senator if you don't do it properly."

Thorpe was absent from parliament last week when other senators were officially sworn in, so took her oath on Monday morning. Walking to the Senate floor with her right fist raised in the air, Thorpe was asked to recite the words written on a card.

"I sovereign, Lidia Thorpe, do solemnly and sincerely swear that I will be faithful and I bear true allegiance to the colonising her majesty Queen Elizabeth II," she said.

The word "colonising" is not in the formal oath.

The Labor Senate president, Sue Lines, interjected, as other senators voiced criticism and began calling to Thorpe.

"You are required to recite the oath as printed on the card," Lines told the Greens senator.

"Please recite the oath."

Thorpe turned to speak to a Labor senator behind her who appeared to voice further criticism, before repeating the oath as printed.

Another senator was heard to say "none of us like it".

Thorpe later tweeted "sovereignty never ceded" as she shared a photo of her swearing-in.

Section 42 of the Australian constitution states that "every senator and every member of the House of Representatives shall before taking his seat make and subscribe" the oath.

But Prof Anne Twomey, a constitutional expert at the University of Sydney, said it was up to the parliament to decide whether failing or declining to make the oath would block someone from taking their place as a senator.

"As this is an internal proceeding in the Parliament, I doubt whether it would be 'justiciable' - ie I don't think it is something that could be enforced before a court," she told Guardian Australia.

"It is a matter for the presiding officers of the Houses to enforce section 42."

Twomey said Thorpe could have decided not to take up her seat, if she was not prepared to swear allegiance to the Queen.

"Failure to do so would mean that she could not sit or vote. She would be entitled to other rights and privileges ... However, if she failed to attend for two consecutive months without the permission of the Senate, her place would become vacant under section 19 of the constitution," she said.

The assistant minister for the republic, Matt Thistlethwaite, last week told Nine newspapers that swearing allegiance to the Queen was "archaic and ridiculous".

"It does not represent the Australia we live in and it's further evidence of why we need to begin discussing becoming a republic with our own head of state," he said. "We are no longer British."

However, under the Australian constitution all senators and MPs must swear an allegiance to the Queen and her heirs and successors before sitting in parliament. The provision cannot be changed without a referendum, which Thistlethwaite said would only be done as part of a broader move towards a republic in a future term of government.

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Thorpe last month described Australia as a "colonial project" and said the national flag did not represent her.

"It represents the colonisation of these lands, and it has no permission to be here, there's been no consent, there's been no treaty, so that flag does not represent me," she told Channel 10's The Project.

Thorpe said she stood for parliament "to question the illegitimate occupation of the colonial system in this country".

"I am here for my people, and I will sacrifice swearing allegiance to the coloniser to get into the media like I am right now, to get into the parliament like I am every day," she said.

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Australian senator calls the Queen a coloniser while being sworn in to parliament

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Indigenous senator Lidia Thorpe was told to repeat the oath of allegiance for Australian parliamentarians on Monday after she initially described the Queen as a coloniser. Thorpe, a Greens senator for Victoria, was chided by her parliamentary colleagues, one of whom yelled, "You're not a senator if you don't do it properly."

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Homegrown (bell hooks and Amalia Mesa-Bains, 2017)

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Homegrown (bell hooks and Amalia Mesa-Bains, 2017)

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A history book with a twist, structured around a playlist of twenty eight songs, listed chronologically. Each song is a jumping off point for deeper social, political and historical analysis, tracking key moments in black history, and the emotional impact of both the songs and the artists who performed them. The book redefines British history, the Empire and post colonialism, and invites readers to immerse themselves in music and think again about the narratives and key moments in history that they have been taught up to now. Targeted at upper middle grade to YA, this is a book that will also attract a much wider adult audience.

Published by Dialogue Books on 3 Jun 2021 (Hardback)

To listen to the playlist and watch exclusive content, visit Musical Truth Playlist.

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A history book with a twist, structured around a playlist of twenty eight songs, listed chronologically. Each song is a jumping off point for deeper social, political and historical analysis, tracking key moments in black history, and the emotional impact of both the songs and the artists who performed them.

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The British Monarchy Helped Mortgage Our Collective Future (Priya Satia, 2022)

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The British Monarchy Helped Mortgage Our Collective Future (Priya Satia, 2022)

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The British Monarchy Helped Mortgage Our Collective Future

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Queen Elizabeth II's death should bring about a reckoning in understanding how the British Empire helped destroy the planet

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Sara Ahmed

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In Complaint! Sara Ahmed examines what we can learn about power from those who complain about abuses of power. Drawing on oral and written testimonies from academics and students who have made complaints about harassment, bullying, and unequal working conditions at universities, Ahmed explores the gap between what is supposed to happen when complaints are made and what actually happens. To make complaints within institutions is to learn how they work and for whom they work: complaint as feminist pedagogy. Ahmed explores how complaints are made behind closed doors and how doors are often closed on those who complain. To open these doors---to get complaints through, keep them going, or keep them alive---Ahmed emphasizes, requires forming new kinds of collectives. This book offers a systematic analysis of the methods used to stop complaints and a powerful and poetic meditation on what complaints can be used to do. Following a long lineage of Black feminist and feminist of color critiques of the university, Ahmed delivers a timely consideration of how institutional change becomes possible and why it is necessary.

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Sara Ahmed How much do you like this book? What's the quality of the file? Download the book for quality assessment What's the quality of the downloaded files? In Complaint! Sara Ahmed examines what we can learn about power from those who complain about abuses of power.

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Joris Lechene on Colonisation (TikTok, 2022)

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Joris Lechene on Colonisation (TikTok, 2022)

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Replying to @fishy_hi Colonization  is a SYSTEM of oppression and exploitation. Not just a punctual action. #britishhistory #ukhistory #unitedkingdom #colonisation #learnontiktok 

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Replying to @fishy_hi Colonization is a SYSTEM of oppression and exploitation. Not just a punctual action. #britishhistory #ukhistory #unitedkingdom #colonisation #learnontiktok
♬ Aesthetic - Tollan Kim

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Search | Legacies of British Slave-ownership

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Corinne Fowler + Culture War (The Guardian, 2021)

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Politicians should not ‘weaponise’ UK history, says colonialism researcher

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Exclusive: Corinne Fowler, director of National Trust project, criticises threat to funding ahead of government round table

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Vron Ware

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Foreword by Mikki Kendall

How have ideas about white women figured in the history of racism? Vron Ware argues that they have been central, and that feminism has, in many ways, developed as a political movement within racist societies. Dissecting the different meanings of femininity and womanhood, Beyond the Pale examines the political connections between black and white women, both within contemporary racism and feminism, as well as in historical examples like the anti-slavery movement and the British campaign against lynching in the United States. Beyond the Pale is a major contribution to anti-racist work, confronting the historical meanings of whiteness as a way of overcoming the moralism that so often infuses anti-racist movements.

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Beyond the Pale: White Women, Racism, and History

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Vron Ware How much do you like this book? What's the quality of the file? Download the book for quality assessment What's the quality of the downloaded files? Foreword by Mikki Kendall How have ideas about white women figured in the history of racism?

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The Melancholy of Race: Psychoanalysis, Assimilation, and Hidden Grief (Race and American Culture) - Anne Cheng (2000)

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The Melancholy of Race: Psychoanalysis, Assimilation, and Hidden Grief (Race and American Culture) - Anne Cheng (2000)

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In this groundbreaking, interdisciplinary study Anne Anlin Cheng argues that we have to understand racial grief not only as the result of racism but also as a foundation for racial identity. The Melancholy of Race proposes that racial identification is itself already a melancholic act--a social category that is imaginatively supported through a dynamic of loss and compensation, by which the racial other is at once rejected and retained. Using psychoanalytic theories on mourning and melancholia as inroads into her subject, Cheng offers a closely observed and carefully reasoned account of the minority experience as expressed in works of art by, and about, Asian-Americans and African-Americans. She argues that the racial minority and dominant American culture both suffer from racial melancholia and that this insight is crucial to a productive reimagining of progressive politics. Her discussion ranges from "Flower Drum Song" to "M. Butterfly," Brown v. Board of Education to Anna Deavere Smith's "Twilight," and Invisible Man to The Woman Warrior, in the process demonstrating that racial melancholia permeates our fantasies of citizenship, assimilation, and social health. Her investigations reveal the common interests that social, legal, and literary histories of race have always shared with psychoanalysis, and situates Asian-American and African-American identities in relation to one another within the larger process of American racialization. A provocative look at a timely subject, this study is essential reading for anyone interested in race studies, critical theory, or psychoanalysis.

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The Melancholy of Race: Psychoanalysis, Assimilation, and Hidden Grief (Race and American Culture)

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In this groundbreaking, interdisciplinary study Anne Anlin Cheng argues that we have to understand racial grief not only as the result of racism but also as a foundation for racial identity. The Melancholy of Race proposes that racial identification is itself already a melancholic act--a social category that is imaginatively supported through a dynamic of loss and compensation, by which the racial other is at once rejected and retained.

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Good White People (Shannon Sullivan, 2014)

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Good White People (Shannon Sullivan, 2014)

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Good White People: The Problem with Middle-Class White Anti-Racism | Sullivan, Shannon | download

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Northamptonshire Rights and Equality Council

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We live in unprecedented times: a global pandemic, economic depression, global environmental challenges and, in the last few weeks (sparked off by the Black Lives Matters movement in the US), a resurgence of protests in the UK against racism and our contested history of involvement with slavery, colonialism and Empire.

Flowing from the latter there are growing demands for us all to take action against racial inequality and injustice - not just to express verbal or other forms of support through street protests or the issuing of statements.

This Nine-point Plan is a response by Northamptonshire Rights and Equality Council for us all to TAKE ACTION across Northamptonshire. These are our suggestions. They are neither comprehensive (others may wish to add to them) nor "written in tablets of stone". We hope nonetheless that they will prompt discussion and debate - but also lead on to the actions proposed.

Some of the terminology used may be unfamiliar. We hope this will lead to people wanting to know more, rather than dismissing what is being said simply because of the unfamiliarity. We hope that our attempts to explain/define some of the key terms used (these are highlighted in italics), or to provide further information, are helpful. If you need further clarification - please ask us!

It is vitally important in our view that genuine dialogues are opened up to explore these issues in greater depth and these conversations take place in a spirit of trying to find solutions to the racism and inequalities that exist and taking action.

If you do not think there is a problem at all, and are not prepared to re-examine your views and ideas, then it is unlikely dialogue with us will be very productive. If however, you are prepared to engage with us in a spirit of openness and respect, then we will be very pleased to engage - and hopefully engage in action together.
Northamptonshire Rights and Equality Council June 22nd 2020

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Our Nine-Point Plan to Advance Racial Equality in Northamptonshire: June 2020

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We live in unprecedented times: a global pandemic, economic depression, global environmental challenges and, in the last few weeks (sparked off by the Black Lives Matters movement in the US), a resurgence of protests in the UK against racism and our contested history of involvement with slavery, colonialism and Empire.

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Queen Elizabeth II Speech (Cape Town, 1947)

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Queen Elizabeth II Speech (Cape Town, 1947)

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The Crown: Princess Elizabeth's 21st Birthday Speech (1947) | British Pathé

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John Hawkins (National Portrait Gallery)

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John Hawkins (National Portrait Gallery)

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Sir John Hawkins - National Portrait Gallery

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Merchant and naval commander Sir John Hawkins was a merchant, sea captain, ship owner and one of the first English people involved in the Transatlantic slave trade. After running private ships in the Anglo-French war of 1557-8, Hawkins had made several voyages to the Canary Islands where he heard about the possibilities of trading slaves from the west coast of Africa.

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Freedom's Debt (William Pettigrew, 2016)

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Freedom's Debt (William Pettigrew, 2016)

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Freedom’s Debt: The Royal African Company and the Politics of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1672-1752 | William A. Pettigrew | download

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Not the Chilcot Report (Peter Oborne, 2016)

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Not the Chilcot Report (Peter Oborne, 2016)

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The defining calamity of the post-cold war era', in Peter Oborne's words, took place in 2003. The invasion of Iraq led to the collapse of the state system in the Middle East. Iraq is shattered, Syria will never be put back together again, and Lebanon hasn't functioned as a unified state for a long time. And the great wave of refugees unleashed by this breakdown is threatening what is left of democracy in Turkey and the very existence of the European Union.

Oborne provides a forensic examination of the way evidence was doctored and the law manipulated in 2002 and 2003 in order to justify a war for regime change. The government bent facts to fit its determination to join the US invasion, Parliament failed to scrutinise evidence, the intelligence service was perverted, and the media lost its head.

This is a masterly account of the making of a disaster, written by a passionate British democrat.

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The defining calamity of the post-cold war era', in Peter Oborne's words, took place in 2003. The invasion of Iraq led to the collapse of the state system in the Middle East. Iraq is shattered, Syria will never be put back together again, and Lebanon hasn't functioned as a unified state for a long time.

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Joe Glenton on the Monarchy (Double Down News, 2022)

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Joe Glenton on the Monarchy (Double Down News, 2022)

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Former British Soldier EXPOSES The Monarchy

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National Council for the Training of Journalists

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This report provides a fascinating insight into the characteristics of UK journalists.

Now an annual report, it is designed to help us monitor progress and change.

The continuing increase in the number of journalists working in the UK is particularly interesting. It suggests that journalism remains a positive choice for a career in terms of the availability of opportunities and competition for talent.

It is heartening that there is good progress with gender balance, including at senior editorial levels where there had been concerns that there may be gender disparity.

Progress has also been made with the employment of journalists with disabilities and health issues.

To some extent, there has been an improvement in ethnicity representation although there is still more work to be done. What is worrying is that there are clearly issues associated with promoting those from non-white ethnic groups into more senior editorial roles.

There are also ongoing issues with social class which need to be addressed as a priority. This is linked to journalism being a 'graduate-level' occupation with most new entrants being selected from a highly educated graduate pool. As those in higher education are not representative of the wider population, then (without specific targeting) neither will those who are recruited into journalism from university.

Our research programme, including reports like this, are vital to present the facts, highlight the real issues and measure progress. It is also important that we all take action.

- Joanne Butcher, chief executive, NCTJ

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Now an annual report, it is designed to help us monitor progress and change. The continuing increase in the number of journalists working in the UK is particularly interesting. It suggests that journalism remains a positive choice for a career in terms of the availability of opportunities and competition for talent.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Otto English investigates the MPs behind the Common Sense Group, modelled on the ERG, which seeks to bring the vitriol of Brexit to the 'War Against Woke'

The problem with common sense, as Voltaire once said, is that it is not so common. One person's notion of what 'common sense' is, might be another's idea of gross stupidity.

Take the infamous Vote Leave bus. 'We send the EU £350 million a week' that 2016 slogan on the side of it proclaimed so, 'let's fund the NHS instead'. £350 million is a lot of money and what were we getting in return? Uncontrolled immigration and horrid burgundy passports if the Brexiters were to be believed. So, it was a no-brainer: leave the EU; fund the NHS instead. Good, British, common sense.

Except, of course, and as even the hardest of Brexit backers must now see - it wasn't that simple.

Common sense is the politics of Nigel Farage; the reasoning of a bloke with a pint in his hand and three in him already, solving problems with straight-forward solutions while he tucks into a packet of cheese and onion crisps. And, since 2016, the common sense variant of the UKIP virus has left the host and run rampant through the Conservative Party.

Migrants illegally crossing the Channel? No probs. What about Border Officers on jet skis? Worked in Police Academy 5: Assignment Miami Beach. Common sense prevails again.

HGV driver shortage? No biggie. Just cut all the red tape and stop testing whether lorry drivers can reverse.

Common sense is so hot right now that there's even a Common Sense Group of MPs in Parliament.

The Book of Common Sense

Set up in the summer of 2020, the Common Sense group is backed by 70 parliamentarians seeking to do to 'wokery' and 'cancel culture' what the European Research Group (ERG) did to our global reputation.

In May, it even published a 'book' so that we might learn about its inner thoughts. The eponymously titled Common Sense: Conservative Thinking for a Post-Liberal Age is online and available for free download. It was launched with great fanfare on arch-Brexiter Darren Grimes' Reasoned YouTube channel as an 'anti-woke' manifesto. Fear not - I read it so that you didn't have to.

There's nothing novel in putting out a book that sets out your political stall. Mao did it, Gaddafi did it, even Xi Jinping has done it - twice.

And for years, Conservative groups and politicians have been trotting out tomes to shore up their intellectual credibility. Most famously, in 2013, Priti Patel, Chris Skidmore, Dominic Raab, Elizabeth Truss, and Kwasi Kwarteng gifted us Britannia Unchained - a book which argued that the UK needed to be more like Australia and Singapore and that everyone had to work harder for less.

Reasoned on YouTube

"The British are among the worst idlers in the world," it claimed. "Whereas Indian children aspire to be doctors or businessmen, the British are more interested in football and pop music."

Four of the five authors ended up in Boris Johnson's Cabinet and the Government can't do anything without name-checking Australia and Singapore so perhaps the Common Sense group looked, learned, and decided that they wanted a cut of the pie.

It's not all bad. As Professor Tim Bale pointed out in the Guardian, Joy Morrisey's chapter for the Common Sense manifesto, on the need to "help create a generation of good, meaningful jobs" in vocational training, is fairly sensible, if rather uninspired, stuff. Unfortunately, it makes up just three pages of a 136-page book.

New boys Nick Fletcher and Gareth Bacon make the most memorable and lasting impressions - if not necessarily for the right reasons.

Common Sense 'Solutions'

Like many others drawn to the Common Sense group, Nick Fletcher - MP for the Don Valley since 2019 and its first Conservative MP in history - is part of the Tories' 'Red Wall' intake.

His piece in the book begins with an attack on Jeremy Corbyn and other left-wing MPs, accusing them of being "people of nowhere" whose internationalist outlook renders them unable "to recognise the importance of place, culture, and community to working class people in Don Valley and across the UK".

Then he turns to Brexit and mass immigration. According to him, working class people have felt the impact of immigration and particularly EU immigration more acutely than anyone else post 2004 because:

"It is their streets in which the community disappears, almost overnight. It is their neighbours who suddenly change from families of four to six men living in a multi-occupancy house. It is their jobs which are threatened and their wages which are suppressed by cheap labour from abroad. Yet, any mention of these concerns is dismissed as 'racist' by individuals living in their ivory towers."

Don Valley is one of 14 constituencies in south Yorkshire and, until 1983, was part of the parliamentary constituency of Doncaster. 2011 Census data for the region shows that 91.8% of the population define themselves as 'white British' - above the national average - with just 3.4% defining themselves as 'white other'. This data is 10 years old, but if it has shifted significantly (and I doubt it) then it has done so since the Conservatives came to power and the EU Referendum that followed five years later.

Then things turn very sour indeed. Fletcher relates an anecdote about a local man who approached him on the campaign trail and told him:
"How his neighbourhood used to be filled with ordinary families and his six-year-old daughter once played with his neighbour's children."
But now:
"The house (next door's) occupants were several men from Eastern Europe who spoke no English. He was naturally concerned because he could see his community being withered away before his eyes, and his daughter no longer had friends on her street to play with."
Fletcher's 'common sense' solution to the crisis of children losing playmates when their friends move home is to cap immigration at an arbitrary 100,000 people and restore trust between the Government and people so that "the working class yet again feel that their government truly has control".

Defeating Wokeism

Gareth Bacon doesn't fare much better. The MP for Orpington since 2019, his chapter in the book is entitled What is Wokeism and How Can it Be Defeated?

According to Bacon, Britain is under attack "not in a physical sense, but in a philosophical, ideological and historical sense". Social media is to blame and something needs to be done. The biggest problem of all is the dreaded wokery.

"Woke ideology has no political mandate," Bacon argues, because "there is no official woke political party" and so on and so on before ending on an upbeat note: "The destructive, totalitarian, divisive, negative and anti-democratic 'woke' ideology can be defeated. It just needs us to have the courage to stand up and fight it."

The founder of the Common Sense Group is Sir John Hayes, MP for South Holland and the Deepings in Lincolnshire since 1997. This is not Hayes' first foray into parliamentary groups.

Back in 2005, along with Edward Leigh MP, he co-founded the Thatcherite, Anglican focused, right-leaning, traditionalist Cornerstone Group of 32 MPs and peers whose motto is 'Faith, Family, Flag'. Its rather neglected website states that it is here to defend the spiritual, patriotic, and social values that undergird Britain's cohesiveness.

The same vibe infuses the Common Sense group and all the noise that it is increasingly generating.

Britain Uncancelled

Last week, 25 MPs in the Common Sense group launched a campaign called 'Britain Uncancelled' and wrote to Boris Johnson demanding that he do more to stamp out cancel culture and that he "take a stand against this dangerous modern hysteria".

"We must begin the process of reversing cancel culture before it becomes institutionalised and steals a march over common decency," the letter added.

Hayes represents the rear guard of old school, right-wing, anti-progressive conservatism. With his knighthood, his CBE, and his 22 years on the green benches, he is the very definition of the establishment - representing the establishment party - in a Government that has led this country for more than a decade.

And yet, as with the other anti-cancel culture outfits popping up currently, he and the Common Sense group members present themselves as outsiders - defending the 'silent majority' against elites. In truth, it is they who have launched the campaign and they who are on manoeuvres.

Back when the group first launched, one of its members told the Guardian: "We are ready for a culture war, and we are confident that our policy agenda will help win it."

I find that very telling indeed. And - frankly - more than a little unsettling.
Otto English's book 'Fake History' is published by Welbeck
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'Ready for a Culture War': Meet the 'Common Sense' Conservative MPs Behind the 'Anti-Woke' Manifesto - Byline Times

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The problem with common sense, as Voltaire once said, is that it is not so common. One person's notion of what 'common sense' is, might be another's idea of gross stupidity. Take the infamous Vote Leave bus. 'We send the EU £350 million a week' that 2016 slogan on the side of it proclaimed so, 'let's fund the NHS instead'.

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Stuart Hall - Race, Gender, Class in the Media (Al-Jazeera, 2017)

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Stuart Hall - Race, Gender, Class in the Media (Al-Jazeera, 2017)

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Stuart Hall - Race, Gender, Class in the Media

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Deviancy, Politics and Media (Stuart Hall, 1973)

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Deviancy, Politics and Media (Stuart Hall, 1973)

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Deviancy, politics, and the media - ePapers Repository

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Hall, Stuart (1973) Deviancy, politics, and the media. Discussion Paper. University of Birmingham.

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Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse (Stuart Hall, 1973)

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Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse (Stuart Hall, 1973)

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Hall, Stuart (1981). "Notes on Deconstructing the Popular". In: People's History and Socialist Theory. London: Routledge.

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Hall, Stuart (1981). "Notes on Deconstructing the Popular". In: People's History and Socialist Theory. London: Routledge.

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People’s History and Socialist Theory | Raphael Samuel | download

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Cultural Hegemony (Scholar-YouTuber Tom Nicholas, 2017)

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Cultural Hegemony (Scholar-YouTuber Tom Nicholas, 2017)

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Hegemony: WTF? An introduction to Gramsci and cultural hegemony

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Green Unpleasant Land (Corinne Fowler, 2020)

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Green Unpleasant Land (Corinne Fowler, 2020)

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Green Unpleasant Land: Creative Responses to Rural England’s Colonial Connections | Corinne Fowler | download

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It Ain't where you're from, it's where you're At... (Paul Gilroy, 1991)

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It Ain't where you're from, it's where you're At... (Paul Gilroy, 1991)

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There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack (Paul Gilroy, 1987)

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There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack (Paul Gilroy, 1987)

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Main "There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack": The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation

Paul Gilroy

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"There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack": The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation

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Main After empire : melancholia or convivial culture?

Paul Gilroy

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2004

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198

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0203482816

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9780203482810

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distinctive ³¹

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melancholia ³⁰

conviviality ³⁰

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wars ²⁵

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twentieth century ²²

humanism ²²

alien ²²

racial hierarchy ²¹

multiculture ²¹

historic ²¹

institutional ²⁰

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'Dropping Anchor, Setting Sail' (Jacqueline Nassy Brown, 2004)

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'Dropping Anchor, Setting Sail' (Jacqueline Nassy Brown, 2004)

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Dropping Anchor, Setting Sail: Geographies of Race in Black Liverpool | Jacqueline Nassy Brown | download

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A haunting and evocative history of British empire, told through one woman's search through her family's story

"Where are you from?" was the question hounding Hazel Carby as a girl in post-World War II London. One of the so-called brown babies of the Windrush generation, born to a Jamaican father and Welsh mother, Carby's place in her home, her neighbourhood, and her country of birth was always in doubt.

Emerging from this setting, Carby untangles the threads connecting members of her family to each other in a web woven by the British Empire across the Atlantic. We meet Carby's working-class grandmother Beatrice, a seamstress challenged by poverty and disease. In England, she was thrilled by the cosmopolitan fantasies of empire, by cities built with slave-trade profits, and by street peddlers selling fashionable Jamaican delicacies. In Jamaica, we follow the lives of both the "white Carbys" and the "black Carbys," as Mary Ivey, a free woman of colour, whose children are fathered by Lilly Carby, a British soldier who arrived in Jamaica in 1789 to be absorbed into the plantation aristocracy. And we discover the hidden stories of Bridget and Nancy, two women owned by Lilly who survived the Middle Passage from Africa to the Caribbean.

Moving between the Jamaican plantations, the hills of Devon, the port cities of Bristol, Cardiff, and Kingston, and the working-class estates of South London, Carby's family story is at once an intimate personal history and a sweeping summation of the violent entanglement of two islands. In charting British empire's interweaving of capital and bodies, public language and private feeling, Carby will find herself reckoning with what she can tell, what she can remember, and what she can bear to know.

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A haunting and evocative history of British empire, told through one woman's search through her family's story "Where are you from?" was the question hounding Hazel Carby as a girl in post-World War II London.

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The everyday work of establishing whiteness as a racialised enactment; of doing whiteness; of getting into it, is also institutional work. Whiteness is not just a personal investment practice it frames our chances for life or death, whether we are imprisoned or walk free, we are rich or poor, which university or not we attend, what marks we attain when we get there, if we do.

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Why I'm No Longer Talking to White People About Race (Reni Eddo-Lodge, 2017)

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Why I'm No Longer Talking to White People About Race (Reni Eddo-Lodge, 2017)

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From the publisher:

"This is a book that was begging to be written. This is the kind of book that demands a future where we'll no longer need such a book. Essential." -- Marlon James, Man Booker Prize-Winner 2015

"One of the most important books of 2017." -- Nikesh Shukla, editor of The Good Immigrant

A powerful and provocative argument on the role that race and racism play in modern Britain, by award-winning journalist Reni Eddo-Lodge.

In 2014, award-winning journalist Reni Eddo-Lodge wrote about her frustration with the way that discussions of race and racism in Britain were being led by those who weren't affected by it. She posted a piece on her blog, entitled: "Why I'm No Longer Talking to White People About Race."

Her words hit a nerve. The post went viral and comments flooded in from others desperate to speak up about their own experiences. Galvanized by this clear hunger for open discussion, she decided to dig into the source of these feelings. Exploring issues from eradicated black history to the political purpose of white dominance, whitewashed feminism to the inextricable link between class and race, Reni Eddo-Lodge offers a timely and essential new framework for how to see, acknowledge and counter racism. It is a searing, illuminating, absolutely necessary exploration of what it is to be a person of color in Britain today.

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Why I'm No Longer Talking to White People About Race

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From the publisher: "This is a book that was begging to be written. This is the kind of book that demands a future where we'll no longer need such a book. Essential." -- Marlon James, Man Booker Prize-Winner 2015 "One of the most important books of 2017."

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Desiring Whiteness provides a compelling new interpretation of how we understand race. Race is often seen to be a social construction. Nevertheless, we continue to deploy race thinking in our everyday life as a way of telling people apart visually. How do subjects become raced? Is it common sense to read bodies as racially marked? Employing Lacan's theories of the subject and sexual difference, Seshadri-Crooks explores how the discourse of race parallels that of sexual difference in making racial identity a fundamental component of our thinking. Through close readings of literary and film texts, Seshardi-Crooks also investigates whether race is a system of difference equally determined by Whiteness. She argues that it is in relation to Whiteness that systems of racial classification are organized, endowing it with a power to shape human difference.

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Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race (Opening Out)

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Desiring Whiteness provides a compelling new interpretation of how we understand race. Race is often seen to be a social construction. Nevertheless, we continue to deploy race thinking in our everyday life as a way of telling people apart visually. How do subjects become raced? Is it common sense to read bodies as racially marked?

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Sara Ahmed, Declarations of Whiteness: The Non-Performativity of Anti-Racism 

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Sara Ahmed, Declarations of Whiteness: The Non-Performativity of Anti-Racism 

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' (bell hooks, 1992)

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' (bell hooks, 1992)

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Autoethnography (Ellis, Adams and Bochner, 2011)

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Autoethnography (Ellis, Adams and Bochner, 2011)

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Abstract: Autoethnography is an approach to research and writing that seeks to describe and systematically analyze personal experience in order to understand cultural experience. This approach challenges canonical ways of doing research and representing others and treats research as a political, socially-just and socially-conscious act. A researcher uses tenets of autobiography and ethnography to do and write autoethnography. Thus, as a method, autoethnography is both process and product.

Key words : autoethnography; relational ethics; co-constructed narratives; interactive interviews; narrative; ethnography; personal narrative; narrative ethnographies

Table of Contents

1. History of Autoethnography

2. Doing Autoethnography: The Process

3. Writing Autoethnography: The Product

4. Autoethnographic Potentials, Issues, and Criticisms

4.1 Forms of and approaches to autoethnography

4.2 Writing as therapeutic

4.3 Relational ethics

4.4 Reliability, generalizability, and validity

5. Critiques and Responses
References
1. History of Autoethnography

Autoethnography is an approach to research and writing that seeks to describe and systematically analyze (graphy) personal experience (auto) in order to understand cultural experience (ethno) (ELLIS, 2004; HOLMAN JONES, 2005). This approach challenges canonical ways of doing research and representing others (SPRY, 2001) and treats research as a political, socially-just and socially-conscious act (ADAMS & HOLMAN JONES, 2008). A researcher uses tenets of autobiography and ethnography to do and write autoethnography. Thus, as a method, autoethnography is both process and product.[1]

The "crisis of confidence" inspired by postmodernism in the 1980s introduced new and abundant opportunities to reform social science and reconceive the objectives and forms of social science inquiry. Scholars became increasingly troubled by social science's ontological, epistemological, and axiological limitations (ELLIS & BOCHNER, 2000). In particular, scholars began illustrating how the "facts" and "truths" scientists "found" were inextricably tied to the vocabularies and paradigms the scientists used to represent them (KUHN, 1996; RORTY, 1982); they recognized the impossibility of and lack of desire for master, universal narratives (DE CERTEAU, 1984; LYOTARD, 1984); they understood new relationships between authors, audiences, and texts (BARTHES, 1977; DERRIDA, 1978; RADWAY, 1984); and they realized that stories were complex, constitutive, meaningful phenomena that taught morals and ethics, introduced unique ways of thinking and feeling, and helped people make sense of themselves and others (ADAMS, 2008; BOCHNER, 2001, 2002; Fisher, 1984) . Furthermore, there was an increasing need to resist colonialist, sterile research impulses of authoritatively entering a culture, exploiting cultural members, and then recklessly leaving to write about the culture for monetary and/or professional gain, while disregarding relational ties to cultural members (CONQUERGOOD, 1991; ELLIS, 2007; RIEDMANN, 1993). [2]

Gradually, scholars across a wide spectrum of disciplines began to consider what social sciences would become if they were closer to literature than to physics, if they proffered stories rather than theories, and if they were self-consciously value-centered rather than pretending to be value free (BOCHNER, 1994). Many of these scholars turned to autoethnography because they were seeking a positive response to critiques of canonical ideas about what research is and how research should be done. In particular, they wanted to concentrate on ways of producing meaningful, accessible, and evocative research grounded in personal experience, research that would sensitize readers to issues of identity politics, to experiences shrouded in silence, and to forms of representation that deepen our capacity to empathize with people who are different from us (ELLIS & BOCHNER, 2000). Autoethnographers recognize the innumerable ways personal experience influences the research process. For instance, a researcher decides who, what, when, where, and how to research, decisions necessarily tied to institutional requirements (e.g., Institutional Review Boards), resources (e.g., funding), and personal circumstance (e.g., a researcher studying cancer because of personal experience with cancer). A researcher may also change names and places for protection (FINE, 1993), compress years of research into a single text, and construct a study in a pre-determined way (e.g., using an introduction, literature review, methods section, findings, and conclusion; TULLIS OWEN, McRAE, ADAMS & VITALE, 2009). Even though some researchers still assume that research can be done from a neutral, impersonal, and objective stance (ATKINSON, 1997; BUZARD, 2003; DELAMONT, 2009), most now recognize that such an assumption is not tenable (BOCHNER, 2002; DENZIN & LINCOLN, 2000; RORTY, 1982). Consequently, autoethnography is one of the approaches that acknowledges and accommodates subjectivity, emotionality, and the researcher's influence on research, rather than hiding from these matters or assuming they don't exist. [3]

Furthermore, scholars began recognizing that different kinds of people possess different assumptions about the world-a multitude of ways of speaking, writing, valuing and believing-and that conventional ways of doing and thinking about research were narrow, limiting, and parochial. These differences can stem from race (ANZALDÚA, 1987; BOYLORN, 2006; DAVIS, 2009), gender (BLAIR, BROWN & BAXTER, 1994; KELLER, 1995), sexuality (FOSTER, 2008; GLAVE, 2005), age (DOSSA, 1999; PAULSON & WILLIG, 2008), ability (COUSER, 1997; GERBER, 1996), class (HOOKS, 2000; DYKINS CALLAHAN, 2008), education (DELPIT, 1996; VALENZUELA, 1999), or religion (DROOGSMA, 2007; MINKOWITZ, 1995). For the most part, those who advocate and insist on canonical forms of doing and writing research are advocating a White, masculine, heterosexual, middle/upper-classed, Christian, able-bodied perspective. Following these conventions, a researcher not only disregards other ways of knowing but also implies that other ways necessarily are unsatisfactory and invalid. Autoethnography, on the other hand, expands and opens up a wider lens on the world, eschewing rigid definitions of what constitutes meaningful and useful research; this approach also helps us understand how the kinds of people we claim, or are perceived, to be influence interpretations of what we study, how we study it, and what we say about our topic (ADAMS, 2005; WOOD, 2009). [4]

2. Doing Autoethnography: The Process

As a method, autoethnography combines characteristics of autobiography and ethnography. When writing an autobiography, an author retroactively and selectively writes about past experiences. Usually, the author does not live through these experiences solely to make them part of a published document; rather, these experiences are assembled using hindsight (BRUNER, 1993; DENZIN, 1989, Freeman, 2004). In writing, the author also may interview others as well as consult with texts like photographs, journals, and recordings to help with recall (DELANY, 2004; DIDION, 2005; GOODALL, 2006; HERRMANN, 2005). [5]

Most often, autobiographers write about "epiphanies"-remembered moments perceived to have significantly impacted the trajectory of a person's life (BOCHNER & ELLIS, 1992; COUSER, 1997; DENZIN, 1989), times of existential crises that forced a person to attend to and analyze lived experience (ZANER, 2004), and events after which life does not seem quite the same. While epiphanies are self-claimed phenomena in which one person may consider an experience transformative while another may not, these epiphanies reveal ways a person could negotiate "intense situations" and "effects that linger-recollections, memories, images, feelings-long after a crucial incident is supposedly finished" (BOCHNER, 1984, p.595). [6]

When researchers do ethnography, they study a culture's relational practices, common values and beliefs, and shared experiences for the purpose of helping insiders (cultural members) and outsiders (cultural strangers) better understand the culture (MASO, 2001). Ethnographers do this by becoming participant in the culture-that is, by taking field notes of cultural happenings as well as their part in and others' engagement with these happenings (GEERTZ, 1973; GOODALL, 2001). An ethnographer also may interview cultural members (BERRY, 2005; Nicholas, 2004), examine members' ways of speaking and relating (ELLIS, 1986; LINDQUIST, 2002), investigate uses of space and place (COREY, 1996; MAKAGON, 2004; PHILIPSEN, 1976), and/or analyze artifacts such as clothing and architecture (BORCHARD, 1998), and texts such as books, movies, and photographs (GOODALL, 2006; NEUMANN, 1999; THOMAS, 2010). [7]

When researchers do autoethnography, they retrospectively and selectively write about epiphanies that stem from, or are made possible by, being part of a culture and/or by possessing a particular cultural identity. However, in addition to telling about experiences, autoethnographers often are required by social science publishing conventions to analyze these experiences. As Mitch ALLEN says, an autoethnographer must

"look at experience analytically. Otherwise [you're] telling [your] story-and that's nice-but people do that on Oprah [a U.S.-based television program] every day. Why is your story more valid than anyone else's? What makes your story more valid is that you are a researcher. You have a set of theoretical and methodological tools and a research literature to use. That's your advantage. If you can't frame it around these tools and literature and just frame it as 'my story,' then why or how should I privilege your story over anyone else's I see 25 times a day on TV?" (personal interview, May 4, 2006) [8]

Autoethnographers must not only use their methodological tools and research literature to analyze experience, but also must consider ways others may experience similar epiphanies; they must use personal experience to illustrate facets of cultural experience, and, in so doing, make characteristics of a culture familiar for insiders and outsiders. To accomplish this might require comparing and contrasting personal experience against existing research (RONAI, 1995, 1996), interviewing cultural members (FOSTER, 2006; MARVASTI, 2006; TILLMANN-HEALY, 2001), and/or examining relevant cultural artifacts (BOYLORN, 2008; DENZIN, 2006). [9]

3. Writing Autoethnography: The Product

In order for authors to write an autobiography, in most cases they are expected to possess a fine command of the print medium (ADAMS, 2008; LORDE, 1984; GERGEN & GERGEN, 2010 for using additional ways of doing and presenting research within a performative social science approach). An autobiography should be aesthetic and evocative, engage readers, and use conventions of storytelling such as character, scene, and plot development (ELLIS & ELLINGSON, 2000), and/or chronological or fragmented story progression (DIDION, 2005; FRANK, 1995). An autobiography must also illustrate new perspectives on personal experience-on epiphanies-by finding and filling a "gap" in existing, related storylines (COUSER, 1997; GOODALL, 2001). [10]

Autobiographers can make texts aesthetic and evocative by using techniques of "showing" (ADAMS, 2006; LAMOTT, 1994), which are designed to bring "readers into the scene"-particularly into thoughts, emotions, and actions (ELLIS, 2004, p.142)-in order to "experience an experience" (ELLIS, 1993, p.711; ELLIS & BOCHNER, 2006). Most often through the use of conversation, showing allows writers to make events engaging and emotionally rich. "Telling" is a writing strategy that works with "showing" in that it provides readers some distance from the events described so that they might think about the events in a more abstract way. Adding some "telling" to a story that "shows" is an efficient way to convey information needed to appreciate what is going on, and a way to communicate information that does not necessitate the immediacy of dialogue and sensuous engagement. [11]

Autobiographers also can make a text artful and evocative by altering authorial points of view. Sometimes autobiographers may use first-person to tell a story, typically when they personally observed or lived through an interaction and participated in an intimate and immediate "eyewitness account" (CAULEY, 2008, p.442). Sometimes autobiographers may use second-person to bring readers into a scene, to actively witness, with the author, an experience, to be a part of rather than distanced from an event (e.g., GLAVE, 2005; McCAULEY, 1996; PELIAS, 2000). Autobiographers also may use second-person to describe moments that are felt too difficult to claim (GLAVE, 2005; PELIAS, 2000; McCAULEY, 1996). Sometimes autobiographers may use third-person to establish the context for an interaction, report findings, and present what others do or say (CAULEY, 2008). [12]

When researchers write ethnographies, they produce a "thick description" of a culture (GEERTZ, 1973, p.10; GOODALL, 2001). The purpose of this description is to help facilitate understanding of a culture for insiders and outsiders, and is created by (inductively) discerning patterns of cultural experience-repeated feelings, stories, and happenings-as evidenced by field notes, interviews, and/or artifacts (JORGENSON, 2002). [13]

When researchers write autoethnographies, they seek to produce aesthetic and evocative thick descriptions of personal and interpersonal experience. They accomplish this by first discerning patterns of cultural experience evidenced by field notes, interviews, and/or artifacts, and then describing these patterns using facets of storytelling (e.g., character and plot development), showing and telling, and alterations of authorial voice. Thus, the autoethnographer not only tries to make personal experience meaningful and cultural experience engaging, but also, by producing accessible texts, she or he may be able to reach wider and more diverse mass audiences that traditional research usually disregards, a move that can make personal and social change possible for more people (BOCHNER, 1997; ELLIS, 1995; GOODALL, 2006; HOOKS, 1994). [14]

4. Autoethnographic Potentials, Issues, and Criticisms

4.1 Forms of and approaches to autoethnography

The forms of autoethnography differ in how much emphasis is placed on the study of others, the researcher's self and interaction with others, traditional analysis, and the interview context, as well as on power relationships. [15]

Indigenous/native ethnographies, for example, develop from colonized or economically subordinated people, and are used to address and disrupt power in research, particularly a (outside) researcher's right and authority to study (exotic) others. Once at the service of the (White, masculine, heterosexual, middle/upper-classed, Christian, able-bodied) ethnographer, indigenous/native ethnographers now work to construct their own personal and cultural stories; they no longer find (forced) subjugation excusable (see DENZIN, LINCOLN & SMITH, 2008). [16]

Narrative ethnographies refer to texts presented in the form of stories that incorporate the ethnographer's experiences into the ethnographic descriptions and analysis of others. Here the emphasis is on the ethnographic study of others, which is accomplished partly by attending to encounters between the narrator and members of the groups being studied (TEDLOCK, 1991), and the narrative often intersects with analyses of patterns and processes. [17]

Reflexive, dyadic interviews focus on the interactively produced meanings and emotional dynamics of the interview itself. Though the focus is on the participant and her or his story, the words, thoughts, and feelings of the researcher also are considered, e.g., personal motivation for doing a project, knowledge of the topics discussed, emotional responses to an interview, and ways in which the interviewer may have been changed by the process of interviewing. Even though the researcher's experience isn't the main focus, personal reflection adds context and layers to the story being told about participants (ELLIS, 2004). [18]

Reflexive ethnographies document ways a researcher changes as a result of doing fieldwork. Reflexive/narrative ethnographies exist on a continuum ranging from starting research from the ethnographer's biography, to the ethnographer studying her or his life alongside cultural members' lives, to ethnographic memoirs (ELLIS, 2004, p.50) or "confessional tales" (VAN MAANEN, 1988) where the ethnographer's backstage research endeavors become the focus of investigation (ELLIS, 2004). [19]

Layered accounts often focus on the author's experience alongside data, abstract analysis, and relevant literature. This form emphasizes the procedural nature of research. Similar to grounded theory, layered accounts illustrate how "data collection and analysis proceed simultaneously" (CHARMAZ, 1983, p.110) and frame existing research as a "source of questions and comparisons" rather than a "measure of truth" (p.117). But unlike grounded theory, layered accounts use vignettes, reflexivity, multiple voices, and introspection (ELLIS, 1991) to "invoke" readers to enter into the "emergent experience" of doing and writing research (RONAI, 1992, p.123), conceive of identity as an "emergent process" (Rambo, 2005, p.583), and consider evocative, concrete texts to be as important as abstract analyses (RONAI, 1995, 1996).[20]

Interactive interviewsprovide an "in-depth and intimate understanding of people's experiences with emotionally charged and sensitive topics" (ELLIS, KIESINGER & TILLMANN-HEALY, 1997, p.121). Interactive interviews are collaborative endeavors between researchers and participants, research activities in which researchers and participants-one and the same-probe together about issues that transpire, in conversation, about particular topics (e.g., eating disorders). Interactive interviews usually consist of multiple interview sessions, and, unlike traditional one-on-one interviews with strangers, are situated within the context of emerging and well-established relationships among participants and interviewers (ADAMS, 2008). The emphasis in these research contexts is on what can be learned from interaction within the interview setting as well as on the stories that each person brings to the research encounter (MEY & MRUCK, 2010). [21]

Similar to interactive interviews, community autoethnographies use the personal experience of researchers-in-collaboration to illustrate how a community manifests particular social/cultural issues (e.g., whiteness; TOYOSAKI, PENSONEAU-CONWAY, WENDT & LEATHERS, 2009). Community autoethnographies thus not only facilitate "community-building" research practices but also make opportunities for "cultural and social intervention" possible (p.59; see KARDORFF & SCHÖNBERGER, 2010). [22]

Co-constructed narratives illustrate the meanings of relational experiences, particularly how people collaboratively cope with the ambiguities, uncertainties, and contradictions of being friends, family, and/or intimate partners. Co-constructed narratives view relationships as jointly-authored, incomplete, and historically situated affairs. Joint activity structures co-constructed research projects. Often told about or around an epiphany, each person first writes her or his experience, and then shares and reacts to the story the other wrote at the same time (see BOCHNER & ELLIS, 1995; TOYOSAKI & PENSONEAU, 2005; VANDE BERG & TRUJILLO, 2008). [23]

Personal narratives are stories about authors who view themselves as the phenomenon and write evocative narratives specifically focused on their academic, research, and personal lives (e.g., BERRY, 2007; GOODALL, 2006; POULOS, 2008; TILLMANN, 2009). These often are the most controversial forms of autoethnography for traditional social scientists, especially if they are not accompanied by more traditional analysis and/or connections to scholarly literature. Personal narratives propose to understand a self or some aspect of a life as it intersects with a cultural context, connect to other participants as co-researchers, and invite readers to enter the author's world and to use what they learn there to reflect on, understand, and cope with their own lives (ELLIS, 2004, p.46) [24]

4.2 Writing as therapeutic

Writing is a way of knowing, a method of inquiry (Richardson, 2000). Consequently, writing personal stories can be therapeutic for authors as we write to make sense of ourselves and our experiences (KIESINGER, 2002; POULOS, 2008), purge our burdens (ATKINSON, 2007), and question canonical stories-conventional, authoritative, and "projective" storylines that "plot" how "ideal social selves" should live (TOLOLYAN, 1987, p.218; BOCHNER, 2001, 2002). In so doing, we seek to improve and better understand our relationships (ADAMS, 2006; Wyatt, 2008), reduce prejudice (ELLIS, 2002a, 2009), encourage personal responsibility and agency (PELIAS, 2000, 2007), raise consciousness and promote cultural change (ELLIS, 2002b; GOODALL, 2006), and give people a voice that, before writing, they may not have felt they had (BOYLORN, 2006; JAGO, 2002). [25]

Writing personal stories can also be therapeutic for participants and readers. For example, in the United States, during the 1960s, feminist Betty FRIEDAN (1964) identified the "problem that has no name"-the "vague, chronic discontent" many White, middle-class women experienced because of not being able to engage in "personal development," particularly of not being able to work outside of the home in equal, supportive working environments (WOOD, 2009, p.78). FRIEDAN observed that many women, as homemakers, did not talk to each other about such a feeling. Isolated to home-work for most of the day, these women did not have the opportunity to share stories of discontent; thus, they felt alone in their struggle, as if their isolation and feelings were issues with which they had to contend personally. FRIEDAN thus turned to writingin order to introduce and share women's stories. Her writing not only came to function as therapeutic for many women, but also motivated significant cultural change in our understanding of and public policies toward women's rights (KIEGELMANN, 2010). [26]

Writing personal stories thus makes "witnessing" possible (DENZIN, 2004; ELLIS & BOCHNER, 2006)-the ability for participants and readers to observe and, consequently, better testify on behalf of an event, problem, or experience (e.g., GREENSPAN, 1998; ROGERS, 2004); writing allows a researcher, an author, to identify other problems that are cloaked in secrecy-e.g., government conspiracy (GOODALL, 2006), isolation a person may feel after being diagnosed with an illness (FRANK, 1995), and harmful gender norms (CRAWLEY, 2002; PELIAS, 2007). As witnesses, autoethnographers not only work with others to validate the meaning of their pain, but also allow participants and readers to feel validated and/or better able to cope with or want to change their circumstances. [27]

4.3 Relational ethics

Researchers do not exist in isolation. We live connected to social networks that include friends and relatives, partners and children, co-workers and students, and we work in universities and research facilities. Consequently, when we conduct and write research, we implicate others in our work. For instance, if a woman studies and develops anti-smoking campaigns within a university, tobacco companies may refrain from financially contributing to the university because of her research; even though she is doing the research herself, she may speak on behalf of others-in this case, on behalf of her university. Likewise, in traditional ethnographies, the location of the communities being written about usually are identifiable to readers as are some of the participants being featured in our representations of our fieldwork (see VIDICH & BENSMANN, 1958). [28]

These "relational ethics" are heightened for autoethnographers (ELLIS, 2007). In using personal experience, autoethnographers not only implicate themselves with their work, but also close, intimate others (ADAMS, 2006; ETHERINGTON, 2007; TRAHAR, 2009). For instance, if a son tells a story that mentions his mother, she is implicated by what he says; it is difficult to mask his mother without altering the meaning and purpose of the story. Similar to people identifiable in a community study such as the minister, town mayor, or other elected official, the author's mother is easily recognizable. Or if an autoethnographer writes a story about a particular neighbor's racist acts, the neighbor is implicated by the words even though the autoethnographer may never mention the name of the neighbor (ELLIS, 2009). She may try to mask the location of the community, but it does not take much work to find out where she lives (and, consequently, may not take much work to identify the neighbor about whom she speaks). [29]

Furthermore, autoethnographers often maintain and value interpersonal ties with their participants, thus making relational ethics more complicated. Participants often begin as or become friends through the research process. We do not normally regard them as impersonal "subjects" only to be mined for data. Consequently, ethical issues affiliated with friendship become an important part of the research process and product (TILLMANN-HEALY, 2001, 2003; TILLMANN, 2009; KIEGELMANN, 2010). [30]

Autoethnographers thus consider "relational concerns" as a crucial dimension of inquiry (ELLIS, 2007, p.25; TRAHAR, 2009) that must be kept uppermost in their minds throughout the research and writing process. On many occasions, this obligates autoethnographers to show their work to others implicated in or by their texts, allowing these others to respond, and/or acknowledging how these others feel about what is being written about them and allowing them to talk back to how they have been represented in the text. Similar to traditional ethnographers, autoethnographers also may have to protect the privacy and safety of others by altering identifying characteristics such as circumstance, topics discussed, or characteristics like race, gender, name, place, or appearance. While the essence and meaningfulness of the research story is more important than the precise recounting of detail (BOCHNER, 2002; TULLIS OWEN et al., 2009), autoethnographers must stay aware of how these protective devices can influence the integrity of their research as well as how their work is interpreted and understood. Most of the time, they also have to be able to continue to live in the world of relationships in which their research is embedded after the research is completed. [31]

4.4 Reliability, generalizability, and validity

Autoethnographers value narrative truth based on what a story of experience does-how it is used, understood, and responded to for and by us and others as writers, participants, audiences, and humans (BOCHNER, 1994; DENZIN, 1989). Autoethnographers also recognize how what we understand and refer to as "truth" changes as the genre of writing or representing experience changes (e.g., fiction or nonfiction; memoir, history, or science). Moreover, we acknowledge the importance of contingency. We know that memory is fallible, that it is impossible to recall or report on events in language that exactly represents how those events were lived and felt; and we recognize that people who have experienced the "same" event often tell different stories about what happened (TULLIS OWEN et al., 2009). Consequently, when terms such as reliability, validity, and generalizability are applied to autoethnography, the context, meaning and utility of these terms are altered. [32]

For an autoethnographer, questions of reliability refer to the narrator's credibility. Could the narrator have had the experiences described, given available "factual evidence"? Does the narrator believe that this is actually what happened to her or him? (BOCHNER, 2002, p.86) Has the narrator taken "literary license" to the point that the story is better viewed as fiction than a truthful account? [33]

Closely related to reliability are issues of validity. For autoethnographers, validity means that a work seeks verisimilitude; it evokes in readers a feeling that the experience described is lifelike, believable, and possible, a feeling that what has been represented could be true. The story is coherent. It connects readers to writers and provides continuity in their lives. "What matters is the way in which the story enables the reader to enter the subjective world of the teller-to see the world from her or his point of view, even if this world does not 'match reality'" (PLUMMER, 2001, p.401). An autoethnography can also be judged in terms of whether it helps readers communicate with others different from themselves or offer a way to improve the lives of participants and readers or the author's own (ELLIS, 2004, p.124). In particular, autoethnographers ask: "How useful is the story?" and "To what uses might the story be put?" (BOCHNER, 2002). [34]

Generalizability is also important to autoethnographers, though not in the traditional, social scientific meaning that stems from, and applies to, large random samples of respondents. In autoethnography, the focus of generalizability moves from respondents to readers, and is always being tested by readers as they determine if a story speaks to them about their experience or about the lives of others they know; it is determined by whether the (specific) autoethnographer is able to illuminate (general) unfamiliar cultural processes (ELLIS & BOCHNER, 2000; ELLIS & ELLINGSON, 2000). Readers provide validation by comparing their lives to ours, by thinking about how our lives are similar and different and the reasons why, and by feeling that the stories have informed them about unfamiliar people or lives (ELLIS, 2004, p.195; FLICK, 2010). [35]

5. Critiques and Responses

As part ethnography and part autobiography, autoethnographers are often criticized as if we were seeking to achieve the same goals as more canonical work in traditional ethnography or in the performance arts. Critics want to hold autoethnography accountable to criteria normally applied to traditional ethnographies or to autobiographical standards of writing. Thus, autoethnography is criticized for either being too artful and not scientific, or too scientific and not sufficiently artful. [36]

As part ethnography, autoethnography is dismissed for social scientific standards as being insufficiently rigorous, theoretical, and analytical, and too aesthetic, emotional, and therapeutic (ELLIS, 2009; HOOKS, 1994; KELLER, 1995). Autoethnographers are criticized for doing too little fieldwork, for observing too few cultural members, for not spending enough time with (different) others (BUZARD, 2003; FINE, 2003; DELAMONT, 2009). Furthermore, in using personal experience, autoethnographers are thought to not only use supposedly biased data (ANDERSON, 2006; ATKINSON, 1997; GANS, 1999), but are also navel-gazers (MADISON, 2006), self-absorbed narcissists who don't fulfill scholarly obligations of hypothesizing, analyzing, and theorizing. [37]

As part autobiography, autoethnography is dismissed for autobiographical writing standards, as being insufficiently aesthetic and literary and not artful enough. Autoethnographers are viewed as catering to the sociological, scientific imagination and trying to achieve legitimacy as scientists. Consequently, critics say that autoethnographers disregard the literary, artistic imagination and the need to be talented artists (GINGRICH-PHILBROOK, 2005). MORO (2006), for example, believes it takes a "darn good" writer to write autoethnography. [38]

These criticisms erroneously position art and science at odds with each other, a condition that autoethnography seeks to correct. Autoethnography, as method, attempts to disrupt the binary of science and art. Autoethnographers believe research can be rigorous, theoretical, and analytical and emotional, therapeutic, and inclusive of personal and social phenomena. Autoethnographers also value the need to write and represent research in evocative, aesthetic ways (e.g., ELLIS, 1995, 2004; PELIAS, 2000). One can write in aesthetically compelling ways without citing fiction or being educated as a literary or performance scholar. The questions most important to autoethnographers are: who reads our work, how are they affected by it, and how does it keep a conversation going? [39]

Furthermore, in a world of (methodological) difference, autoethnographers find it futile to debate whether autoethnography is a valid research process or product (BOCHNER, 2000; ELLIS, 2009). Unless we agree on a goal, we cannot agree on the terms by which we can judge how to achieve it. Simply put, autoethnographers take a different point of view toward the subject matter of social science. In RORTY's words, these different views are "not issue(s) to be resolved, only" instead they are "difference(s) to be lived with" (1982, p.197). Autoethnographers view research and writing as socially-just acts; rather than a preoccupation with accuracy, the goal is to produce analytical, accessible texts that change us and the world we live in for the better (HOLMAN JONES, 2005, p.764). [40]

Note

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Authors

Carolyn ELLIS has published five books and four edited collections, the most recent of which are The Ethnographic I: A Methodological Novel about Autoethnography; Revision: Autoethnographic Reflections on Life and Work; and Music Autoethnographies: Making Autoethnography Sing/Making Music Personal. She has published numerous articles, chapters, and personal stories situated in interpretive representations of qualitative research, with a focus on grief, loss, and trauma. Her current research focuses on interactive interviews and collaborative witnessing with Holocaust survivors.

Contact:

Carolyn Ellis

Department of Communication
University of South Florida
4202 E. Fowler Ave., CIS1040
Tampa, Fl. 33620-7800
USA

E-mail: cellis@usf.edu
URL: http://communication.usf.edu/faculty/cellis/

Tony E. ADAMS (Ph.D., University of South Florida) is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication, Media and Theatre at Northeastern Illinois University. He studies and teaches about interpersonal and family communication, qualitative research, communication theory, and sex, gender, and sexuality. He has published in journals such as Qualitative Inquiry, Soundings, Cultural Studies, Critical Methodologies, Symbolic Interaction, and books such as The Handbook of Critical and Interpretive Methodologies (Sage) and Qualitative Inquiry and Human Rights (Left Coast Press). He is also the author of Narrating the Closet: An Autoethnography of Same-Sex Attraction (Left Coast Press).

Contact:

Tony E. Adams

Department of Communication, Media & Theatre
Northeastern Illinois University
5500 N. St. Louis Ave., FA 240
Chicago, IL 60625
USA

E-mail: tony.e.adams@gmail.com
URL: http://www.closettalk.org/

Arthur P. BOCHNER is Distinguished University Professor of Communication and Co-Director of the Institute for Interpretive Human Studies at the University of South Florida. He is co-author of Understanding Family Communication (1996), co-editor of Composing Ethnography: Alternative Forms of Ethnographic Writing (1996), Ethnographically Speaking: Autoethnography, Literature, & Aesthetics (2002), and the Left Coast Press book series Writing Lives: Ethnographic Narratives. He has published more than 75 monographs, articles, and book chapters on qualitative research, close relationships, communication theory, and narrative inquiry.

Contact:

Arthur P. Bochner

Department of Communication
University of South Florida
4202 E. Fowler Ave., CIS1040
Tampa, Fl. 33620-7800
USA

E-mail: abochner@usf.edu
URL: http://communication.usf.edu/faculty/abochner/

Citation

Ellis, Carolyn; Adams, Tony E. & Bochner, Arthur P. (2010). Autoethnography: An Overview [40 paragraphs]. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 12(1), Art. 10, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs1101108.

Copyright (c) 2010 Carolyn Ellis, Tony E. Adams, Arthur P. Bochner

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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Autoethnography: An Overview | Ellis | Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research

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Abstract: Autoethnography is an approach to research and writing that seeks to describe and systematically analyze personal experience in order to understand cultural experience. This approach challenges canonical ways of doing research and representing others and treats research as a political, socially-just and socially-conscious act.

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Thoughts from the Criminology Team Blog (Bowles, Daskalou and Friends)

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Thoughts from the Criminology Team Blog (Bowles, Daskalou and Friends)

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On September 11, 2021 I visited the Lynching Memorial, which is near the newly expanded Equal Justice Initiative Museum, From Enslavement to Mass Incarceration.

At the heart of the "National Memorial for Peace and Justice" (Lynching memorial) is a vast collection of giant, rusty metal, rectangular pillars, hanging tightly together like a neatly planned and well-looked-after orchard.

Etched in each are the names of (known) lynching victims by date.
We can see that, at times, entire families were lynched.

The pillars are hung so cleverly that one has to experience this artistic installation in person.
Nonetheless, the subject of white terrorism in the deep south is heavy,

Which is perhaps why Guests are invited to visit the nearby museum the Memorial.

One needs time to prepare.
Naturally, sandwiched between enslavement and mass incarceration exhibits,
The museum also has an array of material on lynching.

This included a giant mural of jars surrounded by videos, infographic murals, maps and

An interactive register of every known lynching by county, date, state, and name.

I'm still stuck on the mural of snapshots of actual lynching advertisements, and

Pictures of actual news reports of victims' final words.

These were the actual final words of folks etched forever in these hanging, rusty pillars.
Ostensibly, written by war correspondents. Standing in awe of the museum's wall of jars, I chatted with a tall Black man about my age.
He'd traveled here from a neighboring state with his teen son to, as he said,

"See how this stuff we go through today ain't new."

I recounted to him what a young man at the EJI memorial had showed me a few years ago:

A man's name who'd been lynched early last century for selling loose cigarettes -

Just like Eric Garner!

Yet, even since then,

We've gotten the police murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor,

Or even Michael Brown, Walter Scott and Philando Castile.

Amadou Diallo was shot 19 times in 1999, standing on his own stoop

And while Jayland Walker got 46 bullets this year while fleeing on foot.

Tamir Rice!

Tamir Rice was a little boy.

A little boy playing in the park. But his mere presence terrified a white man.

So he called 9-1-1 and the police showed up and shot Tamir within seconds!

We can watch the tape.

All of these martyrs are included in the museum 's growing timelines (sigh).
After their own legal work in representing the wrongfully imprisoned for damn near life,
EJI began collecting jars of dirt near every known lynching, and

If invited by local officials, EJI would offer a memorial plaque and ceremony commemorating that community's recognition of historic injustice(s).
An open field sits next to the suspended pillars, filled with a duplicate of each pillar.
These duplicates sit, having yet to be collected and properly dedicated by each county.

These communities are denied healing, and we know wounds fester.
The field of lame duplicates effectively memorializes the festering denial in our body politic.
There are far too many unrecorded victims and versions of white mob violence, and intimidation, not just barbarous torture and heinous murder.
Outside of these few sorts of memorials,
We do have to wonder how else this rich history has stayed in our collective memories.

Too many Black families were too traumatized to talk and didn't want to pass it to their kids.

We know many fled after any minor incursion,

Just as someone had advised Emmet Till to do,

And there's no accounting for them and the victims' families who fled and

Even hid or discarded any news clippings they'd seen of the events.
Yet, whites must have kept record.
Did whites collect the newspaper ads or reports of a lynching they'd attended or hoped to?

They made and sold lynching postcards, curios, and other odd lynching souvenirs.

Where are the avid collectors?

Plus, apparently, terrorists don't just kidnap and hang someone to death,

So what did they do with all the ears, noses, fingers, and genitals they cut off?

Or eyes they plucked out?

Or scalps they shaved?

Many victims pass out from the immense pain of being tortured and burned alive, but still

I doubt all those pieces and parts got thrown in the fire, because, of course,

Plenty of pictures show entire white families there to celebrate the lynching like (a) V-day.

And in many ways, it was, and

The whites looked as if they would've wanted to remember.

Looks can be deceiving, but the ways whites were also bullied into compliance is real.

Still, my mother swears that some white families' heirlooms must include

Prized, preserved pieces of Nat Turner.

Ooh, wouldn't that be a treasure that would be.
Plus, given the spate and state of anti-Black policing and violence,
Our democracy, nay, our Constitution itself, is as rusty as these pillars.

The pillars resting in the field remind us not only the work left to do, but also, it's urgency.

How many more pillars may we still need?

How many amendments did will freedom take?

It goes to show how great thou art now!

See: Slave Ads at the EJI Museum

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On September 11, 2021 I visited the Lynching Memorial, which is near the newly expanded Equal Justice Initiative Museum, From Enslavement to Mass Incarceration. At the heart of the "National Memorial for Peace and Justice" (Lynching memorial) is a vast collection of giant, rusty metal, rectangular pillars, hanging tightly together like a neatly planned and well-looked-after orchard.

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Black Criminology Network (Jen, Stephanie and Friends)

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Black Criminology Network (Jen, Stephanie and Friends)

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Supporting current & prospective Criminologists of Black heritage to network, learn & achieve together 🌍

If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together African Proverb.

Our progress during 2021...

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Supporting current & prospective Criminologists of Black heritage to network, learn & achieve together 🌍 If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go togetherAfrican Proverb. Our progress during 2021...

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"As they plundered, exploited and brutally controlled colonies and the people in them, all to enrich Britain as part of the growth of the capitalist project, colonialists swore by the racial hierarchy. Whiteness was not simply a descriptor; it was used to give anchor to the idea that Europe was the place of modernity and civilisation. White Europeans - in particular white upper-class men - were thought inherently modern and sophisticated; their black and brown counterparts, the opposite. The former, human; the latter, not. These ideas live on, subtly drawing a line between the developed and the developing, the advanced and the backward" - Maya Goodfellow, Hostile Environment

Introduction

In May 2022, community activist and Editor of The Happy HoodLaura Graham posted a video on Instagram (@ItsCharacterBuilding), essentially asking: how could organisations who had previously made Black Lives Matter solidarity statements (in 2020), now be validating the empire project in their support for the Queen's Platinum Jubilee?

With the wealth of the Monarchy largely built from oppressing others, the recent long Jubilee Weekender represents a deep-rooted historical amnesia of an institution that still continues to take the public for fools. Following their 'support' at the COP26 conference, an investigation lead by the Independent found they also spent more than £13m of public money on private flights and helicopter journeys, also contributing massively to Britain's carbon footprint. And while the present Cost-of-Living crisis will prove deadly for some, the revelation of a new £250m royal yacht described as a "floating embassy" adds insult to injury.

This exists in congruence to the fact foodbanks in the UK actually outnumber McDonald's restaurants. Another symbol of British pride (the National Health Service), also exists while numbers of its staff are pushed to use these foodbanks. The blight of capitalism continues to violently oppress people in devastating ways, where colonial logics are tied to capitalist labour central to white supremacy - these discussions pervade through activist and advocacy circles linked to anti-racism, LGBT+ rights, the class struggle, disability justice and more. Yet, while street parties were in full swing, the Grenfell area held a street party where nobody attended with seventy-two empty seats for the victims of the 2016 tragedy. The Grenfell Inquiry is ongoing. In her op-ed for The Guardian, author-journalist Afua Hirsch also wrote "The platinum jubilee speaks to who we are now, which is obsessively consumption oriented, spending money we don't have largely on credit. It is estimated that Britons will spend almost £1bn celebrating the bank holiday weekend, in spite of the rapidly advancing economic squeeze."

Symbols can still cause harm. Just as things like the Nazi swastika are seen with horror and disgust (in most cases), I question why the symbols of the British Crown and colonialism are not unanimously met with the same horror and disgust.
Tre Ventour, 2022

Her points hold weight in a society in the pincers of neoliberal capitalism. And while talking about Kojo Karam's Uncommon Wealth, Hirsch further explains in an Instagram post that:

"Kojo Karam explains the "Boomerang effect" of Empire. There is no binary between what happened "out there" to black and brown people and the insane levels of class inequality we experience in Britain. Everyone suffering economic injustice is at the mercy of the same system of privatisation, the weaponisation of the English legal system, offshoring and amnesia, among other phenomena- this is such an important book."

Some may think the Jubilee was just harmless fun, bunting, and street parties, but it was about the practices and thinking that sit behind them. A culture and tradition of thought we have been taught to exemplify without thinking - while institutions that have implemented anti-racist commitments in the form of projects against the hostile environment (for example), were also supporting the Jubilee Weekend. But as academic Renée Landell said in an interview with Al-Jazeera, "The Windrush Scandal is a repetition of imperial violence that has caused a reckoning within ourselves, with the different generations rising up!" And Laura Graham's video was really about demanding consistency from our institutions, standing by your words, and the ethics of supporting The Crown.

Speaking to Laura, she also told me: "If organisations are serious about their Black Lives Matter statements, they need to put their money where their mouth is. Those who have actively supported the Jubilee are telling Black and Brown people: 'we didn't mean what we said'. It's time to think critically about the Monarchy. These aren't harmless people pulling in tourists, they're the personification of white supremacy and an ongoing legacy of racist colonial oppression."

Symbols can still cause harm. Just as things like the Nazi swastika are seen with horror and disgust (in most cases), I question why the symbols of the British Crown and colonialism are not unanimously met with the same horror and disgust. Our education system has been so underfunded and bureaucratised to the extremes, few of us really know our own history (and despite being a historian, I am still learning all the time, as education is never finished). The state has run an enterprise of historical erasure par excellence! And symbols matter, as Renee Landell further states "even symbolic power is power because symbols give out messages to the world."

So, this article will mainly discuss this historic institution in the context of Black Lives Matter in response to the numbers of organisations that made anti-racism solidarity statements in 2020 who then supported the Jubilee. However, I find it more useful to speak in terms of institutions not individuals so that is what I will be doing. This will also largely speak from the context of enslavement of people of African descent and its legacy. This is not to erase others who were also victimised, but to keep it streamlined (and this article is most certainly an introduction, not complete or by any means definitive). Lots of organisations that that made statements showed support for an institution that for centuries has viewed Black lives as less than human. I highlight Laura's video because it represents the baseline I expect from white people and white organisations in their allyship (if they aim to be allies). When you have spheres of influence, use them responsibly.

While the Monarchy is also an inherently classist institution and discriminates against other marginalised groups, these recent celebrations also arrived after the anti-colonial backlash to the royal visits earlier in the year. For centuries, the Crown has been instrumental in the subjugation of many nations that are now part of the Commonwealth in the Global South.

As journalist Nadine White also tweeted: "Interesting commentary about the "beautiful portrayal" of multicultural Britain on the BBC. Royal author Robert Hardman credits the Queen with uniting the "extraordinary tapestry of nations" that is the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth is largely comprised of former British colonies. Many were already united, bonded, by the trauma of that experience."

Moreover, it is also worth further thinking about how the act of 'owning enslaved people' as Corinne Fowler notes "... involved 6% of the British population (those who show up in the emancipation records)." Nonetheless, empire was challenged at every point both. For example, Priyamvada Gopal in Insurgent Empirealso discusses the Indian Rebellion of 1857, while in Mutiny at the MarginsAndrea Major and Crispin Bates further state:

"Despite the enduring myth of a nineteenth-century Pax Britannica, British rule in India and across the empire was punctuated by revolts, rebellions, insurrection and instability. So endemic were such challenges to British imperial rule that the events of the so-called Indian Mutiny of 1857 have been described as 'unique only in their scale'."

The Argument

Under the empire project, British enslavement for example was entwined with institutionalising white supremacy to a devastating effecting - inconvenient details and facts of history often pushed to the margins of polite conversation (yes, other countries enslaved, but here I am turning the critique inward to Britain). The role of the Monarchy has largely escaped criticism and it is time that changed, especially following the toppling of enslaver Edward Colston who was employed by the Royal African Company [RAC] - the largest human trafficking company in the history of 'colonial' enslavement. Now two years on, after the Black Lives Matter protests, many organisations came out in solidarity with the Monarchy who have been implicated in white supremacy since at least the 17 th century. Meanwhile, King Charles II (the equivalent of the RAC's CEO) stands atop All Saints Church. Have a think!

Seemingly, organisations care more for a national holiday, a pint in the sunshine, and white British pride than they do for standing by their commitments to equality. Although many organisations made "commitments", it appears those solidarity statements were dependent on political convenience. Historical amnesia does not begin to describe it. As historian Shashi Tharoor said in 2017, "There is so much historical amnesia about what the British Empire really entailed. The fact that you don't really teach colonial history in your schools. [...] There is no real awareness of the atrocities."

As I go to venues I have loved since childhood, I am now forced to question the ethics of accountability with organisations who postured anti-racism commitments but are now supporting an institution that is structurally positioned against the lives of Black people and other marginalised groups. Walking through Northampton seeing local fascination with the Crown collectively expressed in consciousness through posters and bunting etc etc - this also undermines the anti-racism statements many made two summers ago. However, it must be said that the funding of many Black and Brown groups (especially when funding is so insecure) can sometimes be contingent on their support of such "symbols" of Britishness (the rules of engagement aren't the same for them).

Northamptonshire Rights & Equality Council CEO Anjona Roy told me: "Some of the anti-racist language is easier for white communities to accept than others. The lack of acceptance of empire as a violent oppressive construct intrinsically linked to murder, rape, slavery is a significant part of the problem. There are big institutions and huge amounts of capital that are dedicated to preserving the Monarchy and generally the status quo. All this colossal machinery makes the pivoting from Black Lives Matter to celebrating the Jubilee unsurprising."

Some of the anti-racist language is easier for white communities to accept than others
Northamptonshire Rights & Equality Council CEO Anjona Roy

Recently someone called me "hypercritical" for asking questions of our institutions in the way I do. They further described me as "anti-Britain" and that "you should leave if you don't like it" This is an example of a racial microaggression, where I know I am not alone in experiencing this. With conversations around the Windrush Scandal, as well as the Nationality and Borders Bill - such comments are racist and upsetting. I love this country (lots of my work is in British arts and humanities ... I wouldn't commit to that if I didn't love something about it) but I do not share a love for establishmentarianism.

Growing up, it was interesting to observe that many people saw my dislike for monarchies and establishments as anti-white and anti-British. Through my work as a poet as well - where I have also critiqued British racism via conversations about patriotism and nationalism - I have been called "anti-Britain" because my work is open in its critiques. Of course, many organisations have hazy memories of the conversations that were being had in 2020. Nationally, we have a selective memory when it comes to the Monarchy. What happens when we call them monarchs rather than colonisers? The irony is, the violent history of the Monarchy also stretches further with violence against working-class people, including the white working-class in not just England but also Scotland, Ireland, and Wales. Most of us have common cause!

By the by, acceptance of such symbols of violence are more challenging not when it comes from strangers, but when it comes from your friends - people that you trust(ed) who were posting black squares now dazzled by the white gaze. And 'liberal' white organisations that celebrated their own "doing" of anti-racism, now can't see how their support of the Monarchy comes at the cost of the Black and Brown people who are still dying in numbers from the legacies colonialism left behind: capitalism, the emotional impact of racial trauma in media, the hostile environment, police terrorism - the list is endless, cost of living is high, and Black Lives Matter is trending again.

Reading the work of historians, journalists, and other thinkers, I found much writing that shows why organisations that postured anti-racism statements should think twice before supporting the Monarchy wholescale. At the beginning of one of the most important books about Black British history Staying Power(ironically by a white man Peter Fryer), he discusses Elizabeth I's working relationship with John Hawkins. The National Archives also speaks of how Elizabeth "assisted early merchant adventurers in 1561 by supplying ships and provisions [...]" With this 'success', the National Archives also say the Queen saw "the economic value of ... overseas trade [granting] a patent to eight merchants ... to trade exclusively with Senegambia, between the Senegal and Gambia rivers, for a 10-year period." This represents a sort-of relationship England (at least) had with Africans before it start trafficking Black Africans across the Atlantic.

Furthermore, Afua Hirsch's book in-part discusses a history of Britain that has largely been erased from popular public consciousness implicating the late Tudor queen in how the English came to be in the "business" of human trafficking:

"From 1562, when Sir John Hawkins began the industrial-scale exploitation of Africans, transporting Britain's first 'cargo' ... from West Africa to the Americas - a venture which so impressed Queen Elizabeth I she funded a return trip - every British monarch to George III gave his or her direct support to the transatlantic slave trade. The relationship between the monarchy and slavery was formalised in 1672 with King Charles II's establishment of ... the Royal African Company. It's no exaggeration to say that the wealth of the royal family, much like the wealth of the nation itself, was built on the back of slavery and related trade, investment and industry."

UCL's 'The Legacies of British Slavery' database - curated by Catherine Hall and colleagues - also shows how enslavement was something everybody did, not just establishment classes. The work of scholars, novelist, poets, and other thinkers, including: Olivette Otele, Paul Gilroy, CLR James, Angela Saini, Eric Williams, Guilaine Kinouani, Akala, Walter Rodney, Katie Donington, Hilary Beckles, Andrea Levy, Roger Robinson, Sylvia Wynter, John Agard, Nick Draper, Onni Gust, Kerry Sinanan, Caroline Bressey and others are also vital to discussions about race/racism, colonialism, and / or enslavement. PhD students of history and other disciplines - including in the arts and social sciences as well - are doing great and important work, such as Renée Landell whom I mentioned earlier.

Thinking about representations of the Crown in the British imagination, this has been consumed by images of people like Elizabeth I as separate from colonialism and racial thinking (not instrumental parts of it). Though as Santham Senghera writes in Empireland"... it was Queen Elizabeth I who granted the East India Company a royal charter and lent to slave trader John Hawkins her own vessel 'specifically for the purpose of capturing Africans on the West African coast ..." Through my work as a poet-historian, I am simultaneously met with amazement and sometimes violence when I inform people of the horrors committed in the name of The Crown. The irony is not the conservative people who unabashedly support the Monarchy, but the numbers of people who I know identify as socialist, but support them too!

Amid the Queen's Jubilee, particularly "white British people as white British people" are able to see themselves included within the regalia of bunting and union jack confetti. As spectacular as her 70 th anniversary might appear, this is not a win. While the patron saint of England Saint George is reportedly of Turkish heritage, specifically the red and white flag itself has been repurposed by far-right groups such as Britain First and the English Defence League. Events such as royal occasions and England's international football matches are a tough time for me - with punters mixing alcohol and patriotism / nationalism amid - of course - the usual racism that follows.

During the Euro final, Northampton was no different to the rest of this country on losing against Italy. However, the things I love most about Northampton is its diversity and that people from different parts of the world have chosen to call this place home. It reminds me how things like diaspora have shaped what it means to be Northamptonian. For example, my great-grandparents Toile and Edison Noel arrived in the early 1960s, whose lives like many Caribbean elders were shaped by the colonial and postcolonial experience. Yet, due to this sort of Britishness not being wrapped in red, white, and blue and because this history isn't justifying colonialism or kissing the feet of the Crown or Churchill, this Britishness is not seen as love for country.

I was grateful that the Black Lives Matter protests on Abington Street in June 2020 was a multiracial protest and not being exclusively lead by Black people. In our anti-racism boycotting the Monarchy is a base requirement, considering its history of systematic exclusion and contemporary realities of racism (including against Meghan Markle). Moreover, the Royal Family's 1960s colour bar for management positions, further to 'excusing' themselves from the Equality Act 2010. This contemporary culture at the palace reflects a historical reality where the same people who the palace now excludes, were also historically viewed by The Crown as less than human. By the by, following anti-colonial uprisings in the Caribbean to the royal visits, I was troubled by Jubilee celebrations lead by organisations that previously made anti-racism statements. Here, Ngugi wa Thiong'o's Decolonising the Mindis so relevant as institutions appear paralysed by colonised thinking.

During a pandemic that has devastated business (especially independent), I appreciate they are stuck between a rock and a hard place. However, the backhanded replies I have received from larger local organisations when I challenged them on their pro-Monarchy position could only be described as what George Yancy implies as 'white denial.' It is not about whether these organisations have investment from the Monarchy (economic or otherwise), but whether these organisations are investing in the Monarchy (especially socially and culturally). This summer coming, I feel will be long and arduous for the white, Black, and Brown practitioners who try to be consistent in their work. In a UK post- Sewell Report (that claimed there was no evidence of institutional racism in the UK), convincing organisations that were already shaky on anti-racism that the Monarchy is violent will be challenging still.

In his article 'Queen Victoria's Maharajas: An Introduction', Northampton historian Josh West gives a further insight into how Britain managed to control India for nearly two hundred years:

"Following the [1857] Rebellion, the East India Company had proven its ineptitude at governing such an important possession as India. To maintain control and ensure India's riches remained in British hands, Parliament passed the Government of India Act on 2 August 1858; it liquidated the East India Company and transferred all its property, assets, land, and functions to the crown. India was now the possession of Queen Victoria and the British government, beginning a new era called the British Raj."

How can we decolonise anything when we have yet to decolonise ourselves? West's comment revisits the Monarchy's investment in empire, and Shashi Tharoor's book Inglorious Empireis a good starting point to learn about Britain's relationship with India. The saying went the sun never set on the British Empire because at one point, the British Empire covered 25% of the world. On one side, I would love to exclusively blame under/miseducation for the widespread celebration of the coloniser-in-chief (it would be much easier if it was only this), but we must also consider how critical thinking is not really taught in schools - the tools to challenge systems that simultaneously harm us and govern our lives. And really, are systems of oppression going to give you the tools to liberate yourself?

In the same year the Colston Four were acquitted by a public jury, the public celebrates another symbol of white supremacy. His statue was not put there until 1895 (over one hundred and fifty years after he died). Despite people saying the Queen did not benefit from colonialism, her reign has overlapped with numerous events including the Mau Mau Uprisings, further to violent fights for independence intertwined with Caribbean Black Power Movements. A survivor of the Mau Mau Uprisings in Kenya, Muthoni Mathenge, wants compensation. This is not about the Queen as an individual, but what she represents and how these mechanics of violence endure.

Speaking to journalist Serena Richards, she told me: "If we think about the history of Britain, and the Monarchy, where most of their riches come due to colonisation, and colonialism, then there would be a lack of celebration and more of concern of what the Queen has done regarding giving back what was lost from these countries during her reign in the last seventy years."

The Royal Family at the very least, as a starting point, should use their global platform to educate people about their involvement with slavery across several generations
University professor Corinne Fowler

The British Crown, however, is a constitutional monarchy, so, the Queen holds little power as an individual, yet the institution she represents is no less violent than the Church, policing, prisons, education, and others. We need to do more to educate others on the long-reaching history of Britain's establishment institutions. The Crown is just one of them.

Local schoolteacher Tom Collins told me: "The culture war that we are engaged in, which is undoubtedly pervading state school life, wants to reclaim ideas of white supremacy related to the British Empire, the adulation of Churchill as a hero of WWII, and the worship of the Crown and the monarchy. People setting these agendas - the government civil servants writing the education white papers, designing curriculums, Ofsted, and education leaders as well as governors - are undoubtedly part of this process, and classroom teachers have very little say."

Moreover, when I spoke to Corinne Fowler, she told me "The Royal Family at the very least, as a starting point, should use their global platform to educate people about their involvement with slavery across several generations." In 2020, the university professor and Green Unpleasant Landauthor was also at the centre of an 'anti-woke' row amid the Government's culture war after the publication of the National Trust's report - an audit into many of their properties' links with enslavement and colonialism which she co-authored with other academics.

Whilst many of us were taught about Queen Victoria and Churchill, what about juxtaposed histories of the working-class? Such examples include but are not limited to British Black Panthers, the Grunwick Strikes, the Chartists, and the Levellers. For the longest time when I was a child, I had assumed William Cuffay (the leader of the 18 th century Chartist Movement) was a white man, when he was in fact Black. It is also very easy to talk about the present-day multiracial anti-racist movements as a new phenomenon, but they are not. In the 1970s the Anti-Nazi League was also multiracial, and in 1979, activist-schoolteacher Blair Peach was killed (most likely by the police) whilst at a rally in Southall demonstrating against the National Front. The Met's policing of the demo impaired community relations in the area - and since 1979 the Met have been part of many incidents and shoddily-lead investigations including New Cross Fire ( 1981), the Murder of Stephen Lawrence ( 1993), the Death of Jean Charles de Menezes ( 2005), the Death of Ian Tomlinson ( 2006), and the Death of Mark Duggan ( 2011). Moreover, Child Q ( 2020) further explored in the 2022 report.

As a historian, I also do not pretend to know all. However, remaining curious is an underrated trait in pursuit of knowledge, a trait that is conditioned out of us as children. For all this country's flag-waving, we not only know very little about present goings-on of The Crown, but also little about our own national story beyond the "official history." Wandering these cobbled streets, I feel suffocated under the crushing presence of union jacks and St George's flags, symbols of violence I associate with colonialism and the far right. To many white people (many who live in a country that has never really contested their right to Britishness) it may be harmless, but to me it is a reminder that I am unwelcome in this country (and town) and my Britishness comes with qualifiers. With bits of bunting flapping in the breeze, it is saying "Make Britain White" again. But the worst thing of all is when you see things like this accepted, condoned, and unchallenged by your friends.

Identified by Lord Macpherson in The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, the practice of "institutional racism" goes back centuries. Queen Elizabeth I introduced the Royal Proclamation which could be cited as the second act of institutional racism on British soil, as historian Peter Fryer writes in Staying Power, she demanded "Blackamores be expelled from her kingdom." Moreover, DeMontfort Students Union's research into the knight Simon DeMontfort, also found the man DMU was named after was an anti-Semite - because in 1193, he expelled the Jews from Leicester City.

While I have named Elizabeth I, the Georgian and Victorian monarchs are also implicated in historic cases of inhumanity. In his 2016 book Black and British, historian David Olusoga writes: "Between the 1670s and the 1730s around ... [150,000] men, women and children passed through [the Royal African Company's] coastal fortresses on their way to lives of miserable slavery. [...] The Royal African Company was a royal chartered monopoly and as such was able to call on the services of the Royal Navy to protect its monopoly, defend its fortresses and intercept the ships of so-called interlopers who attempted to muscle in on the trade. [...]

The 'Royal' in the company's title was not a mere honorific. Among the company's founders were King Charles II and his brother James Duke of York, the future King James II ... who was actively involved in its administration. [...] So profitable were the activities of the Royal African Company that when in 1689, after he had been deposed in the Glorious Revolution and replaced with William of Orange and his wife Queen Mary, James II dispatched a representative to London to liquidate his shares, the former king's profits amounted to £5,730 and were used to help fund his comfortable exile in Paris."

From as early as the late Tudors in the 1560s we can see how the British Crown (thus establishments) sustained white supremacy in the trafficking of enslaved Africans (as well as sustaining other forms of racism in other parts of the empire). The emancipation of enslavement in the 1830s did not bring an end to empire, but saw Britain looking elsewhere, including India (thus the 1857 Indian Rebellion) and the African continent with the Scramble for Africa which saw a joint European colonisation of various parts of the continent.

You must hand it to the British state, brainwashing is their forte. With the long Jubilee weekend, however, I was upset to see numbers of organisations who were making anti-racism statements and posting black squares in the summer of 2020, now validating the empire itself - especially colleagues I held / hold in high esteem. I was very disappointed. This is an everlasting reminder of not just the legacies of colonialism but also the economic violence, with Crown and government as feudalistic overlords of the working-class - where in 2016, during her speech opening parliament, the Crown via the Queen told us " to live within our means."

Nonetheless, as someone that was very active that summer in 2020 (as many local activists also have been prior and since), I have been tested lately. When those that are supposed to be your friends and allies are supporting institutions that are structurally against your existence, it gets very awkward. If you are a monarchist and / or your organisation is pro-Monarchy, by all means stand your ground and by your values. However, do not try to be these things while also posturing black squares and hopping on anti-racism hashtags. For institutions to pontificate about their anti-racist work while supporting the Monarchy in a Cost of Living crisis, that's too far ... and I must ask who is measuring your commitments to equality - Dr Strangelove, Thanos, and Darth Vader?

Conclusions

If the conversations you were having on Black Lives Matter in 2020 did not radicalise you, I must ask what conversations you were having? You can't talk about anti-racism without also talking about the climate emergency (for example) and anti-capitalism, where 'ownership' is fundamental to whiteness as Cheryl Harris writes (thus, whiteness is fundamental to the establishment). So, if you are even remotely pro-equality, I would ask you think about your stance on the Monarchy as an institution (as for example, according to a Freedom of Information request done by the Independent, the Queen asked to use a state poverty fund to heat the royal palaces).

While we must not lay blame on individuals, we must also ask what sort of country we are if we are still talking about the Monarchy in 2022? No less than its legacies implicated in colonialism, economic extraction, white supremacy, exclusion, elitism and more. The fight against racism is also a fight against capitalism, including wealth-hoarders and inherited colonial wealth. To be anti-racist we must also be anti-capitalist (fundamental to other social justice movements including LGBT+ rights, class, climate, and disability justice).

The way we think about colonialism needs to change from a 'historical relic' into something that is ongoing and very much alive. My maternal family come from Grenada, a country that wasn't independent until 1974 - where through the 1960s and 1970s many countries were in independence struggles. Between the 1950s and 1970s, the British state was also part of Operation Legacy which saw them hide and destroy colonial documents to stop them falling into the hands of now "independent" nations. Author-schoolteacher Jeffrey Boakye writes about this further in his book Musical Truth. Colonialism is not over. The legacies colonialism left behind still live to cause harm. We need to imagine a better fairer world and having a contextual knowledge about the history of resistance in Britain and elsewhere is a starting point to understanding our current situation. As Reap the Forgotten Harvest author Remi Kapo said: "If you look back in history (and we're still repeating that history), the price of change has always been paid in blood."

Further Reading
https://padlet.com/treventour1995/4ntutm52qx7tkcda

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Tre Ventour asks if you can support Black Lives Matter and the monarchy in thought provoking essay

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God Save the People: When will Black lives matter? "As they plundered, exploited and brutally controlled colonies and the people in them, all to enrich Britain as part of the growth of the capitalist project, colonialists swore by the racial hierarchy. Whiteness was not simply a descriptor; it was used to give anchor to the...

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'‘Israel is a Racist, Apartheid State. I should know, I grew up in one’ | Andrew Feinstein' (2020)

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'‘Postcolonialism: WTF? An Intro to Postcolonial Theory’ | Tom Nicholas' (2018)

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'Colonialism: WTF? Introduction to colonialism and imperialism' | Tom Nicholas (2018)

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LECTURE: 'Rethinking Armistice: "Race Riots", Colonialism and the First World War' | Tre Ventour Ed (2022)

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LECTURE: 'Rethinking Armistice: "Race Riots", Colonialism and the First World War' | Tre Ventour Ed (2022)

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Rethinking Armistice: "Race Riots", Colonialism and the First World War

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'Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence | Gary Younge' (2020)

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'Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence | Gary Younge' (2020)

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EXPOSED: The Secret British Cabal That Proves Colonialism Never Ended | Phil Miller (2021)

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EXPOSED: The Secret British Cabal That Proves Colonialism Never Ended | Phil Miller

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'In 2022 Why Do We Still Show Such Loyalty To Royalty?' by Shane Thomas (2022)

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'In 2022 Why Do We Still Show Such Loyalty To Royalty?' by Shane Thomas (2022)

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Excerpt from Shane Thomas' 2015 article Why Do We Show Such Loyalty To Royalty?
When I was about 13, the Caribbean steel band I played in had a gig which included a brief appearance by Prince Charles. I recall our manager being adamant that we had to be on our best behaviour. This wasn't new - she had to deal with a lot of mischief making in the band - but never had it been made so explicit what was expected from us.

I've always wondered, why did she care so much? Why does the presence of the Royals beguile people - worldwide - into a state of fawning obeisance?

Is is tradition? The money they bring in? They might be factors, but there's plenty of traditions we don't adhere to anymore. I don't even think the likely financial boon is what inspires such genuflection. If that was such a watertight argument, wouldn't royal advocates ensure there was no ambiguity about the figures?

I think the key facets are the nebulous - but powerful - agents of history and heritage. Many countries have origin stories that are intended to underpin their supposed greatness. This is especially evident where imperialist nations are concerned.

Britain's origin story is that of the small island who ruled the waves. Through wit, decorum, and derring-do, they shaped and civilised the world with their military skill and overriding sense of fair play. It matters little that Dr. Shashi Tharoor recently put that story under a piercing spotlight. Most would rather believe the lie.

Prior to British colonial rule in India, India's share of the world economy was 23% - as large as all of Europe put together. By the time the British empire had left India, this had dropped to 3%.
- Taj Ali (@Taj_Ali1) May 27, 2022

The axle of this story is our monarchy, and to abolish - or privatise - them could undercut this grandiose narrative, which is an impossibility until we interrogate why they are allowed such latitude in a country that makes exhaustive spending cuts, because it's apparently in suffocating debt.

For generations, a tacit agreement has been reached, that the Royal Family are the best of Britain. If they have an exalted position it's because they deserve it (the same way those who live in penury ostensibly deserve it). They are the foundation wall, holding Britain's entire class system upright.

Our future kings...

If you're someone who is proud of the monarchy, exactly what is it about them you take pride in?

"They cost an estimated £345 million per year. Compare that to similar but elected heads of state, such as in Ireland, and you can see that's very, very expensive. The budget for the Irish president is around £4m a year."

While the Queen's position as head of state is more than symbolic, it's their symbolism that's especially potent. One wonders how deeply we're anesthetised by individual comfort and privilege, so that we don't dare exhibit dissent. Is it that easy to accept the atrocities committed in the name of the English/British flag for Queen/King and country were fine because they didn't happen to you?

People were disgusted by footballer James McClean - who is Irish - in 2015, when he made a point of turning away from the Union flag, and solemnly bowed his head as the British national anthem was played because he went against the aforementioned agreement. He dared to imply that England's heritage might not be unequivocally positive. To a lesser extent, these issues were raised when golfer, Rory McIlroy chose to represent Ireland - instead of Britain - at the 2016 Olympics, and when Andy Murray tweeted his support for Scottish independence.

This backlash is borne from an inability to comprehend why someone wouldn't love everything about England: Look at the history; the tolerance; the values; the inherent politeness. Where could be better than here?

Will we start to look at why consensus places the Royal Family on an untouchable pedestal? If so, would that affect our stratified class system[5]? Can the nature of people's birth be less of a determining factor on their chances in life? And will future generations look at the Royal Family, and wonder what was all the fuss about?

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In 2022 Why Do We Still Show Such Loyalty To Royalty?

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Excerpt from Shane Thomas' 2015 article Why Do We Show Such Loyalty To Royalty? When I was about 13, the Caribbean steel band I played in had a gig which included a brief appearance by Prince Charles. I recall our manager being adamant that we had to be on our best behaviour.

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'The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial nostalgia, fascist resurgence and social control' by Guilaine Kinouani (2021)

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'The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial nostalgia, fascist resurgence and social control' by Guilaine Kinouani (2021)

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In this searing critique of the UK government's implementation of the Nationality and Borders Bill, Guilaine Kinouani argues that it lays bare the dangers of superficial 'diversity and inclusion' at the highest levels of government and makes the case for how we must resist border violence as social control

Arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet in the history of UK politics has introduced possibly the most racist and regressive pieces of legislation this country has seen in decades. The Nationality and Borders Bill should force us all to rethink representation politics - if we have not already, and to accept many of the premises that sustain the quest for 'equality' are ill-conceived.

As part of this, recognising that we are all capable of reproducing racism within systems and indeed, that systems cannot function without the participation - passive or active - of those it harms, is crucial. We all need, and this may hurt even more, to come to terms with the fact, 'diversity', 'equality' and 'inclusion' will not save us. In fact, they are today more likely to do many of us harm, than to help us achieve any semblance of justice.

Any tool for social transformation eventually gets corrupted or employed in the service of protecting the very power structures they were designed to disrupt. Representation in high office has proven the point. And so, the 'Equality, Diversity and Inclusion' industrial complex has become the neoliberal palatable face of white supremacy. A desire for 'equality' that keeps inequality going. Think black squares on Instagram, safety pins and smiley liberal faces in the midst of Black and brown migrant bodies silently drowning at sea.

The harm of the 'equality agenda' we had in fact encountered this summer with the so-called Sewell Report. A report by a group of primarily Black and brown 'experts' in their own fields (although mostly non-experts in race and racism) who found no evidence of structural or institutional racism in the UK.

An unsurprising and convenient finding which was wholly consistent with the government's on-going crusade against Critical Race Theory and, with members of the Commission's publicly aired comments prior to their appointment, that there was indeed no such thing as structural racism.

"The outdated and oversimplified notion that racism = prejudice + power (which is usually taken to mean within western contexts that people of colour do not have the social power to enact racist violence) has a lot to answer for. It continues to lead to failure to recognise issues of complicity, of intersectionality and dynamics related to proximity to power"

Those of us wary of such fortuitous alignments of fate or perhaps trained in the 'scientific method', may see in this alleged lack of evidence, actual evidence of structural racism or at least an egregious flaunting of basic principles of impartiality, non-partisanship, 'neutrality' and 'objectivity'. Principles I do not generally engage with uncritically but, I restate here because of the scientific claims the authors made to sustain their outlandish findings. More to the point, let's be clear that a white group of investigators, could not have got away with this report.

If you doubt this, consider the Equalities Minister - herself a Black woman - deploying the racial backgrounds of these 'non-experts-experts' to deflect accusations of racism levelled against the report. What we have here is the normalisation of a particular discursive manoeuvre; race as alibi or as shield against racism. The weaponisation of racialisation to pursue racist agendas tells us all we need to know about the central role black and brown bodies play within this administration.

The outdated and oversimplified notion that racism = prejudice + power (which is usually taken to mean within western contexts that people of colour do not have the social power to enact racist violence) has a lot to answer for. It continues to lead to failure to recognise issues of complicity, of intersectionality and dynamics related to proximity to power, here whiteness. But it pays to support systems of domination, materially above all else, and because it pays, there are and there will always be oppressed groups involved in forms of collaboration.
Fascist resurgence and imperial nostalgia
Although last summer the country was apparently free of structural racism, just a few months later well in to winter, the Nationality and Borders Bill was passed in the House of Commons. The legislation, which gives the Home Secretary the power to deprive British people of citizenshipm enshrined in law a two-tier (some have said apartheid) citizenship system along racial lines, the very definition of... structural racism.

The outrage surrounding the bill on racialised grounds concerns primarily the provisions around the notice of deprivation. According to clause nine of the bill, notice of the decision to deprive a person of citizenship may NOT be given, if;

- The state does not have the information needed to be able to give notice under that subsection,

- It is not reasonably practicable to give notice

- It is not in the interests of national security

- It is not in the interests of the relationship between the United Kingdom and another country, or

- It is not otherwise in the public interest

These provisions were the subject of sustained public discontent. There were attempts to disrupt the bill by getting clause nine removed by a petition signed at the time of writing by over 200,000 people. And I agree these provisions are worrisome given the very large scope they leave for interpretation. However, to me, the core of the issue is beyond the notification point - although the point is an important one. We have as a country decided that some citizens, who are primarily Black and brown, based on some constructed alleged traceable foreign ancestry and thus often assumed eligibility for some alternative nationality, may be disowned as citizens, if the state deems it in its interest to do so.

A dangerous precedent had already been set when Shamima Begum was stripped of her citizenship because of her alleged 'radicalisation', a 'radicalisation' which occurred in the context of her being groomed, abused and traumatised as a child then later as young adult. She was rendered stateless, with Bangladesh essentially pressured to take her in, although she was not a citizen of the country, was born in London but had some ancestry there. One can easily imagine given geopolitical power asymmetries, how nations in the global south may suffer similar fates and be forced to take in non-citizens with ancestral connections varying in their distance, while the UK flexes its neo-colonial powers at home and abroad, to disown its own.

The point that I am making is not that there should be no attempt to hold people to account or put them on trial for criminal activities and/or acts of complicity in terror when issues of agency, consent and responsibility are complex regardless of mitigation; rather as many have argued, that our racial background, ancestry or religion should have zero bearing in the process of justice. Of course we know they always have. Now the law tells us, it is right, proper and lawful that they do.

There are strong and chilling echoes of the past, we are continuing to ignore. The re-inscription of ' le droit du sang ' - blood rights within contemporary legislation in Britain is chilling to me. This is foundational to fascist iteration of the nation-state, of belonging and alien control. A principle with a strong Nazi pedigree.

Sceptics may argue the reference is inappropriate or alarmist. However, linking the current administration's on-going dismantlement of our freedom to protest or freedom to dissent, masked by faux concerns over the alleged erosion of ' free speech '; to the present bill, helps us see that the wish to quieten and control the masses, also central to fascism, is present here.

Exaggerated concerns over 'security' have been leveraged to sustain both sets of political agendas, the right to protest and the right to citizenship. Both strongly reflect the kind of paranoia filled fantasies which have always provided the fuel for fascism and authoritarianism. There is a long history though of ignoring fascist violence directed at non-white bodies. Even though we know their bodies have always been the training ground for later tyrannical violence on bodies racialised as white.

On social control and the management of dissent
Fascism and colonialism have long been deeply entangled. The bill reminds us of this historical reality kept alive by structures that sustain border and frontier violence. Only nationals imagined as second-class citizens, as disposable bodies and as subservient subjects could ever be expected to show uncritical gratitude and deference to the state or risk being bordered out of their own home. This is the small print.

We already have evidence that PREVENT has had a perverse effect on Muslims' ability to express their political beliefs freely. I know people amongst my family and friends who refuse to discuss politics particularly issues related to the Middle East and Palestine within institutions for fear of being maligned and referred to authorities. Concerns have long been raised about the implementation of the strategy. Of particular relevance here, are the creation of 'suspect' or once more, alien communities and the formations of enemies within. Discourses propagated within all the sections of the press and which have led to increased anti-Muslim racism, hatred and Islamophobia. Also of concern has been expanding constructions of what may be classed as 'extremism'.

This narrowing of that space for legitimate critique of State apparatuses and their operationalisation on British soil and on foreign lands is consistent with increased contempt towards human right protections, protections we still go and lecture other nations deemed inferior, on.

"And so the bill reinstates powerful yet insidious normative expectations that Black and brown people must watch what they say, how we behave. We must be compliant as the State may decide our country is no longer our country and dispossess us of our home."

The implementation of this culture of suspicion has led to perverse and absurd stories of children being suspected of 'radicalisation'. After my son (who is Muslim) then aged five or six proclaimed in class he wanted to marry a Muslim girl, I was required to attend an urgent meeting with the school head to discuss the origin of his 'concerning' views. I was threatened with a Local Authority investigation. I managed to navigate my way out of the threat. I am sure it helped that I am not Muslim myself.
Whiteness, silence and complicity
And so what an incredible powerful form of social control the bill is. See, who is given unconditional right of abode is usually also given 'freedom of speech'. The territoriality of whiteness therefore is not only about physical frontiers on lands and border control, it is also about bordering thoughts and bordering their expression.

And so the bill reinstates powerful yet insidious normative expectations that Black and brown people must watch what they say, how we behave. We must be compliant as the State may decide our country is no longer our country and dispossess us of our home. And ship us back like unwanted cargos to lands we have for the most part, no tie, save in some collective imaginary. Associations made mainly because of the colour of our skin.

This is what makes the bill a tool of social control and silencing. It's all, once more in the small print. If you doubt that, remember the Windrush elders deported to their death and the many others born British often over several generations who were so whimsically deprived of their right of above in the UK as they could not 'prove' their Britishness. Needing to prove we belong lies at the centre of the issues. The precariousness of British citizenship when one is racialised as Other holds melanin as the prima-facie case is of belonging 'elsewhere'.

As I wrote the thread that inspired this article, many came to offer solidarity. As they did so, they located racism, dysfunction, and corruption in the government. Whilst true, this kind of lazy and self-serving logic is deeply problematic. We are a country of what? Some 67 million people or so, primarily white. When unsavoury actions are carried out by marginalised individuals, all marginalised folks are held to account and expected to protest, denounce and distance themselves from the said acts.

Arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet has introduced the most violently racist & regressive pieces of legislations this country has seen in decades. I really hope you are rethinking your representation politics & accept once & for all we are all capable of reproducing racism.
- Guilaine Kinouani (@KGuilaine) December 11, 2021

Yet, we are quick to lodge social pathology in a group of what? Two dozen individuals or so as to deny the collective forces at play and the role we play in the same. But acts carried out by the state on behalf of the country engage everyone. Particularly those who directly benefit from the violence, here of white territoriality and inland border logics; 60 millions or so of white folks.

But imagine this... what if only 10 percent of this population took a stand, protested, denounced and sought to distance themselves from the bill? I really doubt it would stand. But here we are. As I said on Twitter, what we do not oppose which is done by the state, is done by us. Racism by omission is still racism. Racism by bystanderism is still racism. Racism by habituation is still racism. Racism by 'I just want to get on with my life' or 'I just don't know where to start' is still racism. There are always opportunities to show solidarity. But empty 'feel good' gestures in the face of our continuing suffocation on land or at sea, is not solidarity. Indeed, solidarity without resistance is not solidarity, it is complicity.
For ideas about how you may resist the bill use BID Detention's template to email your MP that the #BordersBill will criminalise refugees, erode the meagre rights of those subject to immigration control & sow further division into UK society. Click here for the petition. opposing clause 9 of the Nationality and Borders Bill. Sign, and share on your social media channels.
Guilaine Kinouani is a French woman of Congolese descent, an equality consultant, a writer and a psychologist currently pursuing a PhD at Birkbeck University of London. She is the founder and director of r acereflections.co.uk. Her first book Living While Black, which was published earlier this year, is a MUST READ for anyone seeking specialist self-care strategies to navigate white supremacy, for those with a vested interest in the welfare and wellbeing of black groups or working towards anti-racism and for everyone else doing 'the work'. Get it here.

Tweet her @KGuilaine

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The Nationality & Borders Bill: Imperial nostalgia, fascist resurgence and social control

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In this searing critique of the UK government's implementation of the Nationality and Borders Bill, Guilaine Kinouani argues that it lays bare the dangers of superficial 'diversity and inclusion' at the highest levels of government and makes the case for how we must resist border violence as social control UK Home Secretary Priti Patel sits...

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'Why we’re fed up of weak excuses from anti-imperialists accepting MBEs' by Prishita Maheshwari-Aplin (2020)

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'Why we’re fed up of weak excuses from anti-imperialists accepting MBEs' by Prishita Maheshwari-Aplin (2020)

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'‘BLM 2020: Breathing, Resistance, and the War Against Enslavement’  by Kerry Sinanan (2020)

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'‘BLM 2020: Breathing, Resistance, and the War Against Enslavement’  by Kerry Sinanan (2020)

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On May 20, 2020 many celebrated the birthday of Haitian revolution leader, Toussaint L'Ouverture against a backdrop of ongoing murders of Black people at the hands of current and former police.[1] Ahmaud Arbery, shot while running on February 23, 2020; Breonna Taylor, who would have been 27 on June 5 th, shot 8 times on March 13 th while sleeping in her own home; on May 25 th, Memorial Day, the world watched in horror as George Floyd was callously lynched by four police officers in Minneapolis; on June 5 footage emerged showing the murder of Manuel Ellis by police a month earlier, on March 3. In both of the videos recording Floyd and Ellis' death they utter the words, "I can't breathe." On Tuesday, May 26, when Americans most recently began protesting police violence, the words, "I can't breathe" again became the powerful anti-police mantra that it was in the aftermath of Eric Garner's murder.[2] By Wednesday June 3, 2020, every state in the US was protesting, and the Black Lives Matter uprising had become global, stretching from Dublin to Amsterdam, Paris to Auckland. The protests continue still, worldwide, at the time of writing. The focus of the protests has effectively combined the demand for an end to systemic racism with calls, especially in the US, to abolish the police, who many have observed emerged directly out of slave patrols.[3] As I will argue in this post, calls to defund or abolish the police at this level represent a new aspect of these protests, one that asks us to consider the protests themselves as part of the centuries-long continuum of slave rebellion.

As if to confirm this, on June 1, 2020, President Trump threatened to invoke the 1807 Insurrection Act that would allow him to "call forth the militia for the purpose of suppressing such insurrection." This Act arose directly out of the threat posed by Haiti which had declared its constitution in 1805, forming itself into a "free state, sovereign and independent," with Article 2 declaring "Slavery is forever abolished."[4] As Kevin Gannon reminded us upon Trump's allusion to the Act, the Haitian constitution "closed a 14+ year revolution wherein Black and mulatto Haitians overthrew the colonial slave regime (called St. Dominique...and expanded their fight over the entire colony)".[5] Gannon argues that, following Haiti, slave rebellions, and perceived plots of insurrection in the US, inevitably signalled the same revolutionary force that Haiti had so powerfully delivered: "This is the context in which we need to view the 1807 Insurrection Act: a demand from the enslaving class and its political representative for federal protection in case the unthinkable (but seemingly more and more likely) event of a Black uprising occurred." Gannon notes how making connections that link fear of slave uprisings to the Insurrection Act is about reading the "silences" both in between events and in the response to the Insurrection Act itself.[6] Sometimes the historical moment of iteration is the context and the word "insurrection," as in 1807, today certainly resonates explicitly with the fear of Black resistance: Trump's invocation itself provides a link to Black resistance.

Reading the events in this way, it is impossible to ignore that on June 2 nd, the day right after Trump called upon the Insurrection Act, was the anniversary of Harriet Tubman's Combahee raid in which she led 150 black Union soldiers and liberated over 700 enslaved people.[7] In so doing, Tubman actioned a Black, female collective (as opposed to a patriarchal, individualistic, libertarian) vision of freedom articulated by Toni Morrison: "the function of freedom is to free someone else."[8] Freedom, as the authors of the Insurrection Act knew, is contagious. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic that was already claiming a devastating proportion of Black peoples' lives in the US and in the UK, these current protests and resistances force us to look back to the histories of transatlantic slavery and race and- while we explain the multiple ways in which, as Christina Sharpe tells us, "ongoing state-sanctioned legal and extralegal murders of Black people are normative and, for this so-called democracy, necessary"-to also read the protests as part of the long history of slave rebellion, that is, as a transatlantic, global movement that has spanned centuries and transcended national boundaries.[9]

In his new book Tacky's Revolt: The Story of an Atlantic Slave War, Vincent Brown argues that, while there is value in thinking of the many kinds of acts of slave rebellion as a continuum, from "everyday assertions of independent will and volition" to "violent collective uprisings like the ones led by Tacky and Apongo," this way of viewing resistance, at the same time, "is too reductive. It masks the complexity of large revolts, glosses over multiple aspirations of rebels, confines the contest to circumscribed locations, and forecloses important questions about planning, strategy, tactics, and claims to territory-the very questions we ask about wars."[10] Brown's argument, that we look again at slave rebellion as we do at war, ties in, he tells us with Olaudah Equiano's famous description of slavery as "a perpetual state of war."[11] As we witness a global, multi-faceted, complex network of uprisings, it seems as if we do indeed need such a framing, which credits the multiple acts of global protest with the kind of complexity granted to battle proper. Brown, as did C.L.R. James before him, tells us that war travels; it is transatlantic and exceeds plantation and island boundaries. And the emphasis on war as opposed to rebellion also explains how Black victims of police violence are in a state of war and their very existence is the act of aggression against the enemy.

Between these large protests and the murders that have galvanized them lies Black life as an ongoing resistance in the war. As Sharpe trenchantly proposed on June 6, 2020: "group noun for young (and middle aged and old) Black folks in the street is a breathing."[12] Read as metaphors-thieves, drug dealers, fraudsters or, indeed, as a "breathing"-Black people face perpetual, extreme violence in a system designed to kill them in the war. We must frame these deliberate misreadings in the full context of the web and network of unceasing Black resistance to white power that is enacted simply by virtue of being Black: to exist is to resist.[13] Breonna Taylor was simply living in her own home when eight bullets wantonly fired by police officers claimed her life; Arbery was simply running, taking the air as he regularly did; George Floyd had bought some cigarettes. Yet these Black people were murdered as threats, enemies in a war, and their rebellion was to exist and breathe.

Here, then, I draw attention to a couple of more un-noted moments-not part of any specific narrative of rebellion in the network of slave resistances-to highlight how Black life itself is a rebellion, a constant pressure today, and stretching back to the slave ship. In November 1786, having arrived in Barbados after crossing the mid-Atlantic passage, Captain James Irving writes to his wife,

We have...not yet disposed of our very disagreeable cargo, but expect it in the 7 th instant when our sale opens...Often, very often have I perused my dear girl's letter and each time with redoubled pleasure...I'm nearly wearied of this unnatural and accursed trade...I think I'll desist as our black cattle are intolerably noisy and I'm almost melted in the midst of five or six hundred of them.[14]

Even above deck Irving finds the slave ship stifling and the enslaved people-horrifyingly reduced to livestock-are restive. The slaves' presence is a serious threat, potent as it is with actual rebellion. Their noise unsettles Irving, his sense of being "melted" articulates an intensely warped expression of white fragility that masks his white power as enslaver. Ironically, Irving finds his own chosen position "intolerable." As C.L.R. James describes, below the decks the conditions "turned these holds into hell."[15] What must they have felt, six hundred people, in the bowels of the ship, languishing in the Barbados tropical heat, surging with the sea swell after months on-board? It was impossible simply to breathe. Yet Irving blames the captives for the hellishness, and will capitalize on their still being alive, on their still breathing, while he blames them for stifling him. Derek Chauvin, with the help of his fellow officers, murdered George Floyd calmly and quietly, in front of the gathered protesting crowd, by blocking his breath, by, as the independent coroner's report has confirmed, asphyxiation. Now, as then, the Black person, cast as a threat to white power, is in fact overwhelmed to the point of death for the act of simply being, even when, as in 1786, they are on the point of being sold for profit. As Paul Gilroy insists, "the slaves' perspective and positions...provocatively suggest that many of the advances of modernity are in fact pseudo-advances contingent on the power of the racially dominant grouping."[16] Inverting the dynamics of power exposes whiteness as barbaric. It is the perspective of suppressed Black lives that we must center in the long war against slavery.

In his slave-ship logs, kept between 1750-54, John Newton also records from the captain's viewpoint through which the slave's perspectives are violently filtered. On December 17, 1750, offshore near Sherbro, Newton records the purchase of an adult male slave "for 60 bars...Our number is now 36." The purchase of a male slave is noteworthy because Newton buys many children: adult men are in short supply and expensive. The next day he writes: "Having now 12 men slaves on board, began this day with chains and sentrys."[17] The threat posed by the enslaved was one that was frequently realized and had to be guarded against. At sea the men below, indeed, mount an insurrection:

In the evening, by the favour of Providence, discovered a conspiracy among the slaves to rise upon us, but a few hours before it was to have been executed. A young man, No. -, who has been on the whole voyage out of irons, first on account of a large ulcer, and since for his seeming good behaviour, gave them a marline spike down the gratings, but was happily seen by one of the people. They had it in possession about an hour before I made search for it, in which time they made such good dispatch (being an instrument that made no noise) that this morning I found near 20 of them had broke their irons. Are at work securing them.[18]

As Brown tells us, these enslaved men did not come from nowhere: likely trained in war, they are ready to battle.[19] In this passage it emerges that the "silent" slaves, previously only listed in Newton's journal numerically as they are either purchased or die of the "flux," have been plotting their escape. The "young man" that has turned his injury to his advantage is strategic. Newton records that the slaves have made quick progress and, but for luck, would successfully have unlocked several male slaves. Given that on this particular voyage sickness had been as fatal for the crew as for the slaves, twenty or more male slaves out of irons would have easily taken the ship. The resistance is constant.

On May 28, Newton writes in his journal:

Their plot was exceedingly well laid, and had they been let alone an hour longer, must have occasioned us a good deal of trouble and damage. I have reason to be thankfull they did not make attempts upon the coast when we had often 7 or 8 of our best men out of the ship at a time and the rest busy. They still look very gloomy and sullen and have doubtless mischief in their heads if they could find opportunity to vent it. But I hope (by Divine Assistance) we are fully able to overawe them now.[20]

Newton is put on his constant guard and finds now the looks, the expressions of the enslaved people deeply dangerous: because they are. Resistance and life, war and breath in this long history are synonymous. These two small moments testify to the ongoing relentless war of slavery that exceeds national boundaries. I position the lives of Black people taken by white power within this war, even if their most "rebellious" act was just to live, and was ended by a tragic, "I can't breathe." Floyd's last breath did not end the war, however. I take my cue from James once more: "In a revolution, when the ceaseless slow accumulation of centuries bursts into volcanic eruption, the meteoric flares and flights above are a meaningless chaos and lend themselves to infinite caprice and romanticism unless the observer sees them always as projections of the sub-soil from which they came."[21] The lives of Black people stretching back, across the Atlantic to Africa, are this "sub-soil," a bedrock of breathing resistance that grounds the present volcanic upheaval. Echoing both Gilroy and James, Brown ends his Prologue with a similar reorienting of our vision: "The rebels' perspectives on empire and insurrection should inform our own." Repositioning and centering these Black lives allows us to see that the breath, lives, and resistances that have been ongoing for centuries are now opening up a door to, as Brown suggests, "another world."[22] At George Floyd's funeral, on June 9, a mourner carried a sign: "We will breathe."

With special thanks to:

Professor Christina Sharpe: permission to cite

Professor Kevin Gannon: permission to cite

Professor Daniel Carey: editorial

Érica Elizabeth Alcocer: recommendation of To Exist is to Resist

Kerry Sinanan is Assistant Professor at UTSA's Department of English. She is completing her monograph, Myths of Mastery: Traders, Planters and Colonial Agents 1750-1833. She has received research fellowships from the Beinecke Library, the James Ford Bell Library, and in 2017 she was a Visiting Scholar at the Yale Center for British Art where she began a new project on representations of slave mothers. Recently, she has been appointed Secretary/Treasurer for the Early Caribbean Society: http://www.earlycaribbeansociety.com. She is on Twitter @Kerry_Sinanan.
Title image:
Ballerinas Kennedy George, 14, and Ava Holloway, 14, posing in front of Confederate general Robert E. Lee's monument, Richmond, Virginia, with protest graffiti. June 5, 2020. The monument is now slated for removal. Photograph by Julia Rendleman.
Endnotes:
[1] There is not clear consensus on the specific date of Toussaint L'Ouverture's birth, but many celebrate it on this date.

[2] In 2014, Eric Garner said the words, "I can't breathe" 11 times, and this eventually became the call for the emerging Black Lives Matter Movement in 2017. See: Matt Taibbi, I Can't Breathe. A Killing on Bay Street (New York: Random House, 2017).

[3] "In the American South, the modern police evolved from a system of citizen slave patrols that were responsible for maintaining the system of enslavement and the established racial order, preventing rebellions and uprisings, and capturing runaway slaves." Cassandra Chaney and Ray V Robertson, "Armed and Dangerous? An Examination of Fatal Shootings of Unarmed Black People by Police," The Journal of Pan African Studies. Vol. 8. No. 4 (September 2015): 51. There is extensive literature on this topic. See also, Sally Hadden, Slave Patrols: Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001). Tyler D. Parry, "Police Dogs and Anti-Black Violence," Black Perspectives (July 31, 2017): https://www.aaihs.org/police-dogs-and-anti-black-violence/.

[4] 1805 "Constitution of Hayti": http://faculty.webster.edu/corbetre/haiti/history/earlyhaiti/1805-const.htm

[5] Kevin Gannon outlines the historical context in a thread on Twitter 1 June, 2020. https://twitter.com/TheTattooedProf/status/1267614772352212994?s=20

[6] Gannon: https://twitter.com/TheTattooedProf/status/1268971623354454021

[7] Helen Leichner, "Combahee River Raid," https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/combahee-river-raid-june-2-1863/.

[8] Toni Morrison, Cinderella's Stepsisters, Speech at Barnard College graduation, 1979.

[9] Christina Sharpe, In the Wake: On Blackness and Being (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016), 7.

[10] Vincent Brown, Tacky's Revolt: The Story of an Atlantic Slave War (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press), 6.

[11] Cited in Brown, 4.

[12] Christina Sharpe, https://twitter.com/hystericalblkns/status/1269331358704259072 (June 6, 2020).

[13] See: Akwugo Emejulu and Francseca Sobande, eds., To Exist is to Resist: Black Feminism in Europe (London: Pluto Press, 2019).

[14] Suzanne Schwarz, ed., Slave Captain: The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade (Wrexham: Bridge Books, 1995), 112-113.

[15] C.L.R. James, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution (London: Vintage, 1938), 8.

[16] Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic. Modernity and Double Consciousness (London: Verso, 1993), 56.

[17] John Newton, The Journal of a Slave Trader: John Newton 1750-1754, edited by Bernard Martin and Mark Spurrel (London: The Epworth Press, 1962), 25.

[18] Newton, 54-55.

[19] See Brown, Prologue, Tacky's Revolt.

[20] Newton, 55.

[21] James, Preface to the First Edition, xi.

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BLM 2020: Breathing, Resistance, and the War Against Enslavement

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By Kerry Sinanan On May 20, 2020 many celebrated the birthday of Haitian revolution leader, Toussaint L'Ouverture against a backdrop of ongoing murders of Black people at the hands of current and former police.[1] Ahmaud Arbery, shot while running on February 23, 2020; Breonna Taylor, who would have been 27 on June 5th, shot 8...

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'Whiteness as Property' by Cheryl Harris (1993)

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'Whiteness as Property' by Cheryl Harris (1993)

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In the lead up to Volume 134, the Harvard Law Review republished five classic Critical Race Theory articles from our archives. This is the first piece in our series. The full version of this Article may be found by clicking on the PDF link below.

Issues regarding race and racial identity as well as questions pertaining to property rights and ownership have been prominent in much public discourse in the United States. In this article, Professor Harris contributes to this discussion by positing that racial identity and property are deeply interrelated concepts. Professor Harris examines how whiteness, initially constructed as a form of racial identity, evolved into a form of property, historically and presently acknowledged and protected in American law. Professor Harris traces the origins of whiteness as property in the parallel systems of domination of Black and Native American peoples out of which were created racially contingent forms of property and property rights. Following the period of slavery and conquest, whiteness became the basis of racialized privilege - a type of status in which white racial identity provided the basis for allocating societal benefits both private and public in character. These arrangements were ratified and legitimated in law as a type of status property. Even as legal segregation was overturned, whiteness as property continued to serve as a barrier to effective change as the system of racial classification operated to protect entrenched power.

Next, Professor Harris examines how the concept of whiteness as property persists in current perceptions of racial identity, in the law's misperception of group identity and in the Court's reasoning and decisions in the arena of affirmative action. Professor Harris concludes by arguing that distortions in affirmative action doctrine can only be addressed by confronting and exposing the property interest in whiteness and by acknowledging the distributive justification and function of affirmative action as central to that task.

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In the lead up to Volume 134, the Harvard Law Review republished five classic Critical Race Theory articles from our archives. This is the first piece in our series. The full version of this Article may be found by clicking on the PDF link below.

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' by bell hooks (1992)

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' by bell hooks (1992)

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Taking on popular music, advertising, literature, television, historical narrative, and film, hooks demonstrates the incisive intelligence and passion for justice that prompted Publishers Weekly to dub her "one of the foremost black intellectuals in America today."

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Taking on popular music, advertising, literature, television, historical narrative, and film, hooks demonstrates the incisive intelligence and passion for justice that prompted Publishers Weekly to dub her "one of the foremost black intellectuals in America today."

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'Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, C.1760-1830' by Onni Gust (2020)

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'Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, C.1760-1830' by Onni Gust (2020)

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Main Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, c.1760–1830

Onni Gust

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Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, c.1760-1830

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Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, c.1760-1830 | Onni Gust | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'Legacies of British Slave-Ownership: Colonial Slavery and the Formation of Victorian Britain' by Catherine Hall, Katie Donington, Nick Draper, Keith McClelland, and Rachel Lang (2014)

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'Legacies of British Slave-Ownership: Colonial Slavery and the Formation of Victorian Britain' by Catherine Hall, Katie Donington, Nick Draper, Keith McClelland, and Rachel Lang (2014)

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This book re-examines the relationship between Britain and colonial slavery in a crucial period in the birth of modern Britain. Drawing on a comprehensive analysis of British slave-owners and mortgagees who received compensation from the state for the end of slavery, and tracing their trajectories in British life, the volume explores the commercial, political, cultural, social, intellectual, physical and imperial legacies of slave-ownership. It transcends conventional divisions in history-writing to provide an integrated account of one powerful way in which Empire came home to Victorian Britain, and to reassess narratives of West Indian 'decline'. It will be of value to scholars not only of British economic and social history, but also of the histories of the Atlantic world, of the Caribbean and of slavery, as well as to those concerned with the evolution of ideas of race and difference and with the relationship between past and present.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Legacies of British Slave-Ownership: Colonial Slavery and the Formation of Victorian Britain

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
This book re-examines the relationship between Britain and colonial slavery in a crucial period in the birth of modern Britain. Drawing on a comprehensive analysis of British slave-owners and mortgagees who received compensation from the state for the end of slavery, and tracing their trajectories in British life, the volume explores the commercial, political, cultural, social, intellectual, physical and imperial legacies of slave-ownership.

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'A Portable Paradise' by Roger Robinson (2020)

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'A Portable Paradise' by Roger Robinson (2020)

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Main A Portable Paradise

Robinson Roger

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2020 TS Eliot Prize winner

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A Portable Paradise | Robinson Roger | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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THE AUTHOR OF SMALL ISLAND TELLS THE STORY OF THE LAST TURBULENT YEARS OF SLAVERY AND THE EARLY YEARS OF FREEDOM IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY JAMAICASmall Island introduced Andrea Levy to America and was acclaimed as "a triumph" (San Francisco Chronicle). It won both the Orange Prize and the Whitbread Book of the Year Award, and has sold over a million copies worldwide. With The Long Song, Levy once again reinvents the historical novel. Told in the irresistibly willful and intimate voice of Miss July, with some editorial assistance from her son, Thomas, The Long Song is at once defiant, funny, and shocking. The child of a field slave on the Amity sugar plantation, July lives with her mother until Mrs. Caroline Mortimer, a recently transplanted English widow, decides to move her into the great house and rename her "Marguerite." Resourceful and mischievous, July soon becomes indispensable to her mistress. Together they live through the bloody Baptist war, followed by the violent and chaotic end of slavery. Taught to read and write so that she can help her mistress run the business, July remains bound to the plantation despite her "freedom." It is the arrival of a young English overseer, Robert Goodwin, that will dramatically change life in the great house for both July and her mistress. Prompted and provoked by her son's persistent questioning, July's resilience and heartbreak are gradually revealed in this extraordinarily powerful story of slavery, revolution, freedom, and love.

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THE AUTHOR OF SMALL ISLAND TELLS THE STORY OF THE LAST TURBULENT YEARS OF SLAVERY AND THE EARLY YEARS OF FREEDOM IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY JAMAICASmall Island introduced Andrea Levy to America and was acclaimed as "a triumph" (San Francisco Chronicle). It won both the Orange Prize and the Whitbread Book of the Year Award, and has sold over a million copies worldwide.

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Small Island by bestselling author Andrea Levy won the Orange Prize for Fiction, as well as the Commonwealth Writers' Prize and the Whitbread. It is possibly the definitive fictional account of the experiences of the Empire Windrush generation. Now a major BBC drama starring Benedict Cumberbatch and Naomie Harris, its enduring appeal will captivate fans of Maya Angelou and Zadie Smith. 'A great read... honest, skilful, thoughtful and important' - Guardian It is 1948, and England is recovering from a war. But at 21 Nevern Street, London, the conflict has only just begun. Queenie Bligh's neighbours do not approve when she agrees to take in Jamaican lodgers, but Queenie doesn't know when her husband will return, or if he will come back at all. What else can she do? Gilbert Joseph was one of the several thousand Jamaican men who joined the RAF to fight against Hitler. Returning to England as a civilian he finds himself treated very differently. It's desperation that makes him remember a wartime friendship with Queenie and knock at her door. Gilbert's wife Hortense, too, had longed to leave Jamaica and start a better life in England. But when she joins him she is shocked to find London shabby, decrepit, and far from the golden city of her dreams. Even Gilbert is not the man she thought he was...

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Small Island by bestselling author Andrea Levy won the Orange Prize for Fiction, as well as the Commonwealth Writers' Prize and the Whitbread. It is possibly the definitive fictional account of the experiences of the Empire Windrush generation. Now a major BBC drama starring Benedict Cumberbatch and Naomie Harris, its enduring appeal will captivate fans of Maya Angelou and Zadie Smith.

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'The Bonds of Family: Slavery, Commerce and Culture in the British Atlantic World' by Katie Donington (2020)

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'The Bonds of Family: Slavery, Commerce and Culture in the British Atlantic World' by Katie Donington (2020)

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Moving between Britain and Jamaica this book reconstructs the world of commerce, consumption and cultivation sustained through an extended engagement with the business of slavery. Transatlantic slavery was both shaping of and shaped by the dynamic networks of family that established Britain's Caribbean empire. Tracing the activities of a single extended family - the Hibberts - this book explores how slavery impacted on the social, cultural, economic and political landscape of Britain. It is a history of trade, colonisation, enrichment and the tangled web of relations that gave meaning to the transatlantic world. The Hibberts's trans-generational story imbricates the personal and the political, the private and the public, the local and the global. It is both the intimate narrative of a family and an analytical frame through which to explore Britain's history and legacies of slavery.

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The bonds of family: Slavery, commerce and culture in the British Atlantic world

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Moving between Britain and Jamaica this book reconstructs the world of commerce, consumption and cultivation sustained through an extended engagement with the business of slavery. Transatlantic slavery was both shaping of and shaped by the dynamic networks of family that established Britain's Caribbean empire.

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'How Europe Underdeveloped Africa' by Walter Rodney (1976)

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'How Europe Underdeveloped Africa' by Walter Rodney (1976)

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"How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is a 1972 book written by Walter Rodney that takes the view that Africa was deliberately exploited and underdeveloped by European colonial regimes. One of his main arguments throughout the book is that Africa developed Europe at the same rate as Europe underdeveloped Africa. "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is an ambitious masterwork of political economy, detailing the impact of slavery and colonialism on the history of international capitalism. In this classic book, Rodney makes the unflinching case that African "mal-development" is not a natural feature of geography, but a direct product of imperial extraction from the continent, a practice that continues up into the present.

Meticulously researched, "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" remains a relevant study for understanding the so-called "great divergence" between Africa and Europe, just as it remains a prescient resource for grasping the multiplication of global inequality today. This classic work of political, economic, and historical analysis, is powerfully introduced by Angela Davis

In his magnum opus, "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa", Rodney incisively argues that grasping "the great divergence" between the West and the rest can only be explained as the exploitation of the latter by the former. This meticulously researched analysis of the abiding repercussions of European colonialism on the continent of Africa has not only informed decades of scholarship and activism, it remains an indispensable study for grasping global inequality today.

The Guyanan intellectual Walter Rodney wrote this book directly after the 1960s wave of African independence declarations, to show why Africa was so underdeveloped compared to the 'First World', and who was to blame for this. A consistently intelligent and politically involved Marxist thinker, Rodney was one of the second generation of black socialists to write about African issues, after the tradition of CLR James and Eric Williams, the former of whom tutored Rodney. "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is probably Rodney's magnum opus of popular science, aimed at a general public, and very accessible and informative.

Rodney describes in chronological sequence the development of Africa as a continent and the way in which the Europeans interfered with it. Going from the earliest African empires and states and their social relations, via the first wave of slave-trading, to full-blown colonialism, Rodney shows us how Europeans consistently attacked, pillaged, exploited, suppressed, enslaved, divided and discriminated against Africans, and the enormous impact the various stages of slavery and colonialism had in destroying the indigenous opportunities for coming out of feudalism into capitalist and industrialized societies.

It is truly remarkable, given how short a time Africa has had to develop on its own as a modern society, how quickly African states have been able to modernize, and how strong the resilience of the various African peoples is to the enormous destruction they have had to endure. Rodney shows us all this with excellent writing and sensible use of 'bourgeois' sources, allowing the interested layman to gain all the necessary broad background information on the history of European involvement in Africa.

Of necessity, the book is sometimes rather annoyingly concise and vague about the specifics of colonial policies, destruction of early indigenous development etc., things about which one would want to know more. Rodney provides a reading list for more information at the end of every chapter, but since this book is from the 1960s, it is dubious whether such lists are still useful considering the improvements made in radical scholarship on Africa since. The timing of the book also makes it such that there is practically nothing on African states since independence, as most independence declarations had happened only shortly before its publication. Moreover, Rodney is very saccharine about the influence of the 'socialist' states such as the USSR and China on Africa, which he exclusively paints in positive terms.

Certainly the Leninists have had a vastly better influence on African development than any Western nation ever has, but the USSR and China had their own interests to defend in Africa as well, and were not there purely for humanitarian purposes, as Rodney sometimes makes it seem. Nonetheless, this is a good general book on the legacy of European destruction in Africa, and it thoroughly refutes all the common arguments in defense of colonialism in that continent.

In his short life, the Guyanese intellectual Walter Rodney emerged as one of the leading thinkers and activists of the anticolonial revolution, leading movements in North America, South America, the African continent, and the Caribbean. In each locale, Rodney found himself a lightning rod for working class Black Power. His deportation catalyzed 20th century Jamaica's most significant rebellion, the 1968 Rodney riots, and his scholarship trained a generation how to think politics at an international scale. In 1980, shortly after founding of the Working People's Alliance in Guyana, the 38-year-old Rodney would be assassinated.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
"How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is a 1972 book written by Walter Rodney that takes the view that Africa was deliberately exploited and underdeveloped by European colonial regimes. One of his main arguments throughout the book is that Africa developed Europe at the same rate as Europe underdeveloped Africa.

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'Living While Black: The Essential Guide to Overcoming Racial Trauma' by Guilaine Kinouani (2021)

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'Living While Black: The Essential Guide to Overcoming Racial Trauma' by Guilaine Kinouani (2021)

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'Revelatory, necessary and brilliant' Candice Carty-Williams | 'A must read' Robin DiAngelo | 'A powerful wake-up call' Patrick Vernon | 'An incisive and important book that will change the way you think' Nikesh Shukla | 'An unmissable read for everyone' | 'Honest, razor-sharp, f ascinating and impressive' The Psychologist | 'Groundbreaking' Bad Form

For the past 15 years, radical psychologist and therapist Guilaine Kinouani has helped hundreds of Black people to protect their mental and physical health from the harm of white supremacy. In this timely book, she brings together powerful case studies, eye-opening research and effective coping techniques from her anti-racist academy and award-nominated blog, Race Reflections, helping readers to:

- set psychological boundaries and process trauma
- protect children from racism
- handle difficult race-based conversations
- understand the complexities of 'Black love'
- find connection, beauty and joy in the world

Living While Black empowers you to adopt radical self-care tools that improve day-to-day wellness. It teaches you how to thrive not just survive and find hope - or even joy - in the face of racial adversity. It is also an essential anti-racist resource for allies who want to do better.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Living While Black: The Essential Guide to Overcoming Racial Trauma

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
'Revelatory, necessary and brilliant' Candice Carty-Williams | 'A must read' Robin DiAngelo | 'A powerful wake-up call' Patrick Vernon | 'An incisive and important book that will change the way you think' Nikesh Shukla | 'An unmissable read for everyone' | 'Honest, razor-sharp, f ascinating and impressive' The Psychologist | 'Groundbreaking' Bad Form For the past 15 years, radical psychologist and therapist Guilaine Kinouani has helped hundreds of Black people to protect their mental and physical health from the harm of white supremacy.

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'Superior: The Return of Race Science' by Angela Saini (2019)

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'Superior: The Return of Race Science' by Angela Saini (2019)

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For millennia, dominant societies have had the habit of believing their own people to be the best, deep down: the more powerful they become, the more power begins to be framed as natural, as well as cultural. When you see how power has shaped the idea of race, then you can start to understand its meaning.

In the twenty-first century, we like to believe that we have moved beyond scientific racism, that most people accept race as a social construct, not a biological one. But race science is experiencing a revival, fuelled by the misuse of science by certain political groups.

Even well-intentioned scientists, through their use of racial categories in genetics and medicine, betray their suspicion that race has some basis in biology.

In truth, it is no more real than it was hundreds of years ago, when our racial hierarchies were devised by those in power.

In Superior, award-winning author Angela Saini explores the concept of race, from its origins to the present day. Engaging with geneticists, anthropologists, historians and social scientists from across the globe, Superior is a rigorous, much needed examination of the insidious and destructive nature of race science.

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For millennia, dominant societies have had the habit of believing their own people to be the best, deep down: the more powerful they become, the more power begins to be framed as natural, as well as cultural. When you see how power has shaped the idea of race, then you can start to understand its meaning.

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Beyond a Boundary | CLR James | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'After Empire: Melancholia or Convivial Culture?' by Paul Gilroy (2004)

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'After Empire: Melancholia or Convivial Culture?' by Paul Gilroy (2004)

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Main After empire : melancholia or convivial culture?

Paul Gilroy

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2004

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198

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After empire : melancholia or convivial culture?

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After empire : melancholia or convivial culture? | Paul Gilroy | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation' by Paul Gilroy (1987)

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'There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation' by Paul Gilroy (1987)

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Paul Gilroy

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Black Literature and Culture Series

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"There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack": The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation

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'Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness' by Paul Gilroy (1993)

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'Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness' by Paul Gilroy (1993)

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The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double-Consciousness

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Afrocentrism. Eurocentrism. Caribbean Studies. British Studies. To the forces of cultural nationalism hunkered down in their camps, this bold hook sounds a liberating call. There is,Paul Gilroy tells us, a culture that is not specifically African, American, Caribbean, or British, but all of these at once, a black Atlantic culture whose themes and techniques transcend ethnicity and nationality to produce something new and, until now, unremarked.

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'African Europeans: An Untold History' by Olivette Otele (2020)

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'African Europeans: An Untold History' by Olivette Otele (2020)

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Main African Europeans: An Untold History

Olivette Otele

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'Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India' by Shashi Tharoor (2017)

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'Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India' by Shashi Tharoor (2017)

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In the eighteenth century, India's share of the world economy was as large as Europe's. By 1947, it had decreased six-fold. In Inglorious Empire, Shashi Tharoor tells the real story of the British in India, from the arrival of the East India Company in 1757 to the end of the Raj, and reveals how Britain's rise was built upon its depredations in India. India was Britain's biggest cash cow, and Indians literally paid for their own oppression. Britain's Industrial Revolution was founded on India's deindustrialisation, and the destruction of its textile industry. Under the British, millions died from starvation--including 4 million in 1943 alone, after national hero Churchill diverted Bengal's food stocks to the war effort. Beyond conquest and deception, the Empire blew rebels from cannons, massacred unarmed protesters and entrenched institutionalised racism. British imperialism justified itself as enlightened despotism for the benefit of the governed. Tharoor takes on and demolishes the arguments for the Empire, demonstrating how every supposed imperial 'gift', from the railways to the rule of law, was designed in Britain's interests alone. This incisive reassessment of colonialism exposes to devastating effect the inglorious reality of Britain's stained Indian legacy.

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Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India

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In the eighteenth century, India's share of the world economy was as large as Europe's. By 1947, it had decreased six-fold. In Inglorious Empire, Shashi Tharoor tells the real story of the British in India, from the arrival of the East India Company in 1757 to the end of the Raj, and reveals how Britain's rise was built upon its depredations in India.

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'Capitalism and Slavery' by Eric Williams (1944)

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'Capitalism and Slavery' by Eric Williams (1944)

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Slavery helped finance the Industrial Revolution in England. Plantation owners, shipbuilders, and merchants connected with the slave trade accumulated vast fortunes that established banks and heavy industry in Europe and expanded the reach of capitalism worldwide.Eric Williams advanced these powerful ideas in Capitalism and Slavery, published in 1944. Years ahead of its time, his profound critique became the foundation for studies of imperialism and economic development. Binding an economic view of history with strong moral argument, Williams's study of the role of slavery in financing the Industrial Revolution refuted traditional ideas of economic and moral progress and firmly established the centrality of the African slave trade in European economic development. He also showed that mature industrial capitalism in turn helped destroy the slave system. Establishing the exploitation of commercial capitalism and its link to racial attitudes, Williams employed a historicist vision that set the tone for future studies. In a new introduction, Colin Palmer assesses the lasting impact of Williams's groundbreaking work and analyzes the heated scholarly debates it generated when it first appeared.

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Slavery helped finance the Industrial Revolution in England. Plantation owners, shipbuilders, and merchants connected with the slave trade accumulated vast fortunes that established banks and heavy industry in Europe and expanded the reach of capitalism worldwide.Eric Williams advanced these powerful ideas in Capitalism and Slavery, published in 1944.

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Decolonising the Mind by Ngugi wa Thiong'o (1986)

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Decolonising the Mind by Ngugi wa Thiong'o (1986)

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'Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain' by Peter Fryer (1984)

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'Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain' by Peter Fryer (1984)

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Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain

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Staying Poweris a panoramic history of black Britons. First published in 1984 amid race riots and police brutality, Fryer's history performed a deeply political act, revealing how Africans, Asians, and their descendants had been erased from British history.

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' by David Olusoga (2016)

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' by David Olusoga (2016)

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A vital re-examination of a shared history, published to accompany the landmark BBC Two series.

In Black and British, award-winning historian and broadcaster David Olusoga offers readers a rich and revealing exploration of the extraordinarily long relationship between the British Isles and the people of Africa. Drawing on new genetic and genealogical research, original records, expert testimony and contemporary interviews, Black and British reaches back to Roman Britain, the medieval imagination and Shakespeare's Othello.

It reveals that behind the South Sea Bubble was Britain's global slave-trading empire and that much of the great industrial boom of the nineteenth century was built on American slavery. It shows that Black Britons fought at Trafalgar and in the trenches of the First World War. Black British history can be read in stately homes, street names, statues and memorials across Britain and is woven into the cultural and economic histories of the nation.

Unflinching, confronting taboos and revealing hitherto unknown scandals, Olusoga describes how black and white Britons have been intimately entwined for centuries.

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A vital re-examination of a shared history, published to accompany the landmark BBC Two series. In Black and British, award-winning historian and broadcaster David Olusoga offers readers a rich and revealing exploration of the extraordinarily long relationship between the British Isles and the people of Africa.

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'Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance and British Dissent' by Priyamvada Gopal (2019)

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'Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance and British Dissent' by Priyamvada Gopal (2019)

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How rebellious colonies changed British attitudes to empire

Insurgent Empireshows how Britain’s enslaved and colonial subjects were active agents in their own liberation. What is more, they shaped British ideas of freedom and emancipation back in the United Kingdom.

Priyamvada Gopal examines a century of dissent on the question of empire and shows how British critics of empire were influenced by rebellions and resistance in the colonies, from the West Indies and East Africa to Egypt and India. In addition, a pivotal role in fomenting resistance was played by anticolonial campaigners based in London, right at the heart of empire.

Much has been written on how colonized peoples took up British and European ideas and turned them against empire when making claims to freedom and self-determination.Insurgent Empiresets the record straight in demonstrating that these people were much more than victims of imperialism or, subsequently, the passive beneficiaries of an enlightened British conscience—they were insurgents whose legacies shaped and benefited the nation that once oppressed them.

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'Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880-1960' by John Mackenzie (1986)

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'Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880-1960' by John Mackenzie (1986)

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It has been said that the British Empire, on which the sun never set, meant little to the man in the street. Apart from the jingoist eruptions at the death of Gordon or the relief of Mafeking he remained stonily indifferent to the imperial destiny that beckoned his rulers so alluringly. Strange, then that for three-quarters of a century it was scarcely possible to buy a bar of soap or a tin of biscuits without being reminded of the idea of Empire. Packaging, postcards, music hall, cinema, boy's stories and school books, exhibitions and parades, all conveyed the message that Empire was an adventure and an ennobling responsibility. Army and navy were a sure shield for the mother country and the subject peoples alike. Boys' brigades and Scouts stiffened the backbone of youth who flocked to join. In this illuminating study John M. Mackenzie explores the manifestations of the imperial idea, from the trappings of royalty through writers like G. A. Henty to the humble cigarette card. He shows that it was so powerful and pervasive that it outlived the passing of Empire itself and, as events such as the Falklands 'adventure' showed, the embers continue to smoulder. -- .

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Studies in Imperialism

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'The Absent-Minded Imperialists' by Bernard Porter (2005)

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'The Absent-Minded Imperialists' by Bernard Porter (2005)

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The British empire was a huge enterprise. To foreigners it more or less defined Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Its repercussions in the wider world are still with us today. One might expect this to have been reflected in her society and culture. This is the first book to examine this assumption critically against the broader background of contemporary British society. Bernard Porter, a leading imperial historian, argues that the empire had a far lower profile in Britain than it did abroad. He argues that though Britain was an imperial nation in this period, she was never a genuine imperial society.

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The Absent-Minded Imperialists: Empire, Society, and Culture in Britain

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The British empire was a huge enterprise. To foreigners it more or less defined Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Its repercussions in the wider world are still with us today. One might expect this to have been reflected in her society and culture.

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'Voyages and Discoveries' by Richard Hackluyt (1589)

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'Voyages and Discoveries' by Richard Hackluyt (1589)

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Renaissance diplomat and part-time spy, William Hakluyt was also England’s first serious geographer, gathering together a wealth of accounts about the wide-ranging travels and discoveries of the sixteenth-century English. One of the epics of this great period of expansion, The Principal Navigations,…

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'The Expansion of England' by John Seeley (1883)

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'The Expansion of England' by John Seeley (1883)

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Section V: Race, Class, Imperialism and Colonialism, 1607-2007

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'The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire' edited Nigel Dalziel  Haywood & Hall (2006)

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'The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire' edited Nigel Dalziel  Haywood & Hall (2006)

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The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire

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The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire traces the emergence of the world’s greatest empire from its earliest beginnings in the British Isles, through its ascendancy in Victorian times, to its ultimate collapse in the mid-20th century. It examines the impact of British dominance in Americ…

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'The British Empire in America' by John Oldmixon (1708)

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'The British Empire in America' by John Oldmixon (1708)

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The British Empire in America: Containing the History of the Discovery, Settlement, Progress and Present State of All the British Colonies on the Continent and Islands of America. With Curious Maps Done from the Newest Surveys, Volume 1

Mr. Oldmixon (John), Herman Moll

J. Nicholson, B. Tooke, 1708 - Atlantic Provinces - 382 pages

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'The Hungry Empire' by Lizzie Collingham (2017)

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'The Hungry Empire' by Lizzie Collingham (2017)

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'This is a wholly pleasing book, which offers a tasty side dish to anyone exploring the narrative history of the British Empire', Max Hastings, Sunday Times The glamorous daughter of an African chief shares a pineapple with a slave trader... Surveyors in British Columbia eat tinned Australian rabbit... Diamond prospectors in Guyana prepare an iguana curry... In twenty meals The Hungry Empire tells the story of how the British created a global network of commerce and trade in foodstuffs that moved people and plants from one continent to another, re-shaping landscapes and culinary tastes. To be British was to eat the world.The Empire allowed Britain to harness the globe's edible resources from cod fish and salt beef to spices, tea and sugar. By the twentieth century the wheat to make the working man's loaf of bread was supplied by Canada and his Sunday leg of lamb had been fattened on New Zealand's grasslands. Lizzie Collingham takes us on a wide-ranging culinary journey, charting the rise of sugar to its dominant position in our diets and locating the origins of the food industry in the imperial trade in provisions. Her innovative approach brings a fresh perspective to the making of the Empire, uncovering its decisive role in the shaping of the modern diet and revealing how virtually every meal we eat still contains a taste of empire.

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'This is a wholly pleasing book, which offers a tasty side dish to anyone exploring the narrative history of the British Empire', Max Hastings, Sunday Times The glamorous daughter of an African chief shares a pineapple with a slave trader... Surveyors in British Columbia eat tinned Australian rabbit...

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'The Honourable Company: A History of the East India Company' by John Keay (1993)

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'The Honourable Company: A History of the East India Company' by John Keay (1993)

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Main The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company

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During 200 years the East India Company grew from a loose association of Elizabethan tradesmen into "the grandest society of merchants in the universe". As a commercial enterprise it came to control half the world\'s trade and as a political entity it administered an embryonic empire. Without it there would have been no British India and no British Empire. In a tapestry ranging from Southern Africa to north-west America, and from the reign of Elizabeth I to that of Victoria, bizarre locations and roguish personality abound. From Bombay to Singapore and Hong Kong the political geography of today is, in some respects, the result of the Company. This book looks at the history of the East India Company.

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'Rise and Fall of the British Empire' by Lawrence James (1997)

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'Rise and Fall of the British Empire' by Lawrence James (1997)

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Main The Rise and Fall of the British Empire

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Great Britain's geopolitical role has undergone many changes over the last four centuries. Once a maritime superpower and ruler of half the world, Britain now occupies an isolated position as an economically fragile island often at odds with her European neighbors.
Lawrence James has written a comprehensive, perceptive, and insighful history of the British Empire. Spanning the years from 1600 to the present day, this critically acclaimed book combines detailed scholarship with readable popular history.

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St. Martin's Griffin

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'Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World' by Kwasi Kwarteng (2011)

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'Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World' by Kwasi Kwarteng (2011)

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The British Empire was the creation of a tremendous outpouring of energy and opportunism, when the British were at their most self-confident, and the wealth they gathered was prodigious. At its heart lay a sense of the rectitude of the British way of life, meted out to vast swathes of the rest of the world without let or hindrance. Yet, as this book shows, the empire was not formed by coherent policy, and its decline reflected this: its later years were characterised by a series of accidental oversights, decisions taken without due consideration for the consequences, and uncertain pragmatism. Many of the world's trouble spots are those left behind by the chaotic retreat of empire, and its ghosts continue to haunt today's international scene. The problems the empire encountered have still not been resolved and in Iraq, Kashmir, Burma, Sudan, Nigeria and Hong Kong new difficulties have arisen which continue to baffle politicians and diplomats. This powerful new book addresses the realities of the British Empire from its inception to its demise, questioning the nature of its glory and cataloguing both the inadequacies of its ideals and the short-termism of its actions.

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Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World

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The British Empire was the creation of a tremendous outpouring of energy and opportunism, when the British were at their most self-confident, and the wealth they gathered was prodigious. At its heart lay a sense of the rectitude of the British way of life, meted out to vast swathes of the rest of the world without let or hindrance.

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'Railways and the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India' by Christian Wolmar (2017)

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'Railways and the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India' by Christian Wolmar (2017)

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Main Railways and the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India

Wolmar, Christian

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Atlantic Books

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Railways and the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India

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'Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857-1914' by Heather Streets (2010)

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'Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857-1914' by Heather Streets (2010)

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Main Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857-1914

Heather Streets

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Manchester University Press

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Studies in Imperialism MUP

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'Empire of the Sikhs' by Patwant Singh and Jyoti M. Rai (2008)

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'Empire of the Sikhs' by Patwant Singh and Jyoti M. Rai (2008)

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Main Empire of the Sikhs: The Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh

Singh, Patwant, Rai, Jyoti M

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Peter Owen Publishers

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Empire of the Sikhs: The Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh

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'How Girls Can Help Build the Empire' by Robert Baden-Powell and Agnes Baden-Powel (1912)

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'How Girls Can Help Build the Empire' by Robert Baden-Powell and Agnes Baden-Powel (1912)

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The Handbook for Girl Guides or How Girls Can Help to Build Up the Empire is the full title of the book more commonly known as How Girls Can Help to Build up the Empire. It was the first handbook for Girl Guides. The author was Agnes Baden-Powell in conjunction with (then) Lieutenant-General Sir Robert Baden-Powell. It was published in May 1912 by Thomas Nelson and Sons.

The book was a reworking of the famous Scouting for Boys. It was adapted for use by girls, although large sections remained unaltered and it included sections on stalking, tracking, signalling and camping. Several chapters on childcare, nursing and housewifery had been inserted and stories of heroic women and girls were sometimes substituted for the male ones. The book also contained the enrolment ceremony and details of the second- and first-class tests.

This book superseded Pamphlet A: Baden-Powell Girl Guides, a Suggestion for Character Training for Girls and Pamphlet B: Baden-Powell Girl Guides, a Suggestion for Character Training for Girls by the same authors. In turn it was itself replaced by Girl Guiding in 1918. Throughout the early years of Guiding, movements in different countries started publishing their own handbooks as well.

The book has been reprinted several times. In 2006, a facsimile edition of the book was available.

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How Girls Can Help to Build Up the Empire - Wikipedia

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The Handbook for Girl Guides or How Girls Can Help to Build Up the Empire is the full title of the book more commonly known as How Girls Can Help to Build up the Empire. It was the first handbook for Girl Guides. The author was Agnes Baden-Powell in conjunction with (then) Lieutenant-General Sir Robert Baden-Powell.

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'Pax Britannica: The Climax of an Empire' by Jan Morris (2010)

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'Pax Britannica: The Climax of an Empire' by Jan Morris (2010)

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A second edition of the text originally published in 1978. This title is the second volume in the triptych by the same author, depicting the rise and decline of the British Empire and it centres on the Diamond Jubilee of 1897.

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A second edition of the text originally published in 1978. This title is the second volume in the triptych by the same author, depicting the rise and decline of the British Empire and it centres on the Diamond Jubilee of 1897.

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'The Oxford History of the British Empire ' edited by William Roger Louise (1999)

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'The Oxford History of the British Empire ' edited by William Roger Louise (1999)

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Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. 4 (Oxford, 1999)

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Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. 4 (Oxford, 1999) | Judith Brown, Wm Roger Louis, and Wm Roger Louis | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'Captives: Britain, Empire, and the World, 1600-1850' by Linda Colley (2003) 

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'Captives: Britain, Empire, and the World, 1600-1850' by Linda Colley (2003) 

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Britain's pursuit of empire seems an inexorable march across continents toward its ultimate-if temporary--global hegemony. But, as Linda Colley shows in this masterfully written book, Britain's overseas enterprises were always constrained by its own limitations in size, population, and armed forces, and by divisions among its subjects--constraints and deficiencies that could make the dream of empire an ordeal even for its makers. Drawing on a wealth of captivity narratives by men and women of different social and ethnic backgrounds from the early seventeenth century to the Victorian era, Colley chronicles the complicated dynamic between invader and invaded.

Here are the stories of Sarah Shade, who was married to a succession of British military officers, attacked by tigers, and imprisoned by Indian ruler Tipu Sultan; Joseph Pitts, a white slave in Algiers from 1678 to 1693 and author of the first authentic-and very complimentary-English account of the pilgrimage to Mecca; and Florentia Sale, a captive in the Kabul insurrection of 1841 who used her time in confinement as an opportunity to interview military men for her memoir. There were also those who crossed the cultural divide and switched identities, like the Irishman George Thomas, a mercenary fighter for Indian rulers and failed dictator, and those who crossed but made it back, like John Rutherfurd, the onetime Chippewa warrior and Scot.

Colley uses these extraordinary tales to trace the changing boundaries of Britan's pursuit of empire and its shifting attitudes toward Islam, slavery, race, and American revolutionaries.

Hailed by The Financial Times as a "White Teeth version of imperial history," Captives is at once an
original chronicle and a prescient meditation on the meaning of empire.

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Captives: The story of Britain's pursuit of empire and how its soldiers and civilians were held captive by the dream of global supremacy

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Britain's pursuit of empire seems an inexorable march across continents toward its ultimate-if temporary--global hegemony. But, as Linda Colley shows in this masterfully written book, Britain's overseas enterprises were always constrained by its own limitations in size, population, and armed forces, and by divisions among its subjects--constraints and deficiencies that could make the dream of empire an ordeal even for its makers.

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A searing modern polemic and Sunday Times bestseller from the BAFTA- and MOBO-award-winning musician and political commentator, Akala.

From the first time he was stopped and searched as a child, to the day he realised his mum was white, to his first encounters with racist teachers - race and class have shaped Akala's life and outlook. In this unique book he takes his own experiences and widens them out to look at the social, historical and political factors that have left us where we are today.

Covering everything from the police, education and identity to politics, sexual objectification and the far right, Natives will speak directly to British denial and squeamishness when it comes to confronting issues of race and class that are at the heart of the legacy of Britain's racialised empire.

'My book of the year. It's personal, historical, political, and it speaks to where we are now. This is the book I've been waiting for - for years' --Benjamin Zephaniah

'A potent combination of autobiography and political history which holds up a mirror to contemporary Britain' --Independent

'A history lesson of the kind you should get in school, but don't' --Stylist

'Powerful ... The kind of disruptive, aggressive intellect that a new generation is closely watching' --Afua Hirsch, Guardian

'Part biography, part polemic, this powerful, wide-ranging study picks apart the British myth of meritocracy' --David Olusoga, Guardian

'Inspiring' --Madani Younis, Observer

Akala is a BAFTA and MOBO award-winning hip-hop artist, writer and social entrepreneur, as well as the co-founder of The Hip-Hop Shakespeare Company.

With an extensive global touring history, Akala has appeared at numerous festivals both in the UK and internationally, and has led innovative projects in the arts, education and music across South East Asia, Africa, India, Australia and New Zealand.

Akala has also appeared on Channel 4, ITV, MTV, Sky Arts and the BBC promoting his music and poetry, and speaking on wide-ranging subjects from music, race, youth engagement, British/African-Caribbean culture and the arts, with numerous online lectures and performances that have millions of views on YouTube.

More recently known for his compelling lectures and journalism - he has been awarded an honorary degree from Oxford Brookes University and the University of Brighton, written for the Guardian, Huffington Post and the Independent, and spoken for the Oxford Union and TEDx - Akala has gained a reputation as one of the most dynamic and articulate talents in the UK.

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Natives: Race and Class in the Ruins of Empire - the Sunday Times Bestseller

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A searing modern polemic and Sunday Times bestseller from the BAFTA- and MOBO-award-winning musician and political commentator, Akala. From the first time he was stopped and searched as a child, to the day he realised his mum was white, to his first encounters with racist teachers - race and class have shaped Akala's life and outlook.