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http://www.slaveryimages.org/s/slaveryimages/item/1393

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Trinity Estate

Citation

"Trinity Estate", Slavery Images: A Visual Record of the African Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Early African Diaspora, accessed June 2, 2023, http://www.slaveryimages.org/s/slaveryimages/item/1393

Licensed under CC BY-NC 4.0. With support from our partners.

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Citation "Trinity Estate", Slavery Images: A Visual Record of the African Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Early African Diaspora, accessed June 2, 2023, http://www.slaveryimages.org/s/slaveryimages/item/1393 Licensed under CC BY-NC 4.0. With support from our partners.

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https://www.alamy.com/18th-century-illustration-of-a-sugar-plantation-probabli-in-haiti-published-in-a-diderot-pictorial-encyclopedia-of-trades-and-industry-manufacturi-image362168228.html?imageid=6976532F-5735-4421-981D-38D923E4C7B2&p=1257516&pn=1&searchId=fc7daeb45879b752550b3c048ddad3b0&searchtype=0

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Codrington Plantation in Barbados - 1600's

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Codrington Plantation in Barbados - 1600's

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Codrington_Plantations
church involved

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Codrington Plantations

Location
Barbados

Area

763 acres (309 ha)

Established

17th century

The Codrington Plantations were two historic sugarcane producing estates on the island of Barbados, established in the 17th century by Christopher Codrington (c. 1640-1698) and his father of the same name. Sharing the characteristics of many plantations of the period in their exploitation of slavery, their particular significance was as a part of a charitable bequest in 1710, on the death of the third Christopher Codrington (1668-1710), to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG).

The history of the plantations illustrates both the 18th century Church of England's dependence on financial support for Christian mission work in the West Indies from local landowners, and, until the growth of the Abolitionism, an institutional unwillingness to address issues relating to slavery.

The two estates named Codrington's and Consett's were located in the parish of St. John on the eastern side of Barbados and covered 763 acres (309 ha) of sugarcane planting. Codrington's will, first drawn up in 1702, also notes three windmills with associated sugar manufacturing facilities on the land, 315 indentured slaves and 100 head of cattle.

Upon the death of Christopher Codrington in 1710, the two estates were left to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel to fund the establishment of college in Barbados stating his "Desire to have the Plantations Continued Entire and three hundred negros at Least always Kept there on, and a Convenient Number of Professors and Scholars maintain'd." Codrington directed that a portion of his charitable bequest be used to educate the enslaved population of Barbados, but this was a gesture effectively blocked by the objections of fellow planters.

Although the monastic aspect of the college was soon abandoned, the college was constructed over an extended period from 1714 to 1742. The college buildings today serve as a seminary for the Church in the Province of the West Indies, an autonomous member province of the worldwide Anglican Communion.

Through his bequest Christopher Codrington was also a significant benefactor of All Souls College, Oxford, donating books worth £6,000, and £10,000 in funding for the construction of the Codrington Library.

The plantations were run by managers on behalf of the SPG, and their operational oversight was nominally supervised by a board of trustees of the society headed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and a committee of Church of England bishops. The plantations were reliant on regular supply of new slaves from West Africa; due to ill-health, smallpox, dysentery and mistreatment, four out of every 10 slaves bought by the plantation in 1740 were reported to have died within three years.

Initially slaves were branded with the word "Society" on their chests with a hot iron. Milton Meltzer explains that the branding practice throughout the sugar plantations was that "Already branded once by the trader, the slaves were branded a second time with their new owner's initials." On branding at Codrington, Hochschild says "For nearly a decade, Codrington officials tried to reduce escapes by branding all slaves on their chests. In the end, though, the chief deterrent was the lash, plus, at times, an iron collar and a straitjacket." Branding, the policy of one overseer and not continuous official policy of the managers, ceased within a decade of the Church taking on ownership of the plantation.

It has been suggested that there was a deliberate "work to death" policy in operation, as was commonly the case on other plantations and in South America. On this question, Hochschild makes the point ... "in 1746 one third of Africans died within three years of arrival in West Indies, from the ordeal of the middle passage, and the shock of adjusting to the new life, foods, and diseases." There is no specific evidence that on the Codrington plantation harsh treatment of slaves by its managers was the cause of the high death rate.

Hochschild goes on to say, "At Codrington, as throughout the Caribbean, new slaves from Africa were first "seasoned" for three years, receiving extra food and light work assignments. Slaves were vulnerable during this early traumatic period when they were most likely to die of disease, to run away ... or to commit suicide. If you survived those three years, you were regarded as ready for the hardest labour." Hochschild provides further detail about the policies of the SPG's managers, saying that by 1826, "As a result of changes, the Church of England's Codrington plantation, for example, had improved food, housing, clothing, and working conditions, and built a small hospital for sick and pregnant slaves."

It was the situation in the West Indies and at the SPG's Codrington Plantations in particular, which prompted Beilby Porteus, Bishop of Chester and later Bishop of London, to use the opportunity of preaching the 1783 anniversary sermon of the SPG at St Mary-le-Bow, Cheapside, London, to issue a call to the Church of England to cease its involvement in the slave trade. It urged formulation of a policy to draw attention to and improve the conditions of the enslaved Africans in Barbados. At that time slaveholders also used Biblical justifications for slavery.

The Church of England relinquished its slaveholdings only after the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833. When the emancipation of slaves eventually took place, the government paid compensation under the Slave Compensation Act 1837 to their owners. The SPG's Codrington Plantations received £8,823. 8s. 9d in compensation for 411 slaves. According to the accounts of Codrington College, the compensation funds were paid into the treasury of the college. Although Codrington apparently bequeathed the plantation to SPG partly to provide education for slaves, when the college was opened in 1745 it was for white boys only, and it is not clear how much of its resources it dedicated to educating former slaves after emancipation.

Bennett, J. Harry; Hitchcock, William Robertson (1958). Bondsmen and Bishops: Slavery and Apprenticeship on the Codrington Plantations of Barbados, 1710-1838. University of California Press.

Haynes, Stephen R. (2002). Noah's Curse : The Biblical Justification of American Slavery: The Biblical Justification of American Slavery. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-803260-1.

Hochschild, Adam (2006). Bury the Chains: Prophets and Rebels in the Fight to Free an Empire's Slaves. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN 0-547-52695-4.

Schomburgk, Robert Hermann (1848). The History of Barbados. London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans.

Wilder, Craig Steven (2013). Ebony and Ivy: Race, Slavery, and the Troubled History of America's Universities. Bloomsbury USA. ISBN 978-1-59691-681-4.

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Codrington Plantations Location Barbados Area 763 acres (309 ha) Established 17th century The Codrington Plantations were two historic sugarcane producing estates on the island of Barbados, established in the 17th century by Christopher Codrington (c. 1640-1698) and his father of the same name.

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housing developed around the entire park

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https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/weeds-act-1959-complaint-form-and-leaflet

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Use this form to complain about an infestation of injurious weeds where there is a risk those weeds will spread to other land.

Documents

Ref: WEED2 PDF, 172 KB, 4 pages

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Request an accessible format.

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Details

Complete this form if the landowner or occupier refuses to take action as set out in the guide Stop ragwort and other harmful weeds from spreading.

Make a complaint under the Weeds Act

The Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs ( Defra) does not have the resources to investigate every weeds complaint it receives, so concentrates on high priority complaints where any of the following apply:

weeds are threatening land used for keeping or grazing horses and other livestock

farmland used to produce conserved forage, or other agricultural activities

the complainant has made reasonable efforts to contact the landowner or occupier where the weeds are growing

Where a complaint is not high priority, Defra will acknowledge your complaint but will only follow it up if resources permit.

Defra will not act on incomplete complaint forms. These will be returned to the complainant for correction.

What you must do if Defra acts on your complaint

If Defra takes enforcement action because of your complaint, you will be expected to keep Defra informed of progress. Defra will only take further enforcement action if you report that the landowner or occupier has not done what Defra told them to do.

Your personal information

If Defra acts on your complaint, it will not usually reveal your identity to the occupier of the land you have complained about. However, in some circumstances Defra may be legally required to reveal your name to the occupier of the land concerned. This means Defra cannot guarantee your anonymity.

You should make a reasonable effort to raise your concerns with the owner or occupier of the land or the competent authority before complaining to Defra.

Railway land and embankments

Network Rail
1 Eversholt Street
London
NW1 2DN

telephone: 08457 11 41 41

Motorways and trunk roads

Highways England
National Traffic Operations Centre
3 Ridgeway
Quinton Business Park
Birmingham
B32 1AF

Telephone: 0300 123 5000

email: info@highwaysengland.co.uk

All other roads

Contact your local Highways Authority. Find details of your local Highways Authority.

You must not enter railway land or verges alongside motorways to confirm whether weeds are there or to remove them. You must have the owner's permission to enter other land. You should wear protective clothing whenever you handle injurious weeds.

Thank you for your feedback

Report a problem with this page

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Injurious weeds: how to make a complaint

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Skip to main content We use some essential cookies to make this website work. We'd like to set additional cookies to understand how you use GOV.UK, remember your settings and improve government services. We also use cookies set by other sites to help us deliver content from their services.

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https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/40/section/1

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After section 1 of the Weeds Act 1959 (c. 54) there is inserted-

The Minister may make a code of practice for the purpose of providing guidance on how to prevent the spread of ragwort ( senecio jacobaea L. ).

Before making the code the Minister must consult such persons as he considers appropriate.

The Minister must lay a copy of the code before Parliament.

The Minister may revise the code; and subsections (2) and (3) apply to the revised code.

If the code appears to a court to be relevant to any question arising in proceedings it is to be taken into account in determining that question."

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After section 1 of the Weeds Act 1959 (c. 54) there is inserted- The Minister may make a code of practice for the purpose of providing guidance on how to prevent the spread of ragwort ( senecio jacobaea L. ). Before making the code the Minister must consult such persons as he considers appropriate.

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https://www.countryfile.com/wildlife/trees-plants/ragwort-guide-what-is-ragwort-is-ragwort-dangerous/

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Ragwort is one of the most divisive plants in the countryside. It contains chemicals that are toxic to livestock and has been blamed for many deaths of horses and other animals. Yet, conservationists say it's a native wildflower vital for pollinating insects.

Learn what ragwort is, where it can be found, benefits and the dangers associated with it in our expert ragwort guide.

What is ragwort?

Ragwort is a tall plant that grows to 90cm high and bears large, flat-topped clusters of yellow daisy-like flowers from July to October. Nineteen species of the Ragwort genus Senecio are found in the wild in Britain, but most of these are garden escapes or other introductions.

The main 'weed' species is the common ragwort Senecio jacobaea, a native species that thrives where bare ground or thin vegetation allows the development of seedlings. It is also known as 'stagger weed'.

How common is ragwort?

Experts suggest that once ragwort is on certain areas of land, it can be really difficult to manage. A single plant can contain thousands of seeds and these can disperse into fields.

Many farmers take preventative measures to reduce the risk of ragwort spreading on the land they own, but it is hard to reduce the risk fully as it often appears on areas that are less easy to control, such as roadside verges.

Ragwort plants have flat-topped, buttercup yellow flowers that generally appear in summer and stay until mid autumn (Photo by: DEAC / DELU via Getty Images)

Why is ragwort important?

The charity says that ragwort is a long-standing and important part of our native flora in Britain.

Among the 30 species of bee, beetle, other insects and fungi supported by ragwort are the daisy carpenter bee and the cinnabar moth, meaning it has significant benefits to conservation. As a result, while farmers understand that ragwort can be dangerous to livestock, many recognise ragwort for biodiversity and don't advocate blanket removal.

Is ragwort poisonous?

Ragwort contains toxins called pyrrolizidine alkaloids. These, in sufficient quantities, can cause liver poisoning in horses and livestock. It is a cumulative poison that eventually leads to the rapid onset of symptoms before death. However, the symptoms are variable and resemble those of a number of other diseases.

If horses ingest ragwort, they could suffer low-level digestion of the weed for months before they start to show signs of distress. According to invertebrate charity Buglife, the lethal volume of Ragwort is around 7% of body weight for horses; cattle are also prone to poisoning but sheep are thought to be less susceptible.

Experts can't confirm the exact number of horses and livestock that have been killed by ragwort/Credit: jonpic via Getty

Can you control ragwort?

Non-chemical options for preventing the spread of the plant are limited, though Countryfile editor Fergus Collins remembers being paid to pull ragwort from farmland in Somerset as a teenager.

These days, farmers typically apply the herbicide glyphosate, and experts suggest it is vital that plants and roots are removed before they seed and spread the weed further, or that the rosettes are spot-sprayed with herbicide. However, the use of glyphosate is controversial - the World Health Organisation (WHO) has published reports that conclude glyphosate is "probably carcinogenic" to humans, and the herbicide has been the subject of several court cases around the world relating to cancer.

Conservationists, such as Friends of the Earth, would prefer the affected area to be fenced off and the plants allowed to go to seed.

Farmer pulling up ragwort in a field (Photo by: mikedabell via Getty Images)

What is Oxford ragwort?

Travel on the Great Western Railway routes west of Oxford and you will see a distinctive yellow plant on the edges of tracks and verges.

Although this looks like the ragwort that causes such anxiety for equine owners, it is in fact Oxford ragwort ( Senecio squalidus) a species introduced from the slopes of Mount Etna in Sicily in the late 17th century.

After escaping from Oxford Botanic Garden, it has spread to most parts of the UK, where it favours disturbed habitats, such as building sites, roadsides and beside railway lines.

Is removing ragwort legal?

Ragwort is covered by both the A ct and the Ragwort Control Act 2003, the latter of which provides a code of practice for preventing the spread of the plant.

However, there's no compulsion in these acts for landowners to remove ragwort, although they may be ordered to do so by local authorities or the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA).

While there is consensus that ragwort poses some threat to domestic animals, it is difficult to assess the actual level of danger and impossible to say how many horses and other animals are affected in the UK without more detailed research. Therefore, conservationists argue that removing a native wildflower impoverishes our natural world, and therefore should not be done.

To find out more about ragwort, The British Horse Society provides an advisory ragwort toolkit online.
Main image: Ragwort in a green field/Credit: RuudMorijn via Getty Images

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Ragwort guide: what is ragwort, is it poisonous and where does it grow?

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Ragwort is one of the most divisive plants in the countryside. It contains chemicals that are toxic to livestock and has been blamed for many deaths of horses and other animals. Yet, conservationists say it's a native wildflower vital for pollinating insects.

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William Chambers "Dissertation on Oriental Gardening

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William Chambers "Dissertation on Oriental Gardening

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Walk already took place - further info on surroundings of Finsbury Park - not specifically to refer to in walk

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Whether you're after fitness, festivals, food or fashion - you'll find Finsbury Park well worth a visit!

The neighbourhood has a long-standing reputation for entertainment. You can visit the site of the iconic Rainbow Theatre and/or try some bowling or Karaoke at Rowan's Tenpin Bowl. The impressive shopping and dining options reflect the area's rich cultural mix. Fonthill Road developed a rag-trade speciality in the 1960s and now has a Saturday market and daily shops specialising in cut-price designer clothes and offering the latest trends in hair and beauty. Head up Stroud Green Road for a range of cafes, pubs and restaurants offering competitively priced food from across the world.

The Park itself stands on the site of an ancient hunting ground. Although it's now managed by Haringey Council, it was built as by the Victorians as a leafy refuge for the poorer residents of inner-city Islington, so has a long association with the borough. The nearby Parkland Walk Nature Reserve offers a walk or cycle along the disused railway line to Alexandra Palace or Highgate. Head to the Sobell Centre for excellent sports facilities, including an ice rink and climbing wall.

History

Stroud Green Road was part of an old Medieval route north out of London and Stroud Green was the original name for the area now known as Finsbury Park. The name was in use by the 1500s and is thought to mean marshy land. It was an area of pasture and by the 18th Century a place of recreation with tea houses. The external panels on the Old Dairy, Hanley Road, depicting dairy farming, are evocative of the area's rural past. Seven Sisters Road was laid out in 1832 and controlled by a turnpike until the 1870s. The road was named for the group of seven elm trees at the Tottenham end.

With the coming of the railways in the 1850s, the area became a middle-class suburb, with fine Victorian Gothic and Arts and Crafts villas. New transport links in the early 20 th century enabled the middle classes to move further out and many houses were subsequently subdivided leading to overcrowding. New transport links boosted the area's appeal to commuters in the early 20th century as the worst of the housing stock was replaced following World War II bomb damage.

Places to Visit

Finsbury Park Station The first station, known as Seven Sisters, opened in 1861 and was renamed Finsbury Park when a new line to Edgware opened a few years later. The station was connected to what would become the Piccadilly Line in 1906 and the Victoria Line in 1968 when the station buildings were modernised.

The area around the station has recently had a facelift from City North, a mixed-use development set across four buildings including two 23-storey towers providing new homes, shops, a gym and a cinema.

Finsbury Park In the 1860s the area known as Hornsey Wood hosted a popular tea house and pleasure gardens. The 115-acre Park as we know it was opened in 1869, intended to boost the welfare of the residents of the parliamentary constituency of Finsbury and Seven Sisters Station was renamed Finsbury Park. It was landscaped by Alexander McKenzie, a noted Victorian garden designer who laid out Alexander Park. It was the first municipal park to be authorised by its own Act of Parliament (1857) and now enjoys Grade II listing.

Astoria/Rainbow Theatre (232-238 Seven Sisters Road) Edward A Stone's art deco Astoria cinema opened in 1930, with an ornate interior evocative of a Moorish settlement at night. The Astoria subsequently became a noted live music venue, hosting the Beatles' Christmas shows in 1963 and staging a range of notable artists including Frank Sinatra, Aretha Franklin and Stevie Wonder. A string of famous names including Jimi Hendrix, the Clash and the Who performed there in the 1970s, when it was the legendary Rainbow Theatre. It is now the London headquarters of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, a Pentecostal mission of Brazilian origin, and is Grade II listed.

Cinematograph Theatre/Rowans When the Cinematograph Theatre (1909) on Seven Sisters Road closed it was converted into a roller-skating rink, which never opened. Instead, it became the Rink Cinema and was the first British cinema to show "Talkies" to film industry representatives in the 1920s. It was known as Gaumont and then Majestic Ballroom before it became a bingo hall then snooker club and since the late-1990's has been the iconic Rowan's Tenpin Bowl, one of most famous bowling alleys and nightlife venues in London.

Finsbury Park Empire Theatre (now Vaudeville Court, St Thomas's Road) Finsbury Park Empire, once one of London's most famous music halls and variety theatres, has a green Islington People's Plaque awarded by popular vote in 2016. The 2000-seat theatre opened in 1910 and played host to many stage and screen greats including Marie Lloyd. Under the same ownership as the London Palladium from 1947 it saw performances by Laurel and Hardy, Dean Martin, Jerry Lewis, Shirley Bassey and Tommy Cooper. The Cliff Richard film 'The Young Ones' featured scenes shot inside and outside the Empire in 1964.

North London Mosque, St Thomas's Road The five-storey mosque was opened by Prince Charles in 1994. It achieved unwelcome notoriety when Abu Hamza al-Masri a radical preacher, became its Imam in 1997. Following closure and community support the Trustees reformed the Mosque but experienced a setback in 2017 when there was an anti-Islam terrorist attack on several worshippers in the vicinity. Despite this the Mosque has since recovered with thousands of worshippers attending each year.

Hornsey Road Baths and Laundry This baths, with its famous neon sign of a female diver, was the largest complex of its kind in the UK when built in 1895, with four swimming pools, a public washhouse and laundry. It was frequented by famous swimmers in the Victorian era including Agnes Beckwith who swam five miles of the Thames in 1875 at the age of 14. After damage during the blitz in 1941 the main baths were extensively rebuilt during the 1960's, but eventually closed in 1991 due to lack of funds. A glass atrium now surrounds the former 80ft-high Victorian boiler chimney as a lobby entrance to the mixed housing development now on the site.

St Mellitus Church, Tollington Park The organ at St Mellitus is a unique memorial, built in 1920 to honour the men from the parish who served in the First World War. It is housed in a Grade II listed building, now known as St Mellitus church, but originally opened in 1871 as the New Court Congregational church and sold in 1959 to the Roman Catholic Westminster Diocese. The name panels were restored and reinstalled at a Remembrance Day service in 2014. The organ benefited from a Heritage Lottery grant and was restored in 2020. Volunteers have created an archive of the people named on the organ.

The Park Theatre, Finsbury Park

Park Theatre, Clifton Terrace The theatre community, including luminaries such as Sir Ian McKellen and Alan Rickman worked with residents to raise the necessary funds to convert a disused office block into a thriving new theatre and beacon for the community. At a cost of just £2.6 million, the building, designed by David Hughes Architects, opened in May 2013 to rave reviews from the critics. Actress Maureen Lipman was one of the first stars to tread the boards in the 200-seat auditorium.

Sustran Statues in Finsbury Park

Sculptures Outside Finsbury Park Station These figures were chosen by the local community and installed by the walking and cycling charity Sustrans:

Jazzie B, the DJ and music producer (real name Trevor Beresford Romeo OBE) born January 1963 and founder of 1980s chart toppers Soul II Soul

Edith Garrud, suffragist and first female martial arts instructor in the western world, she taught on Seven Sisters Road

Florence Keen, founded the North Islington Welfare Centre and School for Mothers in Holloway in 1913, when around 10% of local children died before their fifth birthday

Key People

Andrea Levy The author (March 1956-February 2019) best known for her novel Small Island (2004) was brought up in Twyford House, just off Blackstock Road, by Jamaican parents. She became a leading voice of the Windrush generation and Small Island ends with the heroine, Hortense, buying a run-down house in Finsbury Park. An Islington Heritage Plaque was installed at Twyford House in 2020 in her honour.

Sir Don McCullin The famous Photojournalist grew up in Finsbury Park (his family lived at number 40 Fonthill Road) and some of his first great black and white images were of Islington gangs in the 1950s. Published in 1958, The Guv'nors which features a notorious local gang during the demolition of a Victorian house, is said to have launched his career. He is now regarded as one of the 20 th Century's greatest photographers, famed for his powerful war photography covering conflicts in countries such as Nigeria, Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iran.

Sir Michael Sobell The Philanthropist's family moved to England in 1903 and he attended school in Islington. He went on to make his fortune in electronics, including manufacturing television sets. He used his wealth to set up a charitable trust to provide financial support to a variety of benevolent causes including medical, educational, and fitness endeavours. The Michael Sobell Sports Centre, Hornsey Road was opened by the Duke of Edinburgh in 1973 and features a green Islington plaque outside to honour its founder.

Kate Beckinsale The actress was born in Finsbury Park in July 1973. She made her film debut while still a student at Oxford and went on to star in British costume dramas such as Emma (1996) and The Golden Bowl (2000) and several Hollywood films including Pearl Harbour (2002) and the Underworld vampire films (2003-2012).

Naomie Harris Famed for her role as Eve Moneypenny in three Bond films (Skyfall 2012, Spectre 2015 and No Time to Die 2021) the actress was brought up in Finsbury Park. She studied acting at the Anna Scher Theatre School, Islington as a child before training at the Bristol Old Vic after graduating from Cambridge. She still lives in the area and describes herself as "North London through and through".

Minnie Driver The Hollywood actress was born Amelia Driver in Finsbury Park in January 1970. Her mother, a former couture model was the mistress of Ronnie Driver [failed financier, war hero and bigamist) who was unaware of his other family. Minnie was brought up in Barbados and made her stage debut in 1991 after attending drama school in London. She went on to make several films and TV series and was nominated for an Academy Award for her role in Gus Van Sant's Good Will Hunting (1997).

Henry 'Inky' Stephens The businessman and philanthropist (1841-1918) moved his ink factory to Gillespie Road, near the Arsenal Stadium, in 1892. A well-known local character, he was elected as MP for the Hornsey constituency in 1887.

John La Rose The prominent Caribbean activist (1927-2006) was a founder of New Beacon Books in Stroud Green Road and organised the first International Book Fair of Radical Black and Third World Books in Islington Town Hall (1982).

Important Events

Purchase of land to create Finsbury Park (1860s)

Arrival of the railways (1861) and underground (Piccadilly Line 1906), Victoria Line (1968)

Building of main roads (mid-19th century)

More Information

The Team

Jenni Bowley, Oonagh Gay, Bridgid Goddard, Fran Farragher

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Whether you're after fitness, festivals, food or fashion - you'll find Finsbury Park well worth a visit! The neighbourhood has a long-standing reputation for entertainment. You can visit the site of the iconic Rainbow Theatre and/or try some bowling or Karaoke at Rowan's Tenpin Bowl.

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Landscapes of Desire: Parks, Colonialism and Identity in Victorian and Edwardian Ireland

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A Short History of Enclosure in Britain

https://www.thelandmagazine.org.uk/articles/short-history-enclosure-britain

Simon Fairlie describes how the progressive enclosure of commons over several centuries has deprived most of the British people of access to agricultural land. The historical process bears little relationship to the “Tragedy of the Commons”, the theory which ideologues in the neoliberal era adopted as part of a smear campaign against common property institutions.

Long but useful for setting socio-historical context around enclosures in mid 19 century

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As Loughran (2022) notes, strategic retrenchment creates the political space that allows private interests to be presented to the public as the only viable plan

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Research - London's urban parks in age of austerity

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Research - London's urban parks in age of austerity

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Andrew Smith is one of the authors, Friends of ...

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Descriptive of his life - little mention of Finsbury Park

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The 20Pragmatic 20Picturesque 20The 20Philosophy 20of 20Central 20Park

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Text about the ideas informing the design of Central Patk

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https://explore.osmaps.com/pin?lat=51.56470108&lon=-0.10606123&zoom=14.7674&type=2d&style=Standard

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Pin point and share locations with dropped pins | OS Maps

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Share locations from OS Maps with others or mark key locations to come back to in the future with dropped pins in OS Maps.

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https://docs.google.com/document/d/15ikiKOeaW8FAK_8qXL0rt2su5qubAtmueg53s54ozOs/edit

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Create a new document and edit with others at the same time -- from your computer, phone or tablet. Get stuff done with or without an internet connection. Use Docs to edit Word files. Free from Google.

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Main paths remain in place from original layout

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Wood House included

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Interspecies Festival

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https://2nq.uk/blog/fascism-and-antifascism-finsbury-park-and-1930s

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This blog by Dr Paul Jackson, Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Northampton, provides an introduction to his Heritage Talk which can be seen in full on YouTube.
Clashes between fascists and antifascists are often in the news.
In the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests, Donald Trump talked about antifascists being 'terrorists', while at the same time behaving favourably to those who seem to support contemporary fascist agendas in America. Clashes between fascists and racists on the one hand, and those who speak out against racism on the other, are not new and episodes in the history of racist politics can help us think about these issues today. This blog reflects on confrontations between fascists and antifascists occurred regularly in 1930s Britain, including in Finsbury Park.
There were a wide range of groups and organisations promoting fascist agendas in interwar Britain. These included the British Fascisti, set up in 1923 by Rosa Lintorn Orman. This groups shows us that the first openly fascist leader in Britain was a woman, and as historians such as Julie Gottlieb point out, the gender history of fascism is often more complex than clichés would first suggest. Other fascist groups also included the Imperial Fascist League, a small but extraordinarily antisemitic group led by Arnold Leese. Contemporary neo-Nazism in Britain can be traced back to the influence of this virulent propagandist for Nazism.

However, the most significant of the fascist groups in Britain was Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF), created in 1932 and reaching a height of perhaps 50,000 members by 1934. From the mid-1930s it developed a closer allegiance to Nazi Germany, changing its name to British Union of Fascists and National Socialists, and by the later 1930s was reinventing itself again as an ostensibly pacifist movement opposed to a new war with Germany. The BUF is often remembered as a failure, yet historians credit it with being able to develop a sustained fascist sub-culture in interwar Britain, one capable of offering activists a genuinely British fascist way of life - even though it was far from any political power.

By the 1930s, antifascists came in many varieties too, from Jewish groups concerned at the rise in antisemitism, to communists who saw fighting fascists as part of fighting for the revolution. There were also liberal and even conservative voices who saw dangers in fascist activism. Leading historian of antifascism, Nigel Copsey, highlights that a fundamental distinction between the fascist and antifascist outlook is their views on democracy. While fascists oppose democracy in any meaningful form, and believe in a world that is inherently unequal, antifascists defend democracy, even if they choose militant tactics to do so. The two are quite different; they are not opposing sides of the same coin.

As antifascists confronted the BUF in the 1930s, clashes between the two became a regular feature. This included, on 21 June 1936, at a BUF rally that began at Finsbury Square at 3.30pm and culminated with a speech by Mosley in Finsbury Park at around 6.00 pm. By this time, such events were leading to a significant policing cost, and the rally led to questions in the House of Commons.

Mr Frederick Montague, Labour MP for Islington West, gave a very vivid picture of the nature of such rallies, asking the Home Secretary if he was aware of the:
number of mounted and other police drafted into Finsbury Park yesterday on the occasion of a Fascist demonstration and upon whom falls the cost of these, with police cars, lorries, and ambulance wagons and refreshment tent erected in the children's playground; whether he is aware that the only violence exhibited was that of Sir Oswald Mosley's supporters; that the demonstration was organised in military fashion with uniformed men and appropriately distinguished officers, that military formations were conducted and military orders given by loud speakers, although loud speakers of a perfectly peaceful rival meeting were ordered to be toned down; and will he take steps to see that, while safeguarding free speech, such extremely provocative private army organisation is forbidden in future?
Here we see a picture of fascism as militaristic and threatening. Why was the state defending the rights of such people to protest in such an overtly paramilitary way, Montague wondered? Surely the law should be changed?

Conveying the reasoning behind the police response, Home Secretary John Simon, replied:

... I am informed by the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis that 573 foot police and 59 mounted police were on the ground. So large a number of police was employed because the police had reason to believe from past experience that the presence of Fascists and anti-Fascists in the park, unless adequately policed, was likely to give rise to disorder and breaches of the peace ... The House will appreciate how difficult the task of the police is when rival organisations demonstrate in the same locality. While it is the duty of the police to deal with any conduct which is likely to lead to breaches of the peace, such drastic measures as those proposed by the hon. Member would require legislation, and, as at present advised, I am not satisfied that there is sufficient ground for proposing so far-reaching a change in the law.
The Government response argued the need for policing was the consequence of antifascists, as well as fascists, quite different from the Labour perspective. Simon added in the exchange: 'The difficulty is that this is a free country, and the best thing we can do is to appeal to everyone on all sides to show a certain amount of reasonableness.' This raises the awkward but necessary question of whether one could expect a group like the BUF - whose ideology was based on antisemitic conspiracy theories and racism - to be 'reasonable'?

This was not the only perspective to place blame on antifascists for creating a dynamic where disorder was likely. As a quote from a local news report of the time added, 'We have no sympathy for the Blackshirts, but it is our opinion that the Fascists' meeting would have been peaceful if there had been no counter demonstration.'

Interestingly, the ostensibly insurmountable difficulties of changing the law to ban political uniforms and militaristic style of public politics were overcome only a few months later, following what has become known as the Battle of Cable Street. Here, the BUF decided to hold a march though the East End, on 4 October 1936, yet were greeted by thousands of anti-fascist supporters. Police tried to allow BUF marchers to carry out their event, but the size of the antifascist protest was too large, and so eventually the march was called off. This high-profile event has fallen into Britain antifascist mythology as an example of a crucial victory over a fascist movement.

The Battle of Cable Street led to the passing of the Public Order Act of 1936, largely directed at stymieing the BUF. This Act banned uniformed political movements and placed a range of other limitations on the BUF's style of politics. In 1940, the BUF was closed down by the Government, under Defence Regulation 18b, as it was seen as a security threat, as were other fascist groups.

Should fascist marches be tolerated, as part of protecting the freedom of speech? If so, should antifascists be able to protest too? If they do protest, is it right that they are dismissed as part of the same problem? Can a credible political response to racism be for all sides to 'be reasonable'?
Perhaps one key lesson to take from the clashes between fascists and antifascists of the 1930s is that tenacity and standing for democracy, and against racism, will yield results, even if you have to endure some criticism from some sections of the press and some politicians. Paul Jackson is the author of Colin Jordan and Britain's Neo-Nazi Movement: Hitler's Echo (Bloomsbury, 2017), and editor of Bloomsbury's Modern History of Politics and Violence book series.
See the full talk here.

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Fascism and Antifascism: Finsbury Park and the 1930s

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This blog by Dr Paul Jackson, Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Northampton, provides an introduction to his Heritage Talk which can be seen in full on YouTube . Clashes between fascists and antifascists are often in the news.

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Foraging thesis - on Edible Landscapes link

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Foraging thesis - on Edible Landscapes link

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https://ediblelandscapeslondon.org.uk/training-2/

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Text 5:

CND office in Blackstock Road, Tree planted for Bruce Kent in Finsbury Park

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Text 5:

CND office in Blackstock Road, Tree planted for Bruce Kent in Finsbury Park

https://www.londoncnd.org/events/2023/3/4/tree-planting-in-memory-of-bruce-kent

Contestation Info:

200 newly planted trees pulled out on orders of council last year to allow for construction of concert facilities.

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https://2nq.uk/blog/fascism-and-antifascism-finsbury-park-and-1930s

https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/download/0ca1d7ded725887ad06bd6bbe17c5da0603e8e9da49271ce0f8a5f8eef316593/570753/978-3-031-04636-0_5.pdf

Text 1: Simple, short and very general overview of the place and it’s history

https://www.hamhigh.co.uk/lifestyle/21132998.finsbury-park-150-campaigner-plans-update-history-book/

Text 2: More general stuff

https://theprisma.co.uk/2022/05/09/finsbury-park/

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
This blog by Dr Paul Jackson, Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Northampton, provides an introduction to his Heritage Talk which can be seen in full on YouTube.
Clashes between fascists and antifascists are often in the news.
In the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests, Donald Trump talked about antifascists being 'terrorists', while at the same time behaving favourably to those who seem to support contemporary fascist agendas in America. Clashes between fascists and racists on the one hand, and those who speak out against racism on the other, are not new and episodes in the history of racist politics can help us think about these issues today. This blog reflects on confrontations between fascists and antifascists occurred regularly in 1930s Britain, including in Finsbury Park.
There were a wide range of groups and organisations promoting fascist agendas in interwar Britain. These included the British Fascisti, set up in 1923 by Rosa Lintorn Orman. This groups shows us that the first openly fascist leader in Britain was a woman, and as historians such as Julie Gottlieb point out, the gender history of fascism is often more complex than clichés would first suggest. Other fascist groups also included the Imperial Fascist League, a small but extraordinarily antisemitic group led by Arnold Leese. Contemporary neo-Nazism in Britain can be traced back to the influence of this virulent propagandist for Nazism.

However, the most significant of the fascist groups in Britain was Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF), created in 1932 and reaching a height of perhaps 50,000 members by 1934. From the mid-1930s it developed a closer allegiance to Nazi Germany, changing its name to British Union of Fascists and National Socialists, and by the later 1930s was reinventing itself again as an ostensibly pacifist movement opposed to a new war with Germany. The BUF is often remembered as a failure, yet historians credit it with being able to develop a sustained fascist sub-culture in interwar Britain, one capable of offering activists a genuinely British fascist way of life - even though it was far from any political power.

By the 1930s, antifascists came in many varieties too, from Jewish groups concerned at the rise in antisemitism, to communists who saw fighting fascists as part of fighting for the revolution. There were also liberal and even conservative voices who saw dangers in fascist activism. Leading historian of antifascism, Nigel Copsey, highlights that a fundamental distinction between the fascist and antifascist outlook is their views on democracy. While fascists oppose democracy in any meaningful form, and believe in a world that is inherently unequal, antifascists defend democracy, even if they choose militant tactics to do so. The two are quite different; they are not opposing sides of the same coin.

As antifascists confronted the BUF in the 1930s, clashes between the two became a regular feature. This included, on 21 June 1936, at a BUF rally that began at Finsbury Square at 3.30pm and culminated with a speech by Mosley in Finsbury Park at around 6.00 pm. By this time, such events were leading to a significant policing cost, and the rally led to questions in the House of Commons.

Mr Frederick Montague, Labour MP for Islington West, gave a very vivid picture of the nature of such rallies, asking the Home Secretary if he was aware of the:
number of mounted and other police drafted into Finsbury Park yesterday on the occasion of a Fascist demonstration and upon whom falls the cost of these, with police cars, lorries, and ambulance wagons and refreshment tent erected in the children's playground; whether he is aware that the only violence exhibited was that of Sir Oswald Mosley's supporters; that the demonstration was organised in military fashion with uniformed men and appropriately distinguished officers, that military formations were conducted and military orders given by loud speakers, although loud speakers of a perfectly peaceful rival meeting were ordered to be toned down; and will he take steps to see that, while safeguarding free speech, such extremely provocative private army organisation is forbidden in future?
Here we see a picture of fascism as militaristic and threatening. Why was the state defending the rights of such people to protest in such an overtly paramilitary way, Montague wondered? Surely the law should be changed?

Conveying the reasoning behind the police response, Home Secretary John Simon, replied:

... I am informed by the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis that 573 foot police and 59 mounted police were on the ground. So large a number of police was employed because the police had reason to believe from past experience that the presence of Fascists and anti-Fascists in the park, unless adequately policed, was likely to give rise to disorder and breaches of the peace ... The House will appreciate how difficult the task of the police is when rival organisations demonstrate in the same locality. While it is the duty of the police to deal with any conduct which is likely to lead to breaches of the peace, such drastic measures as those proposed by the hon. Member would require legislation, and, as at present advised, I am not satisfied that there is sufficient ground for proposing so far-reaching a change in the law.
The Government response argued the need for policing was the consequence of antifascists, as well as fascists, quite different from the Labour perspective. Simon added in the exchange: 'The difficulty is that this is a free country, and the best thing we can do is to appeal to everyone on all sides to show a certain amount of reasonableness.' This raises the awkward but necessary question of whether one could expect a group like the BUF - whose ideology was based on antisemitic conspiracy theories and racism - to be 'reasonable'?

This was not the only perspective to place blame on antifascists for creating a dynamic where disorder was likely. As a quote from a local news report of the time added, 'We have no sympathy for the Blackshirts, but it is our opinion that the Fascists' meeting would have been peaceful if there had been no counter demonstration.'

Interestingly, the ostensibly insurmountable difficulties of changing the law to ban political uniforms and militaristic style of public politics were overcome only a few months later, following what has become known as the Battle of Cable Street. Here, the BUF decided to hold a march though the East End, on 4 October 1936, yet were greeted by thousands of anti-fascist supporters. Police tried to allow BUF marchers to carry out their event, but the size of the antifascist protest was too large, and so eventually the march was called off. This high-profile event has fallen into Britain antifascist mythology as an example of a crucial victory over a fascist movement.

The Battle of Cable Street led to the passing of the Public Order Act of 1936, largely directed at stymieing the BUF. This Act banned uniformed political movements and placed a range of other limitations on the BUF's style of politics. In 1940, the BUF was closed down by the Government, under Defence Regulation 18b, as it was seen as a security threat, as were other fascist groups.

Should fascist marches be tolerated, as part of protecting the freedom of speech? If so, should antifascists be able to protest too? If they do protest, is it right that they are dismissed as part of the same problem? Can a credible political response to racism be for all sides to 'be reasonable'?
Perhaps one key lesson to take from the clashes between fascists and antifascists of the 1930s is that tenacity and standing for democracy, and against racism, will yield results, even if you have to endure some criticism from some sections of the press and some politicians. Paul Jackson is the author of Colin Jordan and Britain's Neo-Nazi Movement: Hitler's Echo (Bloomsbury, 2017), and editor of Bloomsbury's Modern History of Politics and Violence book series.
See the full talk here.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Fascism and Antifascism: Finsbury Park and the 1930s

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
This blog by Dr Paul Jackson, Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Northampton, provides an introduction to his Heritage Talk which can be seen in full on YouTube . Clashes between fascists and antifascists are often in the news.

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https://raggeduniversity.co.uk/about/presentations/

https://raggeduniversity.co.uk/2016/03/01/romantic-radicals-agrarian-futurists-john-hargrave-kibbo-kift-beyond-anne-fernie-anne-fernie/#Slides_36_to_40_The_Kibbo-Kift_John_Hargrave_1894_to_1982