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The notion that power should be shared among states to promote stability rather than any one country taking over. 

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The notion of equilibrium as a balance of power was first made practical within modern early Europe as of post-Westphalia (1648) and more specifically after the Congress of Vienna (1815), which sought to interrupt any further attempts at dominion in a Napoleonic style. It gradually evolved in the 19th century by means of shifting alliances, developing a bipolar character on the Cold War, with the influencing powers in perfect equilibrium maintaining it through military alliances and nuclear deterrence. Fulfillment of practical aspects, balance of power is deeply enmeshed into diplomacy in the sense that one could use it to provide justification for alliance-building, arms control negotiations, or crisis management. Today it can be found in the U.S. alliances in Asia-Pacific as a counterbalance against the rise of China.

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When one nation is threatened, all of them react because nations have agreed to protect one another (e.g., United Nations system).

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Collective security emerged as an alternative to balancing forces against aggression, uniting states in solidarity. The first attempt, albeit misguided, was the League of Nations (1919), which failed to avert World War II. After 1945, the United Nations refurbished the idea by promoting the Security Council to approve military acts and sanctions. It has grown over the years, expanding the frontiers from interstate aggression into other matters, including terrorism and humanitarian crises. Among its many operational manifestations are the UN-led defense of South Korea from 1950 to 1953 and against Iraq in 1990-91. Therefore, collective security has acted as a mediating force, enhancing diplomacy with the concepts of multilateralism and the pulling power of legitimacy.

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Strong sense of national loyalty, which frequently influences diplomatic interactions and disputes.

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Nationalism emerged in 19th century Europe as much of a force for unification as for disintegration: it unified Germany and Italy, but caused many of the tensions in the Balkans that led to World War I. In the 20th century, it became the worldwide movement for decolonization as colonies in Asia and Africa sought independence from Europe. In the late 20th and 21st centuries, it reinvented itself in populist movements and renewed emphasis of sovereignty. Nationalism is diplomatic legitimization of the struggles for independence, shapes the formation of states, and sometimes the flames of conflict such as the Yugoslav Wars in the 1990s.

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Legal protection is given to diplomats so they can perform duties without fear of prosecution in host countries.

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The notion of the envoys being protected is an ancient one. However, it was in modem times that this idea was codified in 1961 under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Over the years, diplomatic immunity became a universal concept that protected diplomatic dialogue even between hostile states. The importance of diplomatic immunity in practical terms was highlighted during crises like the Iran Hostage Crisis (1979-81), in which violations of immunity increased tensions. At the same time, the immunity allowed for fragile negotiations, such as the secret negotiations held during the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. This principle has shaped the conduct of international relations by ensuring avenues of communication remain open, regardless of circumstances.

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The improvement of tense ties, particularly between the US and the USSR during the Cold War.

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It came to prominence in the Cold War, when the United States and Soviet Union, facing increasingly tenuous ties, began to seek ways to reduce tensions in the 1970s. Détente matured into a strategy seeking arms control and cooperation, embodied in agreements such as SALT I (1972) and the Helsinki Accords (1975). Outside Europe, this extended to a new phase in U.S.–China relations following Nixon's ground-breaking visit to Beijing in 1972, which recalibrated the Cold War balance. Détente served as a proof that without required ideologies, the use of diplomacy can lead to hostilities reducing. However, it declined toward the 1980s, and its behavior will carry over for future management of conflicts and set precedents for discussion between rivals.

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States shouldn't meddle in other sovereign states' internal affairs.

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The principle of non-intervention was established in association with the Peace of Westphalia (1648) and reinforced in the UN Charter (1945), which recognized sovereignty; however, it had to evolve under the weight of geopolitical realities. These were instances where superpowers violated that principle during the Cold War by intervening and fighting proxy wars. In the 21st century, the idea of non-intervention began to clash with that of Responsibility to Protect (2005, R2P), which calls for intervention in occasions of genocide or great mass atrocities. Practical examples could be the Kosovo intervention (1999) and the Libya intervention (2011) by NATO. This has made the principle of non-intervention one of the most hotly contested principles in diplomatic practice, weighing sovereignty against humanitarian responsibilities.

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Negotiation, mediation, or arbitration are given precedence over war in diplomacy.

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Conflict resolution by peaceful means became institutionalized through the Hague Conferences (1899 and 1907) that established mechanisms for arbitration and was subsequently strengthened by the UN Charter. Over the years, the application of peaceful settlement has evolved, following the institutions of the International Court of Justice and relevant mediation frameworks. It was put into practice in the Camp David Accords (1978) that led to peace between Egypt and Israel and in the Beagle Channel dispute (1978-84), which was arbitrated in a case of papal mediation. Hence, this principle has shaped diplomacy by incorporating negotiations and legal processes as alternatives to war.