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in 1840 on the 6th February, 540 people signed the treaty of Waitangi . the treaty promised Maori that they were still going to be in full control of there land, and everything that was important to them for as long as they wished. they promised safety and protection with them to also live with their Maori culture. There were two treaty's wrote one in Maori the other in English. This was a issue due to the fact that they were wrote slightly different with the English one stating that the Maori will give sovereignty to the British government. control of the country. The issue was that the word sovereignty was not properly translated into Maori so without knowing the Maori signed it.

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in 1865 the Native land court which was the key movement of the Native land act, began. The new rule put in place was if u had land you needed the title of owning it, to get hold of this title you needed to pay for it, in order for the Maori to keep hold of their land they needed to sell parts of it to pay for the title. The British government put this in place as a cleaver way to rip the Maoris land away from them. They did this because as more English moved to New Zealand the land was in higher demand.

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The Native Land Court was one of the key products of the Native Lands Act 1865. It enabled the conversion of traditional communal landholdings into individual titles, making it much easier for Pākehā to purchase Māori land.

Coming little more than a year after the Waikato War, this legislation was to achieve what many believed had not been accomplished on the battlefield - acquiring the land necessary to satisfy settlers' appetites. The operations of the Land Court affected Māori more strongly than those of any other colonial institution. When old rivalries were played out in court, the ultimate beneficiaries were Pākehā. Historian Judith Binney described the Native Lands Act as an 'act of war'.

The Court was required to name no more than 10 owners, regardless of the size of a block. All other tribal members were effectively dispossessed. The newly designated owners held their lands individually, not communally as part of (or trustees for) a tribal group. They could manage it, and sell it, as individuals and for their own benefit.

The first chief judge of the Court, Francis Fenton, maintained that judgements could only be based on the evidence presented to the Court. To protect their interests, all claimants had to attend in person, whether they wanted to or not. Many racked up large legal bills as a result. Those from out of town also had to pay for food and accommodation. Lawyers, shopkeepers, surveyors and the like granted Māori credit while they awaited the outcome of their case. These expenses forced many to sell the land they had been defending to settle their debts.

This process of alienating Māori land concerned some settler politicians. Former Attorney-General Henry Sewell had protested against the government's policy of confiscating the land of Māori deemed to be 'in rebellion'. Back in office in 1865, he asserted that the Native Land Court was designed to:

destroy if possible, the principle of communism which ran through the whole of their institutions, upon which their social system was based, and which stood as a barrier in the way of all attempts to amalgamate the Native race into our own social and political system.

Māori landholdings declined dramatically in the late 19th century. Between 1870 and 1892, 2 million ha of Māori land was transferred to Pākehā ownership. Whereas at the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 Māori owned almost all of the North Island, by 1892 they owned little more than a third, and a quarter of this was leased to Pākehā. Another 1.2 million ha of Māori land would be sold by 1900.

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The Native Land Court was one of the key products of the Native Lands Act 1865. It enabled the conversion of traditional communal landholdings into individual titles, making it much easier for Pākehā to purchase Māori land.

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Reason 3: 1860 Taranaki land confiscation eg parkiha 

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Reason 3: 1860 Taranaki land confiscation eg parkiha 

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In 1863 areas of Maori land was confiscated by the British government. At the time the Maori were trying to make a alternative government for Maori so they could get back their land and they wanted to forbid European settlers from buying land. The British Government took this as a act of rebellion and decided to punish the Maori by confiscating the land.

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Land Confiscation | NZHistory, New Zealand history online

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The New Zealand Settlements Act enabled the confiscation (raupatu) of land from Māori tribes deemed to have 'engaged in open rebellion against Her Majesty's authority'. Pākehā settlers would occupy the confiscated land. Read more...

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In 1975 5000 Maori people started their walk from Te Hapua to wellington (1100km). The entire protest took 30 days. They walked the entire trip in protest for the demand to the government for the land that was loss back.

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Relive the historic Land March arrival in Wellington, 1975. Explore its significance in New Zealand’s history at Waitangi.

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In 1975 (after the land march) The Waitangi tribal establish was acted upon. This act was for Maori, they were given permission to be able to add suggestions and claims to the treaty of Waitangi due to its unfairness in the 1860s.

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New Zealand will never have a grown up discussion about the Treaty of Waitangi; even more so with threats of violence and intimidation over a democratic referendum about the Treaty. When Maori say democracy doesn't work for them we should believe them, that they are against democracy. When Maori threaten violence and intimidation we should believe them about that too.

Maori are warning of sweeping protests, division and the potential for violence if ACT's proposed Treaty referendum gets across the line in coalition negotiations for the new government.

However, ACT leader David Seymour says he doesn't accept there will be disruption - and he has his finger on the pulse of the Maori world.

Otaki man Nathan Kirker said there would be an "uproar" if the government tried to launch the referendum. He said Australia's vote on The Voice, the same day as New Zealand's election, was a "prime example" of how referendums were a numbers game.

This month, Australians voted on changing their constitution to recognise Aboriginal and Torres Islanders as first nation people, through the creation of an advisory group to the government. It was rejected 60% to 40%.

Kirker would join any protests, he said, as would many people he knew - especially from Otaki, which has a strong reo-speaking Maori population. "[and] Not just the Maori, the Pakeha are great here too."

If the referendum went ahead there would be "a huge protest down at Parliament". There was a possibility of it "turning into violence", Kirker said .

...

Kirker said he would feel real anger if the referendum went ahead.

"If someone tells me, walking down the street, that they would tick for the referendum and say 'yes', that would p... me off ... it's like, 'Nah, f... off.' "
Stuff

There you have it: the bully pulpit, threats of intimidation and violence, and a rejection of constitutional democratic mechanisms such as referenda, by Maori. What's the bet Police won't meet actual violence at Parliament by Maori in the same manner with which they attacked and stomped all over peaceful protestors?

This is the damage that six years of the Ardern/Hipkins regime have delivered, through their promotion of a heroic reinterpretation of the treaty, paying millions upon millions of dollars to media organisations on the proviso that they too promote this divisive agenda, forcing through race-based policies in health and the confiscation of council water assets that have been effectively handed over to iwi elites.

Labour fostered this division and this overt racism, and now if anyone dares to query any aspect of it they are howled down as racist, threatened, intimidated and promised violence in return.

This is what New Zealand has become: thanks Ardern, thanks Hipkins.

This nation is poorer as a result of the bully pulpit and intimidation effectively silencing all except those who are brave enough to stand up to these threats.

This is Jacinda Ardern's legacy.

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New Zealand will never have a grown up discussion about the Treaty of Waitangi, and this even moreso with threats of violence and intimidation over a democratic referendum about the Treaty. When Maori say democracy doesn't work for them we should believe them, that they are against democracy.

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on the 21st of September 1992, The finallisation of the treaty of waitangu was completed. Once this was done no more additions would be accepted to the treaty. The Crown made a agreed historical account To the Maori, They acknowledged and apologized for their past actions.

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Te Atiawa Claims Settlement Act 2016 No 94 (as at 12 April 2022), Public Act 8 Summary of historical account – New Zealand Legislation

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The Ihumatao protest Was a long fight for the land. In 2017 the protesters brought the issue to the United Nations hoping for them to look into it stating that there were breaches under the rights for indigenous people in 2020 the protest was completed by the government agreeing to by the land from Fletchers building costing 3 million.

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Ihumātao: believed to be one of the first places where Māori in Tāmaki Makaurau settled, farmed and thrived, has been designated to make way for 480 new homes in a city crippled by a housing crisis.

But the housing development has been protested by the SOUL (Save Our Unique Landscape) group who say the land has historical, cultural and archaeological significance and should be left an open space or returned to mana whenua.

Timeline of the Ihumātao dispute:

1863: The land at Ihumātao was taken 'by proclamation' during the invasion of the Waikato, according to SOUL.

It was confiscated under the New Zealand Settlements Act, thus breaching the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi agreement.

Historically the land was believed to be occupied by Waikato-Tainui, Ngāti Whatua, and groups connected to Waikato-Tainui (Ngāti Tamaoho, Te Ahiwaru, Ngāti Tai Tāmaki, Ngāti Te Ata, Te Ākitai Waiohua, and Te Kawerau ā Maki).

1867: The land was acquired by Crown grant.

1869: It was sold to a private owner believed to be the Wallace family whose descendants held on to the land for more than a century.

2012: Auckland Council tried to make the land an open, public space, but the move was challenged in the Environment Court and council was directed to rezone the land, meaning it could be developed for business or residential purposes in future.

February 2014: Te Kawerau ā Maki and the Crown signed a Deed of Settlement at Makaurau Marae in Māngere.

July 2014: After the Super City was formed, the government and Auckland Council designated 32 hectares adjacent to the Otuataua Stonefields Historic Reserve as a Special Housing Area (SHA).

2015: Pania Newton, one of the founders of SOUL along with cousins and other locals raised concerns saying they would oppose the zoning of the land.

2016: It was sold to Fletcher Residential - a wholly-owned subsidiary of Fletcher Building.

September 2016: Supporters built a structure representing a whare and a pou whenua was erected on Ihumatao Quarry Road.

5 November 2016: About 20 members of the community started camping by the side of the road. Some continued to live there - sleeping in caravans, sheds, tents and even an empty boat.

December 2016: Joe Hawke, who led the occupation of Bastion Point/Takaparawhau from January 1977 to May 1978, visited Ihumātao to give his support and some advice to those occupying the land.

The same month, Fletcher Building was given the green light for the housing development but Heritage New Zealand denied them the ability to build.

April 2017: The campaigners took their fight to the United Nations hoping for an intervention to address alleged breaches under the Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous People.

The UN report recognised that consultation and consent from Māori had not been adequately sought.

It also recommended the government evaluate the plan's compliance with the Treaty of Waitangi and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

November 2018: The Environment Court declined to overturn the permission granted to Fletcher Building to build the houses in Māngere.

By then Fletcher Building said it had been through the Waitangi Tribunal, the Māori Land Court and the Environment Court - as well as the normal consenting process.

February 2019: Fletcher Building says that if a good offer came along, they would be open to selling the Ihumātao property.

March: SOUL along with supporters in Wellington take their petition to Parliament demanding government intervention to prevent a confrontation on the land.

April: A hikoi, ending in Auckland's Aotea Square, saw a 20,000-signature petition delivered to Auckland mayor Phil Goff, calling for local council and government to protect the land.

The same month, the Māori Affairs select committee said it was considering the case and could recommend the government find a way to stop the development, initiate a Treaty justice process or even return the land to the mana whenua.

23 July: An eviction notice was served to those occupying the land. Three people are arrested.

24 July: Auckland mayor Phil Goff said after several efforts there was nothing more the council could do. Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern said the government would not intervene.

25 July: Some Auckland councillors said they regretted signing off on the Ihumātao land being used for housing and voted unanimously in favour of organising an urgent meeting between interested parties as a last-ditch effort to resolve the dispute.

26 July: Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern vows that no building would take place at Ihumātao while government and other parties tried to broker a solution.

27 July: A free concert by Teeks, Troy Kingi, Stan Walker and others swells the crowds to about 5000 people. A pōwhiri welcomes government ministers Peeni Henare and Willie Jackson to the site.

28 July: Muslim leaders come to pray with the people of Ihumātao.

30 July: National Party leader Simon Bridges, who supports the iwi authority rather than the protesters, says the prime minister is failing in her duties by being in Tokelau instead of leading a government response to the dispute.

31 July: Māori Development Minister Nanaia Mahuta meets with SOUL co-founder Pania Newton.

Mr Bridges accuses the PM of an "bad error of judgement" for getting involved, but Labour rejects this.

3 August: Kiingi Tūheitia arrives at Ihumātao, which is also where the first Māori King was crowned.

The Kiingitanga who had supported the Fletcher development now say they want a solution for all mana whenua and offer to host a hui, an offer which is accepted by the protesters.

5 August: Protesters move past the police front line.

Police deploy many more officers to what protest leader Pania Newton said was a "very intimidating" five-hour standoff.

6 August: Two Auckland councillors call for a reduced police presence.

Hundreds protest around the country. Police Deputy Commissioner Wally Haumaha goes to Ihumātao to meet with protest leaders and look for some means of resolution.

16 August: Police dramatically reduced the number of police at Ihumātao.

19 August: Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern says she will not visit Ihumātao before the deadline given to her by occupiers, 22 August.

22 August:Around 150 people hīkoi from Ihumātao to Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern's electoral office in Mt Albert, calling for her to visit the whenua.

23 August: Waikato-Tainui and the Kiingitanga shut down claims that they are about to buy back Ihumātao but have not ruled out the possibility.

18 September 2019: Māori King Tūheitia says mana whenua have finally reached consensus over what to do with Ihumātao - they want it back.

22 January 2020: The Kiingitanga flag at Ihumātao has come down and Kiingitanga representatives say a positive resolution is expected ahead of Waitangi Day.

19 February 2020: Fletcher Building grows impatient for a solution. The construction company is seeking $40 million for the property - more than double the $19m it paid in 2014.

23 July 2020: One year since occupiers were served with eviction notices. Mana whenua and others have remained on site since late 2016.

17 December 2020: Government agrees to buy the land from Fletcher Building for just under $30 million.

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Ihumātao: believed to be one of the first places where Māori in Tāmaki Makaurau settled, farmed and thrived, has been designated to make way for 480 new homes in a city crippled by a housing crisis.

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After very long time and many protests Maori have been given back a respectable amount of their land. The treaty of Waitangi was changed in a way that respects Maori needs. They finally got to have a treaty that was signed with them knowing completely what was wrote down and having their own say in the matter.

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racism, 93% of Maori say they experience racism everyday and that is the same throughout Maori history. Although what has stayed consistent is Maori not giving up or backing down when being treated unfairly no matter how long it would take they would keep fighting for what they believe is right.

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New Zealand: Thousands rally in support of Māori rights

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Demonstrators say recent government policies seek to disadvantage indigenous people.

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In my point of view, as someone whom is born in a point in time where i am constantly surrounded by the subject of equality, I know better than the British did over 150 years ago. Their actions were inexcusable but also with the idea in my head that they did not exactly know any better. So for that fact I'm just lucky i am born in a time where these actions would not be allowed. But as a white female who's father only recently began to live in this country I do not have a understanding on what Maori thinks upon the event, so don't have a opinion on what should or should not happen now, as I know that Maori are still wanting more of their land back.