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Introduction

The Taliban are a predominantly Pashtun, Islamic fundamentalist group that returned to power in Afghanistan in 2021 after waging a twenty-year insurgency.

Following the U.S.-led invasion that toppled the original regime in 2001, the Taliban regrouped across the border in Pakistan and began taking back territory less than ten years after their ouster. By August 2021, the Taliban had swept back into power. Their swift offensive came as the United States withdrew its remaining troops from Afghanistan as outlined in a 2020 peace agreement with the group.

The Taliban have imposed a harsh interpretation of Islamic law despite pledges to respect the rights of women and religious and ethnic minority communities. Meanwhile, as they have transitioned from an insurgent group to a functional government, the Taliban have struggled to provide Afghans with adequate food supplies and economic opportunities.

What has the Taliban's return to power meant for the rights of women and other Afghans?

The Taliban threaten Afghans' civil and political rights enshrined in the constitution created by the U.S.-backed government. Since regaining control, the Taliban have taken actions reminiscent of their brutal rule in the late 1990s.

The UN mission in Afghanistan has documented numerous human rights violations. The Taliban have intimidated journalists and restricted press freedoms, leading to the closures of more than two hundred news organizations. Their government has violently cracked down on demonstrations, and protesters and activists have been monitored and forcibly disappeared. They also reestablished their Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, which under their previous rule enforced prohibitions on behavior deemed un-Islamic. In November 2022, they ordered judges to enforce their interpretation of sharia; in the weeks after, authorities resumed public floggings and executions.

Women have seen their rights obliterated. The Taliban have prohibited most girls from attending secondary school, banned all women from attending and teaching at universities, and prevented women from working. In December 2022, the group prohibited women from working at local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The UN Development Program (UNDP) has estimated that restricting women's employment could cost up to 5 percent of Afghanistan's gross domestic product (GDP). Amnesty International has reported a drastic increase in the number of women arrested for violating discriminatory policies, such as rules requiring women to only appear in public with a male chaperone and to completely cover their bodies. The rates of child marriage have also increased.

The Taliban's takeover has also wiped out gains in Afghans' standards of living that were made over the two decades after the U.S. invasion, according to the UNDP. In an October 2022 report, the agency said that almost all Afghans were living in poverty. The economy has shrunk by up to 30 percent since the takeover, and an estimated seven hundred thousand jobs have been lost. More than 90 percent [PDF] of the population has been suffering from some form of food insecurity. Exacerbating the crisis is a pause in aid by some countries and international organizations, which had been the lifeline of the economy and public health sector.

At the same time, the takeover brought an end to fighting that pitted Taliban fighters against U.S. and Afghan government forces. The country's overall security situation has improved and civilian casualties have declined. However, violence remains widespread, particularly as the Islamic State in Khorasan terrorist group has increased attacks on civilians throughout the country.

Could Afghanistan again become a safe haven for terrorists?

International observers remain concerned that the Taliban support terrorist organizations, particularly al-Qaeda, posing a threat to regional and international security. The United States invaded Afghanistan after it refused to hand over Osama bin Laden, the mastermind of the 9/11 attacks. Under the Taliban's rule, Afghanistan could become a safe haven for terrorists capable of launching attacks against the United States and its allies, experts say, despite Taliban statements that "Afghanistan's soil will not be used against the security of any other country."

In its April 2022 report, the UN team that monitors the Taliban said the group "remains close" with al-Qaeda and that "al-Qaeda has a safe haven under the Taliban and increased freedom of action." Indeed, in August, a U.S. drone strike killed al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri in Kabul. Reports suggested that Zawahiri was living in the home of a Taliban aide, and other al-Qaeda leaders are believed to be based in the country. The UN report said that al-Qaeda is likely using Afghanistan as a "friendly environment" to recruit, train, and fundraise, although it is unlikely to launch an international attack before 2023 at the earliest. Following Zawahiri's killing, a leaked U.S. assessment said that al-Qaeda has not reconstituted its presence in Afghanistan, though some experts disagreed.

In addition, violence has increased along Afghanistan's border with Pakistan, which has historically supported the Taliban. (Pakistan is thought to have provided financial and logistical support to the Taliban during the U.S. war, though Islamabad denies this.) The Taliban's return to power has emboldened Tehrik-e-Taliban, a militant group sometimes referred to as the Pakistani Taliban. In late 2022, the group ended a cease-fire with the Pakistani government and launched attacks across the country. Pakistani officials have accused the Afghan Taliban of providing the militants with a safe haven in Afghanistan.

How has the world responded to the Taliban?

During the U.S. war in Afghanistan, governments and international bodies joined U.S.-led efforts to oust the Taliban and bolster Afghanistan's government, democratic institutions, and civil society. They have taken various actions since 2001:

Military force. U.S. troops quickly overthrew the Taliban after they invaded Afghanistan in October 2001. The Taliban then waged an insurgency against the U.S.-backed Afghan government. The group withstood counterinsurgency operations from the world's most powerful security alliance, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and three U.S. administrations over the course of a war that killed more than 6,000 U.S. troops and contractors and over 1,100 NATO troops. Some 47,000 civilians died, and an estimated 73,000 Afghan troops and police officers were killed between 2007 and 2021. Tens of thousands of Taliban fighters are also believed to have died. The number of U.S. troops in Afghanistan peaked at around 100,000 in 2011. NATO assumed leadership of foreign forces in 2003, marking its first operational commitment outside of Europe. At its height, NATO had more than 130,000 troops from fifty nations stationed in Afghanistan. In the 2020 U.S.-Taliban agreement, the United States committed to withdrawing all U.S. and NATO troops from Afghanistan if the Taliban carried out commitments that included cutting ties with terrorist groups. The United States completed its troop withdrawal in August 2021.

Sanctions. The UN Security Council first imposed sanctions on the regime for harboring al-Qaeda in 1999 and expanded the sanctions after 9/11. They target Taliban leaders' financial assets and ban them from most travel. The Security Council also imposed an arms embargo on the Taliban. The United States and the European Union maintain additional sanctions, which have hindered aid deliveries since the Taliban's takeover. Meanwhile, the United States has blocked the Taliban from accessing billions of dollars in assets.

Aid. For years, the Afghan government depended on assistance from dozens of countries; 75 percent of the government's public expenditures were covered by grants from international partners, according to a 2019 World Bank report. Many of these countries suspended aid after the Taliban took over, sparking concerns of further economic turmoil. But in 2022, aid picked up, with donors providing over $2.6 billion. Since the takeover, the United States has provided more than $1.1 billion in aid. Still, UN officials said the commitments fell short of the country's humanitarian needs.

Diplomatic ties. Many Western countries, including the United States, shut down their diplomatic offices in Afghanistan after the Taliban took over. They have refused to recognize and establish diplomatic ties with the Taliban government, which calls the country the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. (A handful of states, including China and Russia, have accredited Taliban-selected diplomats.) In addition, the UN General Assembly has indefinitely postponed a vote on who can represent Afghanistan at the United Nations.

Investigation. The Taliban are now under investigation by the International Criminal Court for alleged abuses of Afghan civilians, including crimes against humanity, carried out since 2003. U.S. and Afghan forces are also being investigated for alleged war crimes.

Who leads the Taliban?

The Taliban have been led for decades by a leadership council, called the Rahbari Shura. It is better known as the Quetta Shura, named for the city in Pakistan where Mullah Mohammed Omar, the Taliban's first leader, and his top aides are believed to have taken refuge after the U.S. invasion. (Omar died in 2013 and was succeeded by Mullah Akhtar Mohammad Mansour, who was killed in a 2016 U.S. air strike in Pakistan.) Today, the Rahbari Shura is thought by analysts to oversee the Taliban government's work, though its precise role is unclear. It is led by Mawlawi Hibatullah Akhundzada, who has not been seen publicly in years. (Taliban officials said in 2022 that Akhundzada had visited Kabul, but no photos or videos of such an appearance were made public. An audio recording of a speech he reportedly gave was released.)

The government is led by a thirty-three-member caretaker cabinet. All ministers are men and are former Taliban officials or individuals loyal to the group. A majority are ethnic Pashtuns, and some are considered terrorists by the United States and are sanctioned by the United Nations. Mohammad Hassan Akhund, who was close with Omar, is acting prime minister. Taliban cofounder Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, who led peace negotiations with the United States, is Akhund's deputy. Sirajuddin Haqqani-who is acting head of the Haqqani Network, a militant group in Afghanistan's southeast and Pakistan's northwest with close ties to the Taliban, al-Qaeda, and Pakistan's intelligence services-is the acting interior minister. Mullah Muhammad Yaqoub, Omar's son, is acting defense minister. Mawlawi Amir Khan Muttaqi is the acting foreign minister, and Zabihullah Mujahid is the government's spokesperson.

How were the Taliban formed?

The group was formed in the early 1990s by Afghan mujahideen, or Islamic guerrilla fighters, who had resisted the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-89) with the covert backing of the CIA and its Pakistani counterpart, the Inter-Services Intelligence directorate (ISI). They were joined by younger Pashtun tribesmen who studied in Pakistani madrassas, or seminaries; taliban is Pashto for "students." Pashtuns comprise a plurality in Afghanistan and are the predominant ethnic group in much of the country's south and east. They are also a major ethnic group in Pakistan's north and west.

The movement attracted popular support in the initial post-Soviet era by promising to impose stability and rule of law after four years of conflict (1992-96) among rival mujahideen groups. The Taliban entered Kandahar in November 1994 to pacify the crime-ridden southern city, and by September 1996 seized the capital, Kabul, from President Burhanuddin Rabbani, an ethnic Tajik whom they viewed as anti-Pashtun and corrupt. That year, the Taliban declared Afghanistan an Islamic emirate, with Mullah Mohammed Omar, a cleric and veteran of the anti-Soviet resistance, leading as amir al-mu'minin, or "commander of the faithful." The regime controlled some 90 percent of the country before its 2001 overthrow.

The Taliban imposed a harsh brand of justice as they consolidated territorial control. Taliban jurisprudence was drawn from the Pashtuns' pre-Islamic tribal code and interpretations of sharia colored by the austere Wahhabi doctrines of the madrassas' Saudi benefactors. The regime neglected social services and other basic state functions even as the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice required women to wear the head-to-toe burqa, or chadri; banned music and television; and jailed men whose beards it deemed too short.

What is the state of the Taliban's finances?

Foreign trade with Afghanistan has fallen since the takeover. Despite a decline in imports, however, most of the country's revenue in 2022 [PDF] came from taxes at border crossings. Additionally, it has increased coal exports to Pakistan. The Taliban government's proposed budget for fiscal year 2022 was $2.6 billion. (The previous government had a budget of around $6 billion in 2021.)

Prior to the takeover, the Taliban primarily earned revenue through criminal activities, including opium poppy cultivation, drug trafficking, extortion of local businesses, and kidnapping, according to the UN monitoring group. In 2021, Afghanistan accounted for 86 percent [PDF] of the world's illicit opium production. However, in April 2022, the Taliban banned poppy cultivation.

Do Afghans support the Taliban?

For years after their fall from power in 2001, the Taliban enjoyed support. The Asia Foundation, a U.S.-based nonprofit organization, found in 2009 that half of Afghans-mostly Pashtuns and rural Afghans-had sympathy for armed opposition groups, primarily the Taliban. Afghan support for the Taliban and allied groups stemmed in part from grievances against public institutions.

But in 2019, a response to the same survey found that only 13.4 percent of Afghans had sympathy for the Taliban. As intra-Afghan peace talks stalled in early 2021, an overwhelming majority surveyed said it was important to protect [PDF] women's rights, freedom of speech, and the constitution.

Do any groups threaten the Taliban's power?

The Islamic State in Khorasan, with up to four thousand members in Afghanistan, has emerged as the Taliban's main military threat. The terrorist group has continued to launch attacks, particularly against minority communities such as the Hazaras, even as the Taliban work to eradicate it. Analysts say that the group's attacks on the embassies of China, Pakistan, and Russia in Kabul in late 2022 could hinder the countries' investment in Afghanistan. Amid the U.S. troop withdrawal, the Islamic State in Khorasan claimed responsibility for an attack near the Kabul airport that killed 13 U.S. service members and at least 170 Afghan civilians. According to the UN monitoring team, that attack elevated the group's status and led the self-declared Islamic State to provide an additional half a million dollars in funding for the group.

In addition, a resistance movement of former officials, local militia members, and Afghan security forces who call themselves the National Resistance Front formed to oppose the Taliban's rule, though analysts say the group is currently not strong enough to threaten the Taliban's control. It is based in the mountainous, northern Panjshir Province and has launched guerrilla-style attacks in several other provinces. The group has called for external support, but U.S. officials have said that Washington does " not support organized violent opposition " to the Taliban.

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The Taliban returned to power in Afghanistan in 2021, twenty years after their ouster by U.S. troops. Under their harsh rule, they have cracked down on women's rights and neglected basic services.

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What’s Happening In Myanmar’s Civil War?

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Questions you may have about the ongoing war in Myanmar, explained with graphics.

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All-out fighting between rival branches of the armed forces has devastated Sudan. With millions facing famine, diplomats should push the two main belligerents much harder to accept a ceasefire - before the fragmentation in the two sides' ranks dooms efforts to stop the carnage.

A grim anniversary looms in Sudan, where war rages and the prospect of famine hovers. On 15 April, the country will mark a year since a power struggle between two branches of its armed forces exploded into full-scale conflict. The effects of twelve months of hostilities have been harrowing. Thousands have died in the fighting, or related atrocities, and millions are desperately hungry. The Sudanese state has largely collapsed. As new militias join the mêlée and momentum on the battlefield seesaws, it is clear that the longer the conflict lasts, the harder it will be to piece Sudan back together. The U.S., UN and African Union have revitalised their diplomacy by appointing new envoys, but collective efforts to foster peace still lack coherence and urgency. All states and bodies with influence, including the three Arab powers quietly pushing for a resolution, must work together to press the two sides to end the war. World leaders must also stand with the Sudanese people by addressing aid shortfalls, including at a donor conference to be held in Paris on 15 April, and demanding full access to food aid to prevent mass starvation.

Conflict erupted in April 2023 in the heart of the capital, Khartoum, amid a standoff over plans to fold the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) into the army. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the army leader, and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo "Hemedti", the head of the RSF, had ruled together since seizing power in 2019 on the back of a popular movement protesting the regime of long-time dictator Omar al-Bashir. But relations between the two were perpetually strained. After jointly dissolving the civilian government in a 2021 coup, neither was willing to concede to the other on the issue of merging their forces. By early 2023, increasingly at odds and under heavy outside pressure to abide by a commitment to restore civilian rule, both commanders had positioned their troops for a showdown.

It is unclear who fired the first shot, but what followed was an incontrovertible disaster for the entire country. It was also unprecedented: Sudanese governments have waged war on rebels in the country's peripheries for much of the period since independence in 1956, but never before had the fighting engulfed Khartoum or other parts of the riverine heartland. Over the course of the year, the battle for the capital has grown, morphing into a nationwide civil war, with a widening variety of groups throwing in their lot with one side or other in a country awash with guns.

Hemedti's RSF has outmatched the army for much of the war, seizing most of Khartoum in the early days of conflict and keeping the momentum for some time as its foe struggled to fight back. After expanding its grip on Greater Khartoum in the first months of the war, including by seizing Sudan's main oil refinery, a boon for its operations, in October and November the RSF turned its attention elsewhere. It conquered most of Darfur, the western region where it had first emerged from the remnants of the Janjaweed, a Bashir-backed militia responsible for atrocities against the area's non-Arab majority in the early 2000s. The RSF also launched new offensives in the Kordofan region, and shocked many Sudanese by launching its first strike south east of Khartoum in December, where it captured Wad Medani, capital of the breadbasket Gezira state. Many of Khartoum's residents had fled to Wad Medani, an army stronghold, when the war broke out. By the end of 2023, some Sudanese wondered if the RSF would continue marching east to assail the army's new redoubt in Port Sudan on the Red Sea.

The RSF's momentum has stalled, with Hemedti's forces appearing overstretched as they fight on fronts from west to east.

But the RSF's momentum has stalled, with Hemedti's forces appearing overstretched as they fight on fronts from west to east. Clashes across the country, particularly in Kordofan and Omdurman, Khartoum's major suburb west of the Nile, have strained RSF supply lines and resources, although their fighting capabilities remain substantial, with a steady inflow of arms and personnel. That said, the RSF seems unable to or uninterested in administering areas under its control - some with populations deeply hostile to it, due in part to its wanton looting and other abuses - and has struggled to control new recruits. Atrocities carried out by the forces, which include killings, sexual violence against women and girls and systematic theft, have enraged many Sudanese, pushing tens of thousands to take up arms against the RSF, either by joining army training camps or organising under affiliated ethnic militias. At the same time, many of those who have joined the RSF have done so in the expectation of handsome bounty. Many have more loyalty to communal leaders in their homelands than to a strict RSF chain of command.

With Hemedti's forces bogged down, the army launched its first major counteroffensives in January, focusing on Greater Khartoum and Gezira state. Making use of combat drones, reportedly supplied by Iran, Burhan's troops have made steady progress in retaking large parts of Omdurman. The battle may soon turn to Bahri, Khartoum's sister city to the north, as well as to the rest of the capital, both of which areas have been mainly in RSF hands since the war broke out. The army is also likely to seek to oust the RSF from the oil refinery north of Khartoum, which the paramilitaries still rely on for fuel. The army's promised campaign to retake Gezira has moved more slowly, partly due to defensive operations led by a former army officer now leading a local militia aligned with the RSF.

With the two forces now largely arrayed along an east-west divide, the humanitarian threats facing Sudan's people have surged. Each advance by the RSF tends to bring with it a corresponding collapse of what is left of Sudanese state services; those state institutions that remain tend to operate only in army-held areas. Outside Darfur, the territories the RSF have conquered are havens for looting and atrocities. Amid extreme insecurity, destruction and mass displacement (except among those communities that are too fearful to flee or are otherwise trapped), farming and other livelihoods have ground to a halt. The result is a decimation of Sudan's domestic food production. Food imports have also been squeezed as traders face huge costs and challenges in getting products to markets.

Conditions in Sudan could hardly be more dire. The UN reports that 18 million people, more than one third of the population, face acute food insecurity. Both warring parties have hindered humanitarian efforts by impeding access to relief operations. About 90 per cent of those suffering acute food insecurity are stuck in areas of active conflict, including millions of residents in Greater Khartoum and Gezira. The two sides generally show callous disregard for civilians' plight, with the RSF demanding sky-high fees from aid trucks at checkpoints or stealing their cargo, while the army tries to block relief in RSF-held areas, where many camps for the internally displaced and devastated towns have been unable to receive assistance. In April, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, which supplies analysis of food emergencies to UN bodies and relief agencies, urged "stakeholders to act immediately to prevent famine", while warning that "data gaps" and "connectivity challenges" had prevented it from updating its analysis since December.

Renewed large-scale hostilities could break out anytime between the RSF and Darfur's non-Arab armed groups.

There is little sign of security improving, either, with several regions facing specific risks of heightened conflict. Renewed large-scale hostilities could break out anytime between the RSF and Darfur's non-Arab armed groups. The risk is most acute in North Darfur, where the RSF has locked horns with a host of predominantly non-Arab armed groups, which have fought the Sudanese government since the early 2000s, but many of which now back the army. Tensions have been high since November 2023, when the RSF aborted its offensive on army positions in El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur. Several of the armed groups from Darfur have aligned themselves with the army and even joined the conflict in Khartoum and Gezira, sparking concerns that the RSF and affiliated militias may retaliate against associated non-Arab communities back in Darfur. Furthermore, divisions have emerged within various armed groups in Darfur, potentially incubating conflict between factions that have declared allegiance to the RSF and others that support the army.

Conditions are different but no less troubling in the army's bastion to the east, where Burhan is also relying on an increasingly varied coalition of allies to combat the RSF. The army has been engaged in a campaign to arm popular resistance forces, whose members reportedly number in the tens of thousands. A mix of other groups, including Darfuri and other communal militias, are now also training for battle in the east, particularly in Gedaref and Kassala states. Ousted Bashir-era Islamists, who have come back to dominate Burhan's government ministries and security institutions, are mobilising well-trained militias, mostly from River Nile, Northern and Kassala states, to fight alongside the army, especially in Khartoum and Omdurman. Even Burhan's allies worry that the army is steadily losing control of its own coalition and could implode, given the sheer number of militias now helping it fight the RSF.

With more and more groups entangled in the turmoil, both Burhan and Hemedti may find it increasingly difficult to maintain control of affiliated militias. The potential fragmentation of Sudan's civil war is also ominous because of how it would endanger efforts to resolve the conflict through high-level negotiation between the two leaders. At the same time, the conflict is already rapidly degenerating into inter-ethnic wars, particularly between the Darfuri Arabs and Sudan's riverine peoples, as well as Arabs and non-Arabs in Darfur. Access to more lethal weaponry, the surge in atrocities and the proliferation of hate speech have fuelled calls by military and communal leaders to annihilate communities aligned with the enemy. Ethnically driven violence, along the lines of the mass killing and displacement of non-Arabs in West Darfur by the RSF and its affiliates and similar depredations by the army targeting Arabs in North, South and East Darfur, is bound to become more likely across Sudan so long as the conflict persists.

Sudan has also become an arena for regional proxy conflict. While Egypt is the army's main outside backer, Iran is also providing it with weapons. Many credit Iranian drones for the army's recent turnabout on the battlefield. On the other side, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is the major patron of the RSF. Other regional powers have also taken sides, with Eritrea, apprehensive about the RSF advancing further east toward its borders, generally backing the army, whereas its neighbour Ethiopia, a close ally of the UAE and rival of Egypt, is seemingly friendly to the RSF.

These foreign entanglements create the potential for significant worsening of violence the more that the war and its effects extend beyond Sudan's borders, a process that is well under way. In February, South Sudan's main oil export pipeline, which runs through Sudan, fell into disrepair due to a lack of maintenance caused by the fighting, risking an economic meltdown that could deepen its own internal fissures and destabilise the country anew. Spillover from Sudan could also unsettle Chad, from which some of the RSF's fighters hail; or it could draw in Ethiopia or Eritrea, as well as other regional powers. The vacuum of governance could in addition create opportunities for jihadists to establish bases in Sudan. Not least, many of the Arab and African powers involved in the war view it as central to jostling over access to and control of the strategic Red Sea, magnifying tensions.

Diplomatic efforts to end the fighting ... have been lagging and lacklustre.

Diplomatic efforts to end the fighting, meanwhile, have been lagging and lacklustre. Mediated by Riyadh and Washington, two initial rounds of talks in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, the first from May to June and the second from October to November, focused on achieving time-bound humanitarian ceasefires, but made little progress. Amid widespread frustration, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), a regional bloc representing the Horn of Africa, then tried to bring the two Sudanese sides together in December. Spearheaded by its current chair Djibouti as well as Kenya, and with the support of the U.S. and others, this effort nevertheless also fizzled out by January.

As both the Jeddah process and the IGAD track faltered, the Egyptians and Emiratis were working through back channels and outside the spotlight to mediate. Talks in the Bahraini capital Manama led to face-to-face meetings between the two deputies of Sudan's warring leaders, later including U.S. and Saudi representatives as well. There, the deputies signed a declaration of principles that committed both sides to accepting a civilian government, holding elections after a transition and creating a united armed forces consisting of the army, the RSF and other armed groups. The parties also agreed to scale back the influence of Bashir regime figures, arrest those who had escaped from prison (a likely reference to a coterie of prominent figures, including Bashir cabinet officials, now allegedly fighting on the army's side), and hand over indicted suspects to the International Criminal Court. Those whom the Court has accused of atrocity crimes in Darfur in the early and mid-2000s include Bashir himself, as well as security strongman Ahmed Haroun, who is at large and reportedly active in the current war. But these direct talks petered out, too. Burhan pulled his deputy out as word of the secret meetings leaked, amid a furore among the former Bashir officials that now back him.

Despite the grim outlook for areas scarred by war, at least some of the ingredients for a firm and concerted international push for a ceasefire are coming into place, albeit far too late. The U.S., UN, AU and IGAD have all appointed new officials to lead their respective efforts, with the U.S. naming former congressional representative and diplomat Tom Perriello as special envoy and the UN designating Algeria's former foreign minister and senior AU official Ramtane Lamamra as envoy. The AU, for its part, has put together a high-level panel chaired by Mohamed Ibn Chambas, who previously led its mission in Darfur, while IGAD has tapped South Sudanese lawyer Lawrence Korbandy to be its special envoy. These appointments have galvanised the international effort to end the war.

Crisis Group has stressed since early in the war, Egyptian and Emirati buy-in to any peace process is likely to be a prerequisite for its success.

Egyptian-Emirati diplomacy could play a vital role in bringing hostilities to a close, given these countries' respective sway over the opposing sides and warming relations between Abu Dhabi and Cairo. As Crisis Group has stressed since early in the war, Egyptian and Emirati buy-in to any peace process is likely to be a prerequisite for its success. Ties between the two Arab powers have become closer following a $35 billion financial package for Egypt announced by the UAE in February. The clearly unwinnable nature of the war, the growing influence of Bashir-era Islamists (whom both Cairo and Abu Dhabi distrust), Iran's efforts to increase its influence in Sudan through support for the army all provide strong reasons for both countries to boost their diplomatic efforts, even if for now they remain discreet.

Despite some positive developments, however, huge hurdles remain.

First, painstaking advances and higher-level political engagement cannot conceal the fact that diplomats have yet to find their footing. In particular, while the secretive Egyptian-Emirati initiative and the more public Jeddah process could be mutually reinforcing or even merge into one, they could also compete and undermine each other. This risk seems real, given the animosity between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, the resentment among Egyptian and Emirati officials at their exclusion from the Jeddah talks, and Saudi Arabia's desire to keep Jeddah as the principal mediation track. As Crisis Group has stressed, the U.S. is particularly well placed to help bridge these gaps and forge a more unified diplomatic push, an objective that Perriello has already taken up as a priority. Lamamra and the European Union have also lent weight to coordinating among different players.

Secondly, the muddled mediation landscape has left little space or role for other important powers and bodies, including in Africa and Europe, whose respective efforts and resources need to all push in the same direction as part of a collective effort to bring peace to Sudan.

Thirdly, political pushback from Sudan itself is likely to remain a huge challenge. Resistance from both strongmen to entreaties for peace remains formidable. It is far from clear that Burhan in particular is keen to negotiate, given the army's recent military successes: past experience shows the army has repeatedly pulled out of talks whenever they appear to be gaining traction. It is also uncertain whether Burhan is willing to renege on his alliances with Bashir-era Islamists, which is a key demand for the RSF, as well as for Western and Arab powers. Indeed, fears persist that the army could splinter should peace talks accelerate. While Hemedti has long seemed rather more interested in talks, he may not be ready to compromise on terms acceptable to most Sudanese.

Other obstacles loom as well. The two sides do not agree on the conditions for a ceasefire, since the army continues to insist that the RSF withdraw from positions in Khartoum and Gezira as a precondition for talks on a truce - a demand echoed by many Sudanese from these areas, but which the RSF has dismissed. Nor do the two sides agree on what a political process would look like following any ceasefire, who would participate or what positions in the state or public life Burhan and Hemedti might hold. Pinning down the details of how to integrate the various armed forces into a unified Sudanese army, the very issue that sparked the outbreak of civil war, is likewise sure to remain a thorny issue in any future negotiations.

The U.S., Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE - outside parties that wield significant leverage over the warring parties - have the best chances of persuading the two sides to stop fighting, allow humanitarian aid to reach those who need it and begin the hard work of knitting Sudan back together. The alternative is grim to contemplate, as the country teeters on the brink of chaos, mass starvation and a war that could spread across its borders to a troubled region. Time is of the essence - particularly since the parties are inveigling new warlords to join the fight with promises that they will share in victory's eventual spoils, which promises to make negotiations to end the war that much more difficult.

Against this backdrop, the U.S. and Saudi Arabia are intent on reconvening talks in Jeddah. The new round should broaden to include roles for Egypt and the UAE, as Crisis Group has long argued, as well as for the new envoys from the AU, UN and IGAD, given the opportunity for reinvigorated diplomacy afforded by these appointments. A single consolidated negotiation process would allow for greater and more cohesive foreign pressure on the two sides, while closing avenues for the belligerents to continue forum shopping to evade serious negotiations. These talks should also expressly aim to reach an urgent permanent ceasefire, instead of dwelling on confidence-building measures as previously. If plans to turn the Jeddah talks into a high-level forum for ceasefire talks falter, then key actors (especially the U.S. and UN) should find a way to make the various negotiation tracks reinforce rather than undermine each other. Advancing as nimbly and quickly as possible toward a deal, using both informal and formal channels and steadily intensifying pressure on the sides should be the goal, no matter where talks take place.

Moves to spare millions of Sudanese from starvation cannot wait.

At the same time, moves to spare millions of Sudanese from starvation cannot wait. All those with influence on the conflict parties should prevail on them in public and private to allow unfettered food aid to communities in need. Outside powers should explore other options for getting food into the worst-affected areas of the country, including greater Darfur, if the warring leaders remain uncooperative. Donors should look into funnelling funds through local volunteers, particularly in the Khartoum, Darfur, Kordofan and Gezira areas, where millions are languishing after nearly all the major aid organisations fled. Donors should also stand ready to reach into their coffers to support the gravely underfunded aid response. The humanitarian conference scheduled for 15 April in Paris is an opportunity for a more serious coordinated commitment to saving Sudanese lives.

But the best and perhaps only reliable cure for the horrors that Sudan's conflict parties have brought - from hunger and starvation to a slow-motion collapse of the state - remains a stable ceasefire that allows relief supplies into all parts of the country and which, with any luck, could evolve into a permanent end to hostilities. From there, the path toward remaking a shattered Sudanese state or creating the conditions to allow citizens to return to their homes will be daunting. A year of war has left tens of thousands of Sudanese dead, millions displaced and the state a hollowed-out and barely recognisable shell. Halting the carnage and preventing its spread could not be more urgent.

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All-out fighting between rival branches of the armed forces has devastated Sudan. With millions facing famine, diplomats should push the two main belligerents much harder to accept a ceasefire - before the fragmentation in the two sides' ranks dooms efforts to stop the carnage.

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Pew Research Center: Internet, Science & Tech

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YouTube and Facebook are by far the most used online platforms among U.S. adults. But TikTok's user base has grown significantly in recent years: 33% of U.S. adults now say they use it, up from 21% in 2021.

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Taiwan, officially known as the Republic of China (ROC), is an island separated from China by the Taiwan Strait. It has been governed independently of mainland China, officially the People's Republic of China (PRC), since 1949. The PRC views the island as a renegade province and vows to eventually "unify" Taiwan with the mainland. In Taiwan, which has its own democratically elected government and is home to twenty-three million people, political leaders have differing views on the island's status and relations with the mainland.

Cross-strait tensions have escalated since the election of Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen in 2016. Tsai has refused to accept a formula that her predecessor, Ma Ying-jeou, endorsed to allow for increased cross-strait ties. Meanwhile, Beijing has taken increasingly aggressive actions, including by flying fighter jets near the island. Some analysts fear a Chinese attack on Taiwan has the potential to draw the United States into a war with China.

Is Taiwan part of China?

Beijing asserts that there is only "one China" and that Taiwan is part of it. It views the PRC as the only legitimate government of China, an approach it calls the One-China principle, and seeks Taiwan's eventual "unification" with the mainland.

Beijing claims that Taiwan is bound by an understanding known as the 1992 Consensus, which was reached between representatives of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Kuomintang (KMT) party that then ruled Taiwan. However, the two sides don't agree on the content of this so-called consensus, and it was never intended to address the question of Taiwan's legal status. For the PRC, as Chinese President Xi Jinping has stated, the 1992 Consensus reflects an agreement that "the two sides of the strait belong to one China and would work together to seek national reunification." For the KMT, it means "one China, different interpretations," with the ROC standing as the "one China."

Taiwan's KMT-drafted constitution continues to recognize China, Mongolia, Taiwan, Tibet, and the South China Sea as part of the ROC. The KMT does not support Taiwan's independence and has consistently called for closer ties with Beijing. But in the face of recent election losses, KMT leaders have discussed whether to change the party's stance on the 1992 Consensus.

The KMT's chief rival party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), has never endorsed the understanding laid out in the 1992 Consensus. President Tsai, who is also the leader of the DPP, has refused to explicitly accept the consensus. Instead, she has attempted to find another formulation that would be acceptable to Beijing. In her 2016 inaugural address, Tsai noted she was "elected president in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of China," which is a one-China document, and said she would "safeguard the sovereignty and territory of the Republic of China." Tsai also pledged that she would "conduct cross-strait affairs in accordance with the Republic of China Constitution, the Act Governing Relations Between the People of [the] Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area, and other relevant legislation." Beijing, however, rejected this formulation and cut off official contacts with Taiwan.

In a 2019 speech, Xi reiterated China's long-standing proposal for Taiwan: that it be incorporated into the mainland under the formula of "one country, two systems." This is the same formula used for Hong Kong, which was guaranteed the ability to preserve its political and economic systems and granted a "high degree of autonomy." Such a framework is deeply unpopular among the Taiwanese public. Pointing to Beijing's recent crackdown on Hong Kong's freedoms, Tsai and even the KMT have rejected the "one country, two systems" framework.

Is Taiwan a member of the United Nations?

No. China rejects Taiwan's participation as a member in UN agencies and other international organizations that limit membership to states. Taipei regularly protests its exclusion; the United States also pushes for Taiwan's meaningful participation in such organizations. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, Taipei criticized the World Health Organization (WHO) for giving in to Beijing's demands and continuing to bar Taiwan-which mounted one of the world's most effective responses to COVID-19 in the first two years of the pandemic-from attending the organization's World Health Assembly as an observer. Ministers from the Group of Seven (G7) countries have called for Taiwan's inclusion in WHO forums.

Taiwan does, however, hold member status in more than forty organizations, most of them regional, such as the Asian Development Bank and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, as well as in the World Trade Organization. It holds observer or other status on several other bodies.

Only thirteen states maintain official diplomatic ties with Taiwan. In March 2023, Honduras became the latest country to sever ties with Taiwan and establish relations with China. No government has ever simultaneously maintained formal diplomatic ties with both China and Taiwan.

What is the United States' relationship with Taiwan?

In 1979, the United States established formal diplomatic relations with the PRC. At the same time, it severed its diplomatic ties and abrogated its mutual defense treaty with the ROC. But the United States maintains a robust unofficial relationship with the island and continues to sell defense equipment to its military. Beijing has repeatedly urged Washington to stop selling weapons to and cease contact with Taipei.

The U.S. approach is governed by its One-China policy [PDF]. It is based on several documents, such as three U.S.-China communiqués reached in 1972, 1978, and 1982; the Taiwan Relations Act, passed by the U.S. Congress in 1979; and the recently declassified " Six Assurances " [PDF], which President Ronald Reagan conveyed to Taiwan in 1982. These documents lay out that the United States:

"acknowledges the Chinese position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China" and that the PRC is the "sole legal government of China" (some U.S. officials have emphasized that the use of the word "acknowledge" implies that the United States doesn't necessarily accept the Chinese position);

rejects any use of force to settle the dispute;

maintains cultural, commercial, and other ties with Taiwan, carried out through the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT);

commits to selling arms to Taiwan for self-defense; and

will maintain the ability to come to Taiwan's defense, while not actually committing to doing so-a policy known as strategic ambiguity.

The United States' chief goal is to maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, and it has implored both Beijing and Taipei to maintain the status quo. Washington says it does not support Taiwanese independence.

Through its policy of strategic ambiguity, the United States has for decades attempted to maintain a delicate balance between supporting Taiwan and preventing a war with China. But President Joe Biden has seemingly rejected the policy, stating several times that the United States would come to Taiwan's defense if China attacked. White House officials have walked back his comments, saying the policy has not changed, but ultimately, the president gets to decide how to respond. Several members of Congress and some experts, including CFR President Richard Haass and Research Fellow David Sacks, have welcomed Biden's statements, arguing that China's increased aggression necessitates clarity. Other experts have disagreed with this position.

How have recent U.S. administrations approached Taiwan?

Under President Donald Trump, the United States deepened ties with Taiwan over Chinese objections, including by selling more than $18 billion worth of arms to the military and unveiling a $250 million complex for its de facto embassy in Taipei. Trump spoke with Tsai by telephone ahead of his inauguration, the highest level of contact between the two sides since 1979. He also sent several senior administration officials-including a cabinet member-to Taipei, and during his last days in office, the State Department eliminated long-held restrictions governing where and how U.S. officials can meet with their Taiwanese counterparts.

The Biden administration has taken a similar approach, continuing arms sales and affirming the Trump administration's decision to allow U.S. officials to meet more freely with Taiwanese officials. Biden was the first U.S. president to invite Taiwanese representatives to attend the presidential inauguration. The United States participates in military training and dialogues with Taiwan, regularly sails ships through the Taiwan Strait to demonstrate its military presence in the region, and has encouraged Taiwan to increase its defense spending.

Also, Taiwan has received bipartisan support in Congress over the years, with lawmakers proposing and passing legislation to boost U.S.-Taiwan relations, bolster the island's defenses, and encourage its participation in international organizations. The latest proposed legislation, the Taiwan Policy Act of 2022 [PDF], includes designating Taiwan as a major non-North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) ally. In August 2022, then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) visited Taipei-the first speaker to do so since Newt Gingrich (R-GA) in 1997-and met with Tsai. Beijing strongly condemned the visit and in response planned military exercises that effectively surround the island and banned imports of some fruit and fish from Taiwan, among other actions. Less than a year later, Tsai met with new House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) during a March 2023 visit to California. McCarthy was the highest-ranking U.S. official in nearly thirty years to meet a Taiwanese president on U.S. soil. Despite the brief nature of the visit, it elicited a similarly strong Chinese response, including condemnation, fresh sanctions, and a show of force in the Taiwan Strait.

Could war erupt over Taiwan?

A top concern among U.S. analysts is that China's growing military capabilities and assertiveness, as well as the deterioration in cross-strait relations, could spark a conflict. Such a conflict has the potential to lead to a U.S.-China confrontation. That's because China hasn't ruled out using force to achieve Taiwan's "reunification" and the United States hasn't ruled out defending Taiwan if China attacks. The U.S. Department of Defense said in a 2021 report [PDF] that China's military, the People's Liberation Army (PLA), is "likely preparing for a contingency to unify Taiwan with the PRC by force, while simultaneously deterring, delaying, or denying any third-party intervention, such as the United States."

However, experts disagree about the likelihood and timing of a Chinese invasion. The top U.S. military commander in the Indo-Pacific warned in 2021 that China could try to invade Taiwan within the next decade [PDF], while some experts believe that such an invasion is further off. Others believe 2049 is a critical date; Xi has emphasized that unification with Taiwan is essential to achieving what he calls the Chinese Dream, which sees China's great-power status restored by 2049.

Russia's invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 reignited the debate, with some analysts arguing that Moscow's moves could embolden Beijing to similarly invade Taiwan and others saying that Beijing could become more cautious after witnessing Russia's challenges. CFR's Sacks writes that Russia's actions won't influence China's willingness to use force, but that "Chinese leaders will examine Russia's failures and adapt their operational plans to avoid making similar mistakes."

Regardless, the PLA has made preparing for a Taiwan contingency one of its top priorities, and Taiwan has been a major catalyst for China's military modernization. In a 2019 defense white paper, the PLA said it would "resolutely defeat anyone attempting to separate Taiwan from China."

Taiwan likely doesn't have the capabilities to defend against a Chinese attack without external support, analysts say. Even though Tsai and the DPP have prioritized increasing defense spending, with a record budget of over $19 billion for 2023, China's defense spending is still estimated to be around twelve times Taiwan's. In 2022, Taiwanese lawmakers approved the Tsai government's plan to spend an extra $8.6 billion on defense over the next five years. Part of this expanded military budget will go toward acquiring cruise missiles, naval mines, and advanced surveillance systems to defend Taiwan's coasts.

How has China tried to intimidate Taiwan?

China has employed a variety of coercive tactics short of armed conflict, and it has ramped up these measures since Tsai's election in 2016. Its objective is to wear down Taiwan and prompt the island's people to conclude that their best option is unification with the mainland. To that end, China has increased the frequency and scale of patrols of PLA bombers, fighter jets, and surveillance aircraft over and around Taiwan. It has also increasingly sailed its warships and aircraft carriers through the Taiwan Strait in shows of force.

Taiwan has reported that thousands of cyberattacks from China target its government agencies every day. These attacks have soared in recent years. In 2020, Taipei accused four Chinese groups of hacking into at least ten Taiwanese government agencies and six thousand official email accounts since 2018 to try to access government data and personal information.

Beijing has also used nonmilitary measures to pressure Taiwan. In 2016, China suspended a cross-strait communication mechanism with the main Taiwan liaison office. It restricted tourism to Taiwan, and the number of mainland tourists visiting Taiwan fell from a high of over 4 million in 2015 to 2.7 million in 2019. China has also pressured global corporations, including airlines and hotel chains, to list Taiwan as a Chinese province. In addition, China has intimidated countries that have ties with Taiwan: in 2021, China cut off trade with Lithuania for opening a Taiwanese representative office in its capital.

Has Beijing undermined Taiwan's democracy?

In addition to the tactics described above, China has ramped up interference in Taiwan's elections. Its methods include spreading disinformation on social media and increasing its control over Taiwanese media outlets. In the 2020 election, for example, China spread disinformation in an apparent effort to damage Tsai and boost the KMT's presidential candidate. Such efforts are part of China's larger strategy of employing coercion to erode trust in Taiwan's political system and sow divisions in Taiwanese society. However, experts view the DPP's success in recent elections, including Tsai's reelection in 2020, as a rebuke of Beijing.

Taiwan's democracy is relatively young. The KMT governed under martial law from 1949 to 1987. During that time, political dissent was harshly repressed and Indigenous Taiwanese who had long inhabited the island before 1945 faced discrimination. Taiwan held its first free legislative elections in 1992 and its first presidential elections in 1996. Since then, it has peacefully transferred power between parties several times.

Despite Chinese threats, Taiwan appears to have so far bucked the trend of backsliding afflicting democracies around the world. In 2020, the Economist's Democracy Index labeled Taiwan a "full democracy" for the first time. In 2022, the index named Taiwan [PDF] the world's tenth-most-democratic country, ranking it higher than its Asian neighbors (Japan ranked sixteenth and South Korea ranked twenty-fourth) and the United States, which was thirtieth. Recent elections have seen high voter turnout.

Do Taiwanese people support independence?

Most people in Taiwan support maintaining the status quo. A small number support immediate independence, according to opinion polls conducted by National Chengchi University. Even fewer express support for the unification of Taiwan with China. An overwhelming majority reject a "one country, two systems" model, a sentiment that has grown as Beijing cracks down on Hong Kong's freedoms.

An increasing number of Taiwanese people feel more closely tied to Taiwan than to the mainland. Nearly 61 percent of the island's residents regarded themselves as exclusively Taiwanese in 2022, a survey by National Chengchi University found. By comparison, 33 percent identified as both Taiwanese and Chinese, down from 40 percent a decade earlier. Only about 3 percent considered themselves only Chinese, a view that has become less popular since 1994, when 26 percent identified that way. Among those who identify as Chinese is former Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou, who said " we are all Chinese " during a March 2023 visit to China, the first by a president of Taiwan since the KMT assumed governance of the island in 1949.

What is Taiwan's economic situation?

Taiwan's economy remains reliant on trade with China, which is the island's largest trading partner. However, their economic relationship has experienced disruptions in recent years, partly due to Beijing's pressure on the island and Taiwanese officials' growing concern about its overreliance on trade with China.

Under President Ma, who was in office from 2008 to 2016, Taiwan signed more than twenty pacts with the PRC, including the 2010 Cross-Straits Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement [PDF], in which they agreed to lift barriers to trade. China and Taiwan resumed direct sea, air, and mail links that had been banned for decades. They also agreed to allow banks, insurers, and other financial-service providers to work in both markets.

Tsai and the DPP, on the other hand, have attempted to diversify Taiwan's trade relationships, with mixed results. Tsai has had some success boosting trade with and investment in countries in Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific through a signature initiative, the New Southbound Policy. Trade between Taiwan and the eighteen targeted countries nearly doubled between 2016, when the initiative was unveiled, and 2022. Taiwanese investment in those countries has also steadily increased. In 2019, Tsai unveiled a three-year plan to incentivize Taiwanese manufacturers to move from the mainland back to Taiwan.

Still, in 2021, Taiwan's exports to China hit an all-time high. Beijing has pressured countries not to sign free trade agreements with Taiwan. A handful of countries have signed free trade pacts with the island; New Zealand and Singapore are the only developed economies to sign such agreements. Beijing has also pushed for Taiwan's exclusion from multilateral trading blocs, including the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). (China is included in the RCEP but not in the CPTPP.) Taiwan also is not part of the Biden administration's Indo-Pacific Economic Framework.

Have cross-strait tensions hurt Taiwan's vital semiconductor chip manufacturers?

Taiwan is the world's top contract manufacturer of semiconductor chips, and its industry is booming despite cross-strait tensions. These chips are found in most electronics, including smartphones, computers, vehicles, and even weapons systems that rely on artificial intelligence. Companies in Taiwan were responsible for more than 60 percent of revenue generated by the world's semiconductor contract manufacturers in 2022.

Much of that can be attributed to Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), the world's largest contract chip maker and the top supplier for Apple and other U.S. companies. It is one of only two companies in the world (the other is South Korea-based Samsung) that has the technological know-how to make the smallest, most advanced chips, and it manufactures more than 90 percent of them.

Some experts argue that the United States' dependence on Taiwanese chip firms heightens its motivation to defend Taiwan from a Chinese attack. Recognizing the extent to which the United States relies on TSMC for critical chips, Biden has pushed to strengthen the U.S. chip industry; in August 2022, Congress passed a sweeping $280 billion bill to encourage domestic chip manufacturing. The Biden administration followed that legislation with stringent export controls that restrict China's ability to obtain advanced chips, including from TSMC. Experts say these constraints could hamstring China's technology sector-prior to the export controls, China purchased about 70 percent of its chips from TSMC. Beijing is now working to boost its own chips industry, including through expanded production by Huawei, a Chinese telecommunications giant that Washington claims Beijing could use for espionage.

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Taiwan has the potential to be a flash point in U.S.-China relations. U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's trip to Taipei in 2022 heightened tensions.

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The Taliban and the Global Backlash Against Women’s Rights

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In the last two and a half years after regaining power in Afghanistan, the Taliban, have created the world’s most serious women’s rights crisis, systematically violating the rights of women and girls around education, paid employment, freedom of speech and movement, and political participation, among many others.

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Kenya floods: Survivors seek loved ones as evacuation ordered

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Survivors desperately search for loved ones as the president announces a large-scale evacuation.

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Tensions between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Myanmar's Rakhine State have escalated dramatically since late August 2017. A series of attacks by a group of Rohingya militants calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army ( ARSA) on military and police outposts killed more than seventy people, including twelve Burmese security forces personnel. In response, the military launched a brutal crackdown on Rohingya villages, causing over seven hundred thousand people to flee across the border to Bangladesh since August 2017. Widespread reports indicate indiscriminate killings and burning of Rohingya villages, escalating to the point that the UN Human Rights Commissioner called the situation in Rakhine State "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing." The violence has led to a growing humanitarian crisis in neighboring Bangladesh, where nearly one million Rohingya now reside in refugee camps along the border.

This outburst of violence by the military comes after a similar attack on a security post along the Bangladeshi border in October 2016 killed nine police officers. The army responded to that attack with a month-long crackdown on unarmed Muslim civilians, causing more than one thousand civilian deaths and driving tens of thousands more to flee their homes in search of safety.

After winning Myanmar's first competitive national election in more than twenty-five years and taking office in March 2016, the National League for Democracy party (unofficially headed by State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi) has continually failed to address the status of the Rohingya people, who were not allowed to vote in the election. A national peace conference was held in August 2016, aimed at ending decades of fighting between the military and a number of armed ethnic groups, but Rohingya representatives were not invited to attend. That same month, Aung San Suu Kyi announced the creation of a nine-person commission, headed by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, to review and offer recommendations to address the tensions in Rakhine. The commission delivered its final report in late August 2017, just days before the latest outbreak of violence. Aung San Suu Kyi has continued to face criticism over a failure to address or acknowledge the Rohingya issue.
Background
The Rohingya, a highly persecuted Muslim group numbering over one million, face discrimination both from their neighbors and their nation, and are not considered citizens by Myanmar's government. Buddhist nationalist groups, including the MaBaTha and the anti-Muslim 969 movement, regularly call for boycotts of Muslim shops, the expulsion of Muslims from Myanmar, and attacks on Muslim communities. After two waves of violence, reprisals, and riots in June and October of 2012 intensified the century-old conflict in the predominantly Buddhist country, more than one hundred thousand Muslim Rohingyas were internally displaced and hundreds killed.

There is little indication that addressing the Rohingya issue will become a priority any time soon for Myanmar's government, which has focused instead on establishing a new relationship with the military and addressing multiple ongoing insurgencies. The military signed a cease-fire with several armed ethnic groups in October 2015, but some major groups-including two of the largest militias, the United Wa State Army and Kachin Independence Army -continue to fight the government. While the cease-fire agreement was a potential step towards peace in Myanmar, it failed to finalize a framework for a new balance of power between the central government and local authorities in the restive borderlands or require ethnic groups to disarm.
Concerns
As the U.S.-Myanmar relationship warms, disagreements over human rights issues will remain a divisive factor. However, Myanmar's stability is increasingly important to U.S. interests given Myanmar's strategic importance in Southeast Asia, vast natural resources, and emerging democratic government.

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Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar | Global Conflict Tracker

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Tensions between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Myanmar's Rakhine State have escalated dramatically since late August 2017. A series of attacks by a group of Rohingya militants calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army ( ARSA) on military and police outposts killed more than seventy people, including twelve Burmese security forces personnel.

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Israel War on Gaza | Live updates | Today’s latest from Al Jazeera

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US Secretary of State Blinken says there should be ‘no delays, no excuses’ in reaching a ceasefire deal.

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On April 15th, 2023, violent clashes erupted between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan, resulting in the displacement of more than 8.6 million people, including internally displaced people (IDPs), asylum seekers and refugees. This conflict exacerbated many of Sudan's existing challenges, including ongoing conflicts, disease outbreaks, economic and political instability and climate emergencies.

Here's what you need to know about the situation in Sudan, where people are fleeing and how you can help.
When did the crisis in Sudan begin?
Before the current conflict, Sudan had already been grappling with violence and displacement since the onset of the Darfur crisis in 2003. Sudan was home to more than 1 million refugees - the second-highest refugee population in Africa - most of whom were from South Sudan and Northern Ethiopia, with many fleeing conflict in Tigray.

The recent fighting between the SAF and RFS occurred when Sudan was already experiencing its highest levels of humanitarian need in a decade.

The removal of long-time authoritarian leader Omar al-Bashir in 2019 had initially sparked great optimism for a return to civilian rule in Sudan. But, a military coup two years later dissolved the transitional civilian government, triggering political and economic turmoil and reigniting intercommunal conflicts.

Sudan has also been heavily impacted by severe weather events linked to climate change, including floods and droughts. These events have adversely affected hundreds of thousands of individuals throughout the country, leading to crop and livestock destruction and exacerbating food insecurity for families.

Since the recent clashes began on April 15th, the humanitarian situation has deteriorated. Half of Sudan's population - some 25 million people - need humanitarian assistance and protection. The country is facing extreme shortages of food, water, medicine and fuel and nearly 18 million people are facing acute food insecurity - 5 million of them at emergency levels.
Where are people impacted by the conflict fleeing to?
The lack of basic necessities, combined with violence and uncertainty, has forced many people to flee their homes.

As of April 2024, one year since the crisis began, more than 8.6 million people have been displaced. This includes more than 6.5 million people displaced within Sudan and more than 2 million people who fled to neighboring countries.

Chad has received the largest number of people (571,815), followed by Egypt (500,000), South Sudan (135,085), Ethiopia (33,389 ) and Central African Republic (23,286). In South Sudan, most of those arriving are returning nationals who had been living in Sudan as refugees.

Without a resolution to the crisis, hundreds of thousands more people will be compelled to flee in search of refuge and basic assistance.
Which groups are vulnerable due to displacement and conflict?
The ongoing humanitarian crisis in Sudan is having a devastating impact on women and children. According to UN estimates, even before fighting broke, more than 3 million women and girls in Sudan were at risk of gender-based violence, including intimate-partner violence.

"Our teams in the region describe horrific ordeals being faced by forcibly displaced women and girls when fleeing Sudan," says Filippo Grandi, UN High Commissioner for Refugees. "This shocking array of human rights violations must stop. Help to support survivors and those at risk is urgent, but so far, funding is falling extremely short."

Attacks on healthcare facilities, equipment and workers are further depriving women and girls of lifesaving care, with pregnant women hardest hit, according to the World Health Organization and UNFPA. Nearly three quarters of health facilities are out of service and diseases including cholera, measles and malaria are spreading at a time when two thirds of the population lack access to health care.

The conflict has also deprived about 12 million children of an education since April, with the total number of children in Sudan who are out of school reaching 19 million. According to the World Health Organization, one in seven children face acute malnutrition.
What is the UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, doing to help those displaced by the conflict?
UNHCR emergency teams are tirelessly working with authorities, partners and other UN agencies to provide support to newcomers, establish transit centers for rest and access to essential protection services, and distribute emergency supplies such as blankets, soap and mosquito nets.

Inside Sudan, UNHCR is assisting both refugees and internally displaced people with shelter, non-food items and protection, as the security situation allows. UNHCR is also supporting education programming for children who have been displaced.
How you can help ...
UNHCR is urgently calling on the international community for funding to respond to the mounting crisis.

"The needs are vast, and the challenges are numerous," says Raouf Mazou, UNHCR's Assistant High Commissioner for Operations. "If the crisis continues, peace and stability across the region could be at stake."

Your support can make a world of difference to those who have been forced to flee their homes due to conflict in Sudan. By becoming a monthly donor, you can help ensure vital lifesaving aid, protection, and hope are delivered to those in need.

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Since the conflict in Sudan began in April 2023, more than 8.6 million people have been displaced, including more than 6.5 million people within Sudan and many more who have fled to neighboring countries.

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Gangs rule Haiti's capital. Some say they're ready to overthrow the government too | CNN

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Haiti's gangs treat human life as a commodity, kidnapping and killing thousands to seize control of an estimated 80% of capital city Port-au-Prince.

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Pew Research Center: Internet, Science & Tech

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YouTube and Facebook are by far the most used online platforms among U.S. adults. But TikTok's user base has grown significantly in recent years: 33% of U.S. adults now say they use it, up from 21% in 2021.

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In 2023, an estimated 4.9 billion people use social media across the world

These aren't users tied to a single platform, either: The average user now spreads their digital footprint across a staggering six to seven platforms every month-highlighting the need for a multi-platform approach to social media marketing.

The social media app market in 2022 was valued at $49.09 billion

The most used social media platform in the world is Facebook, with 2.9 billion monthly active users across the world

These staggering numbers aren't just statistics, either. They highlight the expansive influence and potential of social media platforms. The takeaway for marketers? To harness the increasing power of social, marketing strategies will need to leverage these platforms effectively to engage with audiences. Using social media management tools effectively is crucial to capturing this traffic.

Facebook is the most visited social media site in America

People in the U.S. have an average of 7.1 social media accounts

Remember how social media users check in on six to seven social media platforms per month? Turns out, on a global perspective, the average individual boasts 8.4 social media accounts. Americans aren't far behind, with 7.1 accounts-in between the high of 11.5 accounts in India and Japan's more modest 3.8. These stats illustrate the broad and complex multi-platform landscape facing social media marketers.

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Top Social Media Statistics And Trends Of 2024

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Recent announcements at Google I/O have propelled social media into an even larger share of the web spotlight. Platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, Facebook and YouTube are poised to become powerful marketing stages for your brand to interact with your audience. And these major changes in search

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How did the current conflict begin?

Fighting broke out in Khartoum, Sudan's capital, on 15 April 2023 as an escalating power struggle between the two main factions of the military regime finally turned deadly.

On one side are the Sudanese armed forces who remain broadly loyal to Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the country's de facto ruler. Against him are the paramilitaries of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a collection of militia who follow the former warlord Gen Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti.

The RSF was founded by the former dictatorial ruler Omar al-Bashir as an Arab counterinsurgency militia. Bashir wanted to crush a rebellion in the region of Darfur that began more than 20 years ago due to the political and economic marginalisation of the local population.

Initially known as the Janjaweed, the RSF quickly became synonymous with widespread atrocities. In 2013, Bashir transformed the group into a semi-organised paramilitary force and gave their leaders military ranks before deploying them to crush a fresh rebellion in South Darfur.

Hemedti's current power struggle with Burhan can be traced back to 2019 when the RSF and regular military forces cooperated to oust Bashir from power. When attempts to transition to a democratic civilian-led government faltered, many analysts felt an eventual showdown between Burhan and Hemedti was inevitable.

Why is Darfur at the centre of the conflict?

Home to about 9 million people, Darfur, the vast and largely arid swath of western and south-western Sudan has been at the centre of the ongoing conflict largely because it remains the stronghold of RSF leader Hemedti. Many of the RSF's recruits are drawn from the region and from Hemedti's own Rizeigat tribe.

For years, the RSF has terrorised communities in Darfur and much of the region is lawless: militias and other armed groups attack civilians with virtual impunity. Recent evidence indicates that the RSF is involved in ethnic rampages within Darfur against communities such as the Masalits.

In recent years, the RSF has invested significant resources in Darfur in an attempt to control its strategic assets, such as airstrips, mines, water sources and major roads. If the conflict goes badly for Hemedti elsewhere in Sudan - especially in Khartoum and its surrounds - he is likely to withdraw to Darfur. With his force of tens of thousands of battle-hardened fighters, the region would be virtually impregnable.

Analysts trace many of the roots of the latest conflict back to the appalling violence and human rights abuses - possibly genocide - in Darfur about 20 years ago. The UN's expert on genocide, Alice Wairimu Nderitu, has warned in recent months of "a cycle of violence that finds no end".

What has been the human cost?

The conflict has plunged Sudan into "one of the worst humanitarian nightmares in recent history", according to UN officials, who also warn it may trigger the world's largest hunger crisis. The UN's children's agency, Unicef, says that some communities in Sudan have been pushed to the brink of famine.

The conflict in Sudan has also created the world's worst displacement crisis, scattering more than 8 million people internally and across Sudan's borders. Nearly 2 million people have fled into neighbouring countries to escape the fighting, putting mounting pressure on Chad and South Sudan.

A lack of funds in South Sudan means 3 million acutely hungry people are receiving no assistance from the UN's World Food Programme (WFP). Within Chad, a similar dearth of funds means it will have to end support for all 1.2 million refugees inside the country in April.

Officials from WFP warn that throughout the region, nearly 28 million people face acute food insecurity with 18 million in Sudan, 7 million in South Sudan, and nearly 3 million in Chad.

Even before the fighting broke out, the UN estimated more than 3 million women and girls in Sudan were at risk of gender-based violence. Since the conflict, there have been numerous reports of armed forces using rape as a weapon.

The conflict has also robbed huge numbers of an education, with the total number of children in Sudan out of school reaching 19 million.

What is the impact on the wider region?

One of Africa's largest nations, Sudan lies in a volatile region bordering the Red Sea, the Sahel region and the Horn of Africa. Its strategic location and agricultural wealth have attracted regional power plays, complicating the chances of a successful transition to civilian-led government.

Several of Sudan's neighbours - including Ethiopia, Chad and South Sudan - have been affected by political upheavals and conflict. Huge numbers of Sudanese refugees have fled the fighting to the country's neighbours, including hundreds of thousands who have crossed into Chad.

Amplifying tensions are the major geopolitical dimensions at play. Russia, the US, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and, most recently, Iran are among the powers battling for influence in Sudan.

The Saudis and the UAE saw Sudan's attempted transition to a civilian-led government as an opportunity to push back against Islamist influence in the region. They, along with the US and Britain, form the "Quad", which has sponsored mediation in Sudan along with the UN and the African Union.

Western powers fear the potential for a Russian base on the Red Sea, to which Sudanese military leaders have expressed openness. More recently, Iran appears to have pressed Sudan - unsuccessfully, so far - to let it build a permanent naval base on its coast.

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What caused the civil war in Sudan and how has it become one of the world's worst humanitarian crises?

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Fighting broke out nearly a year ago in the capital Khartoum, in an escalating power struggle that has led to more than 8 million people being displaced

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Special Report - Gangs in Haiti: A deeper look

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Guns, here’s how they buy it, my friend. It’s all about networking. This person tells the other. The diaspora is a little guilty in selling guns. They buy them in […]

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Secretary of State Antony Blinken will meet with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Wednesday in Jerusalem as the United States presses Israel to speed aid distribution for Gaza. The meeting comes on the heels of Netanyahu's statement that Israel will invade Rafah regardless of any a cease-fire deal with Hamas: "We will enter Rafah, and we will eliminate the Hamas battalions there - with or without a deal," Netanyahu said Tuesday.
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With Blinken in Israel, U.S. to push for faster aid distribution
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Netanyahu's comment came as mediators had expressed optimism that Israel and Hamas were inching toward a cease-fire agreement. Israel presented terms to negotiators last week that softened its position, an Israeli official familiar with the deliberations told The Washington Post, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive diplomacy.

In Amman, Blinken said that the first aid shipments through a newly opened aid crossing directly from Jordan to northern Gaza were leaving on Tuesday. Humanitarian groups have been sounding the alarm about an imminent famine in the enclave. Blinken called the effort "real and important progress" but said "more still needs to be done."

Pro-Palestinian protests at U.S. universities have ballooned in recent weeks. The latest wave, with hundreds of demonstrations, marks the most widespread activism since the beginning of the war in Gaza, with many students calling on their schools to divest from Israeli-linked companies.

At least 34,535 people have been killed and 77,704 injured in Gaza since the war began, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, which does not distinguish between civilians and combatants but says the majority of the dead are women and children.

Israel estimates that about 1,200 people were killed in Hamas's Oct. 7 attack, including more than 300 soldiers, and says 263 soldiers have been killed since the launch of its military operation in Gaza.

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Netanyahu's comment came as mediators had expressed optimism that Israel and Hamas were inching toward a cease-fire agreement. Israel presented terms to negotiators last week that softened its position, an Israeli official familiar with the deliberations told The Washington Post, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive diplomacy.

In Amman, Blinken said that the first aid shipments through a newly opened aid crossing directly from Jordan to northern Gaza were leaving on Tuesday. Humanitarian groups have been sounding the alarm about an imminent famine in the enclave. Blinken called the effort "real and important progress" but said "more still needs to be done."

Pro-Palestinian protests at U.S. universities have ballooned in recent weeks. The latest wave, with hundreds of demonstrations, marks the most widespread activism since the beginning of the war in Gaza, with many students calling on their schools to divest from Israeli-linked companies.

At least 34,535 people have been killed and 77,704 injured in Gaza since the war began, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, which does not distinguish between civilians and combatants but says the majority of the dead are women and children.

Israel estimates that about 1,200 people were killed in Hamas's Oct. 7 attack, including more than 300 soldiers, and says 263 soldiers have been killed since the launch of its military operation in Gaza.
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Middle East conflict live updates: Blinken to meet Netanyahu as U.S. presses Israel on aid distribution

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Netanyahu said Israel will invade Rafah "with or without" a cease-fire deal, as mediators expressed optimism that Israel and Hamas were inching toward an agreement.

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Haiti's prime minister has said he will resign, bowing to international pressure to save his homeland gripped by violence and controlled by heavily armed gangsters.

Ariel Henry made the announcement hours after officials, including Caribbean leaders and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, met in Jamaica to discuss a solution to halt Haiti's spiraling crisis and agreed to a joint proposal to establish a transitional council.

What is going on in Haiti?

It's easy to blame this latest spasm of violence in the West's first free Black republic on longstanding poverty, the legacy of colonialism, widespread deforestation, and European and U.S. interference.

However, a series of experts told The Associated Press that the most important immediate cause is more recent: Haitian rulers' increasing dependence on street gangs.

Haiti hasn't had a standing army or a well-funded and robust national police force for decades.

United Nations and American interventions have come and gone. Without a solid tradition of honest political institutions, Haitian leaders have been using armed civilians as tools for exercising power.

Now, the state has grown fatally weak and gangs are stepping in to take its place.

Gang leaders, surreally, hold news conferences. And many see them as future stakeholders in negotiations over the country's future.

How did Haiti get here?

A 1990s embargo was imposed after the military overthrew President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The embargo and the international isolation devastated the country's small middle class, said Michael Deibert, author of "Notes From the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti," and "Haiti Will Not Perish: A Recent History."

After a U.S.-backed U.N. force pushed out the coup's leaders in 1994, a World Bank-sponsored structural adjustment led to the importation of rice from the U.S. and devastated rural agricultural society, Deibert said.

Boys without work flooded into Port-au-Prince and joined gangs. Politicians started using them as a cheap armed wing. Aristide, a priest-turned-politician, gained notoriety for using gangsters.

In December 2001, police official Guy Philippe attacked the National Palace in an attempted coup and Aristide called on the gangsters to rise from the slums, Deibert said.

"It wasn't the police defending their government's Palais Nacional," remembered Deibert, who was there. "It was thousands of armed civilians."

"Now, you have these different politicians that have been collaborating with these gangs for years, and ... it blew up in their face," he said.

How did weak foreign intervention hurt Haiti?

Many of the gangs retreated in the face of MINUSTAH, a U.N. force established in 2004.

Rene Preval, the only democratically elected president to win and complete two terms in a country notorious for political upheaval, took a hard line on the gangs, giving them the choice to "disarm or be killed," said Robert Fatton, professor of government and foreign affairs at the University of Virginia.

After his presidency, subsequent leaders were at best easy on the gangs and at worst tied to them, he said.

Fatton said every key actor in Haitian society had their gangs, noting that the current situation isn't unique, but that it has deteriorated at a faster pace.

"For the last the three years, the gangs started to gain autonomy. And now they are a power unto themselves," he said, likening them to a "mini-Mafia state."

"The autonomy of the gangs has reached a critical point. It is why they are capable now of imposing certain conditions on the government itself," Fatton said.

"Those who created the gangs created a monster. And now the monster may not be totally in charge, but it has the capacity to block any kind of solution."

How does gang money hurt Haiti?

The gangs, along with many Haitian politicians and business people, earn money from an illicit brew of "taxes" gleaned through extortion, kidnappings, and drugs and weapons smuggling, Fatton said.

"There are all kinds criminal networks in the area," he said.

After Preval, gangs, politicians and business people extracted every dollar they could, said Francois Pierre-Louis, a professor of political science at Queens College at The City University of New York.

"It was open house for gangs, drugs, the country, basically ... became a narco-trafficking state," he said. "Basically, the gangs got empowered, and not only they got empowered, they had state protection, politicians protecting them."

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Why is Haiti so chaotic? Leaders used street gangs to gain power. Then the gangs got stronger

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It's easy to blame the latest spasm of violence in Haiti on longstanding poverty, the legacy of colonialism, and European and U.S. interference with the West's first free Black republic.

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In a statement released late on Wednesday the UN Secretary-General António Guterres said he had been deeply distressed to hear of the hundreds of lives lost and many others affected by the deluge in Kenya as well as Burundi, Somalia, Tanzania and other parts of East Africa.

He extended his condolences to the Governments and people of the countries affected, especially the families of those who have died or been injured in this disaster, said Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric.

The UN and its partners are working closely with national authorities to address humanitarian requirements. The Secretary-General stresses that the UN stands ready to offer additional assistance as needed.

Mr. Guterres said he was extremely concerned about the impacts of El Niño-triggered extreme weather, which risk further devastating communities and undermining their livelihoods.

Mr. Dujarric told correspondents earlier in New York that agencies were supporting Kenya's Government-led response to the heavy rains which have left more than 170 deaths since the middle of March, according to news reports.

The UN and partners on the ground have been providing water, sanitation and hygiene supplies, together with food, health and psychosocial support.

Supporting Government response

"Our partners are also supporting rescue operations and setting up camps to host men, women and children displaced by the floods ", said Mr. Dujarric.

"According to national authorities, the floods have impacted more than 190,000 people and displaced over 150,000 people across the country. The floods did not spare the agricultural sector. Over 4,800 livestock were lost and over 27,000 acres of cropland damaged", he continued.

Further rain is expected this week, which is likely to add to the destruction caused by flooding, landslides and infrastructure loss.

Kenya's vital tourism industry has also been hit, with scores of safari-goers reportedly evacuated in the past day from the Massai Mara national reserve, after hotels and lodges were flooded.

Several major roads in the capital Nairobi were temporarily closed on Wednesday due to flooding, and on Monday dozens were killed in the Mai Mahiu area in western Kenya when a river overflowed into a tunnel. Around 80 were also reported missing.

Agencies mourn loss of nearly 50 migrants bound for Canary Islands

The UN migration agency ( IOM) and refugee agency UNHCR on Wednesday mourned yet another major loss of life at sea, when at least 50 migrants trying to reach the Canary Islands from Senegal were reported dead or missing.

The vessel reportedly sank on Monday some 60 miles south of El Hierro. Nine people survived the tragedy and were rescued, according to reports.

" These people are seeking a better life, but their dreams are shattered because of greedy smugglers and flimsy boats," said UN Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric.

Migrant journeys

Recent data from the IOM revealed that drowning was a leading cause of migrant deaths in 2023, many of which occurred in the Sahara desert and on the sea route to the Canary Islands, where travellers hope for asylum and better opportunities to live and work, for themselves and their families, in Europe.

This journey, among others, is one way for migrants to escape life-threatening conflict and the impact of climate change, the IOM had reported.

In 2023, the journey across the Mediterranean Sea resulted in the deaths and disappearances of at least 3,129 migrants - the greatest death toll since 2017. Even further, about 1,866 unprecedented migrant deaths were recorded across Africa.

Mr. Dujarric said that IOM and UNHCR are drawing attention to the fact that "safe and regular pathways must be accessible and inclusive to save the lives of the refugees and the migrants."

Alarm grows over spread of disinformation in Myanmar's Rakhine state

The UN team working on the ground in Myanmar has raised concern over the spread of misinformation, disinformation and hate speech, especially in northern Rakhine State - home to stateless mostly-Muslim Rohingya who have suffered years of persecution by Burmese authorities.

The breakdown of a year-long informal ceasefire between the ruling military and the rebel Arakan Army last November has now plunged 15 out of Rakhine's 17 townships into conflict.

"We fully support community leaders in Rakhine State, especially women, and youth, who are coming together and redoubling efforts to promote social cohesion amid increasing signs of tension and the risk of communal violence re-emerging in the current very volatile context", said Mr. Dujarric, citing the UN team in Myanmar.

He added that addressing the root causes of systemic discrimination and impunity in Rakhine State "is essential in establishing a sustainable pathway out of the current crisis facing Myanmar."

Cycle of violence

The failure to do so will only fuel Myanmar's vicious cycle of violence, the UN team added.

"And we have of course been consistent in condemning all forms of violence against civilians in Myanmar, and we reiterate our call for the protection of civilians, including aid workers, in accordance with international humanitarian law, for the cessation of hostilities, and humanitarian access", Mr Dujarric concluded.

Last month, the UN human rights chief Volker Türk warned that Rakhine state "has once again become a battleground involving multiple actors, and civilians are paying a heavy price, with Rohingya at particular risk".

He said it was "particularly disturbing" that whereas in 2017, the Rohingya were targeted by just the Burmese military and other security forces, " they are now trapped between two armed factions who have a track record of killing them. We must not allow the Rohingya to be targeted again."

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World News in Brief: UN supporting East Africa flood victims, dozens more migrant deaths at sea, disinformation in Myanmar

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The UN and humanitarian partners have provided emergency support for over 124,000 people in Kenya, where heavy rains continue to cause chaos, the UN said on Wednesday, as the UN chief extended his condolences to countries across the region where hundreds of lives have been lost in recent days due to flooding.

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Who are Haiti's gangs and what do they want? All you need to know

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Haitian gang members sit together in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, on March 11 [Ralph Tedy Erol/Reuters]

Haitian armed groups have dominated global headlines in recent weeks, as gunmen attack police stations, prisons and other institutions in the capital of Port-au-Prince, effectively paralysing the city.

But the power of these gangs has long rocked daily life and politics in Haiti, plunging the country into a years-long crisis.

Keep reading

The latest example came this week, as Prime Minister Ariel Henry announced he would resign his post once a transitional presidential council is established and a successor chosen.

His announcement came amid pressure from both the international community and gang leaders, who warned that the Caribbean nation could face "civil war" if Henry, an unelected official, did not step down.

Henry's planned departure, however, has done little to temper the grip of the gangs, which control around 80 percent of Port-au-Prince.

They have also promised to oppose any outside intervention in Haiti's affairs. That includes an effort backed by the United Nations to send a multinational armed force, led by Kenya, to Haiti to help the national police respond to the widespread violence and unrest.

But who exactly are Haiti's armed gangs? How do the gangs function, and what do they want? And ultimately, how can - and should - the country handle them? Here's what you need to know.

Who are Haiti's armed gangs?

There are believed to be about 200 armed gangs operating in Haiti, about half of which have a presence in Port-au-Prince. In the capital, there are two major gang coalitions.

The first - the G9 Family and Allies alliance, or simply G9 - is led by Jimmy "Barbecue" Cherizier, a former Haitian police officer who is under UN and United States sanctions for his involvement in Haiti's violence.

The second is GPep, led by Gabriel Jean-Pierre, also known as Ti Gabriel. He was the leader of a gang called Nan Brooklyn before the creation of G-Pep, which has been based in Port-au-Prince's impoverished Cite Soleil district.

G9 and GPep have been rivals for years, battling for control of neighbourhoods in Port-au-Prince. Both groups have been accused of mass killings and sexual violence in areas under their authority, as well as in districts they want to take over.

But Cherizier has said that the two groups reached a pact late last year - dubbed "viv ansanm" or "live together" in Haitian Creole - to cooperate and oust Henry, the prime minister.

"We are not sure how much this dynamic will last," said Mariano de Alba, senior adviser at the International Crisis Group. "But they formed a joint alliance in September 2023, basically trying to respond to the possibility that a multinational security mission was going to be deployed to Haiti, and they wanted to prevent that."

Where did the gangs come from?

For decades, Haiti's gangs have been closely associated with politicians, political parties, businessmen or other so-called "elites" in the country.

G9, for example, has been linked to the Parti Haitien Tet Kale (PHTK), the political party of former President Jovenel Moise, who was assassinated in July 2021. Moise chose Henry for the prime minister post shortly before he was killed.

For its part, GPep has been associated with Haitian opposition parties.

When did the gang violence start?

Most experts trace the phenomenon back to the era of Haiti's former President Francois "Papa Doc" Duvalier and his son, Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, whose combined dictatorship lasted 29 years.

The Duvaliers established and used a paramilitary group, the widely feared Tontons Macoutes, to stamp out opposition to their rule. The brigade killed and tortured thousands of people.

Robert Fatton, a Haiti expert and professor at the University of Virginia, said armed gangs are not a new phenomenon in Haiti. "They've been part of the history of the country for a very, very long time," he told Al Jazeera.

But Fatton explained that the armed groups in Haiti today are different.

How so?

They have better weapons than before and have reached a new "level of sophistication" in their attacks, Fatton noted. For example, drones were reportedly used when gunmen stormed two Port-au-Prince prisons in early March, part of the latest round of violence.

Fatton also explained that the armed groups were, "until fairly recently", beholden to politicians, political parties and businessmen. Those individuals "could control them", Fatton said. But that is no longer the case.

"They are a force unto themselves," Fatton said. "That means they can essentially dictate to certain politicians or to many politicians, as it were, what they ought to do or what they can do."

How did the gangs become autonomous?

"They've been able to amass much more money independently of politicians and businessmen," said Fatton. That includes through extortion, as well as kidnappings for ransom, drug trafficking and the smuggling of small weapons.

But both Fatton and de Alba stressed that Haitian armed groups are not only criminal in nature.

"They also have a political aspect," de Alba told Al Jazeera. "They gain their income through illicit activities, and they are willing to use their arms for political purposes."

So what do they want?

De Alba said Haiti's major gangs have increasingly made political demands, particularly after the 2021 assassination of President Moise left a power vacuum in the country's government.

The gangs' most recent surge in violence, for instance, included a call for Prime Minister Henry to resign.

But their ambitions go further than that. For example, G9 chief Cherizier has warned that his forces will oppose any foreign intervention in Haiti, and he has said that he wants to help lead the country out of its current crisis.

"These are groups that increasingly think that the only way to retain not only their relevance but their existence is if they are able to at least manage some important degree of political power," said de Alba.

Fatton summarised the gangs' long-term goals as one of enduring influence in Haiti's leadership. "It's not just, 'Let me do what I want in terms of criminal activity.' It's more, 'I want a piece of power.' Period."

OK. Knowing all this, how does Haiti go about tackling gang violence?

That's the million-dollar question. And while there is no clear answer, most experts agree that you cannot divorce the problem of gang violence in Haiti from the overall political and economic situation.

The country is the poorest in Latin America and among the most unequal in terms of wealth distribution. It faces a number of systemic problems, such as high unemployment and a lack of opportunities, that contribute to the power of armed groups.

"A lot of youngsters and young men have no future, no jobs, no education. They really have no hope. You can understand why some of them join the gangs. That is a structural, social, economic problem," said Fatton.

But while addressing those issues will require a long-term vision for the country, Fatton said there is a pressing need to re-establish order right now.

Violence has displaced more than 200,000 people in Port-au-Prince, and the Haitian police lack the resources to handle the gangs. The UN's World Food Programme also warned this week that Haiti "is on the edge of a devastating hunger crisis".

Will the Kenya-led force be deployed?

That remains unclear, too. Kenyan officials said on Tuesday that the East African country was pausing the planned security mission to Haiti, in order to wait and see how the political transition plays out.

Kenyan President William Ruto said on Wednesday that his country "will take leadership" of the Haiti mission "as soon as the Presidential Council is in place under an agreed process".

Haitian groups are in the process of choosingrepresentatives to sit on the transitional presidential council, as set out by the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM) bloc of nations, in terms established on Monday. The US, the UN and others were also party to those negotiations.

The transitional council will have seven voting members, chosen from various Haitian political factions and the private sector, and two non-voting observers. It will be tasked with choosing an interim prime minister.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken told reporters on Wednesday afternoon that Washington expects the transitional council to be formed "in the next couple of days".

De Alba said that while "there is a need for a mechanism to strengthen the security situation in Haiti ... the gangs are so mixed in within the population that it's going to be really tough for any multinational security mission to actually deal with them only by force".

So what else needs to happen?

De Alba said the crisis must be addressed on dual tracks: security and politics.

"It's a very challenging situation because, at the same time, Haiti has already had a very bad history of foreign intervention, which has led to nowhere," he said. "It's not a question [of] putting a lot of money on the table [and then] this will get solved."

In de Alba's opinion, Haitians need to take the lead in finding solutions - but they will also need help to set up functioning state institutions.

"If that doesn't happen and if the government in place is not able to deliver for its people, then these gangs will continue to have the upper hand," he said.

The need for stable leadership was echoed by Fatton. "It's a very long road, but the immediate problem is the formation of the new government, the selection of a prime minister by the new government," he said.

Then the next consideration, he added, will be addressing the gang violence.

"Can you have negotiations with the gangs? If you can't have the negotiations with the gangs, will the Kenyans arrive on time and will they have the capacity to deal with them?"

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Who are Haiti's gangs and what do they want? All you need to know

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Haitian armed groups have grown more autonomous, experts say, and force alone will not resolve growing security crisis.

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Ukraine's counter-offensive has now been under way for more than four months and may have now achieved a breakthrough ahead of the usually harsh winter.

Here are the latest developments:

Ukraine says its forces have gained a foothold on the eastern bank of the Dnipro river - potentially allowing it to transfer vital equipment across the river

Russia has been focusing its efforts on eastern Ukraine with fighting continuing around Bakhmut and near Donetsk

Ukraine's claims foothold across river

Ukrainian forces say they have gained a foothold on the eastern bank of the Dnipro river about 30km (19 miles) from the city of Kherson.

The river has separated Ukrainian and Russian forces since Moscow's troops withdrew from Kherson a year ago.

If the area is held it would mean a significant advance for Ukraine as it may be able to begin transferring armoured vehicles and air defence systems across the river putting it a step closer to breaking through to Crimea, the peninsula illegally annexed by Russia in 2014.

The success was claimed by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's chief of staff Andriy Yermak shortly after US-based experts said that marginal advances had been made into the village of Krynky, 2km (1.25 miles) inland from the river.

Russia conceded on 15 November that "small groups" of Ukrainian forces had set up positions in the village but insisted they had sustained heavy losses and had no chance of breaking through.

Vladimir Saldo, the Russian-installed official in charge of the Russian-occupied areas of the Kherson region, said they faced a "fiery hell", adding: "Our additional forces have now been brought in. The enemy is trapped in Krynky."

His admission that Ukrainian forces had gained a foothold came two days after Russian state media published and then swiftly retracted news of a retreat from positions on the eastern bank.

Ukrainian forces have conducted several raids in small boats across the Dnipro, Ukraine's longest river, during the spring and summer. However, Kyiv lacks air superiority, which made the task more difficult.

The battle for Bakhmut

Russia's main effort has been focused on eastern Ukraine, according to analysts from the US-based Institute for the Study of War (ISW).

The city of Bakhmut, which has endured some of the heaviest fighting of the war, has been under Russian control for several months and, although Ukraine gained some ground in the surrounding areas over the summer, including the villages of Kupyansk and Andriivka, the battles continue.

Russian forces are also claiming to have made advances around the town of Avdiivka near the city of Donetsk.

President Zelensky said on 14 November that fighting was escalating near the town but added that Russian forces were losing men and equipment trying to capture it.

The UK Ministry of Defence says Russia is "almost certainly attempting a pincer movement to encircle the town", and notes its proximity to Donetsk means it holds political importance to Russia.

The MoD assessment is that recent advances suggest Russian forces are closing in on the coke and chemical plant to the north of the town, which is still held by Ukrainian forces and occupies a key tactical position.

The plant dominates the main road into Avdiivka and, the MoD believes if Russian forces were to secure it, resupplying the town would "become increasingly difficult for Ukraine". However the building gives Ukraine a "localised defensive advantage" and the MoD says that Russian forces will probably suffer significant losses if they attempt to assault the facility.

Attacks on Crimea

As part of its counter-offensive Ukraine has also stepped up attacks on the Crimean peninsula - including a missile attack on the port of Sevastopol on 22 September which it says killed 34 Russian officers.

That attack came just over a week after another major attack on the same city, which is the headquarters of the fleet, that is thought to have destroyed a ship and a submarine.

It also caused significant damage to the dry docks, which are vital for maintenance of the entire Russian Black Sea fleet.

The next day Ukraine said it had succeeded in destroying a sophisticated Russian air defence system - the S-400 - on the peninsular.

Attacks in late August destroyed another S-400 and others knocked out Russian radar positions on offshore gas platforms.

Russia's Black Sea fleet is an important target for Kyiv - its ships have launched missiles at Ukraine causing devastating damage.

It has also been threatening to block the Black Sea shipping routes that Ukraine has been using to export grain - which is a particular sticking point for Kyiv currently.

Moscow pulled out of the internationally brokered Black Sea Grain Initiative in mid-July, which guaranteed safe passage of non-military vessels, arguing that Russia's own agricultural exporters were being disadvantaged.

In its place Ukraine exported a limited amount of grain using ships that hugged the western coast of the Black Sea - through Romanian and Bulgarian territorial waters - to evade Russian attack. Ukraine has also been exporting an increasing amount of grain from Reni and Izmail, on the Danube river.

The Black Sea route was previously used as a humanitarian corridor, to allow passage for empty ships which had been trapped in Ukraine's ports since the start of the conflict.

However, earlier in November Ukrainian officials said a harbour pilot had been killed and four other people injured after a Russian missile hit a civilian ship that was supposed to transport iron ore to China as it was entering Odesa.

More than a year of fighting

Russia's invasion began with dozens of missile strikes on cities all over Ukraine before dawn on 24 February 2022.

Russian ground troops moved in quickly and within a few weeks were in control of large areas of Ukraine and had advanced to the suburbs of Kyiv.

Russian forces were bombarding Kharkiv, and they had taken territory in the east and south as far as Kherson, and surrounded the port city of Mariupol.

But they hit very strong Ukrainian resistance almost everywhere and faced serious logistical problems with poorly motivated Russian troops suffering shortages of food, water and ammunition.

Ukrainian forces were also quick to deploy Western supplied arms such as the Nlaw anti-tank system, which proved highly effective against the Russian advance.

By October, the picture had changed dramatically and having failed to take Kyiv, Russia withdrew completely from the north.

More than a year since the invasion, Ukraine is now hoping its latest counter-offensive can turn the war in its favour.

By David Brown, Bella Hurrell, Dominic Bailey, Mike Hills, Lucy Rodgers, Paul Sargeant, Alison Trowsdale, Tural Ahmedzade, Chris Clayton, Kady Wardell, Mark Bryson, Zoe Bartholomew, Sean Willmott, Sana Dionysiou, Joy Roxas, Gerry Fletcher, Jana Tauschinsk, Debie Loizou, Simon Martin and Prina Shah.

About these maps

To indicate which parts of Ukraine are under control by Russian troops we are using daily assessments published by the Institute for the Study of War with the American Enterprise Institute's Critical Threats Project. To show key areas where advances are taking place we are also using updates from the UK Ministry of Defence and BBC research.

The situation in Ukraine is often fast moving and it is likely there will be times when there have been changes not reflected in the maps.

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Ukraine in maps: Tracking the war with Russia

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Ukraine's counter-offensive may have achieved a breakthrough ahead of the expected harsh winter months.

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Deforestation in the Amazon – Council on Foreign Relations

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Deforestation in the Amazon – Council on Foreign Relations

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Brazil’s Amazon has lost nearly a fifth of its forest in the past fifty years. What causes deforestation, and what’s at stake? Explore this guide to find out.

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Israeli-Palestinian Conflict | Global Conflict Tracker

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Learn about the world’s top hotspots with this interactive Global Conflict Tracker from the Center for Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations.

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Image source, AFP

Whether it's a bluff or a genuine threat of invasion, the increase in Chinese military activity in Taiwan over the last few months has caused global concern.

At the heart of the divide is that the Chinese government sees Taiwan as a breakaway province that will, eventually, be part of the country again.

Many Taiwanese people disagree. They feel they in effect have a separate nation - whether or not independence is ever officially declared.

What is the history of this tension?

Going back to the beginning - the first known settlers in Taiwan were Austronesian tribal people, who are thought to have come from modern day southern China.

The island seems to have first appeared in Chinese records in AD239, when an emperor sent an expeditionary force to explore the area - something Beijing uses to back its territorial claim.

After a relatively brief spell as a Dutch colony (1624-1661), Taiwan was administered by China's Qing dynasty from 1683 to 1895.

From the 17th Century, significant numbers of migrants started arriving from China, often fleeing turmoil or hardship. Most were Hoklo Chinese from Fujian (Fukien) province or Hakka Chinese, largely from Guangdong. The descendants of these two migrations are now by far the largest demographic groups on the island.

In 1895, Japan won the First Sino-Japanese War, and the Qing government had to cede Taiwan to Japan. After World War Two, Japan surrendered and relinquished control of territory it had taken from China. The Republic of China - one of the victors in the war - began ruling Taiwan with the consent of its allies, the US and UK.

But in the next few years a civil war broke out in China, and the then-leader Chiang Kai-shek's troops were beaten back by Mao Zedong's Communist armies.

Image source, Central Press

Image caption,
Chiang Kai-shek, once the leader in China, fled with his supporters to Taiwan

Chiang and the remnants of his Kuomintang (KMT) government fled to Taiwan in 1949. This group, referred to as Mainland Chinese and then making up 1.5m people, dominated Taiwan's politics for many years - even though they only account for 14% of the population.

Having inherited an effective dictatorship, facing resistance from local people resentful of authoritarian rule and under pressure from a growing democracy movement, Chiang's son, Chiang Ching-kuo, began allowing a process of democratisation.

President Lee Teng-hui, known as Taiwan's "father of democracy", led constitutional changes towards a more democratic political layout, which eventually led to the election of the island's first non-KMT president, Chen Shui-bian, in 2000.

What about recent hostility?

Relations between China and Taiwan started improving in the 1980s. China put forward a formula, known as "one country, two systems", under which Taiwan would be given significant autonomy if it accepted Chinese reunification.

This system was established in Hong Kong to be used as something of a showcase to entice Taiwanese people back to the mainland.

Taiwan rejected the offer, but it did relax rules on visits to and investment in China. In 1991, it also proclaimed the war with the People's Republic of China on the mainland to be over.

There were also limited talks between the two sides' unofficial representatives, though Beijing's insistence that Taiwan's Republic of China (ROC) government is illegitimate meant government-to-government meetings couldn't happen.

Image source, AFP

Image caption,
Chen Shui-bian was a backer of independence for Taiwan from China

And in 2000, when Taiwan elected Chen Shui-bian as president, Beijing was alarmed. Mr Chen had openly backed "independence".

A year after Mr Chen was re-elected in 2004, China passed a so-called anti-secession law, stating China's right to use "non-peaceful means" against Taiwan if it tried to "secede" from China.

Mr Chen was succeeded by Ma Ying-jeou, who, after taking office in 2008, sought to improve relations with China through economic agreements.

Eight years later, in 2016, Taiwan's current president Tsai Ing-wen was elected. She leads the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards eventual official independence from China.

Image source, Reuters

Image caption,
Under Ms Tsai, cross-Straits relations soured again

After Donald Trump won the 2016 US election, Ms Tsai spoke to him on the phone - a break with US policy set in 1979, when formal relations were cut.

Despite the lack of formal ties, the US has pledged to supply Taiwan with defensive weapons and has stressed any attack by China would cause "grave concern".

Throughout 2018, China stepped up pressure on international companies, forcing them to list Taiwan as a part of China on their websites and threatening to block them for doing business in China if they failed to comply.

Ms Tsai won a second term in 2020. By that time Hong Kong had seen months of unrest, with protesters demonstrating against the mainland's increasing influence - a development many in Taiwan were watching closely.

Later that year, China's implementation of a national security law in Hong Kong was widely seen as yet another sign that Beijing was becoming more assertive in the region.

At the same time, the US has been intensifying its outreach to Taiwan and reassuring Taipei of its continued support. Last September, Washington sent the highest-level state department official in decades to visit the island.

Beijing strongly criticised the meeting, warning the US "not to send any wrong signals to 'Taiwan independence' elements to avoid severe damage to China-US relations". During the controversial visit, China conducted a live-fire military exercise in the waterway that separates the island from the mainland.

This year, President Joe Biden's administration has said its commitment to Taiwan is "rock solid".

In the first few days of Mr Biden's presidency, Taiwan reported a "large incursion" by Chinese warplanes over two days. Then on 12 April, the Taiwanese government said China flew the largest number of military jets into its air defence zone for a year.

In response, US Admiral John Aquilino, head of the Pentagon's Indo-Pacific command, warned that a Chinese invasion of Taiwan "is much closer to us than most think".

So who recognises Taiwan?

There is disagreement and confusion about what Taiwan is.

China regards Taiwan as a breakaway province which it has vowed to retake, by force if necessary. But Taiwan's leaders say it is clearly much more than a province, arguing that it is a sovereign state.

It has its own constitution, democratically-elected leaders, and about 300,000 active troops in its armed forces.

Chiang Kai-shek's Republic of China (ROC) government, which fled the mainland to Taiwan in 1949, at first claimed to represent the whole of China, which it intended to re-occupy. It held China's seat on the United Nations Security Council and was recognised by many Western nations as the only Chinese government.

But in 1971, the UN switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing and the ROC government was forced out. Since then the number of countries that recognise the ROC government diplomatically has fallen drastically to about 15.

Given the huge divide between these two positions, most other countries seem happy to accept the current ambiguity, whereby Taiwan has virtually all of the characteristics of an independent state, even if its legal status remains unclear.

How much of an issue is independence in Taiwan?

While political progress has been slow, links between the two peoples and economies have grown sharply. Taiwanese companies have invested about $60bn (£40bn) in China, and up to one million Taiwanese people now live there, many running Taiwanese factories.

Some Taiwanese people worry their economy is now dependent on China. Others believe that closer business ties make Chinese military action less likely, because of the cost to China's own economy.

A controversial trade agreement sparked the "Sunflower Movement" in 2014, where students and activists occupied Taiwan's parliament protesting against what they called China's growing influence over Taiwan.

Image source, AFP/Getty Images

Image caption,
Recent polls show many Taiwanese support the government's approach in "safeguarding national sovereignty"

Officially, the ruling DPP still favours eventual formal independence for Taiwan, while the KMT favours eventual re-unification.

A March 2021 opinion poll commissioned by the Taiwanese government shows that currently the majority of Taiwanese support the DPP government's approach in "safeguarding national sovereignty". More and more people also say they feel Taiwanese, rather than Chinese.

In the 2020 election Ms Tsai won a record-breaking 8.2 million votes, that was widely seen as a snub to Beijing.

More on this story

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China sees Taiwan as a breakaway province, but many Taiwanese people want a separate nation.

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Join Gisele Bundchen when she meets with one of Brazil’s top climate scientists to discuss the complexity of the Amazon rainforest and its connection to Earth’s atmosphere.

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https://www.state.gov/ukraine-and-russia/

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Deforestation in the Amazon – Council on Foreign Relations

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Deforestation in the Amazon – Council on Foreign Relations

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Brazil’s Amazon has lost nearly a fifth of its forest in the past fifty years. What causes deforestation, and what’s at stake? Explore this guide to find out.

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The Amazon Rain Forest Is Nearly Gone. We Went to the Front Lines to See If It Could Be Saved

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The Amazon Rain Forest Is Nearly Gone. We Went to the Front Lines to See If It Could Be Saved

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Colonization and environmental vandalism created a crisis in the Amazon that could have alarming consequences for climate change.

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Deforestation in the Amazon is an environmental issue that continues to be a major concern across Latin America and beyond. Tropical forests play a critical role in both local and global ecosystems. They provide habitat for wildlife, sequester carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, protect biodiversity, and provide valuable resources for nearby communities. It is estimated that over 20% of global rainforests have already been destroyed due to land clearing for agricultural production, logging, mining, and other human activities. In addition to its devastation of the natural environment, deforestation also contributes significantly to changing climates by releasing tonnes of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere.
Tropical Amazon Rainforest, Brazil.
This article will examine the large-scale destruction of the forest cover in the Amazon for cattle pastures and other human activities, as well as the resulting impacts on air quality, climate, biodiversity loss, and Indigenous rights. It will also discuss strategies for reducing deforestation and protecting the Amazon's delicate ecosystems.

What is deforestation?
Read more: Top 10 causes of deforestation
Deforestation , as the name suggests, is the process of clearing a forest or a large area of trees to make space for other land uses, such as agriculture, commercial development, or urbanisation. While deforestation can occur in any part of the world, the rate of deforestation in the Amazon Rainforest in Brazil is one of the most severe worldwide.
Read more: What are the effects of deforestation?
Deforestation can happen naturally, for example, when forests are destroyed by wildfires, disease, or insect infestations. However, human activities like logging, mining, and agriculture are the main drivers of deforestation in the Amazon Rainforest and globally.
Saimiri (Squirrel monkeys) sitting and eating fruits on a tree branch. Amazon Rainforest, Brazil.
Tropical deforestation is a significant concern because tropical rainforests play a crucial role in regulating the Earth's climate, supporting biodiversity , and providing essential resources for human survival. The Amazon Rainforest alone is home to millions of plant and animal species and produces around 20% of the world's oxygen.

Deforestation has harmful effects on the environment and the economy. The loss of forests contributes to climate change by releasing carbon dioxide into the atmosphere and reducing the planet's ability to absorb it. Deforestation also leads to soil erosion, loss of biodiversity, and potential water shortages.
Read more: Impact of forests on biodiversity
Thus, deforestation is a complex issue with significant implications for our planet's health and the wellbeing of all living things. By understanding the causes and consequences of deforestation, we can work towards implementing solutions for a more sustainable future.

Brief overview of the Amazon Rainforest
Native tribal man swimming in the Amazonian rainforest in a handmade boat.
The Amazon Rainforest, the largest rainforest in the world, is a lush and vibrant ecosystem spanning across nine countries in South America, covering an area of over 5.5 million square kilometres, of which almost 60% is in Brazil. It is famously known as the 'lungs of the world,' producing 20% of the Earth's oxygen and playing a crucial role in regulating the planet's climate.

But it's not just the ecological importance that makes the Amazon Rainforest a wondrous place. The rainforest is home to over one million Indigenous people and millions of species of plants and animals, many of which are found nowhere else in the world. From jaguars and macaws to medicinal plants and exotic fruits, the Amazon Rainforest is a treasure trove of biodiversity.

However, the Amazon Rainforest is facing significant threats given the rates of deforestation, mainly from human activities like deforestation, mining, and agriculture, but also from natural events like forest fires. These activities have devastating impacts on the ecosystem and the people who depend on it, including Indigenous communities who have called the rainforest home for thousands of years.
Read more: Why should endangered species be protected?
Despite these challenges, the Amazon Rainforest can be restored with collective support. Many organisations and individuals are working to protect the rainforest through sustainable practices, conservation efforts, and education initiatives. And we can all do our part, whether it's reducing our consumption of products linked to deforestation or supporting eco-friendly practices.

The Amazon Rainforest is undoubtedly one of our planet's most incredible and important ecosystems . It's up to us to protect it, so future generations can enjoy its beauty and benefits for years to come.

Causes for deforestation in the Amazon
Read more: Why are tropical rainforests important? Read more: A pair of toucans sitting on a tree branch. Amazon Rainforest. Deforestation in the United States: causes, consequences, and cures Read more: Breathe easy: How trees are nature's air-cleaning machines
Deforestation in the Amazon is one of the biggest ecological crises of our time. The Amazon Rainforest is unmatched in its biodiversity, with millions of plant and animal species that call it home. However, human activities such as agriculture, mining, and logging are causing significant damage to the rainforest. Here are some of the main causes of Amazonian deforestation:

1. Agriculture: Cattle ranches and soybean production are the largest drivers of deforestation in the Amazon. Soybeans are in high demand globally, and the Amazon is a prime location for growing this crop due to its fertile soil. Unfortunately, clearing forests to create new agricultural land is often the easiest and cheapest solution for farmers. Brazil is one of the world's largest beef exporters, and to raise their cattle, ranchers need huge tracts of land.

Read more: How regenerative agriculture is transforming sustainable farming

2. Logging: Logging for commercial purposes is another major cause of deforestation. Trees are cut down for timber used in furniture, paper, and other products.

3. Mining: The demand for minerals like gold and iron ore drives mining in the Amazon. Mining activities are causing widespread destruction to the rainforest, including water pollution and soil degradation.

4. Human activity: The growth of human populations in and around the Amazon is increasing pressure on the rainforest. Infrastructure development, such as roads, dams, and hydropower projects, is also contributing to deforestation.

The negative impact of forest loss in the Amazon is vast. It leads to habitat loss for millions of species, including endangered animals like the jaguar and giant otter. Deforestation also contributes to greenhouse gas emissions and climatic instability, as the forest serves as a natural carbon sink, capturing carbon emissions.

To tackle deforestation in the Amazon, it is important to understand its root causes. By reducing demand for products linked to deforestation and supporting sustainable practices, we can all play a role in protecting this vital ecosystem.

The effects of deforestation in the Amazon

When we think about the Amazon forest, we imagine a lush, green forest teeming with wildlife and plants that are unique to this precious ecosystem. However, the reality is that deforestation is severely impacting this natural wonder, and the effects are alarming.

One of the most significant effects of deforestation in the Amazon is the displacement of Indigenous peoples. These communities have a deep connection with the land and depend on it for their survival. When forests are cut down, their homes, livelihoods, and very existence are threatened.

Another impact of deforestation is the loss of biodiversity. The Amazon is home to an incredible array of species, many of which are found nowhere else in the world. When forests are destroyed, these animals lose their habitat, and many cannot survive. This, in turn, affects the balance of the entire ecosystem, and the consequences can be far-reaching.

Deforestation also leads to soil erosion, which affects the quality of the soil and its ability to support plant and animal life. The Amazon is known for its fertile soil. Even so, when forests are removed, the soil can quickly become depleted, leading to a loss of productivity and economic opportunities for local traditional communities.
Read more: From the brink of extinction: 4 endangered species that made a comeback
Perhaps the most significant impact of deforestation in the Amazon is its effect on the climate. Trees are natural carbon sinks, and when they are cut down, large amounts of carbon dioxide are released into the atmosphere. This exacerbates the effects of climate change, contributing to rising temperatures, rising sea levels, and more frequent natural disasters.

It's easy to see why deforestation in the Amazon is a cause for concern. From the loss of biodiversity to the displacement of Indigenous peoples, the effects are far-reaching and devastating. It's up to us to take action to protect this precious ecosystem, whether through supporting conservation efforts or living a more sustainable lifestyle.

Recent trends in deforestation rates

Deforestation has been a hot topic for quite some time now, and it's not going away anytime soon. In fact, in the past years, deforestation rates in the Amazon have been on the rise, and the consequences are dire. In 2022, the Brazilian Amazon Rainforest witnessed a dramatic peak in deforestation: it lost the equivalent of nearly 3,000 soccer fields a day.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), approximately 10 million hectares of global forests are lost every year. Picture an area the size of Iceland but without the icy coolness. Instead, it's a wasteland. According to Brazil's National Institute for Space Research, deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon rose more than 50% in the first three months of 2020 compared to the same period in 2019.

The Amazon Rainforest loses an average of 1.4 billion trees each year. When trees are cut down, they release carbon dioxide, a significant contributor to the climate crisis we're facing. That is why deforestation is responsible for roughly 15% of global greenhouse gas emissions each year. That's on par with the entire transportation sector's emissions worldwide, including cars, planes, and ships.

So, what's driving this increase in deforestation rates?
Explore DGB's reforestation projects

Deforestation is often driven by human activity, such as agriculture, human settlements, and infrastructure development. One major driver is agriculture, specifically the production of soybeans and cattle ranching. Cattle ranching and soybean farming are colossal culprits, with cattle ranching accounting for 80% of current deforestation in the Amazon. As demand for these products increases, more and more land is cleared to make room for crops and grazing.

Illegal logging is another significant contributor, with millions of trees lost to this illicit activity every year. Despite efforts by environmental agencies and the Brazilian federal government to crack down on the practice, it continues to happen at an alarming rate. Traditional communities and Indigenous land are often the targets of these illegal activities, displacing people and disrupting their way of life.

The dry season also plays a role in deforestation rates. During this time, it's easier for fires to ignite and spread, making it easier for land to be cleared quickly. Unfortunately, deforestation-related fires can lead to devastating consequences, such as the loss of homes and businesses and even the loss of life.

So, what can be done to combat these trends in deforestation rates? Sustainable development and economic incentives for landowners who preserve forests are a great place to start. Additionally, supporting Indigenous communities and traditional land use practices can help protect valuable ecosystems and promote biodiversity. We discuss these and other solutions in more detail later in this article.
Explore the benefits of green investing
The bottom line is that we can't afford to ignore deforestation's impact on our planet. It's time to take action and take responsibility for our actions. The future of our planet depends on it.

Moreover, it's not just the atmosphere that suffers from deforestation. Forests serve as habitats for a large portion of our planet's wildlife. Can you imagine losing over 80% of the world's terrestrial biodiversity and species due to deforestation?

Although deforestation rates in the Amazon remained high in 2022, the good news is that in April 2023, deforestation rates dropped by 72%. This was due in part to increased enforcement of environmental laws and campaigns to promote sustainable agriculture and forestry practices. However, there is still much more work to be done to protect this vital ecosystem.

The Amazon Rainforest is not just a resource to be exploited. It is a precious and irreplaceable ecosystem that deserves our respect and protection. By educating ourselves on the factors driving deforestation and taking action to promote sustainable practices, we can all contribute to protecting this vital part of our planet.

Solutions to deforestation

Deforestation in the Amazon is a serious problem that threatens our planet's health and biodiversity. The Amazon Rainforest is often referred to as the 'lungs of the planet' because of its ability to absorb carbon dioxide and release oxygen. However, it's being destroyed at an alarming rate, which has negative consequences in the form of greenhouse gas emissions, habitat loss for animals, and a reduction in biodiversity. Let's explore four solutions to combat the Amazon deforestation:
Start planting trees today
1. Increased government regulations

One of the most practical ways to lessen deforestation in the Amazon is for the government to enforce laws that govern it. For example, the Brazilian government can create laws and regulations prioritising sustainable agricultural activities and forestry practices. The government can also implement measures that penalise individuals and companies that engage in illegal deforestation. This way, there will be a clear message to people that deforestation is impermissible.
Contact us to join our cause and reforest the planet
2. Implementing nature-based solutions

Nature-based solutions are a promising pathway towards mitigating deforestation in the Amazon Rainforest. One such approach involves the restoration of degraded lands through reforestation efforts, which involves planting a diverse range of native tree species and allowing them to grow and regenerate over time. This can help prevent further deforestation by creating a barrier between remaining forests and areas susceptible to land-use change.

New plant in the Amazon forest. Brazil, South America.

Another key method to prevent deforestation is through promoting sustainable development and providing economic incentives for landowners who preserve forests. A sustainable income through forest conservation and sustainable land management practices can provide economic incentives for local traditional communities to protect forests rather than exploit them for short-term gains. Additionally, supporting Indigenous communities and traditional land use practices can help protect valuable ecosystems and promote biodiversity. Implementing and ensuring the success of such solutions requires a concerted effort from various stakeholders, including governments, non-governmental organisations, and private sector actors. By prioritising nature-based solutions, it is possible to address deforestation in the Amazon while also safeguarding the region's biodiversity and supporting local livelihoods and Indigenous peoples.

3. Supporting nonprofit organisations

Supporting non-profit organisations that work towards protecting rainforests and planting trees is another way to combat deforestation. Rainforest Trust, Amazon Watch, and Rainforest Alliance are some of the many nonprofit organisations individuals can donate to. These organisations help reduce deforestation by purchasing land in the Amazon to protect it from logging and cattle ranching.

4. Reduce beef and dairy consumption

Cattle ranches are one of the biggest drivers of deforestation in the Amazon. To reduce deforestation, individuals can reduce their beef and dairy consumption by choosing plant-based alternatives. For example, instead of beef, they can opt for plant-based protein sources such as tofu, tempeh, and beans. Reducing demand for beef and dairy products can indirectly decrease the need for cattle ranches and therefore limit deforestation in the Amazon.

DGB Group's trust in nature-based solutions as an answer to deforestation

With the right combination of government regulations, nature-based solutions, non-profit organisations, and individual action, deforestation in the Amazon can be addressed and reversed. By implementing laws that protect forests, restoring degraded lands with reforestation efforts, supporting rainforest protection projects through nonprofit donations, and reducing beef and dairy product consumption, we can ensure a healthy environment for generations to come.

Through our work in designing and implementing large-scale nature-based solutions, DGB Group is confident that nature-based solutions are one of the surest ways to prevent further deforestation in the Amazon Rainforest and even revert it. With everyone doing their part by making sustainable choices and supporting environmental initiatives, we can make a meaningful difference in protecting our planet.

DGB strongly supports and implements reforestation efforts worldwide, knowing firsthand the devastating impact of deforestation on our planet and its precious biodiversity. Join us on our quest to save the planet! With our innovative carbon projects and collaborations with stakeholders, we're making a tangible difference in preserving healthy ecosystems. Our unwavering commitment to preventing further deforestation and promoting biodiversity is central to our mission and our contribution towards a sustainable, prosperous future.

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Deforestation in the Amazon Rainforest: causes, effects, solutions

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Discover the causes, effects and solutions to deforestation in the Amazon rainforest.

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Plastic Pollution in the Philippines: Causes and Solutions

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As summer vacation commences, tourists are bound to flock to the Philippines, a nation known for its iconic islands that house some of the world's whitest sands and most transparent waters. Unfortunately, the Asian nation has also made waves by being crowned as the world's biggest ocean plastic polluter. In this article, we dive into the persistent plastic pollution in the country's waters.
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Assessing Ocean Plastic Pollution in the Philippines

Contrary to popular belief, most plastic waste does not enter the sea directly. Conversely, it makes its way to the sea from smaller water streams.

According to a 2021 study , 80% of plastic waste comes from rivers and seven of the top ten plastic-polluted rivers in the world are in the Philippines. Pasig River even dethrones the previously most polluted river in 2017 , the Yangtze River of China.

How Does Plastic Pollution Affect the Environment?

Unfortunately, this centralisation of dependence is easily overthrown once coral reefs encounter threats such as rising ocean temperatures and plastic pollution.

By dumping plastics into the sea, these eventually enter our bloodstream. According to the United Nations, more than 51 trillion microplastic particles litter the world's seas, a quantity that outnumbers the stars in our galaxy by 500 times.

While we are increasingly aware of where microplastics can be found, we are still relatively in the dark about their impact on the environment and especially on human health. Yet, there is no doubt that microplastics contain highly toxic and harmful chemicals.
You might also like: 5 Coral Reefs That Are Currently Under Threat and Dying
What's Behind the Philippines' Plastic Pollution Crisis?

The Philippines has a peculiar culture of consuming products in small quantities. For example, instead of buying a regular bottle of shampoo, many people opt for sachets sold at local stores at a much lower price.

You might also like: 4 Biggest Environmental Issues in the Philippines in 2024
This highlights another problem: The lack of government action.

How Do We Fix This?

In the grand scheme of things, most of the causes of plastic pollution could be addressed with proper government intervention. Instead of feeding into the corporate agenda that maximises plastic production, the government could take notes from its surrounding Asian regions.

For example, Taiwan was responsible for a meagre 0.05% of global oceanic plastic waste in 2019, owing to numerous legislation to protect its waters from plastic that the country enforced in recent years, including the Marine Pollution Control Act in 2000 and the Action Plan of Marine Debris Governance in 2018. In 2020, the Environmental Protection Administration declared a ban on all free plastic straws and has now pledged to ban all single-use plastics by 2030. With years of revising and enforcing plans, Taiwan can now aim for bigger environmental goals.

Additionally, the Philippine government could extend its success from the six-month closure of its tropical landmark Boracay in 2018, following former President Duterte's order to carry out rehabilitation works to restore the island's pristine condition from pollution.
You might also like: 10 Plastic Pollution in the Ocean Facts You Need to Know
A survey conducted in February 2018 by the Philippines News Agency found that a staggering 716 out of 834 businesses had no discharge permit and were draining contaminated water into the sea.

As this example shows, short-term efforts can lead to long-term improvements.
Featured image: Wikimedia Commons.
Especially if aided by government measures, the actions of an entire nation can go a long way. By increasing the number of accessible recycling bins, people would be one step closer to classifying their trash. By imposing fees or even bans on the use or production of plastics, people would have no plastic to throw into the seas. By simply raising awareness, more Filipinos would act against plastic pollution.

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Plastic Pollution in the Philippines: Causes and Solutions

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The Philippines was crowned the world's biggest ocean plastic polluter. How did we get here and what are the solutions?

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NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) - The torrential rains and deadly floods that have hit Kenya since March have been some of the most catastrophic in the country in recent years.

At least 169 people have died due to the heavy rains, with at least 91 missing, according to the latest government figures.

In the most tragic single event, at least 48 people were killed on Monday after water blew through a blocked river tunnel under a railway line in southwestern Kenya, causing a flash flood. The rain has displaced more than 190,000 people and damaged roads and other infrastructure.

The devastating rains are a result of a mix of factors, including the country's seasonal weather patterns, human-caused climate change as well as natural weather phenomena.

Here's how they combined to create the deadly deluge.

WHAT IS KENYA'S 'LONG RAINS' SEASON?

Kenya and some other parts of eastern Africa have two main rainfall periods: the "long rains" season of March to May, and the "short rains" season of October to December.

The "long rains" season is when most of the country's average annual rainfall occurs. It's often characterized by torrential rains, and sometimes goes up to June.

In its forecast for this year's "long rains" season, the Kenya Meteorological Department predicted above-average rainfall in many parts of the country, with occasional storms in some. It also warned of flash floods, landslides, mudslides and other impacts.

Last year's "short rains" season was characterized by severe storms in many parts of the country, particularly in November. Lamu, Mombasa and Garissa counties received nearly three times their long-term average rainfall, according to the meteorological department.

WHY IS THE RAIN SO INTENSE THIS TIME?

The frequency, patterns and intensity of rainfall in Kenya are influenced by naturally occurring climate systems like the Indian Ocean Dipole.

The Indian Ocean Dipole is a swinging of sea surface temperatures that makes the western Indian Ocean warmer than average then colder than average than those of the eastern Indian Ocean. It has positive, neutral and negative phases.

The positive phase causes heavy rainfall in areas west of the Indian Ocean, such as Kenya, and droughts in Indonesia and Australia.

While many people have linked the current floods to the naturally occurring El Nino weather phenomenon, research shows that the climate event has little influence on rainfall over East Africa during the "long rains" season, said Joyce Kimutai, research associate at Imperial College London.

El Nino is the warming of the ocean over the Pacific Ocean, which changes the routes for storms and it can cause heavy rainfall in some parts of the world and droughts in others.

But in Kenya's case, it's highly likely that the positive Indian Ocean Dipole and climate change explain the ongoing flood-inducing rainfall, she said.

Warmer oceans caused by the hotter atmosphere increase evaporation, and air holding more moisture can produce more intense rainfall.

In an analysis in December last year, Kimutai and colleagues from World Weather Attribution, a group of scientists that analyze whether climate change played a role in extreme weather, human-caused climate change had made last year's "short rains" season in Kenya and other parts of eastern Africa up to two times more intense.

WHEN WILL THE 'LONG RAINS' END?

It's become difficult to predict long-term weather in Kenya in recent years, as the onset and duration of dry and wet seasons increasingly change.

The Kenya Meteorological Department the "long rains" season to continue into June.

In its latest seven-day weather forecast, which it released on Monday, the department said it expects rainfall to continue in several parts of the country, with heavy downpour likely to occur in six regions, as well as flooding in low-lying areas and landslides in steep slopes.

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What's causing the catastrophic rainfall in Kenya?

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The torrential rains and deadly floods that have hit Kenya since March have been some of the most catastrophic in the country in recent years.

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The UN's Special Rapporteur for Russia, Mariana Katzarova, sounded the alarm on what she says is a pattern of suppression of civil and political rights there.

Addressing the Human Rights Council in Geneva, Ms. Katzarova voiced grave concerns over mass arbitrary arrests and the "persistent use of torture and ill-treatment."

Clear evidence

Citing almost 200 sources from both in and outside the country, the UN-appointed expert also highlighted the lack of judicial independence and right to a fair trial.

"The large amount of information shared with me is indicative of the magnitude of the human rights challenges facing Russian society today," she said.

Ms. Katzarova said that mass arbitrary arrests, detentions and harassment were recorded for "anyone speaking out against Russia's war on Ukraine or daring to criticize the government's actions."

But the fraying of basic rights did not begin in February last year, rather, "the roots of this repression go back much further."

'Incremental and calculated'

"The incremental and calculated restrictions on human rights in Russia over the past two decades have culminated in the current state policy of criminalising any actual or perceived dissent."

Over 20,000 people were detained between February 2022 and June 2023 for participating in 'largely peaceful' anti-war protests.

Additionally, Ms. Katzarova received reports of torture and ill-treatment in detention, including sexual violence and rape, by law enforcement officials targeting anti-war protesters.

Russian authorities have also used propaganda and rhetoric to incite hatred and violence against Ukrainians, the report claims, with 600 criminal lawsuits were initiated against so-called "anti-war activity.

Ms. Katzarova added that children in schools face threats and serious consequences for "even drawing an anti-war picture."

Civil society

The situation in Russia has signalled an "effective closure of the civic space, silencing of public dissent and independent media", Ms. Katzarova emphasised, a thought echoed by many Member States during the Council session.

For example, changes to the law on so-called foreign agents or 'undesirable organisations' means that independent voices such as human rights defenders and independent media outlets, are now being heavily restricted.

"The often-violent enforcement of these laws has resulted in a systematic crackdown on civil society organizations," Ms. Katzarova said, referencing the scrutiny, detention and sometimes persecution of the now "stigmatised", independent groups - many who are forced into exile or prison.

Russian push back

Joined by many Member States, the UN expert urged Russia to undertake "comprehensive human rights reforms" to address the "damage of the past two decades."

The Russian Government has not accepted the mandate of the report and denied the independent expert access to the country. Russia's were represented at the Human Rights council in Geneva during the report's presentation but did not respond.

Addressing the Geneva forum, Ms. Katzarova called on Russia to "reconsider its approach" towards her mandate - a sentiment echoed by many Member States present.

This is the first time in its history that the Council has authorised a rights expert to investigate human rights violations within the borders of one of the permanent members of the UN Security Council.

Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. They are not UN staff and work on voluntary basis, without remuneration.

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Human rights in Russia: 'Significant deterioration'

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The human rights situation within Russia has significantly deteriorated since the invasion of Ukraine last year, according to a UN-appointed expert on Thursday. |

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In the year and a half since Russia's full-scale invasion, Ukraine has recaptured 54 percent of occupied territory, while Russia still occupies 18 percent of the country. Ukraine's 2023 offensive has achieved minor territorial gains, but the frontlines have remained stable for almost a year. Both sides have dug in, making breakthroughs increasingly difficult, and the number of military casualties has climbed to an estimated half a million. Meanwhile, Russia continues to bombard Ukrainian cities and blockade its ports, and Ukraine has stepped up drone attacks on Russian ships and infrastructure. Since January 2022, Ukraine has received nearly $350 billion in aid, including $77 billion from the United States, though it warns of donor fatigue. Fighting and air strikes have inflicted nearly 22,000 civilian casualties, while 5.1 million people are internally displaced, and 6.2 million have fled Ukraine. 17.6 million people need humanitarian assistance.

Armed conflict in eastern Ukraine erupted in early 2014 following Russia's annexation of Crimea. The previous year, protests in Ukraine's capital, Kyiv, against Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych's decision to reject a deal for greater economic integration with the European Union (EU) were met with a violent crackdown by state security forces. The protests widened, escalating the conflict, and President Yanukovych fled the country in February 2014.

One month later, in March 2014, Russian troops took control of the Ukrainian region of Crimea. Russian President Vladimir Putin cited the need to protect the rights of Russian citizens and Russian speakers in Crimea and southeast Ukraine. Russia then formally annexed the peninsula after Crimeans voted to join the Russian Federation in a disputed local referendum. The crisis heightened ethnic divisions, and two months later, pro-Russian separatists in the eastern Ukrainian regions of Donetsk and Luhansk held their own independence referendums.

Armed conflict in the regions quickly broke out between Russian-backed forces and the Ukrainian military. Russia denied military involvement, but both Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) reported the buildup of Russian troops and military equipment near Donetsk and Russian cross-border shelling immediately following Crimea's annexation. The conflict transitioned to an active stalemate, with regular shelling and skirmishes occurring along frontlines separating Russian- and Ukrainian-controlled eastern border regions.

Beginning in February 2015, France, Germany, Russia, and Ukraine attempted to kickstart negotiations to bring an end to the violence through the Minsk Accords. The agreement framework included provisions for a ceasefire, withdrawal of heavy weaponry, and full Ukrainian government control throughout the conflict zone. Efforts to reach a diplomatic settlement and satisfactory resolution, however, were largely unsuccessful.

In April 2016, NATO announced the deployment of four battalions to Eastern Europe, rotating troops through Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland to deter possible future Russian aggression elsewhere on the continent, particularly in the Baltics. In September 2017, the United States also deployed two U.S. Army tank brigades to Poland to further bolster NATO's presence in the region.

In January 2018, the United States imposed new sanctions on twenty-one individuals-including a number of Russian officials-and nine companies linked to the conflict in eastern Ukraine. In March 2018, the U.S. Department of State approved the sale of anti-tank weapons to Ukraine, the first sale of lethal weaponry since the conflict began. In October 2018, Ukraine joined the United States and seven other NATO countries in a series of large-scale air exercises in western Ukraine. The exercises came after Russia held its own annual military exercises in September 2018, the largest since the fall of the Soviet Union.

In October 2021, months of intelligence gathering and observations of Russian troop movements, force build-up, and military contingency financing culminated in a White House briefing with U.S. intelligence, military, and diplomatic leaders on a near-certain mass-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. The only remaining questions were when the attack would take place and whether the United States would be able to convince allies to act preemptively. Both were answered on February 24, 2022, when Russian forces invaded a largely unprepared Ukraine after Russian President Vladimir Putin authorized a " special military operation " against the country. In his statement, Putin claimed that the goal of the operation was to demilitarize and denazify Ukraine and end the alleged genocide of Russians in Ukrainian territory.

In the days and weeks leading up to the invasion, the Joe Biden administration made the unconventional decision to reduce information-sharing constraints and allow for the broader dissemination of intelligence and findings, both with allies-including Ukraine-and publicly. The goal of this strategy was to bolster allied defenses and dissuade Russia from taking aggressive action. Commercial satellite imagery, social media posts, and published intelligence from November and December 2021 showed armor, missiles, and other heavy weaponry moving toward Ukraine with no official explanation from the Kremlin. By the end of 2021, more than one hundred thousand Russian troops were in place near the Russia-Ukraine border, with U.S. intelligence officials warning of a Russian invasion in early 2022. In mid-December 2021, Russia's foreign ministry called on the United States and NATO to cease military activity in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, commit to no further NATO expansion toward Russia, and prevent Ukraine from joining NATO in the future. The United States and other NATO allies rejected these demands and threatened to impose severe economic sanctions if Russia took aggressive action against Ukraine.

In early February 2022, satellite imagery showed the largest deployment of Russian troops to its border with Belarus since the end of the Cold War. Negotiations between the United States, Russia, and European powers-including France and Germany-failed to bring about a resolution. In late February 2022, the United States warned that Russia intended to invade Ukraine, citing Russia's growing military presence at the Russia-Ukraine border. President Putin then ordered troops to Luhansk and Donetsk, claiming the troops served a "peacekeeping" function. The United States responded by imposing sanctions on the regions and the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline a few days later. Nevertheless, just prior to the invasion, U.S. and Ukrainian leaders remained at odds regarding the nature and likelihood of an armed Russian threat, with Ukrainian officials playing down the possibility of an incursion and delaying the mobilization of their troops and reserve forces.

Since the summer of 2022, fighting has largely been confined to Ukraine's east and south, with Russian cruise missiles, bombs, cluster munitions, and thermobaric weapons devastating port cities along the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov. The Russian seizure of several Ukrainian ports and subsequent blockade of Ukrainian food exports compounded an already acute global food crisis further exacerbated by climate change, inflation, and supply chain havoc. Prior to the conflict, Ukraine had been the largest supplier of commodities to the World Food Program (WFP), which provides food assistance to vulnerable populations. In July, Russia and Ukraine signed an agreement to free more than twenty million tons of grain from Russian-controlled Ukrainian ports. The first grain shipments to leave Ukraine since the Russian invasion departed from Odesa on August 1, 2022; they arrived in Russian-allied Syria on August 15, although their originally presumed destination had been Lebanon. On October 29, Russia suspended the grain deal in response to an alleged Ukrainian attack on Russian naval forces, which Ukraine called a "false pretext." Nonetheless, Russia did not enforce the blockade when Ukraine defiantly continued shipments, and Turkey quickly negotiated Russia's return to the deal, which has been consistently extended to date.

The current conflict has severely strained U.S.-Russia relations and increased the risk of a wider European conflict. Tensions are likely to increase between Russia and neighboring NATO member countries that would likely involve the United States, due to alliance security commitments. The conflict will also have broader ramifications for future cooperation on critical issues like arms control; cybersecurity; nuclear nonproliferation; global economic stability; energy security; counterterrorism; and political solutions in Syria, Libya, and elsewhere. Additionally, Russia's isolation has not only destabilized global energy and resource markets but also pushed the country to seek stronger strategic ties with those states (e.g., China) still willing to partner with it, largely in opposition to the West. The war has also compounded other global crises, with military operations and violence hindering the delivery and distribution of much-needed aid, including food, and exacerbating an already severe shortage of available global humanitarian assistance and resources.

On June 6, 2023, a breach in the Nova Kakhovka dam, sixty kilometers north of Kherson on the Dnipro River, caused severe flooding in southwest Ukraine, affecting over eighty thousand people who live in the riparian zone. Ukraine accuses Russia of blowing up the dam to prevent a southeastern offensive, while Russia claims Ukraine carried out the attack to deprive Crimea of water and distract from the battlefront. The Ukrainian dam operator says it has been destroyed beyond repair. Furthermore, the draining of the reservoir raises concerns over the availability of water to cool the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant reactors, though the cooling ponds are reportedly stable.

In June 2023, Ukraine launched a much-anticipated counteroffensive, attempting to break through Russian defenses eastward in Donetsk province, including around Bakhmut, and southward in Zaporizhzhia province, which forms the " land corridor" to Crimea. Zelenskyy said Ukraine aims to liberate 18 percent of occupied territory in the current phase, but Ukrainian forces have met stiff resistance and suffered heavy losses against hardened Russian defensive positions, air superiority, and minefields. Nonetheless, Ukraine has made small gains on the ground and has stepped up attacks on bridges to Crimea, Russian ships, and buildings in Moscow.

Since February 24, 2022, the United States has committed nearly forty billion dollars in security assistance to Ukraine, including nineteen billion in immediate military aid and sixteen billion in humanitarian aid. Additionally, in early 2023 the Biden administration approved the provision of increasingly advanced weaponry, such as the Patriot air defense system, crucial for defending against Russian airstrikes, and top-tier battle tanks. The United States has also dramatically increased U.S. troop presence in Europe, bringing the total to more than one hundred thousand. On June 8, 2023, in a joint press conference with British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, Biden said he believes the United States has the funds to "support Ukraine as long as it takes." A day later, the Department of Defense announced another 2.1 billion dollars in military aid. While the United Nations, Group of Seven member states, EU, and others continue to condemn Russia's actions and support Ukrainian forces, Russia has turned to countries like North Korea and Iran for intelligence and military equipment and continues to sell discounted oil and gas to India and China, among others.

By June 2023, the UN Human Rights Office recorded nearly nine thousand civilian deaths and over fifteen thousand civilian injuries since Russia's full-scale military invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The violence has internally displaced nearly six million people and forced nearly eight million to flee to neighboring countries, including Moldova and Poland, a NATO country where the United States and other allies are helping to accommodate the influx of refugees.

On June 23, Putin faced a major internal challenge when Yevgeniy Prigozhin released a video claiming the Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) shelled Wagner forces and announced a "march of justice" to unseat the military leadership. The mutiny follows months of tensions with the MoD, which Prigozhin often insulted and accused of not supplying adequate munitions, and an attempt by the MoD to reign in Wagner fighters. Wagner forces quickly occupied Rostov-on-Don and seized Russia's southern military headquarters. Wagner convoys then advanced more than halfway to Moscow; Putin declared the march " treason" and offered amnesty for soldiers who stopped. On June 24, Belarussian President Alexander Lukashenko negotiated for Wagner soldiers to return to their bases and for Prigozhin to move to Belarus. Prigozhin's true aims remain unknown, but the incident left both the Wagner Group and Putin weakened.

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War in Ukraine | Global Conflict Tracker

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Understand the conflict in Ukraine since it erupted in 2014 and track the latest developments around Russian and U.S. involvement on the Global Conflict Tracker from the Center for Preventive Action.

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Nairobi - Kenyan President William Ruto convened a special cabinet meeting Tuesday to discuss measures to tackle deadly floods that have killed nearly 170 people and displaced 185,000 others since March, his office said. Heavier than usual monsoon rains, compounded by the El Nino weather pattern, have devastated the East African country, along with neighboring Tanzania, engulfing villages and threatening to unleash even more damage in the weeks to come.

In the worst single incident, which killed nearly 50 villagers, a makeshift dam burst in the Rift Valley region before dawn on Monday, sending torrents of mud and water gushing down a hill and swallowing everything in its path. It was the deadliest incident episode in the country since the start of the rainy season.

So far, 169 people have died in flood-related disasters, according to government data.

The cabinet will "discuss additional measures" to address the crisis, Ruto said Monday on the sidelines of a summit of African leaders and the World Bank in the Kenyan capital Nairobi.

"My government is going to... make sure that citizens who are victims of climate change, who today are suffering floods, they are suffering mudslides, are looked after," he said.

The Rift Valley deluge cut off a road, uprooted trees and washed away homes and vehicles, devastating the village of Kamuchiri in Nakuru county.

Forty-seven people were killed, Nakuru County health minister Jacqueline Osoro told AFP on Tuesday.

"This morning we lost one person who was in the HDU (high dependency unit), so we've moved at 47 deaths," she said, adding that the toll could increase as 76 people were still feared missing.

Nakuru governor Susan Kihika said 110 people were being treated in hospital.

Opposition politicians and lobby groups have accused the government of being unprepared and slow to react despite weather warnings, demanding that it declare a national disaster.

Kenya's main opposition leader Raila Odinga said Tuesday that authorities had failed to make "advance contingency plans" for the extreme weather.

"The government has been talking big on climate change, yet when the menace comes in full force, we have been caught unprepared," he said. "We have therefore been reduced to planning, searching and rescuing at the same time."

The weather has also left a trail of destruction in neighboring Tanzania, where at least 155 people have been killed in flooding and landslides.

In Ethiopia's capital Addis Ababa, flooding claimed the lives of four people on Monday, according to the Fire and Disaster Risk Management Commission.

ClimateWatch: Climate Change News & Features

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Kenya floods death toll nears 170 as president vows help for his country's "victims of climate change"

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President William Ruto has promised help for Kenyans as unusually heavy monsoon rains burst a dam and unleash deadly floods and mudslides.

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Flash floods in Kenya (ANSA)

Pope Francis expresses closeness to all those affected by the severe floods that have devastated the East African country of Kenya causing at least 170 deaths, massive displacement and destruction.
By Linda Bordoni
Pope Francis on Wednesday asked for prayers of the many people who are suffering the effects of flooding in East Africa.

"I wish to convey to the people of Kenya my spiritual closeness at this time when a severe flood has tragically taken the lives of many of our brothers and sisters, injuring others and causing widespread destruction," he said speaking during the General Audience.

Ongoing heavy rain causes severe flooding in Kenya. The downpours that have been drenching the land since March have affected over 100,000 people across the country. More than 30 ...

He urged Christians to join him in prayer for those suffering brothers and sisters.

"I invite you to pray for all those who are suffering the effects of this natural disaster. Even in the midst of adversity, let us remember the joy of the risen Christ," he said.

The floods

Some 170 people have died and 185,000 have been displaced since heavy rains battered the country since March.

Kenyan authorities are discussing measures to tackle the disaster triggered by the unusually heavy monsoon rains, compounded by the El Nino weather patter have engulfed towns and rural areas in Kenya and in neighbouring Tanzania.

In the worst single incident, which killed nearly 50 villagers, a makeshift dam burst in the Rift Valley region before dawn on Monday, sending torrents of mud and water gushing down a hill and swallowing everything in its path.

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Pope prays for victims of floods in Kenya - Vatican News

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Pope Francis expresses closeness to all those affected by the severe floods that have devastated the East African country of Kenya causing at least ...

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Meteorites in Antarctica Are Getting Harder to Find because of Climate Change - Scientific American

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As climate change warms the poles, precious Antarctic meteorites will melt their way down out of scientists' reach

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It’s clearer than ever that we’re pushing the Amazon rainforest to its dreaded demise

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Human survival depends on this iconic ecosystem, and only one thing will save it.

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The civil war in Myanmar: No end in sight | Brookings

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More internal instability and chaos, a bigger illicit economy, and deepening dependence on China and Russia are likely in Myanmar's future. There is no end to the country's troubles in sight.

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Fragility and poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa: two sides of the same coin

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In 1990, about half of the population in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia and two-thirds in East Asia and the Pacific were living in extreme poverty (defined as living on less than what today amounts to around $2.15 per person per day).

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The CCTV footage shown at the domestic abuse trial was disturbing: The defendant is seen dragging his wife by her hair, and then punching and kicking her. Hours after it was recorded, she died of brain trauma.

The trial of businessman Kuandyk Bishimbayev, Kazakhstan's former economy minister, in the death of his wife, Saltanat Nukenova, has touched a nerve in the Central Asian country. Tens of thousands of people have signed petitions calling for harsher penalties for domestic violence.

On April 11, senators approved a bill toughening spousal abuse laws, and President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev signed it four days later. It's been dubbed "Saltanat's Law" in her honor.

Kazakhs are riveted by Bishimbayev's trial, the first in the country of over 19 million people to be streamed online, and debates about it are dominating social media. Many see it as a moment of truth for Tokayev's promises of reforms and making officials accountable.

The 44-year-old Bishimbayev, once seen as a fresh, Western-educated face of Kazakhstan's government under former leader Nursultan Nazarbayev, was jailed for bribery in 2018 before being pardoned less than two years into his 10-year sentence.

Nukenova, 31, was found dead in November in a restaurant owned by one of her husband's relatives. Bishimbayev, who was charged with torturing and killing her, for weeks maintained his innocence but admitted Wednesday in court that he had beaten her and "unintentionally" caused her death.

His lawyers initially disputed medical evidence indicating Nukenova died from repeated blows to the head. They also portrayed her as prone to jealousy and violence, although no video from the restaurant's security cameras that was played in court has shown her attacking Bishimbayev.

Aitbek Amangeldy, Nukenova's elder brother and a key prosecution witness, told The Associated Press that he had no doubt his sister's tragic fate has shifted attitudes about domestic violence.

"It changes people's minds when they see directly what it looks like when a person is tortured," Amangeldy said in a video interview, citing the harrowing video played in court.

"Of course, it's difficult for me to be in court, to listen to various things that the defendant's side has been saying," he said. "It's even more painful to know that (their) words are being broadcast across the country. But I understand that these broadcasts are also educational material, including for lawyers and human rights defenders."

Like neighboring Russia, Kazakhstan largely remains a patriarchal society, and progress has been slow on issues such as domestic violence, sexual harassment, and disparities in employment.

According to a 2018 study backed by UN Women, the United Nations' gender equality agency, about 400 women die from domestic violence each year in Kazakhstan, although many abuse cases go unreported.

In 2017, Kazakhstan decriminalized beatings and other acts causing "minor" physical damage, making them punishable only by fines or short jail terms. Russia enacted a similar law that year, outraging women's rights advocates. Kazakhstan's new law reverses this, increasing penalties for assailants and introducing new criminal offenses, including harassment of minors.

Days after Nukenova's death, her relatives launched an online petition urging authorities to pass "Saltanat's Law" to bolster protection for those at risk of domestic violence. It quickly got over 150,000 signatures.

As Bishimbayev's trial began, more than 5,000 Kazakhs wrote senators urging tougher laws on abuse, Kazakh media said.

Still, Amangeldy said the law's final version failed to include all the provisions his family and allies had wanted, noting that "we still have no legal norms around stalking and harassment" of adults.

Viktoriya Kim, a Kazakhstan-based researcher at Human Rights Watch, said the very notion of "domestic violence" is absent from the country's criminal code. Including it, she said, would send "a clearer signal."

But Amangeldy argues that Kazakh society has clearly "passed a point of no return."

"For years, across Kazakhstan and the whole region, the issue (of domestic violence) was shrouded in silence. Raising the issue is already half the solution," he said.

Women's rights advocate Aigerim Kussainkyzy said Bishimbayev's trial has led to "a collective awakening" among politicians and ordinary citizens.

"Some may even label it the trial of the century. ... Male politicians, in particular, have started to consider the implications of domestic violence for their own daughters," said Kussainkyzy, who was among civil society representatives that lawmakers consulted before passing the bill.

The proposals encountered fierce pushback from the Kazakh Union of Parents - an influential association that echoes Russia's opposition to feminist initiatives and LGBTQ+ rights.

Tokayev has talked repeatedly about strengthening protections for women. In January, he intervened after the Justice Ministry refused to consider the petition by Nukenova's family.

Despite the inclusion of activists in the legislative process, some Kazakh rights defenders argue the law's passage has been accompanied by continuing pressure on those advocates, independent of the government.

Last month, authorities in Almaty - Kazakhstan's largest city and business hub - blocked a rally for International Women's Day to show solidarity with victims of domestic abuse. Feminita, the feminist and LGBTQ+ rights group that tried to organize it, has struggled for years for official registration.

In December, Kazakhstan put women's rights activist Dina Smailova on its wanted list after authorities launched a criminal fraud investigation that she described as likely retribution for her work.

Smailova, head of the NeMolchi.KZ foundation, which means "Don't Be Silent" and advocates for abuse survivors, told AP that she and her organization were unable to join discussions on the new law.

"I've lost faith in the authorities, because even as they pass a law protecting women and children from violence, they pass harsher laws against independent journalists and bloggers," Smailova said in an interview from Montenegro, where she lives.

She welcomed the bill "as a first step," but said it can only be adequately implemented after tackling "corruption and nepotism" within law enforcement and the courts, citing the fraud case against her.

"Kazakhstan is a country where everyone has a lot of relatives ... and if there's a case concerning a relative of someone in law enforcement, then that person will certainly evade responsibility," she said, adding that education and media campaigns are needed to change attitudes.

Senate Speaker Maulen Ashimbayev said that properly implementing the law will require "a great deal of work," including educational campaigns in schools and the media, as well as vigilance from civil society groups.

HRW's Kim told AP the investigation of Smailova, who has repeatedly criticized officials' failure to protect abused women and children, was marred by "numerous procedural infractions," raising "serious concerns that she is being persecuted."

"I would like to see more willingness from authorities to help and support those who fight for and promote women's rights," the researcher said, noting concerns about Kazakhstan's global reputation played a role in its willingness to act on domestic violence.

"International organizations have called for this particular step for years. That's something the authorities were ready to do to meet rights defenders halfway," she said.

Meanwhile, Bishimbayev's trial continues to spark controversy. Police are investigating telephone threats reported by Judge Ayzhan Kulbayeva after she disallowed forensic evidence from defense lawyers alleging Nukenova's death could have been caused by a preexisting condition.

As closing arguments approach, debate rages in Kazakhstan over its justice system and women's rights, with many believing the trial already has changed the country forever.

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This story has been amended to delete an erroneous reference to Bishimbayev's mother receiving a "Mother of the Year" award.

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A high-profile murder trial in Kazakhstan boosts awareness of domestic violence

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A trial of a former government official charged with killing his wife has riveted Kazakhstan with lurid video of the attack, sparking a national conversation about domestic violence and leading to the government enacting a tougher law on spousal abuse.

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An Israeli military vehicle drives along the Israel-Gaza border fence as Palestinian protesters gather on the Gaza side on Sept. 22. (Tsafrir Abayov/AP)

Israel and Hamas are at war. And the conflict could escalate.

Here is a basic explainer of the reasons behind the war between Israel and Hamas, the Palestinian militant group that controls the Gaza Strip.
Are you on Telegram? Subscribe to our channel for the latest updates on Russia's war in Ukraine.

What to know

What started the latest war between Israel and Hamas?

Why are Israel and Hamas fighting?

What are Israel's military objectives in Gaza?

What is the situation for people in Gaza?

What could happen next in the Israel-Hamas war?

Israel-Gaza war

As Israel prepares an invasion, see what a ground war would look like in the densely populated Gaza Strip. Read more on why Israel and Hamas are at war.

Hostages: Israeli officials say Hamas militants abducted about 200 hostages in a highly organized attack. As two American hostages were released, families of other hostages hold onto hope and plead for the safe return of their loved ones.

Humanity aid: President Biden has urged officials to allow humanity aid through the Rafah border crossing into Gaza, while U.S. aid faces hurdles to reaching those in need. The U.N. and other charities are also calling for a cease-fire to allow aid to civilians. The blockade on the Gaza Strip has been in place since the Hamas attacks on Oct. 7.

Israeli-Palestinian conflict: The Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip has a complicated history, and its rulers have long been at odds with the Palestinian Authority, the U.S.-backed government in theWest Bank. Here is a timeline of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

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Why are Israel and Hamas at war? A basic explainer.

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Another potential flash point is Israel's northern border with Lebanon, where there is a risk of a second front opening up between Israel and Hezbollah.

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Effects of Deforestation on the Amazon - Amazon Aid Foundation

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Disruption of Livelihoods of Amazonia Peoples - Deforestation of forests directly affects and reduces the forest natural resources and ecosystem services. Cutting down rainforests can damage habitat, diminish levels of biodiversity and food sources, degrade the soil, pollute rivers and lands, and cause areas to dry out affecting the overall productivity for the peoples and animals that live there.

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had amassed up to 190,000 troops - according to reports from the U.S. - on Ukraine's borders over the course of many months. The buildup of forces around Russia's neighbor and former Soviet Union state started in late 2021 and escalated in early 2022.

What started as a concerning situation with hopes for dialogue and diplomacy then evolved into what the Ukrainian foreign minister described as the "most blatant act of aggression in Europe since" World War II.

The Latest Photos From Ukraine

While the invasion took some leaders by surprise, experts do have insight on the origins of the conflict. They say the roots of the tension can be tied to some combination of the complicated history between the two countries, Russia's ongoing tensions with NATO and the ambitions of one man: Putin.

What Is the History Between Ukraine and Russia?

Ukraine's ambitions to align itself more with Western countries - including its publicly stated interest in joining , which itself was founded at least in part to deter Soviet expansion - has been met with aggression from Russia, the council notes. Tensions came to a head in 2014 after Ukrainians ousted a Russia-aligned president. Russia - under the dubious claim of protecting ethnic Russians and Russian-speakers from Ukrainian persecution - annexed the Crimea region of Ukraine in a move widely condemned by the international community.

At about the same time, Russia fomented dissension in the Donbas area of eastern Ukraine, backing a separatist movement in the regions of Donetsk and Luhansk that resulted in armed conflict. The regions declared independence as both sides dug in for a protracted standoff. The conflict between the two countries has persisted since, with at least 14,000 people dying, according to the council.

When Did the Current Conflict Between Russia and Ukraine Begin?

Russia started growing its military presence around Ukraine - including in Belarus, a close Russia ally to the north of Ukraine - in late 2021 under various pretenses while remaining vague on its intentions. By December of that year, tens of thousands of Russian troops were hovering on the border, virtually surrounding the country and stoking tensions that led to a between Putin and U.S. President Joe Biden.

What Does Russia Want When it Comes to Ukraine?

A principal of Russia is to prevent Ukraine from joining , a military alliance between 29 European countries and two North American countries dedicated to preserving peace and security in the North Atlantic area. Ukraine is one of countries in Eastern Europe that aren't members of the alliance. The Kremlin in general views NATO expansion as a "fundamental concern," according to a translated readout of a Jan. 28, 2022, call between Putin and French President Emmanuel Macron.

It's noteworthy, however, that NATO likely has "no intention right now" to admit Ukraine to the organization, says William Pomeranz, the acting director of the Kennan Institute at the Wilson Center, a non-partisan policy forum for global issues.

"I think NATO, and the invitation for Ukraine to join NATO at some point in the future, is simply just a pretext to potentially invade Ukraine," he says, referring to Russia. "Ukraine is not a member of NATO, it doesn't have any of the NATO guarantees, and so there is no hint that Ukraine will become a member of NATO soon."

Putin, specifically, does not want Ukraine to join NATO "not because he has some principled disagreement related to the rule of law or something, it's because he has a might makes right model," adds Bradley Bowman, the senior director of the Center on Military and Political Power at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a non-partisan research institute focused on national security and foreign policy.

"He believes, 'Hey, Ukraine, I'm more powerful than you, and because I'm more powerful than you, Ukraine, I can tell you what to do and with whom to associate,'" Bowman says.

What Does Vladimir Putin Want Out of Ukraine?

"We know that Putin views the collapse of the Soviet Union as a disaster," Bowman says. "We know he resents the success of NATO. We know that he genuinely reviles the expansion of NATO eastward. We know that he has an eye on history, he's getting older, he is mindful of how he's going to look in history books and he sees himself as kind of a neo-czar who would like to reconstitute as much of the Soviet Union as possible."

"I think Ukraine has always been a sore spot for Vladimir Putin," Pomeranz says. "He does not recognize its independence and its right to be a country, as he noted in his long article on Ukraine, where he said that, basically, Ukraine and Russia are one people in one country. There is this long-felt resentment about Ukrainian independence and the fact that the Soviet Union just let Ukraine go away, as it were. So I think he wants to end that independence."

The Russian president, however, might not have predicted the type of strong response from the international community he saw to the buildup on the Ukraine border. Bowman says because of this, Putin "is the most persuasive billboard possible for the value of NATO membership."

Why Did Russia Invade Ukraine When it Did?

It all could have come down to Russia's resources at that moment, Pomeranz says. It might have been the "most opportune time" from Putin's perspective, he adds, because the country had $600 billion in foreign currency reserves and had already put significant resources into reconstructing Russia's army.

"I think Vladimir Putin thinks this is the best time for him to right what he perceives as a great wrong and reverse Ukrainian independence and sovereignty," says Pomeranz of the Wilson Center.

Putin likely also viewed the West - including the U.S., specifically - as weak, Pomeranz adds, which could have impacted how much help he thought Ukraine would actually get. Bowman echoes this sentiment and points to how the U.S. handled pulling troops out of Afghanistan in August.

"I don't know how he could have read that as anything other than American weakness," says Bowman, who served as an adviser to Republican senators for years. "I think he wondered whether, frankly, the Biden administration would be as weak as the Obama administration was in dealing with aggression toward Ukraine."

"We're not standing by and watching," Blinken said. "To the contrary, we've spent months building with allies and partners these very significant consequences for Russia."

Other reasons for action at the time could have been at play for Putin. A combination of factors - from the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's lack of political experience - led to somewhat of a "perfect storm" for the Russian leader to act when he did, says Kimberly St. Julian-Varnon, a presidential doctoral fellow at the University of Pennsylvania.

"I think it's his magnum opus," she says. "I think this is his crowning achievement of whatever Putinism is."

How Have the U.S. and Other Countries Responded to Russia's Invasion?

Biden on Feb. 22, 2022, a series of sanctions against Russian financial institutions and the country's elites. That followed an executive order he issued prohibiting new investment, trade and financing by U.S. persons to, from or in Donetsk and Luhansk. Former U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson announced his own country's sanctions that day, targeted against Russian banks and billionaires, the BBC reported.

The U.S. president also sanctions against the Russian-built Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline company and its corporate officers on Feb. 23, 2022, prior to the invasion. The controversial project, which runs from Russia through Europe, is not yet online but is pivotal to both Moscow and Western Europe, which is becoming increasingly dependent on Russian supply to fulfill its growing energy needs. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz had already said before Biden's sanctions announcement that his country would halt certification of the pipeline due to Russia's actions. In late 2022, there were explosions at the pipeline under mysterious circumstances.

What Has Happened Since Russia Invaded Ukraine?

It's hard to know where to begin, but one thing is clear - the war shows few signs of ending anytime soon.

A declassified U.S. intelligence report in December 2023 that Russia has suffered about 315,000 dead or injured troops since the war began, according to Reuters. The Ukrainian death toll stood at around 70,000 with 100,000-120,000 wounded as of August 2023, The New York Times . But the losses don't end there: The United Nations that about 10,000 civilians - including more than 500 children - have died in Ukraine since the invasion. Leaders and organizations around the world, such as the , have accused Russia of war crimes and other human rights atrocities.

Additional aid for Ukraine also stalled in the U.S. Congress after hardline Republicans expressed their opposition to further financial support for the country's war effort. As of January 2024, the United States has committed more military aid to Ukraine than any country, according to by the Kiel Institute for the World Economy. Biden warned on Feb. 13, 2024, that the refusal to pass an aid package would be "playing into Putin's hands" and military analysts predicted that a halt to U.S. aid would hurt Ukraine's prospects for winning the war.

"I thank everyone in the world who helps us," he wrote. "I am grateful to everyone who defends Ukraine, our people, and our absolutely fair principles. No one in the world has the right to destroy independent nations. No one. And we will not let Russia destroy Ukraine."

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The Conflict Between Russia and Ukraine, Explained

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Experts say the cause of the military conflict can be tied to a complicated history, Russia's tensions with NATO and the ambitions of Vladimir Putin.

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BANGKOK - About two weeks into a major offensive against Myanmar's military-run government by an alliance of three well-armed militias of ethnic minorities, an army captain, fighting in a jungle area near the northeastern border with China, lamented that he'd never seen such intense action.

His commander in Myanmar's 99th Light Infantry Division had been killed in fighting in Shan state the week before and the 35-year-old career soldier said army outposts were in disarray and being hit from all sides.

"I have never faced these kinds of battles before," the combat veteran told The Associated Press by phone. "This fighting in Shan is unprecedented." Eight days later the captain was dead himself, killed defending an outpost and hastily buried near where he fell, according to his family.

The coordinated offensive in the northeast has inspired resistance forces around the country to attack, and Myanmar's military is falling back on almost every front. The army says it's regrouping and will regain the initiative, but hope is rising among opponents that this could be a turning point in the struggle to oust the army leaders who toppled democratically elected Aung San Suu Kyi almost three years ago.

"The current operation is a great opportunity to change the political situation in Myanmar," said Li Kyar Win, spokesperson for the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, or MNDAA, one of the three militias known as the Three Brotherhood Alliance that launched the offensive on Oct. 27.

"The goal and purpose of the alliance groups and other resistance forces are the same," he told the AP. "We are trying to eliminate the military dictatorship."

Caught by surprise by the attack dubbed Operation 1027, the military has lost more than 180 outposts and strongpoints, including four major bases and four economically important border crossings with China.

Both sides claim they have inflicted heavy tolls on the other, though accurate casualty figures are not available. Nearly 335,000 civilians have been displaced during the current fighting, bringing the total to more than 2 million displaced nationwide, according to the United Nations.

"This is the biggest battlefield challenge that the Myanmar military has faced for decades," said Richard Horsey, the International Crisis Group's Myanmar expert.

"And for the regime, this is by far the most difficult moment it's faced since the early days of the coup."

Complicating matters for the military is China 's apparent tacit support for the Three Brotherhood Alliance, stemming, at least partially, from Beijing's growing irritation at the burgeoning drug trade along its border and the proliferation of centers in Myanmar from which cyberscams are run, frequently by Chinese organized crime cartels with workers trafficked from China or elsewhere in the region.

As Operation 1027 has gained ground, thousands of Chinese nationals involved in such operations have been repatriated into police custody in China, giving Beijing little reason to exert pressure on the Brotherhood to stop fighting.

The military, known as the Tatmadaw, remains far bigger and better trained than the resistance forces, and has armor, airpower and even naval assets to fight the lightly armed militias organized by various ethnic minority groups.

But with its unexpectedly quick and widespread losses and overstretched forces, morale is sagging with more troops surrendering and defecting, giving rise to a wary optimism among its diverse opponents.

The current gains are just part of what has been a long struggle, said Nay Phone Latt, a spokesperson for the National Unity Government, the leading opposition organization.

"I would say the revolution has reached the next level, rather than to say it has reached a turning point," he said.

"What we have now is the results of our preparation, organization and building over nearly the past three years," he said.

The offensive

The Feb. 1, 2021, seizure of power by army commander Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing brought thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators to the streets of Myanmar's cities.

Military leaders responded with brutal crackdowns and have arrested more than 25,000 people and killed more than 4,200 as of Friday, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, and U.N. independent investigators earlier this year accused the regime of being responsible for multiple war crimes.

Its violent tactics gave rise to People's Defense Forces, or PDFs - armed resistance forces that support the National Unity Government, many of which were trained by the ethnic armed organizations the military has fought in the country's border regions for years.

But resistance was fragmented until Operation 1027, when three of the country's most powerful armed ethnic groups, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army in northeastern Shan state, and the Arakan Army in western Rakhine state, assembled a force of some 10,000 fighters, according to expert estimates, and rapidly overran military positions.

Sensing weakness and inspired by the early successes of those attacks, the Kachin Independence Army followed by launching new attacks in northern Kachin state, then joined the Arakan Army to help lead a PDF group to take a town in central Sagaing, the heartland of traditional ethnic Bamar support for the Tatmadaw.

In the eastern state of Kayah, also known as Karenni, an alliance of ethnic armed organizations launched their own attacks, beginning a direct assault on Nov. 11 on the state capital of Loikaw, where the Tatmadaw has a regional command base.

In the fierce ongoing fighting for Loikaw, the military is using artillery and airstrikes to pound militia positions.

But Khun Bedu, head of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force, one of the biggest militias involved in the attack, said it was critical to take the Tatmadaw base.

"We have time, and it is a good opportunity," he told AP.

Completing the encirclement of Tatmadaw forces, the Arakan Army attacked outposts in its home state of Rakhine in the country's west on Nov. 13. Their success has been slow, with the Tatmadaw making use of naval power off the west coast to bombard positions, along with concentrated artillery and air strikes, according to a report by the International Institute for Strategic Studies.

Morgan Michaels, who authored the report and runs the IISS Myanmar Conflict Map project, cautioned that the Tatmadaw has been able to concentrate its forces in strong points by abandoning positions and withdrawing, and remains a formidable force.

"It's not done fighting, and the air and artillery strikes are increasing and becoming more intense," he said. "So we have to see how that plays out."

And despite their talk of ridding the country of the military regime, a lot of the fighting is also about the various groups seizing control of territory, especially the MNDAA, which was pushed out of the Kokang area of Shan state, including the capital Laukkaing, more than a decade ago by the military.

"The military could probably end a lot of this with a deal if it needed to," Michaels said. "It would have to give up something considerable, but I think it could stop the bleeding by giving the MNDAA a considerable concession if they absolutely needed to."

Still, unlike the civil war in Syria where multiple groups have different and often conflicting objectives, in Myanmar the anti-military groups are not fighting among each other, he said.

"It's important to emphasize that many groups have the shared goal of either overthrowing or dismantling or severely depleting the capacity of the military regime," Michaels said.

It was Nov. 15 when the AP first contacted the Tatmadaw captain, reaching him as he was fleeing a position through the jungle near the border town of Monekoe, one of the alliance's primary targets.

He was able to link up with others, and then led a column back to the Monekoe area to take charge of an outpost on Nov. 22, when he gave the AP a grim assessment of his situation.

"We are surrounded by enemies," he said, adding that even local army-affiliated militia could not be trusted.

"Here it is difficult to differentiate between who is enemy or friend," he said.

The captain, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals against himself or his family for talking with the media, said there was not even enough time to eat a meal.

"We have to be always ready in an attack position," he said as the sound of gunfire and an explosion erupted in the background.

"I can't keep talking," he said quickly. "They are coming to attack."

China's role

Well aware of Beijing's irritation over the criminal activity along its border, the Three Brotherhood Alliance underlined as it launched its offensive that it was committed to "combating the widespread online gambling fraud that has plagued Myanmar."

Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has tried, unsuccessfully, to turn that on its head and say that the offensive is being funded by the drug trade.

As militia forces have advanced toward the city of Laukkaing, where many of the scam centers were located, their operations have been scattering and many high-level suspects have been captured and turned over to China.

Knowing China's historic ties to the Brotherhood militias and the influence it wields, supporters of Myanmar's ruling generals have held several demonstrations in major cities, including in front of the Chinese Embassy in Yangon, accusing China of aiding the militia alliance.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin skirted a question about those allegations this week, instead telling reporters that Beijing "respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Myanmar" and reiterating calls for peace.

But Beijing's actions speak louder than its words, Horsey said.

"If they really wanted the cease-fire, they do have the leverage to enforce one or get pretty far toward enforcing one," he said. "They haven't done that, so that's telling."

The captain's death

The AP last made contact with the captain fighting in Shan state on Nov. 23. The call was short.

"I have something to prepare for our outpost," he said hurriedly. "I will call you back."

The next call was from a relative on Nov. 25, who said they had been informed he was killed in a night raid on his outpost and buried on site.

It was not clear exactly where the outpost was located, but only one battle was reported in the region that night.

The Brotherhood's Ta'ang National Liberation Army said its forces attacked a large military outpost in Lashio township on Nov. 23 and took it early the next day.

In its matter-of-fact report, Ta'ang forces said they seized a howitzer, 78 smaller weapons and ammunition, and found the burial site of "more than 50 enemy."

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Myanmar's military is losing ground against coordinated attacks, buoying opposition hopes

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One analyst said the offensive was "by far the most difficult moment" the Southeast Asian country's army leaders have faced since seizing power in a coup almost three years ago.

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Niger: Containing the Fallout from the Coup | Crisis Group

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West Africa has witnessed yet another coup, this time in Niger. In this excerpt from the Watch List 2023 – Autumn Update, Crisis Group encourages the EU and its member states to support regional efforts to de-escalate tensions with the Nigerien junta.

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2024 situation overview

The central Sahel region, encompassing Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritania and Niger, is facing a severe humanitarian and protection crisis that has already driven millions of people from their homes. The political, security and economic situation, characterized by repeated coups d'état, an intense and expanding armed conflict and extreme poverty, is expected to deteriorate further in 2024. Human rights violations are likely to increase as the conflict escalates. More displaced people are likely to be beyond the reach of assistance, leading to further displacement into urban areas across the region. Additionally, as national capacities become increasingly strained, displaced people will be forced to flee into neighbouring countries. Many will continue to move onward within the region, as was with about 55,000 Malians arriving in Mauritania in the last few months of 2023, and towards coastal countries. Others will move even further in mixed movements of migrants and refugees. Movements beyond the region are expected to increase, including to Europe. Burkina Faso and Mali already featured in the top nationalities among sea arrivals to Italy in the first half of 2023.

UNHCR will stay and deliver a protection-centred response throughout the Sahel region. This will include ensuring access to territory, registration, access to asylum, gender-based violence prevention, risk mitigation and response, child protection, education, civil documentation (including for those at risk of statelessness) and the provision of shelter and core relief items. In Mauritania, UNHCR will respond to the urgent needs of new arrivals from Mali by providing emergency protection and immediate humanitarian assistance in Mbera camp and the coordination of the out-of-camp response in Hodh Chargui through the refugee coordination model. Additionally, UNHCR aims to ensure that 60% of IDPs in Burkina Faso live in habitable and affordable housing, while in Niger 100% of refugees and asylum-seekers will be registered, and 70% of refugees, asylum-seekers and IDPs will have access to available gender-based violence services.

As lead of the Protection Cluster, Shelter and Core Relief Items Cluster, and Camp Coordination and Camp Management Cluster, UNHCR will ensure a predictable and efficient response to the needs of internally displaced persons.

In this challenging environment, UNHCR will adapt its response to meet the changing needs of these populations in a context of insecurity and constrained access. UNHCR will intervene at the community level to try and achieve more localization of the humanitarian response, while strengthening partnerships with national and local humanitarian actors, as well as with civil society organizations, who are often the first responders.

In Mali, the focus will be on empowering communities to both mitigate protection risks and foster peaceful coexistence. In order to do so, community-based approaches will be applied to identify protection risks and potential solutions; infrastructure shared by displaced and host populations will be supported; and income-generating activities benefiting both communities will be carried out.

In addition, since people travel through the region in mixed movements of migrants and refugees, UNHCR will aim to support protection along the routes by investing in community-based identification and referral mechanisms and the dissemination of information to people on the move about the protection risks they may encounter, the local services that are available, and the alternatives to risky onward movement.

UNHCR will work closely with national and local authorities to improve the protection environment by technically supporting national asylum authorities to enhance the quality and efficiency of registration and status determination procedures, including in the context of mixed movements, as well as for individual case processing.

UNHCR will also work for durable solutions, including by advocating for forcibly displaced people to be included in national and local integration strategies, supporting the enhancement of national systems, and seizing opportunities for voluntary repatriation in safety and dignity. Strategic partnerships with development actors will be crucial in ensuring the sustainability of solutions, through continued advocacy for inclusion of forcibly displaced people in national development plans, and welfare systems. Resettlement and complementary pathways will be sought as solutions for the most vulnerable refugees in the Sahel region.

The effects of climate change heavily impact the Sahel by intensifying tensions over resources, exacerbating conflicts and displacement. As such, climate action will take a central role in UNHCR's interventions.

UNHCR will integrate climate-related risks in risk and impact analysis and assessments conducted at the onset of and throughout emergencies.

Environmental sustainability will be prioritized across all sectors including site planning, shelter, water, sanitation, hygiene and livelihoods. Possibilities to use renewable energy, energy-efficient technologies, and energy conservation options will also be explored. In Burkina Faso, climate-smart agriculture, such as drip irrigation for farming, will be promoted to use the limited water available for a higher number of crops, including off-season crops.

Communities will also be trained in composting waste food and other organics to reduce or eliminate the need for chemical fertilizers and making gardens more resilient to the effects of climate change.

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The central Sahel region, encompassing Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritania and Niger, is facing a severe humanitarian and protection crisis that has already driven millions of people from their homes. The political, security and economic situation, characterized by repeated coups d'état, an intense and expanding armed conflict and extreme poverty, is expected to deteriorate further in 2024.

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Hamas is considering a new framework proposed by Egypt that calls for the group to release as many as 33 hostages kidnapped from Israel in exchange for a pause in hostilities in Gaza, an Israeli source familiar with the negotiations and a foreign diplomatic source told CNN.

The latest proposal, which Israel helped craft but has not fully agreed to, is laid out in two phases, the first of which calls for 20 to 33 hostages to be released over several weeks in exchange for the pause and the release of Palestinian prisoners. The second phase is what sources described as the "restoration of sustainable calm," during which the remaining hostages, captive Israeli soldiers and the bodies of hostages would be exchanged for more Palestinian prisoners.

The diplomatic source familiar with the talks said the reference to sustainable calm was "a way to agree to a permanent ceasefire without calling it that."

Israel is awaiting a response from Hamas, which is expected to meet Egyptian and Qatari mediators in Cairo on Monday, the sources said. A working-level Israeli delegation of Mossad, Shin Bet and the Israeli military officials is expected to travel to Cairo on Tuesday, the Israeli source and another Israeli official said.

The latest proposal, which Israel helped craft but has not fully agreed to, is laid out in two phases, the first of which calls for 20 to 33 hostages to be released over several weeks in exchange for the pause and the release of Palestinian prisoners. The second phase is what sources described as the "restoration of sustainable calm," during which the remaining hostages, captive Israeli soldiers and the bodies of hostages would be exchanged for more Palestinian prisoners.

A response from Yahya Sinwar, the Hamas leader in Gaza, is expected within days - possibly within the next 24 hours.

The length of the first phase of the pause in hostilities would be linked to the number of hostages released, with the latest framework calling for a one-day pause for each hostage, the Israeli source said, although this number is expected to shift during more in-depth negotiations.

The release of 40 hostages for a six-week ceasefire had been the basis of negotiations for months, but Israel has agreed to accept fewerhostages in the first phase after Hamas dropped its offer to fewer than 20 people earlier this month.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said on Monday that Hamas has been presented with a ceasefire proposal that is "extraordinarily generous on the part of Israel."

"In this moment the only thing standing between the people of Gaza and a ceasefire is Hamas," he told World Economic Forum President Børge Brende in the Saudi capital Riyadh. "They (Hamas) have to decide and they have to decide quickly," he said. "I'm hopeful that they will make the right decision."

'Restoration of sustainable calm'

Israeli officials have expressed an openness to negotiating the "restoration of sustainable calm" as part of a comprehensive deal that would effectively end the war.

An Israeli source familiar with the negotiations said Egypt has proposed the parties agree to a one-year ceasefire as part of a comprehensive deal that would see Israeli forces withdraw from Gaza and the release of all remaining hostages and the bodies of those who have died.

CNN has reached out to the Egyptian government for comment.

Hamas has insisted that a permanent ceasefire and a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza should be part of the agreement. Israel has thus far maintained that its operation in Gaza will continue until Hamas is eradicated.

Israel has also now agreed to the unrestricted movement of Palestinians to northern Gaza, the sources said, a key demand by Hamas which has held back negotiations in the past.

Hanging over the negotiations is the increasingly likely prospect of an Israeli military offensive in Rafah, which Israeli officials have signposted for months but are now holding back, saying they want to give space to the negotiations.

But Israeli sources have characterized the latest Egyptian effort to broker a deal as the last chance to avert that offensive.

"The only chance to stop Rafah is a deal," the Israeli source familiar with the negotiations said.

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Hamas to consider new proposal for ceasefire-hostage deal in Cairo talks | CNN

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Hamas is considering a new framework proposed by Egypt that calls for the group to release as many as 33 hostages kidnapped from Israel in exchange for a pause in hostilities in Gaza, an Israeli source familiar with the negotiations and a foreign diplomatic source told CNN.

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April 27, 2024

Four years ago, a coup plunged Myanmar into civil war, proliferating armed groups in a place already rife with ethnic divisions. With the country disintegrating, neighbors are alarmed.

The village of Myawaddy was the site of a showdown with state forces this month

Myanmar is now four years into a civil war that shows no sign of abating. Following an October 2023 offensive in the north-eastern state Shan, the military junta, known as the State Administrative Council (SAC), lost control over swathes of territory on the border with China.

In early April the border town Myawaddy, an important transit point for the flow of goods between Thailand and Myanmar, fell under the control of the Karen people, an ethnic minority group that has been battling the central government for decades. As of late April, Myawaddy was back under SAC control. The situation remains volatile.

On the other side of Myanmar, on the western border with Bangladesh, an armed ethnic group named the Arakan Army is giving the SAC military a hard time.

The governing junta is on the backfoot and under immense pressure in Myanmar's border regions, only able to launch retaliatory attacks from the air or with long-range artillery.

"The Civil War is going on and it won't stop any time soon," an expert from Yangon, who cannot be named for security reasons, told DW. The military isn't on the brink of defeat either, the source stressed.

History repeating itself

The current situation, while dramatic, isn't totally new. Today's Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has never been a fully functioning nation state since gaining independence in 1948.

No central government has ever succeeded in ruling the entire country. And certainly no common national identity has ever emerged in this land of many ethnicities. The intensity of the conflict between them all has ebbed and flowed over the course of the past 76 years as has the extent of central government control.

Nonetheless the military coup against the government of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021 ushered in a whole new phase of fragmentation.

The main difference now is that these divisions are more obvious, according to the anonymous Yangon source. "The country used to be fragmented but it wasn't as visible. Today people can see it with their own eyes because of social media and interconnectedness," they said. Talk of the country's possible disintegration is on the rise, they added.

A patchwork of armed groups

The already complicated landscape of Myanmar's conflict has only become more complex. Before the military coup in 2021, there were around 24 armed ethnic groups in Myanmar and hundreds of militias. The number of troops in each group varied from several hundred up to an estimated 30,000 fighters in, for example, the United Wa State Army (USWA) and the Arakan Army.

Since the coup, another 250 to 300 of the so-called People's Defense Forces (PDF) have been added to this list. These are thought to total around 65,000 fighters. Some of the PDFs are under the control of the opposition National Unity Government, some act independently, and others are in close coordination with larger ethnic armed groups.

In addition there are many criminal cartels that have gained influence during the last four years. These also overlap with the military as well as some ethnic groups.

Conflicts between ethnic groups persist, although the focus is currently on fighting the military junta. "The conflict is not simply one against many, but many against many. It's not just the military against the rest," the Yangon expert explains.

Could Myanmar fall apart?

The question of whether the country could definitively fall apart is being taken more seriously, including at the United Nations and among diplomats, Charles Petrie, former UN coordinator for Myanmar, told DW.

Myanmar's military junta under increasing pressure, expert says

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Richard Horsey, an analyst from the think tank Crisis Group International and a long-time Myanmar observer, told DW that there was no doubt fragmentation was on the rise. Nonetheless, Horsey doesn't believe Myanmar would collapse entirely and end up in violent chaos like Libya or Somalia.

"Because Myanmar isn't a well-functioning, centralized state that has suddenly fallen into atomization. It's a country that was pretty fragmented. It's always been fragmented to some extent or another," he said.

Federalism in the future

In the past, discussions on Myanmar's long-term future have repeatedly focused on how to build a political structure in which all ethnic groups are represented. The buzzword has always been federalism. Even today, there are efforts to build a federal democratic constitution, but the process is difficult. Some groups keep breaking off negotiations, others decline to take part.

In the meantime, neighboring countries fear the effects of Myanmar's continued disintegration. India is building a fence on the border. Thailand is preparing for another influx of refugees. China held military maneuvers on the border with Myanmar in April. And Bangladesh will have to provide for the persecuted Rohingya people for the foreseeable future.

Among neighboring countries, there is a "self-serving and cynical" foreign policy approach that keeps all options open, Criss Group's Horsey said. "They understand the coup was bad. They understand very bad things are happening in Myanmar. But for their own interest, they've maintained close relations with the regime."
This article was translated from the original German.

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Myanmar: Civil war of 'many against many' tearing country up - DW - 04/27/2024

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Four years ago, a coup plunged Myanmar into civil war, proliferating armed groups in a place already rife with ethnic divisions. With the country disintegrating, neighbors are alarmed.

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A Worrying New Phase in the Sahel Crisis

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On February 24, 2022, Russia commenced a full-scale military invasion of Ukraine, conducting attacks that have caused civilian deaths and injuries, and damage to civilian buildings, including hospitals, schools, and homes. There have been indiscriminate attacks in violation of the laws of war, some of which may amount to war crimes.

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China has sent warships, including an aircraft carrier, into the seas around Taiwan.

Beijing's latest show of military force followed a meeting on Wednesday in California between Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen and US House Speaker Kevin McCarthy.

China sees self-ruled Taiwan as a breakaway province that will eventually be under Beijing's control.

But Taiwan sees itself as distinct from the Chinese mainland, with its own constitution and democratically-elected leaders.

Where is Taiwan?

Taiwan is an island, roughly 100 miles from the coast of south-east China.

It sits in the so-called "first island chain", which includes a list of US-friendly territories that are crucial to US foreign policy.

But China insists that its intentions are purely peaceful.

Historical sources suggest that the island first came under full Chinese control in the 17th Century when the Qing dynasty began administering it. Then, in 1895, they gave up the island to Japan after losing the first Sino Japanese war.

China took the island again in 1945 after Japan lost World War Two.

But a civil war erupted in mainland China between nationalist government forces led by Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong's Communist Party.

The communists won in 1949 and took control in Beijing.

Chiang Kai-shek and what was left of the nationalist party - known as the Kuomintang - fled to Taiwan, where they ruled for the next several decades.

China points to this history to say that Taiwan was originally a Chinese province. But the Taiwanese point to the same history to argue that they were never part of the modern Chinese state that was first formed after the revolution in 1911 - or the People's Republic of China that was established under Mao in 1949.

The Kuomintang has been one of Taiwan's most prominent political parties ever since - ruling the island for a significant part of its history.

Currently, only 13 countries (plus the Vatican) recognise Taiwan as a sovereign country.

China exerts considerable diplomatic pressure on other countries not to recognise Taiwan, or to do anything which implies recognition.

Can Taiwan defend itself?

China could attempt to bring about "reunification" by non-military means such as strengthening economic ties.

But in any military confrontation, China's armed forces would dwarf those of Taiwan.

China spends more than any country except the US on defence and could draw on a huge range of capabilities, from naval power to missile technology, aircraft and cyber attacks.

Much of China's military power is focused elsewhere but, in overall terms of active duty personnel for example, there is a huge imbalance between the two sides.

That help could come from the US which sells arms to Taiwan.

Until now, Washington's policy of "strategic ambiguity" has meant the US has been deliberately unclear about whether or how it would defend Taiwan in the event of an attack.

Diplomatically, the US currently sticks to the "One-China" policy, which recognises only one Chinese government - in Beijing - and has formal ties with China rather than Taiwan.

But in May last year, US President Joe Biden appeared to harden Washington's position.

Asked whether the US would defend Taiwan militarily, Mr Biden replied: "Yes."

The White House insisted that Washington had not changed its position.

Is the situation getting worse?

Relations between Taiwan and China deteriorated sharply following a visit to the island by the then US House Speaker, Nancy Pelosi, in August 2022.

Beijing condemned Ms Pelosi's visit as "extremely dangerous".

China launched a series of military exercises, including the firing of ballistic missiles, focused on six danger zones around Taiwan, three of which overlapped the island's territorial waters.

Taiwan said the move, which forced ships and planes to find routes around those areas, violated its sovereignty and amounted to a blockade.

Tensions between China and Taiwan had already been increasing.

In 2021, China appeared to ramp up pressure by sending military aircraft into Taiwan's Air Defence Zone, a self-declared area where foreign aircraft are identified, monitored, and controlled in the interests of national security.

The numbers of aircraft reported peaked in October 2021 at 56 incursions in a single day, with Taiwan's defence minister saying relations were the worst they had been for 40 years.

Since then there have been 22 days with more than 20 incursions reported.

Taiwan made data on plane incursions public in 2020.

China's coastguard claims it has the legal authority to stop and inspect shipping in the area around Taiwan.

On Wednesday, it said "on-site inspections" on some vessels would commence.

Taiwan has objected to the move and has instructed Taiwanese vessels not to co-operate with attempts to board and inspect them.

Taiwan's economy is hugely important.

Much of the world's everyday electronic equipment - from phones to laptops, watches and games consoles - is powered by computer chips made in Taiwan.

TSMC is a so-called "foundry" - a company which makes chips designed by consumer and military customers. It is a vast industry, worth almost $100bn (£73bn) in 2021.

A Chinese takeover in Taiwan could give Beijing some control over one of the world's most important industries.

Are the Taiwanese people worried?

Despite the recent tensions between China and Taiwan, research suggests that many Taiwanese people are relatively untroubled.

Almost two thirds (64.3%) replied that they did not.

Separate research indicates that most people in Taiwan identify as Taiwanese - embracing a distinctly different identity.

This article was amended in July 2022 to provide more historical background about Taiwan's status.

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Tension between China and Taiwan has risen and what happens next matters to us all.

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The Russian buildup and the Battle of Kyiv

Between October and November 2021, Russia began a massive buildup of troops and military equipment along its border with Ukraine. Over the following months, additional forces were dispatched to Belarus (ostensibly for joint exercises with Belarusian personnel), the Russian-backed separatist enclave of Transdniestria in Moldova, and Russian-occupied Crimea. By February 2022 Western defense analysts estimated that as many as 190,000 Russian troops were encircling Ukraine and warned that a Russian incursion was imminent. Putin dismissed these accusations and claimed that an accompanying Russian naval buildup in the Black Sea was a previously scheduled exercise. While Western leaders consulted with both Zelensky and Putin in an effort to stave off a Russian invasion that appeared inevitable, Putin issued demands that included de facto veto power over NATO expansion and the containment of NATO forces to countries that had been members prior to 1997. This would, in effect, remove the NATO security umbrella from eastern and southern Europe as well as the Baltic states. These proposals were flatly rejected.

On February 21, 2022, Putin responded by recognizing the independence of the self-proclaimed people's republics of Donetsk and Luhansk. Putin ordered Russian troops into Ukrainian territory as "peacekeepers," and Russian military activity in the Donbas-ongoing since 2014 but consistently disavowed by the Kremlin-at last became overt. Western leaders, pledging solidarity with Ukraine, responded by levying a raft of sanctions against Russian financial institutions. In the early hours of February 24, Zelensky addressed the Russian people directly, delivering an impassioned plea for peace but vowing that Ukraine would defend itself. Later that day, at about 6:00 am Moscow time, Putin took to the airwaves to announce the beginning of a "special military operation." Within minutes explosions were heard in major cities across Ukraine, and air raid sirens began to sound in Kyiv. Around the world, leaders condemned the unprovoked attack and promised swift and severe sanctions against Russia. Zelensky declared martial law and called for a general mobilization of Ukraine's military-age population.

It seems clear that Putin's plan had been to seize Kyiv in a matter of days and to install a pro-Moscow government. In the early hours of the invasion, an elite Russian paratroop unit captured Hostomel Airport, just 6 miles (10 km) northwest of the Ukrainian capital, in an airborne assault. Russian troops in Belarus crossed the Ukrainian border and occupied the Chernobyl nuclear plant as part of a general advance on Kyiv along the west bank of the Dnieper River. Russian forces in Crimea pushed north and captured Kherson on March 2. Elsewhere, however, the Russian advance stalled in the face of a determined Ukrainian defense. An attempted Russian encirclement of Kharkiv failed, despite that city's close proximity (20 miles [32 km]) to the Russian border, and the thrust toward Kyiv collapsed, due to stiff Ukrainian resistance and obvious shortcomings in Russia's logistics capabilities.

The Ukrainian refugee crisis and Russian war crimes

Millions of Ukrainians fled the country as Russia indiscriminately targeted civilian populations with rockets and artillery strikes. On March 16 as many as 600 people were killed in the besieged city of Mariupol when a Russian air strike leveled the Donetsk Academic Regional Drama Theatre. It was widely known that the building was being used as the city's main bomb shelter, and the theatre's set designer had painted the word "CHILDREN" on the pavement outside in massive Cyrillic letters that were visible even in satellite imagery. By late March some four million Ukrainians had fled the fighting; this represented Europe's largest refugee crisis since World War II. The overwhelming majority would find safety in Poland, Germany, and the Czech Republic.

As the war entered its second month, it was clear that the offensive against Kyiv had grossly miscarried. The Russian paratroopers at Hostomel had been isolated and subjected to furious Ukrainian artillery bombardment, and the Russian troops occupying the Kyiv suburbs of Irpin and Bucha were conducting a horrifying campaign of violence against the civilian populations of those cities. After the Russians were forced to withdraw from Irpin and Bucha, Ukrainian forces uncovered mass graves, bodies that showed clear signs of torture, and other evidence of war crimes. Elsewhere along the front, the Russians targeted cultural sites, hospitals, water treatment plants, and other civilian infrastructure in a brazen violation of the Geneva Conventions. Looting of civilian homes and businesses was also widespread in areas under Russian occupation.

Western aid, the sinking of the Moskva, and the fall of Mariupol

On paper, the Russian military appeared to have an overwhelming advantage in both personnel and matériel, but the West quickly responded to provide Ukraine with billions of dollars in military aid. Zelensky, often appearing in an olive drab T-shirt, appealed to governments and intergovernmental organizations around the world through video calls as he warned that a "new Iron Curtain" was descending on Europe. Ukraine's military performance was not solely dependent on foreign assistance, however. Many of those defending Ukraine had earned valuable combat experience while serving in the Donbas, where fighting against Russian proxies was ongoing since 2014. In addition, Ukraine's military underwent extensive reforms in the years since Russia illegally annexed Crimea, and defense spending increased dramatically during that time. When he took office, Zelensky had ordered an overhaul of Ukroboronprom, the scandal-plagued state-owned concern that controlled Ukraine's defense industry, and that restructuring led to renewed confidence in Ukroboronprom and ultimately resulted in strategic partnerships with international firms such as Lockheed Martin. The rapid advances made by Ukraine's military-industrial complex were perhaps most dramatically displayed on April 13 when the Moskva, a Russian guided missile cruiser and the flagship of the Black Sea Fleet, was struck by a pair of Ukrainian-produced Neptune anti-ship missiles off the coast of Odessa. When the Moskva sank the following day, it provided an enormous morale boost for Ukraine and further undermined the perception of Russia as a "near-peer" adversary of the United States.

In May fighting intensified in the Donbas, and Ukraine launched a counteroffensive that pushed back the Russian troops that had been threatening Kharkiv. In the south, however, Mariupol finally surrendered to the Russians after a nearly three-month siege that had reduced the once-vibrant port city to ruins. The final holdouts-a mixed force of Ukrainian national guard units and marines-had occupied the massive Azovstal steel plant for more than a month, and the brutal fighting there led observers to recall the Battle of Stalingrad. Ukrainian officials estimated that at least 20,000 civilians had been killed in the city and more than 90 percent of Mariupol's structures had been damaged or destroyed during the siege.

A number of factors would dictate Russia's reliance on attrition warfare in the Donbas. As demonstrated in the failed Kyiv offensive, Russia could not count on its armoured units to successfully execute even the basic elements of a maneuver warfare campaign. They were overly reliant on roads, they were dependent on Russia's fragile logistics and supply system for fuel and ammunition, and even Russia's most advanced tanks proved vulnerable to Ukrainian anti-tank guided missile (ATGM) teams. Despite an overwhelming numerical advantage in aircraft, the Russian air force failed to establish air superiority in any major combat theatre. This meant that Russian armour was left vulnerable to Ukraine's formidable armada of unmanned aerial vehicles; these ran the gamut from consumer drones that had been modified to drop small aerial bombs to the formidable Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2. The near-total global embargo on advanced processors that was leveled on Russia also ensured that any computerized equipment lost could scarcely be replaced.

Putin's "special military operation" against Ukraine had seen the failure of Russia's main thrust toward Kyiv, the deaths of at least a dozen Russian generals, and the sinking of the Moskva, the largest ship to be lost to enemy action since the Argentine cruiser General Belgrano was torpedoed during the Falkland Islands War in 1982. Russia had become the most heavily sanctioned country in history; it was isolated from the international banking system, and the EU, the U.S., the U.K., and Canada had all closed their airspace to Russian traffic. Ukraine, conversely, was embraced by the West as a developing democracy defending itself against the depredations of an autocratic neighbour. On June 23 Ukraine was granted candidate status, an important first step on the path to membership, in the EU. NATO, decried by some as irrelevant in the 21st century, found a renewed purpose and sense of solidarity in the wake of the Russian invasion. Finland and Sweden, two countries with a long history of neutrality, each signaled their intention to join the alliance shortly after the war began. On July 5 both countries signed accession protocols. Instead of shattering the alliance's will, Putin had, in effect, turned the Baltic Sea into a NATO lake.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

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Ukraine - The Russian invasion of Ukraine

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Between October and November 2021, Russia began a massive buildup of troops and military equipment along its border with Ukraine. Over the following months, additional forces were dispatched to Belarus (ostensibly for joint exercises with Belarusian personnel), the Russian-backed separatist enclave of Transdniestria in Moldova, and Russian-occupied Crimea.

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Stay up to date on the state of human rights in Russia with the latest research, campaigns and education material from Amnesty International.

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With its breathtaking natural beauty and vibrant communities, the Philippines faces a growing crisis that threatens its environment and well-being: plastic waste pollution. In recent years, the archipelago has witnessed a surge in plastic waste, from urban centres to remote beaches.

In this AIC Insight, we'll take a closer look at the magnitude of the Philippines' plastic waste pollution problem. We'll explore the different the innovative solutions and strategies that may hold the key to a cleaner, more sustainable future.

Plastic Pollution in the Philippines: The Alarming Reality

The plastic waste crisis in the Philippines has reached a critical point, with numerous challenges and implications. These include:

Marine Impact - Approximately 20% of this plastic waste finds its way into the ocean, devastating marine ecosystems and endangering marine life.

Health Hazards - The improper disposal of plastics poses health risks to communities, as toxic chemicals leach into the soil and water.

Urban Eyesore - Plastic pollution has transformed once-beautiful landscapes into unsightly and polluted areas, impacting tourism and quality of life.

The Human Toll of Plastic Waste

The plastic pollution problem continues to affect communities across the Philippines. People living in vulnerable areas, such as highly urbanised cities and coastal towns, bear most of the brunt.

Coastal Communities

Fishing communities face declining catches due to plastic contamination in waters and coastal areas.

Health Impacts

Plastic pollution contributes to health issues, particularly among marginalized communities living near polluted areas.

Economic Losses

Tourism, a vital sector for the Philippines, suffers as pristine beaches are marred by plastic debris.

Causes and Drivers of Plastic Pollution

A multitude of factors drives the plastic waste crisis in the Philippines:

Single-Use Culture - The prevalence of single-use plastics, such as sachets, contributes significantly to the problem.

Inadequate Waste Management - Gaps in waste collection, recycling, and disposal systems exacerbate the issue.

Lack of Awareness - Limited awareness of plastic pollution's consequences hinders meaningful change.

Economic Pressures - The "tingi-tingi" culture of selling small quantities in disposable packaging remains popular due to financial constraints.

Innovative Solutions: The Path Forward

Addressing the plastic pollution crisis in the Philippines requires a comprehensive strategy. This is where a multi-pronged approach is needed to solve each challenge.

1. Policy Reforms

Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) Act - The EPR Act holds manufacturers accountable for the entire life cycle of their products, encouraging sustainable practices.

Single-Use Plastic Ban - Strict regulations and bans on single-use plastics can curb their consumption and production.

2. Waste Management

Enhanced Collection Systems - Investments in efficient waste collection and recycling infrastructure are crucial.

Community Engagement - Education and awareness programs empower communities to adopt responsible waste management practices.

3. Circular Economy

Transition to a Circular Economy - A shift from a linear to a circular economy promotes recycling, reusing, and repurposing of materials.

Innovation in Packaging - Eco-friendly packaging solutions and alternatives can reduce plastic usage.

4. Clean-Up Initiatives

Coastal Clean-Up - Regular beach and coastal clean-up drives help remove existing plastic waste from sensitive ecosystems.

Plastic Waste Banks - Encouraging the collection and exchange of plastic waste for rewards can incentivize recycling.

5. Education and Awareness

Environmental Education - Integrating environmental education into school curricula fosters a sense of responsibility from a young age.

Media Campaigns - Engaging media campaigns raise awareness and mobilize support for plastic pollution solutions.

6. Collaboration

Public-Private Partnerships - Collaboration between government, businesses, and civil society organizations strengthens plastic waste management efforts.

Innovation Hubs - Establishing innovation hubs and research centres can drive the development of sustainable alternatives to plastics.

Success Stories and Progress

Despite the heavy toll that plastic pollution has brought on Philippine communities, there is still hope for change. Various government and non-government organisations have launched initiatives to clean up existing plastic waste throughout the years.

There have also been efforts to introduce ways to minimise the Filipinos' dependence on plastic containers and eliminate the tingi-tingi (micro-retailing) system.

Community-Led Initiatives - Grassroots movements and community-driven clean-up efforts showcase the power of collective action.

Eco-Entrepreneurship - Filipino entrepreneurs are leading the way in developing eco-friendly products and packaging.

Policy Momentum - The Philippines' commitment to addressing plastic pollution through legislation and policy reforms is gaining momentum.

Investing in a Sustainable Future for the Philippines

The plastic pollution crisis in the Philippines is a complex challenge that requires concerted efforts from all stakeholders. However, with innovative solutions, policy reforms, and a commitment to sustainable practices, the country can overcome this crisis and build a cleaner, more resilient future.

By embracing a circular economy, redefining consumption patterns, and investing in responsible waste management, the Philippines can transform itself into a model of environmental stewardship. Together, we can work towards a future where the breathtaking beauty of the archipelago is preserved, communities thrive, and marine life flourishes in clean, plastic-free waters.

The solution to plastic waste lies within our grasp. We just need to embrace these initiatives for the sake of the Philippines as well as the rest of the planet.
For more news & insights, stay tuned to the AIC website.

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Tackling the Plastic Waste Pollution in the Philippines: A Path to a Cleaner Future | Arowana Impact Capital | Arowana

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With its breathtaking natural beauty and vibrant communities, the Philippines faces a growing crisis that threatens its environment and well-being: plastic

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Without question, Social Media has had a profound impact on the concept of a "personal brand". Our lives become increasingly more public, as we all share information on a variety of networks. This transition hit us like a truck-- first it was "the kids" spending time on Friendster, Myspace, and then . Now, over 78% of the U.S. population has a social network profile. This behavioral shift has reverberating effects-- not just in how we spend our time, but in how we feel about ourselves. In speaking to hundreds of women leaders on my podcast, All the Social Ladies, I've seen this time and time again. I thought it was time to share some of their perspectives-- and so, I asked them: How do you think social media has changed you? Do you think that others having more access to information about you has made you more confident? Less? Do you find yourself changing how and what you say based on the fact that you know things are so readily shared?

I loved the story that Lynne Jarman Johnson, the CMO of Consumer's Credit Union, relayed to me about the impact that embracing social media has had on her everyday life. "I've always been an open book", Johnson said. "But social media cracks the binding way open. If you think people are not watching what you do, I'll give you an example. There was a man who 'introduced' himself over a gas pump to my husband. 'Hey (spoke my husband's first name like they were best pals), I know Lynne!' My husband asked how he knew me. The stranger's response? 'Oh, I've never met her, or you. I just follow Lynne on Facebook-- so I feel like I know you.' This scenario reminded me that what you post stays with you forever." Johnson uses the hashtag #SimplyBeKind as a reminder to be kind both online and off-- and she attributes social media to keeping her and others accountable to subscribing to that mantra. "You cannot hide behind a computer screen", she says.

Although it's true that you can't hide behind a screen, you can choose what and where to post. Some find that the more open and authentic you are, the better. Social media helped Anita Rosner, renowned blogger and host of the podcast Snork, gain the confidence to relaunch her acting career. Rosner recently relaunched her acting career after a 20+ year absence. To do so, she decided she needed to get real about the process. "I've ditched posting the best of myself, and now post photos that are very authentic-- even when I'm made to look awful-- because that's part of the job. I've noticed a lot more hits on my podcast as a result." And Deena Baikowitz, Chief Networking Officer at the Fireball Network, says social media has made her an even better networker. "I love using social media to share more of my personal life with my network. It makes me- and everyone who uses it- more memorable, relatable, interesting and approachable. Now, at business networking events, the first thing people say is often "how's the dating going" or "I love your photos-- where do you dance". Sharing my personal life creates much more meaningful connections, provides fun conversation starters, and sets a friendly tone to lead into business talk." Baikowitz has seen the success of that "warmed" networking firsthand-- her business has grown as a result.

Of course, being authentic is wonderful, but the realization that you now have a "personal brand" whether you like it or not, can be truly daunting. Some, however, use their networks to not only showcase their personal brand, but help them develop one. Marie Bonaccorse, Founder and Social Media Specialist at the Sassy Tweetress, talks about the digital legacy that your footprint leaves-- and using the community to help keep your brand in check. "Trust me when I say you will know if you're off", says Bonaccorse. "Your community is a great litmus for both your strengths and weaknesses. I have found that surrounding myself with those I admire, respect and love, I have a network of empowerment. Social media has made me more confident. It solidifies my philosophies and opinions but keeps me open and accepting for when I need correction."

This type of course correction can either come from reflection, like in the case of Bonaccorse, or, like in the case of Dea Lawrence, the CMO of Variety, it can come from taking a pause before posting. "I do find myself being thoughtful in what I respond to , share or state as it not only reflects my personal brand but the brand I represent and I would not want one of my posts to be misinterpreted." Although she does take pause, Lawrence finds that social media has also increased her confidence-- "Social media has raised my profile so, in that regard, it has made me more confident that I am perceived as an expert".

Lawrence is not alone in the shift towards more conscious behavior as a whole. Kat Gordon, Founder of 3% Conference, adds, "The amplification of social media has made me get crystal clear on what I believe before I share it". Carmen Shirkey Collins, Social Media Manager of the Talent Brand at Cisco says it's not just being conscious about the message, but being conscious about the medium in which it's posted. "I think about the content I'm going to post before I post it and where. Which channel will this go on? Sometimes, I post the same story but in different ways. For example, I'll take an Instagram photo, post it to Facebook, reshoot it for optimal viewing, and then take a Snap as well!"

Laurie Satran, a longtime blogger and social media manager at Starr Restaurants, talks about how social media challenged her to stop comparing herself to others. "In the beginning, when I first became active on social media, I spent a lot of my time comparing myself and achievements to what I saw others doing. This stripped me of my confidence when I didn't think I 'measured up'. After making connections with the people I had compared myself to and learning from them instead of comparing myself to them, I realized there is more support and empowerment in online communities than there is resistance and competition. The only person I now try to be better than everyday, is myself."

I love the perspective that Cara Friedman, Social Media Manager of ClassPass shared, and think it truly sums up the effect social media has had on each of our concept of self-- along with what to do about it. "I certainly post things that will show off the best version of myself, and I know that when I see others through my feeds, they are likely doing the same. You shouldn't feel less confident or proud in your own accomplishments based on what you see others post. Remember, if you're not sharing your whole self on social media, others likely aren't either."

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Without question, Social Media has had a profound impact on the concept of a "personal brand". Our lives become increasingly more public, as we all share information on a variety of networks. This transition hit us like a truck-- first it was "the kids" spending time on Friendster, Myspace, and [...]

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This page contains all the latest data, insights, and trends you need to help you understand how people in the United States of America use digital devices and services in 2023.

If you want to check whether this is our most up-to-date report on the USA, or if you're looking for data on digital trends and behaviours in the United States for previous years, you can find our full collection of reports on the United States of America by clicking here.

You'll also find the complete Digital 2023 report on the United States of America in the " full report " section below, but let's start by taking a look at the key numbers for the USA this year.

The state of digital in the United States of America in 2023

Here are the essential headlines for digital adoption and use in the United States of America in early 2023:

There were 311.3 million internet users in the United States of America at the start of 2023, when internet penetration stood at 91.8 percent.

The USA was home to 246.0 million social media users in January 2023, equating to 72.5 percent of the total population.

A total of 383.4 million cellular mobile connections were active in the United States in early 2023, with this figure equivalent to 113.1 percent of the total population.

These headline stats offer a great overview of the "state of digital" in the United States, but in order to make sense of how digital trends and behaviours are evolving, we need to dig deeper into the data.

Let's take a closer look at what the latest numbers tell us, starting with some valuable context relating to the United States's population.

The United States of America's population in 2023

The United States's total population was 339.1 million in January 2023.

Data shows that the USA's population increased by 1.6 million (+0.5 percent) between 2022 and 2023.
Note: gender data are currently only available for "female" and "male".
The United States of America's population by age

The median age of the United States's population is 38.0.

Here's how the United States's total population breaks down by age group:
Note: percentages may not sum to 100 percent due to rounding.
Internet use in the United States of America in 2023

There were 311.3 million internet users in the United States in January 2023.

The United States's internet penetration rate stood at 91.8 percent of the total population at the start of 2023.

Kepios analysis indicates that internet users in the USA increased by 1.5 million (+0.5 percent) between 2022 and 2023.

For perspective, these user figures reveal that 27.80 million people in the USA did not use the internet at the start of 2023, suggesting that 8.2 percent of the population remained offline at the beginning of the year.

However, complexities associated with the collection and analysis of internet user data mean that it can often take several months before research is ready for publication. As a result, the latest published figures for internet use invariably under-represent reality, and actual adoption and growth may be higher than the figures shown here suggest. Please see our comprehensive notes on data for further details.

Dig deeper: for the latest insights into internet adoption and use around the world, follow our regular Global Statshot reports.

Go global: see how the United States of America's current "state of digital" compares with connectivity in other countries by reading our flagship Digital 2023 Global Overview Report, which includes hundreds of slides of global digital data, and our in-depth analysis of what these numbers might mean for you.

Internet connection speeds in the United States of America in 2023

Data published by Ookla indicate that internet users in the USA could have expected the following internet connection speeds at the start of 2023:

Ookla's data reveals that the median mobile internet connection speed in the United States increased by 21.57 Mbps (+40.5 percent) in the twelve months to the start of 2023.

Meanwhile, Ookla's data shows that fixed internet connection speeds in the USA increased by 55.38 Mbps (+41.3 percent) during the same period.

Social media statistics for the United States of America in 2023

There were 246.0 million social media users in the United States of America in January 2023.

This figure might seem quite different to the values that we published in previous years, but please note that the sources we use to inform and calculate our social media user numbers have made important and wide-ranging revisions to their data over recent months.

These adjustments to source data mean that our latest numbers are not comparable with equivalent figures that we published in previous years, and readers should not regard any differences in these numbers as an actual change in social media use.

Indeed, our analysis of various data points from trusted third parties such as GWI and data.ai shows that there has been no discernible drop in overall social media use, and in almost all countries, social media use continues to increase.

As a result, readers should view any such differences as "corrections" in the data, and not as an indication that social media adoption has declined.

The number of social media users in the USA at the start of 2023 was equivalent to 72.5 percent of the total population, but it's also important to note that social media users may not represent unique individuals (see our detailed notes on data to learn why).

More broadly, 79.0 percent of the United States's total internet user base (regardless of age) used at least one social media platform in January 2023.

Note: due to significant revisions in source data, we regret that we're currently unable to provide reliable figures for the year-on-year change in social media users in the USA. We recommend that readers do not compare our latest figures for social media use with figures published in our previous reports, because such comparisons will deliver inaccurate results.

Get fresh insights: our handy social media overview page helps you stay up to date with social media trends, offering essential headlines for social media adoption, as well as the latest user figures for the world's most widely used social media platforms.

Facebook users in the United States of America in 2023

Data published in Meta's advertising resources indicates that Facebook had 175.0 million users in the United States in early 2023.

However, Meta has made important changes to the way its advertising resources report audience reach data over recent months - including making significant revisions to its base audience data for Facebook - so the figures shown here may not be directly comparable with figures published in our previous reports.

To learn more about these changes, please see this article, as well as our comprehensive notes on data.

Facebook user growth in the United States

Figures published in Meta's own tools indicate that Facebook's potential ad reach in the United States decreased by 4.7 million (-2.6 percent) between 2022 and 2023.

For more recent context, the same data show that the number of users that marketers could reach with ads on Facebook in the United States decreased by 4.4 million (-2.4 percent) between October 2022 and January 2023.

However, it's important to stress that these advertising reach figures are not the same as the monthly active users figures that Meta reports in its investor earnings announcements, and they should not be interpreted as such.

As the company states within its ad planning tools,

"Estimated audience size is not a proxy for monthly or daily active users, or for engagement. Estimates aren't designed to match population, census estimates or other sources, and may differ depending on factors such as how many accounts across Meta technologies a person has, how many temporary visitors are in a particular geographic location at a given time, and Meta user-reported demographics."

As a result, changes in ad reach may not necessarily indicate any change in the platform's overall user base.

But despite these caveats, Meta's ad reach data still offers valuable insights into how Facebook use is evolving.

Facebook adoption in the United States

Facebook's ad reach in the USA was equivalent to 51.6 percent of the total population at the start of 2023.

However, Facebook restricts the use of its platform to people aged 13 and above, so it's worth highlighting that 60.9 percent of the "eligible" audience in the USA uses Facebook in 2023.

For additional context, Facebook's ad reach in the United States was equivalent to 56.2 percent of the local internet user base (regardless of age) in January 2023.
Note: Meta's advertising resources only publish audience gender data for "female" and "male" users.
YouTube users in the United States of America in 2023

Updates to Google's advertising resources indicate that YouTube had 246.0 million users in the United States in early 2023.

It's important to stress that these advertising reach figures do not necessarily represent the same thing as monthly active user figures though, and there may be meaningful differences between the size of YouTube's ad audience and its total active user base.

However, the company's own data suggests that YouTube's ad reach in early 2023 was equivalent to 72.5 percent of the United States's total population at the start of the year.

To put those figures in perspective, YouTube ads reached 79.0 percent of the USA's total internet user base (regardless of age) in January 2023.

Note: Google's advertising resources only publish audience gender data for "female" and "male" users.

YouTube user growth in the United States

Data published in Google's own ad planning tools show that YouTube's potential ad reach in the United States decreased by 1.0 million (-0.4 percent) between the start of 2022 and early 2023.

However, the same data show that the number of users that marketers could reach with ads on YouTube in the United States actually increased by 1.0 million (+0.4 percent) between October 2022 and January 2023, suggesting that reach may have fallen between January 2022 and October 2022.

Need more social media numbers? Our platform guides help you make sense of all the latest stats for the world's biggest social media platforms.

Instagram users in the United States of America in 2023

Numbers published in Meta's advertising tools indicate that Instagram had 143.4 million users in the United States in early 2023.

The company's recently revised figures suggest that Instagram's ad reach in the USA was equivalent to 42.3 percent of the total population at the start of the year.

However, Instagram restricts the use of its platform to people aged 13 and above, so it's helpful to know that 49.9 percent of the "eligible" audience in the United States uses Instagram in 2023.

It's also worth noting that Instagram's ad reach in the USA at the start of 2023 was equivalent to 46.1 percent of the local internet user base (regardless of age).

Note: Meta's advertising resources only publish audience gender data for "female" and "male" users.

Instagram user growth in the United States

Data published in Meta's planning tools show that Instagram's potential ad reach in the United States decreased by 16 million (-10.3 percent) between 2022 and 2023.

On a quarterly basis, the company's data also reveal that the size of Instagram's ad audience in the United States decreased by 4.1 million (-2.8 percent) between October 2022 and January 2023.

As we noted in the Facebook section above though, changes in the audience reach figures published in Meta's ad planning tools do not necessarily correlate with overall changes in its platforms' active user bases.

TikTok users in the United States of America in 2023

Figures published in ByteDance's advertising resources indicate that TikTok had 113.3 million users aged 18 and above in the United States in early 2023.

Note that ByteDance allows marketers to target TikTok ads to users aged 13 and above via its advertising tools, but these tools only show audience data for users aged 18 and above.

For context, ByteDance's figures indicate that TikTok ads reached 42.7 percent of all adults aged 18 and above in the USA at the start of 2023.

Meanwhile, TikTok's ad reach in the United States was equivalent to 36.4 percent of the local internet user base at the beginning of the year, regardless of age.

Note: ByteDance's advertising resources only publish audience gender data for "female" and "male" users.

TikTok user growth in the United States

Data published in ByteDance's own ad planning tools show that TikTok's potential ad reach in the United States decreased by 18 million (-13.5 percent) between the start of 2022 and early 2023.

However, figures indicate that the potential reach of ads on TikTok in the United States actually increased by 3.7 million (+3.4 percent) between October 2022 and January 2023, suggesting that reach may have fallen between January 2022 and October 2022.

Having said that, ad audiences often only account for a subset of a platform's total users, and given that TikTok's ad tools only publish data for users aged 18 and above, it's important to remember that these changes in TikTok ad reach may not necessarily match changes in the platform's overall user base.

Facebook Messenger users in the United States of America in 2023

A note published in Meta's advertising resources states that " ads in Messenger Inbox are currently unavailable in the US, Canada, Australia and France ".

As a result, the company's ad planning tools show unusually low figures for potential Facebook Messenger ad reach in the United States of America, and we do not believe that these figures are representative of actual platform use in the country in 2023.

In particular, these low figures do not correlate with figures for overall Facebook Messenger use that we've seen in reliable, third-party tools (e.g. data.ai), so we have decided not to publish the latest figures for potential Facebook Messenger ad reach in the United States of America at this time.

LinkedIn users in the United States of America in 2023

Figures published in LinkedIn's advertising resources indicate that LinkedIn had 200.0 million "members" in the United States in early 2023.

However, note that LinkedIn's advertising tools publish audience reach data based on total registered members, rather than the monthly active users that form the basis of the ad reach figures published by most other social media platforms.

As a result, these LinkedIn figures are not directly comparable with the figures for other social media platforms published on this page, or in our Digital 2023 reports.

The company's advertising reach figures suggest that LinkedIn's audience in the USA was equivalent to 59.0 percent of the total population at the start of 2023.

LinkedIn restricts the use of its platform to people aged 18 and above though, so it's also helpful to know that 75.4 percent of the "eligible" audience in the United States uses LinkedIn in 2023.

For additional context, LinkedIn's ad reach in the USA was equivalent to 64.3 percent of the local internet user base (regardless of age) at the start of the year.

Note: LinkedIn's advertising resources only publish audience gender data for "female" and "male" users.

LinkedIn user growth in the United States

Data published in LinkedIn's planning tools show that LinkedIn's potential ad reach in the United States increased by 20 million (+11.1 percent) between 2022 and 2023.

On a quarterly basis, the company's data reveal that the size of LinkedIn's ad audience in the United States increased by 10 million (+5.3 percent) between October 2022 and January 2023.

However, because LinkedIn's ad audience figures are based on total registered members rather than monthly active users, it's unclear whether these trends might reflect changes in active LinkedIn use too.

Get data for every country on Earth: visit our online library to browse all of our reports, including the latest digital data for every country in the world, and more than a decade of historical numbers, trends, and insights.

Snapchat users in the United States of America in 2023

Data published in Snap's advertising resources indicate that Snapchat had 107.4 million users in the United States in early 2023.

This figure means that Snapchat's ad reach in the United States of America was equivalent to 31.7 percent of the total population at the start of the year.

However, Snapchat restricts the use of its platform to people aged 13 and above, so it's also worth noting that 37.4 percent of the "eligible" audience in the USA uses Snapchat in 2023.

For additional context, Snapchat's ad reach in the United States was equivalent to 34.5 percent of the local internet user base (regardless of age) at the start of the year.
Note: Snap's advertising resources only publish audience gender data for "female" and "male" users, but the figures published for these demographics don't always add up to the total user figure, so percentages shown here may not sum to 100 percent.
Snapchat user growth in the United States

Data published in Snap's own ad planning tools show that Snapchat's potential ad reach in the United States increased by 300 thousand (+0.3 percent) between the start of 2022 and early 2023.

Meanwhile, the same data show that the number of users that marketers could reach with ads on Snapchat in the United States increased by 300 thousand (+0.3 percent) between October 2022 and January 2023.

However, it's important to stress that these advertising reach figures do not represent monthly active user figures, and there may be meaningful differences between the size of Snapchat's ad audience and its total active user base.

Twitter users in the United States of America in 2023

Numbers published in Twitter's advertising resources indicate that Twitter had 95.40 million users in the United States of America in early 2023.

This figure means that Twitter's ad reach in the USA was equivalent to 28.1 percent of the total population at the time.

However, it's important to stress that these advertising reach figures are not the same as monthly active user figures, and there may be meaningful differences between the size of Twitter's ad audience and its total active user base.

It's also worth noting that Twitter restricts the use of its platform to people aged 13 and above, so these figures suggest that 33.2 percent of the "eligible" audience in the United States uses Twitter in 2023.

For additional context, Twitter's ad reach in the USA was equivalent to 30.6 percent of the local internet user base (regardless of age) at the start of the year.

However, it's worth noting that Twitter infers its users' gender, by analysing signals such as the name that users enter in their profile, and their broader activity on the platform.

This contrasts with the gender data offered in the advertising tools of platforms like Facebook, which relies on the gender that users themselves enter in their own profile.

Moreover, our analysis suggests that Twitter's inferences may not be particularly reliable in determining users' gender, especially in countries where English is not the dominant language.

For example, consumer research findings published by GWI often offer quite a different picture of Twitter use by gender compared with Twitter's own audience data.

But the apparent distortions that frequently appear in Twitter's inferred gender data may be due in large part to the high number of "non-human" accounts that feature in Twitter's active user data (e.g. accounts that represent businesses, animals, musicians, etc.), especially because Twitter doesn't currently separate these accounts out from "real" human individuals in the ways that Facebook and Instagram do.

Regardless of the cause of these anomalies though, we advise caution when analysing or interpreting Twitter's reported figures for use by gender.

Twitter user growth in the United States

Data published in Twitter's own ad planning tools show that Twitter's potential ad reach in the United States increased by 19 million (+24.1 percent) between the start of 2022 and early 2023.

Meanwhile, the same data show that the number of users that marketers could reach with ads on Twitter in the United States increased by 3.7 million (+4.0 percent) between October 2022 and January 2023.

However, please note that the figures published in Twitter's planning tools appear to be liable to significant fluctuation - even over short periods of time - and these anomalies may impact the reliability and representativeness of this change data.

Dig deeper: click here to access all of the reports in our Digital 2023 series.

Pinterest users in the United States of America in 2023

Data published in Pinterest's advertising resources indicate that Pinterest had 84.60 million users in the United States in early 2023.

This figure means that Pinterest's ad reach in the USA was equivalent to 24.9 percent of the total population at the start of the year.

However, Pinterest restricts the use of its platform to people aged 13 and above, so it may be helpful to know that 29.4 percent of the "eligible" audience in the United States uses Pinterest in 2023.

Meanwhile, Pinterest's ad reach in the United States was equivalent to 27.2 percent of the local internet user base at that time, regardless of age.

Pinterest's tools also publish audience data for users of "unspecified" gender, and these users accounted for 8.7 percent of Pinterest's total ad audience in the United States at the start of 2023.

Pinterest user growth in the United States

Data published in Pinterest's own ad planning tools show that Pinterest's potential ad reach in the United States decreased by 1.8 million (-2.0 percent) between the start of 2022 and early 2023.

On a quarter-by-quarter basis, the number of users that marketers could reach with ads on Pinterest in the United States decreased by 6.7 million (-7.3 percent) between October 2022 and January 2023.

However, remember that these advertising reach figures do not represent monthly active user figures, and the size of Pinterest's ad audience may be significantly different to its total active user base.

Mobile connections in the United States of America in 2023

Data from GSMA Intelligence shows that there were 383.4 million cellular mobile connections in the United States at the start of 2023.

However, note that many people around the world make use of more than one mobile connection - for example, they might have one connection for personal use, and another one for work - so it's not unusual for mobile connection figures to significantly exceed figures for total population.

GSMA Intelligence's numbers indicate that mobile connections in the USA were equivalent to 113.1 percent of the total population in January 2023.

The number of mobile connections in the United States increased by 20 million (+5.6 percent) between 2022 and 2023.

Need quick stats for other countries? Click here to read our Digital 2023 Country Headlines Report, with essential digital data for every country in the world.

Additional resources

Just before we get to the full report, here are some suggestions for further reading, which will provide additional context for our full set of Digital 2023 numbers for the United States of America:

Read our complete Digital 2023 Global Overview Report to get a comprehensive overview of the "state of digital" around the world in 2023.

Click here to see all of the Global Digital Reports we've published on the United States of America over the past decade.

Explore all of our reports on countries in Northern America by clicking here.

Visit our complete online reports library to find all of the (free!) reports in the Global Digital Reports series.

If you'd like to receive updates when we publish new reports, click here to sign up for our newsletter.

Full report

You'll find our complete Digital 2023: The United States Of America report in the embed below ( click here if you can't see that, or if you can't change the slides).

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Digital 2023: The United States of America - DataReportal - Global Digital Insights

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All the data, insights, and trends you need to help you make sense of the "state of digital" in the United States of America in 2023, including detailed statistics for internet use, social media use, and mobile use, as well as user numbers for all the top social platforms.

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The situation for women and girls in Afghanistan changed fundamentally in August 2021 as the Taliban took power.

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The International Rescue Committee is scaling up aid in Sudan where conflict, extreme weather events, locust infestations, rising food costs, COVID-19, and other factors are driving increased humanitarian need.

The IRC is extremely concerned about escalating tensions in Sudan.

We provide essential services (water, sanitation, health care) to displaced people in the capital Khartoum.

We're concerned current tensions will disrupt operations and put already vulnerable populations at further risk.

Crisis briefing

Sudan is experiencing multiple challenges including an economic crisis, natural disasters, the COVID-19 pandemic, protracted refugee situations, and armed conflicts that have displaced people inside their own country. Inflation has caused the cost of food in Sudan to skyrocket and put other essentials out of reach of most people.

What caused the crisis in Sudan?

Two civil wars spanning decades of the country's history-the Anyanya Rebellion and the Second Sudanese Civil War-caused mass displacement, injury and death. Today, many Sudanese remain displaced due to continued insecurity: Conflicts in Darfur, Southern Kordofan, and Blue Nile persist at low levels and it is difficult to get humanitarian aid to the people who need it most. In addition, conflict in the neighboring Tigray region of Ethiopia has led to the flight of 60,000 refugees into eastern Sudan.

Extreme weather shocks such as drought and flooding have also devastated livelihoods and forced more people from their homes. Most Sudanese live in rural areas and depend on rain to raise crops and livestock. Swarms of locusts have descended on farmland, destroying harvests and contributing to the rising cost of food.

Even as the growing impact of climate change exacerbates the existing political and economic crisis in Sudan, the COVID-19 pandemic is also driving increased humanitarian need.

What are the main humanitarian challenges in Sudan?

Across Sudan there are an estimated 13.5 million people in need of humanitarian assistance, including 1.1 million refugees from other countries and 2.5 million Sudanese who have been displaced internally.

Food insecurity remains high, particularly among refugees, internally displaced people and low-income urban households. Over 7 million people are unable to get sufficient food due to the economic crisis and disasters such as floods that have destroyed crops and displaced families. In 2020, the year-on-year inflation rate increased by 214%, further reducing household purchasing power.

The COVID-19 pandemic and outbreaks of other diseases such as polio are putting pressure on Sudan's health systems, even as tens of thousands of refugees arrive in the country from Ethiopia.

How does the IRC help in Sudan?

In response to growing needs, the IRC has scaled up our capacity in Sudan and expanded humanitarian services in the east of the country in response to the Tigrayan refugee crisis. We:

Established a main office in Khartoum to serve ongoing humanitarian needs in the Mayo community, which has been affected by conflict and poverty

Launched health and water and sanitation services in Khartoum to serve urban displaced populations

Opened a field office in Gedaref to support Tigrayan refugees in eastern Sudan

Launched health, water and sanitation services as well as protection support and psychosocial services for women and children in Tunaydbah refugee camp

Built and rehabilitated health facilities providing reproductive health care, COVID-19 isolation and care, and treatment and prevention of other communicable diseases

Are raising community awareness of health services and water and sanitation facilities

Are supporting health ministry polio campaigns

Are monitoring for COVID-19 cases and raising public awareness of how to prevent the spread of the coronavirus

What still needs to be done?

As the number of people in need of humanitarian assistance in Sudan grows and more refugees are expected to arrive from Ethiopia, the IRC is looking to scale up our current support, add new services-for example, increasing support for women affected by gender-based violence-and expand to other parts of the country.

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The International Rescue Committee is scaling up aid in Sudan where conflict, extreme weather events, locust infestations, rising food costs, COVID-19, and other factors are driving increased humanitarian need. The IRC is extremely concerned about escalating tensions in Sudan. We provide essential services (water, sanitation, health care) to displaced people in the capital Khartoum.

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Protests, poisoning and prison: The life and death of Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny

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Alexei Navalny, Russia’s top opposition leader and President Vladimir Putin’s fiercest foe, has died in prison.

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William Lai Ching-te, then the presidential candidate for the Democratic Progressive Party, appears during a rally before his eventual election victory, in Taipei, Taiwan on Jan. 13, 2024. (Lam Yik Fei/The New York Times)

Diplomatic Statements Heat Up

At first, Beijing's rhetorical response to the January election itself was relatively restrained. Statements from China's Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO) and Ministry of Foreign Affairs initially downplayed the significance of the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) winning the presidency. A few hours after the election, a spokesperson from the TAO asserted that the DPP "does not represent the mainstream public opinion" in Taiwan, noting that 60% of the electorate did not vote for Lai.

Other parts of the Chinese government took a tougher position, likely intended to respond to nationalist pressures at home. Two days after the election, a magazine of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee, Qiushi Journal, republished a previous speech by General Secretary Xi Jinping from July 2022, including Xi's vow to "develop and strengthen Taiwan's patriotic, reunification forces." Later that same week, China's Ministry of State Security, which oversees Beijing's intelligence and counterespionage work, issued a rare statement on WeChat that pledged to intensify counterintelligence and "anti-separatist" efforts related to Taiwan, after echoing previous warnings from Xi that "ultimate reunification with Taiwan is inevitable."

In mid-February, Beijing's top leaders started to adopt a firmer tone, hinting at a possible shift in its Taiwan strategy for the years ahead. China's most threatening statement came at the Munich Security Conference on February 17, when Foreign Minister Wang Yi asserted, "To uphold the one-China principle, one should support China's peaceful reunification, and to maintain peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, one must oppose 'Taiwan independence.'" While China has long demanded that other countries oppose Taiwan's independence, this is the first time that Beijing has also insisted that countries support peaceful unification. This comment struck a nerve in Taiwan, where suspicions are high that Beijing intends to modify its Taiwan strategy to prioritize promoting unification over opposing independence in the future.

Similarly assertive tones were present in Beijing's annual Taiwan Work Conference on February 22 and 23. Wang Huning, China's highest-ranking official responsible for Taiwan policy after Xi, said that China must "further grasp the 'strategic initiative' to achieve the complete unification of the motherland," emphasizing the need to push more actively for unification. Wang also used "combat" to describe China's approach to Taiwan independence separatism, a departure from the milder "oppose" used in last year's conference.

'A Frog in Boiling Water'

China has also used diplomatic, legal and psychological pressure to intimidate the people of Taiwan. Some in Taipei claim to feel like a "frog in boiling water," with Beijing slowly establishing a "new normal" that increases pressure against Taiwan in ways that are difficult to counter.

Just two days after Lai was elected president, Nauru announced that it would switch formal recognition from Taipei to Beijing, leaving Taiwan with only 12 diplomatic allies. The swift move, purposefully timed as a response to Lai's victory, underscored a well-prepared and coordinated effort by both Beijing and Nauru ahead of the election, and served as a reminder to the Taiwanese people that the diplomatic shift was a "punishment" for choosing the wrong leader on the island.

On January 30, China also announced its decision to change civil aviation routes M503, W122 and W123 without consulting Taiwan, citing the need to alleviate airspace congestion over the Taiwan Strait. The move normalized the flight of Chinese civilian aircraft closer to the island and further encroached on the tacit boundary between Taiwan and China. Taipei responded forcefully, saying that the unreasonable actions from the CCP are "highly likely to escalate tensions," and others, including the United States, France and Canada, also voiced concerns that the unilateral change could lead to regional instability.

Since last December, China has been regularly sending surveillance balloons near Taiwan, and the number increased noticeably after the election. Between January 14 and February 14, Beijing sent almost 50 high-altitude balloons over the Taiwan Strait, some violating Taiwan's airspace and even directly flying over the island. The daily count peaked at eight balloons on both February 9 and 10, surpassing the pre-election record of five balloons in one day. The TAO claimed in late January that the balloons floating over Taiwan were for "civilian use," citing China's long-standing practice of using balloons for meteorological monitoring activities. By ignoring the Taiwan Strait median line, the civil aviation route changes and balloon tactics reflect Beijing's continued gray zone tactics that seek to erode Taiwanese confidence in the newly elected government without escalating to conflict.

Finally, after a brief pause in the days before the election, the People's Liberation Army (PLA) resumed its provocative practice of sending aircraft across the Taiwan Strait median line on January 17. The scale and frequency of the PLA's activities around Taiwan in January and February did not reach the average levels observed last year, but Beijing has left itself room to increase those flights if it needs to demonstrate displeasure toward Taiwan in the future.

Beijing's Pressure Could Escalate Tensions

China's delicate balancing act is likely designed to help Beijing keep its options open without painting itself into a corner. In the short term, the CCP leadership would prefer to avoid a major crisis with Taiwan that would divert attention and resources away from addressing key domestic challenges such as a sluggish economy, ongoing corruption investigations and recent leadership changes in the PLA.

Yet this continued pressure campaign is risky. Without proper crisis management mechanisms or direct communication channels in place, China is increasing the likelihood that an accident or misunderstanding could inadvertently escalate tensions. For example, China is normalizing maritime patrols around Taiwan's Kinmen islands, and two Chinese fishermen died when their boat capsized as Taiwan's coast guard chased them out of Taiwan's "restricted waters" on February 14. The Chinese coast guard responded by boarding a Taiwanese tourist boat near the islands on February 19 and sending five coast guard ships into Kinmen's restricted waters on February 26. China is unlikely to back down, and future skirmishes around the outlying islands are likely and could be difficult to restrain.

What to Watch This Year

A number of events have the potential to increase tensions in the Taiwan Strait this year. China's Two Sessions - the concurrent annual meetings of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, which began on March 4, and China's National People's Congress, which opened on March 5 - could reveal potential changes in Beijing's official policies toward Taiwan. On May 20, Lai will lay out his administration's cross-strait policy platform during his inauguration speech, which will likely prompt Beijing to respond with a signal about its intentions.

Both Lai and Beijing may be tempted to test the waters of one another's resolve. For instance, Beijing could suspend preferential trade arrangements in the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, which it threatened to terminate in the run-up to the elections. Beijing could also enact new laws or revise the 2005 Anti-Secession Law to send a stronger signal against Taiwan independence. Similarly, Lai could deviate from current Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen's foreign and cross-strait policies after taking office in May in ways that suggest a further shift toward independence.

The situation will likely remain tense through the end of the year. Nationalist sentiment in China will run high in early October during the annual celebration of the founding of the People's Republic of China, and Lai's first National Day address on October 10 provides another opportunity for him to make important policy or political declarations. There is also some concern in Taipei that Beijing could seize the opportunity to escalate actions against Taiwan later this year while Washington is preoccupied with the U.S. presidential election in November, while others believe Beijing might refrain from such actions to avoid becoming the center of the debate.
Naiyu Kuo is a research analyst with the China Program at USIP.

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After Taiwan's Election, China Is Now Ratcheting Up the Pressure

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Beijing is intensifying its pressure on Taiwan's freshly elected president, William Lai Ching-te. Instead of relying on conventional military or economic pressures, however, Beijing has employed multifaceted tools of coercion to demonstrate disapproval of the January election results.

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HONG KONG - China said it would "never compromise" on its claims of sovereignty over Taiwan as the U.S. and China concluded two days of military talks in Washington, part of an effort to restore communication between the two countries' militaries.

The talks were held days before Taiwan, a self-ruling island democracy, holds a presidential election that will shape its relationship with China, as well as ties between China and the U.S., Taiwan's most important international backer.

China's stated ambition to "reunify" with Taiwan, by force if necessary, is among the most sensitive issues between the U.S. and China, whose relationship has in recent years fallen to its lowest point in decades.

China said it would "not make any concession or compromise on the Taiwan question and demanded that the U.S. side abide by the one-China principle, honor relevant commitments, stop arming Taiwan, and not support Taiwan independence," according to a readout published by the Chinese Defense Ministry on Wednesday.

The 17th round of the U.S.-China Defense Policy Coordination Talks was held Monday and Tuesday for the first time since 2021. They were led by Michael Chase, deputy assistant secretary of defense for China, Taiwan and Mongolia, and Maj. Gen. Song Yanchao, deputy director of China's Central Military Commission Office for International Military Cooperation.

According to a Pentagon readout, Chase "highlighted the importance of maintaining open lines of military-to-military communication in order to prevent competition from veering into conflict."

He also reiterated Washington's commitment to its long-standing "One China" policy, under which the U.S. recognizes Beijing as the sole legitimate government of China but maintains unofficial relations with Taipei.

China said it was willing to develop a "healthy and stable" military relationship "on the basis of equality and respect." It urged the U.S. to reduce its military presence and "provocation" in the South China Sea, a strategically important waterway that China claims virtually in its entirety, and to "stop supporting provocative actions" by certain countries, without identifying them.

The Pentagon said Chase "underscored the importance of respect for high seas freedom of navigation" in the face of continued Chinese "harassment" of Philippine vessels operating lawfully in the South China Sea.

President Joe Biden and Chinese Xi Jinping agreed to resume military ties at a meeting in San Francisco in November, their first meeting in a year. China had cut off military communications in 2022 after then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., visited Taiwan over its objections.

China has since increased its military activities in the Taiwan Strait, sending warplanes and naval vessels toward the island almost daily.

The talks at the Pentagon this week follow a video call last month between Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr., chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and his Chinese counterpart, Gen. Liu Zhenli, the first high-level conversation between the two militaries in more than a year.

Taiwan, which rejects Beijing's sovereignty claims, is on heightened alert ahead of its election Saturday. Government officials have accused China of attempting to influence voters through its military and other activities in the Taiwan Strait, including a series of balloons that have been spotted around the island since last month.

On Tuesday, the Taiwanese Defense Ministry issued an air raid alert saying China had launched a satellite and urging residents to be cautious. It later apologized for mistranslating the word "satellite" as "missile" in the English-language version of the alert and said the satellite had passed over the island without incident.

China has accused Taiwan's governing Democratic Progressive Party of "hyping up the threat from the mainland" ahead of the election to gain voter support. Similarly, Taiwan's main opposition party, the Kuomintang, said the government issued the alert Tuesday for political gain, which the Defense Ministry denied.

The satellite, named Einstein Probe, will be used to monitor "fleeting phenomena" in space, including the merging of black holes, the Chinese Academy of Sciences said in a post on Weibo, a Chinese social media platform.

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China tells U.S. it will 'never compromise' on Taiwan as the island's election draws near

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China said it would "never compromise" on its claims of sovereignty over Taiwan as the U.S. and China concluded two days of military talks in Washington.

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https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/russia/

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Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan met to discuss competition and cooperation between the two countries.

US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, left, and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi [AP]

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and United States National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan have held talks aimed at keeping in contact, both sides said, with Wang stressing that "Taiwan independence" posed the biggest risk to Sino-US ties.

Wang and Sullivan met in Bangkok, Thailand, on Saturday, just more than two months after US President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping met on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in San Francisco.

Keep reading

The two "had candid, substantive and fruitful strategic communication on implementing the consensus reach at the San Francisco meeting ... and on properly handling important and sensitive issues in China-US relations," China's foreign ministry said in a statement.

The White House said that the meeting between the officials was "part of the effort to maintain open lines of communication" between the two countries.

It added that "Sullivan stressed that although the United States and China are in competition, both countries need to prevent it from veering into conflict or confrontation".

Beijing and Washington have previously clashed on issues related to technology, trade, human rights, and Taiwan, which China claims as its territory.

Taiwan

The recent Taiwanese election saw the Democratic Progressive Party (DDP) secure a third term. The DPP is resistant to China's claim over Taiwan.

This week, two US lawmakers met Taiwan's new leader, Lai Ching-te, to reaffirm Washington's support for the self-governing island.

This was the second group to arrive in Taiwan since the election after Biden sent an unofficial delegation to congratulate Lai two days after the vote.

But, according to China's foreign ministry, Wang stressed in the meeting with Sullivan that Taiwan was "China's internal affair, and the regional election in Taiwan cannot change the basic reality that Taiwan is part of China".

"The biggest risk to peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait is the so-called 'Taiwan independence' movement. The biggest challenge to China-US relations is also the 'Taiwan independence' movement," it added.

Before the meeting, Taiwan's defence ministry said China sent 33 aircraft, including SU-30 fighters and six navy vessels, around Taiwan between 6am Friday to 6am Saturday (22:00 Thursday - 22:00 Friday GMT). Among those sent, 13 warplanes crossed the Taiwan Strait, an unofficial boundary between Taiwan and China.

The White House said Sullivan "underscored the importance of maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait" without elaborating.

High-level diplomacy

Apart from cross-strait issues, the officials also touched on other issues, including Russia's war against Ukraine, Iran and the Middle East, North Korea, the South China Sea, and Myanmar, the White House said.

Both sides agreed that the two presidents would keep regular contact, provide strategic guidance on bilateral relations and promote exchanges between the US and China in different areas and levels, the Chinese ministry said.

The two sides will set up a call between President Xi and President Biden, the White House said in a statement, as part of "high-level diplomacy" efforts.

They also agreed to launch a joint working group on anti-drug cooperation and set up an intergovernmental dialogue on artificial intelligence.

Sullivan and Wang "recognised recent progress in resuming military-to-military communication and noted the importance of maintaining these channels", the White House added.

Source: Al Jazeera and news agencies

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'Taiwan independence' an obstacle to China-US relations, says Beijing

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Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan met to discuss bilateral relations.

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Visitors stranded at Kenya's Maasai Mara nature reserve, as devastating flooding kills nearly 200 people | CNN

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Staff and visitors have been left stranded at Kenya's famous nature reserve, as the death toll in catastrophic flooding rose to at least 188 people.

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Australia's problem with male violence is getting worse. So, what's the solution? - CNN

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Australia's problem with male violence is getting worse. So, what's the solution? - CNN

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It wasn't another news story about the death of a women at the hands of her partner that convinced Daniel McCormack that he had to be part of the solution.

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Sydney mall attacker may have targeted women, police say, as more details emerge of his six victims | CNN

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Sydney mall attacker may have targeted women, police say, as more details emerge of his six victims | CNN

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Australian police said Monday that the attacker who fatally stabbed six people at a busy shopping mall in Sydney's beach suburb of Bondi may have been targeting women, as heartbreaking details emerged of those who lost their lives, plunging a nation into mourning.

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As May draws to a close we're left with many sobering statistics. Those related to COVID-19 have dominated the headlines so much so a growing collection of chilling deaths have gone relatively unnoticed.

This month eight women have been allegedly killed by domestic violence in Australia. It's a statistic made even more shocking by the fact a "normal" month for femicide is still half that number.

One woman is murdered by a current or former partner each week in Australia. According to Counting Dead Women - a national toll of women killed by violence tracked by feminist movement Destroy The Joint - the latest death brings this year's total to 23 so far.

Here are the stories behind the deaths of the eight women who lost their lives this month.
Due to the recency of these deaths, full details - including whether any of their alleged killers are guilty of the crimes - are yet to be established.
MAY 2 Erlinda Songcuan, 69, Woolcroft, NSW

At 1.10pm on May 2 police received a concern for welfare report at a home in the western Sydney suburb of Woolcroft.

When they arrived at the scene they discovered the body of 69-year-old mother-of-four Erlinda Songcuan dead in her garage.

Court documents stated Mrs Songcuan had died some time between 1.08pm and 1.14pm.

A police search for her husband of 44 years Engracio Songcuan, 73, concluded at Richmond train station at 3.30pm that day.

He was arrested and later charged with his wife's murder.

Mr Songcuan was excused from appearing before Blacktown Local Court on May 7, but the matter will be heard on July 3.

The couples' son-in-law said the Songcuans' children had no answers on what had led to their mother's death, but that they had now "lost both parents".

MAY 4 Ellie Price, 26, South Melbourne, VIC

Mother-of-one Ellie Price was just 26 years old when she was found dead in a South Melbourne townhouse on May 4 after being violently bashed to death.

Police said they were unsure of the exact date she died but believe it was between April 29 and May 4.

A nationwide manhunt began for the suspect, Ricardo "Rick" Barbaro - son of convicted drug boss Joe Barbaro - who had just been released from jail over a previous attack on his on-off girlfriend Ellie.

After a week at large police located Mr Barbaro, 33, at a penthouse in Sydney.

He was arrested and extradited to Victoria where he remains in custody charged with Ellie's murder.

Mr Barbaro faced Melbourne Magistrates Court on May 16, where he claimed he was withdrawing from prescription drugs Xanax and Valium.

He remains in custody until his next court appearance in September.

Just weeks before her death Ellie had posted of her sadness at the lives lost to COVID-19 on Facebook.

"RIP. May this make us stronger, kinder to people, more grateful of the little things in life and most of all our loved ones," she had written on April 19.

"Don't take life for granted."

MAY 12 Unnamed woman, 65, Bendoc, VIC

Few details have been released so far about the death of an unnamed woman in the former gold mining town of Bendoc in East Gippsland.

What is known, is that about 3.30am on May 12 police were called to a house 518km east of Melbourne after reports of an assault.

They were delayed in reaching the property due to its remote location and after arriving about 6am discovered the body of an unnamed 65-year-old woman.

Trevor William Kingdon, 64, who police said was known to the victim, was taken into custody and charged with her murder that night.

When he appeared in Latrobe Valley Magistrates' Court the next day it was heard he suffered mental health issues, including depression, and that it was his first time in custody.

He will reappear at Bairnsdale Magistrates Court in August.

MAY 14 Unnamed woman, 44, Cable Beach, WA

On the afternoon of May 14 police were called to a home in Broome's Cable Beach, where they found an unnamed woman, 44, with serious head injuries.

She was taken by ambulance to hospital but later died.

Conlin James Lee, 25, a man believed to be related to the victim, appeared briefly in Perth Magistrate's Court on May 17 via video link charged with murder.

He was remanded in custody to next appear in Stirling Gardens Magistrates court on May 27.

No further details are available at this time.

MAY 17 Loris, 59, and Franco Puglia, 59, Joyner, QLD

The bodies of Loris and her husband Franco Puglia were found by a visiting relative at their bed and breakfast in Joyner, north of Brisbane just before 2.00pm on May 17.

The pair were allegedly murdered with a sledgehammer, dying from blunt force trauma.

About 6.30pm, officers arrested their 31-year-old son Christopher Puglia 900km from the crime scene on the outskirts of Sydney.

He was extradited to Queensland where he remains in custody.

Mr Puglia has been charged with two counts of murder, as well as attempted arson after allegedly setting a towel on fire inside his parents' bed and breakfast where he also lived.

Mr Puglia's case was mentioned in court on May 21 and he will reappear on July 13.

"Given the nature of the allegations, it goes without saying he's pretty overwhelmed," his lawyer Brendan Beavon told reporters outside court.

"That's all he really said to me. He's overwhelmed with the situation."

MAY 20 Kamaljeet Sidhu, 27, Quakers Hill, NSW

A neighbour reported hearing screams coming from inside a two-storey townhouse in Quakers Hill in Sydney on the evening of May 20.

Attending police allegedly found Baltej Singh Lailna, 31, standing in the hallway with blood on his hands as his wife Kamaljeet Sidhu lay in a pool of blood on the floor.

They said there was a 15cm kitchen knife next to her body.

Kamaljeet was suffering knife wounds and died at the scene.

Mr Lailna was arrested and charged with her murder.

He appeared in court via video link on May 22 where he was refused bail, and is due to appear next in Penrith Local Court on July 17.

The couple had been married for four years and moved to Australia from India two years ago.

They were known to Quakers Hill Police after Kamaljeet obtained a domestic violence order against her husband on April 24.

Despite the order the couple reportedly continued to live together, sharing a bedroom.

MAY 26 Karen Leek, 69, Devon Meadows, VIC

Residents of the tranquil country town of Devon Meadows have been rocked by news of the "very violent" death of well-known Victorian greyhound racing identity Karen Leek.

On Tuesday morning about 10am, police were called to the 69-year-old's rural property by a family member.

Karen's body was found inside the house, dead from what police described as a "very violent crime".

While few details of their intensive investigation have been revealed, they are treating the death as suspicious.

It is understood one line of inquiry the homicide squad is investigating is whether there was a dispute over a will.

A number of people have been questioned but no charges have been laid at this point.

MAY 29 Ruth Mataafa, 22, Bidwill, NSW

Just after midday on Friday afternoon police and ambulance were called to reports of a stabbing at a home in Bidwill, Western Sydney.

Outside the home they found Ruth Mataafa, 22, with multiple stab wounds to her chest, side and back.

She was treated at the scene, but later died of her injuries in hospital.

Her estranged partner Jachai Leota Fuimaono, 22, was found dead inside the house with self-inflicted chest wounds.

A NSW police spokeswoman confirmed Mr Fuimaono had stabbed Ruth before taking his own life.

Ruth had reportedly gone to his house in an attempt to resolve issues after their four-year relationship ended.

Mr Fuimaono's family was present during the stabbing and had tried to intervene.

"It's hard (for the families) to deal with. They are both 22 and you never expect your kids to die," Chief Inspector Paul Tickner said.

Police are still investigating the incident. No charges have been laid.

THE ROAD AHEAD

If the accused are convicted, these eight women contribute to the 52 who die on average each year.

However, 2020 is no average year. Research shows women's vulnerability is exacerbated during times of crisis and the last recorded death highlights the dilemma they are facing during the coronavirus threat.

With social distancing measures forcing them to stay inside with their aggressors in domestic situations that are ordinarily at pressure-cooker level, this year is tipped to be worse.

Family violence has been spiking across the nation since COVID-19 restrictions forced West Australians to stay home.

In WA alone, police statistics released earlier this month show family violence is at an all-time high. There were 2082 reports of family-related assaults in March - a 17 per cent increase year-on-year.

There was also a 47 per cent rise in calls to the WA Women's Domestic Violence Helpline in March and April since last year, with 1690 desperate calls made to the centre.

And the crisis has only just begun.

Just how much these sobering statistics will change over coming months remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is many more women will tragically lose their lives to domestic violence this year.

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As May draws to a close we're left with many sobering statistics. Those related to COVID-19 have dominated the headlines so much so a growing collection of chilling deaths have gone relatively unnoticed. This month eight women have been allegedly killed by domestic violence in Australia.

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Chinese military recruits take part in a training exercise at a base in Hebei province, north China [File: China Newsphoto/Reuters]

Danny Jia was walking down a street outside Taiwan's Taoyuan city in late December when he suddenly heard automatic gunfire.

Not far from Jia's location that morning, the 249th mechanised infantry brigade of the Taiwanese armed forces was conducting military drills at Guanyin beach on the island's northwest coast.

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"I was so startled that I almost dropped my phone," the 46-year-old civil servant told Al Jazeera.

"The exercises are also a scary reminder that a war might actually come to Taiwan in the future," Jia said.

Guanyin beach is one of Taiwan's so-called "red beaches" - stretches of the coastline that in the event of a Chinese invasion, offer the most favourable conditions for amphibious landing assaults.

For China's military planners, Guanyin beach would be particularly suitable as it lies less than 18 kilometres (11 miles) from Taiwan's primary international airport, and only about 50 kilometres (31 miles) from the outskirts of the Taiwanese capital, Taipei.

Democratic and self-ruled Taiwan has never been part of the People's Republic of China (PRC), but Beijing considers Taiwan to be part of its territory and has not ruled out using force to bring the island under its control.

In his new year speech, Chinese President Xi Jinping called Taiwan's unification with mainland China "inevitable".

With the ever-present threat of China's troops spilling onto Taiwan's shores one day, Jia believes that the military drills on red beaches serve an important purpose in preparing the Taiwanese military for the worst.

Recently, however, Jia has found himself convinced that such a scenario is far from certain due to events in China's own military ranks.

At the end of December, nine high-ranking military officers were removed from their positions.

Several of those axed were from the Chinese military's elite "rocket force", which oversees China's tactical and nuclear missiles.

Earlier, in August, two leading figures in the rocket force were likewise removed.

That same month, the then-Chinese defence minister, Li Shuangfu, went missing.

Li has since been dismissed and replaced by Dong Jun.

With so many changes among the top brass, Jia said he failed to see how the Chinese armed forces could be prepared for the complex planning involved in a large-scale assault on Taiwan in the near future.

"I think there is too much chaos in China's military for that," he said.

A limited Taiwanese respite

People in Taiwan have reasons to feel more secure, according to Christina Chen, a research fellow at Taiwan's Institute for National Defense and Security Research (INDSR) think tank.

"The removal of senior officers demonstrates that Xi Jinping is clearly not confident in the military, and that reduces the likelihood of a Chinese attack on Taiwan in the near term," Chen told Al Jazeera.

The relatively large number of Chinese officers expelled in such a short time can also affect the armed forces' fighting spirit as uncertainty spreads as to who will be targeted next.

"More removals might follow and that could further weaken the morale of the military and its ability to fight," Chen said.

While the risk of an imminent conflict in the Taiwan Strait may have been reduced, Chen sees Beijing's long-term goal of taking over Taiwan staying firmly in place.

China's new defence minister, Dong Jun, has experience with military matters regarding Taiwan from his previous roles as commander of the Chinese navy, deputy commander of the Southern Theatre Command and deputy commander of China's East Sea Fleet.

Although a defence minister serves mostly a diplomatic and public role in China, the appointment of the highly experienced Dong Jun was not arbitrary, according to Chen.

It reflects Beijing's overall ambition of turning China into a maritime power that can rival the United States and eventually annex Taiwan, she said.

Beijing has in recent years increasingly projected its growing maritime and air power in Taiwan's direction.

Airborne and maritime incursions into Taiwan's air and sea space have become a daily occurrence by the Chinese armed forces.

Sabre-rattling rhetoric and large-scale military drills in the waters close to Taiwan have also accompanied times of particular tension.

This was the case in the aftermath of then-US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's visit to Taipei in 2022 and after Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen's stopover in San Francisco last year where she met with Pelosi's successor, Kevin McCarthy.

Some observers expect a similarly assertive Chinese reaction leading up to President-elect William Lai Ching-te taking office in May following his victory in the Taiwanese presidential election on January 13.

Beijing has branded Lai a separatist and declared that the election result would not change the Chinese government's stance on Taiwan's unification with the mainland.

Chen sees Beijing's pressure campaign directed at Taiwan continuing despite the dismissals in the Chinese military ranks.

"That will not change no matter how many military officers are removed," she said.

The biggest purge

According to Associate Professor Alfred Wu, a scholar specialising in corruption and governance in China at the National University of Singapore, the removal of Chinese military officials is more than a simple shake-up.

"In addition to the anticorruption effort, it is a purge," Wu told Al Jazeera.

"Xi Jinping is strengthening his hold over the military and sending a signal to all those that are not completely aligned with him that they might be next and therefore should be afraid," he said.

Wu described the use of fear as a tool employed to try to secure loyalty in China's authoritarian state structure where a lack of oversight and transparency can easily result in corruption and poor governance.

Since Xi came to power in 2012, several anticorruption campaigns have resulted in purges throughout the Chinese state apparatus.

The Chinese military has long had a reputation for corruption, but the fact that the army's elite rocket force has been targeted is unprecedented.

The scale of the crackdown has left observers describing it as one of the biggest in Chinese military history.

Under the rule of Xi, who has called for the military's absolute loyalty, purges are, in Wu's words, "a continuous process".

Purges might even grow in frequency and magnitude, according to Wu, as the legitimacy that the Chinese government enjoyed during the country's economic boom years comes under strain at a time when the Chinese economy is showing signs of weakness.

"The economic situation might cause insecurity to grow within the Chinese government leading them to take more hawkish steps to secure loyalty within the state and in the military," he said.

However, continuing purges within the Chinese military may have a lingering impact on its capabilities.

"It's difficult to fight a war if many of your generals are in jail," Wu said.

Back on the outskirts of Taoyuan city near one of Taiwan's "red beaches", Jia, the civil servant who was startled by the military exercises in December, said that he doesn't wish ill on anyone.

But he also hopes the purges continue if they protect peace.

"I hope that more Chinese officers will lose their jobs if it means we won't get a war."

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Purges in China's military allow Taiwan some respite - for now

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Turmoil in China's senior ranks raises questions about morale and whether the chaos reduces the threat to Taiwan.

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The murder of five women within 10 days in Australia, allegedly by men they knew, has left Manuela Whitford feeling "numb."

"We've become so conditioned ... you hear it all the time, I've just become so numb," she said. "But on the other scale, I go, 'Oh, my God,' I'm doing a good thing for the people that I can help."

Whitford is the founder of Friends with Dignity, a Brisbane-based charity that gives families fleeing domestic violence everything they need to feel at home in emergency accommodation.

They're mostly mothers with children, who leave with few possessions but carry the weight of fear and worry about where they're going and how they're going to cope.

"They are so isolated. This is years of conditioning people that you're not good enough, you're not worth it, you've got no value," Whitford said from the charity's warehouse south of Brisbane.

Tucked at the back of an industrial park, the warehouse shelves are piled high with household goods, boxes of toys, and mattresses washed, stacked and ready for delivery to apartments secured by welfare agencies.

It's hoped the donations will help save lives, but it's the women who were unable to escape allegedly violent men that made headlines in Australia in recent weeks.

The five women killed in 10 days include a 21-year-old water polo coach who had reportedly recently split up with her suspected killer, and a 65-year-old woman whose elderly husband has been accused of murder.

They're now numbers on a national count that's at 43 so far this year, according to Counting Dead Women, a research project started by feminist group Destroy the Joint, which takes its name from an insult hurled in 2012 by an Australian shock jock who accused women leaders of "destroying the joint."

5 dead women

The most recent alleged murder was discovered on Monday, when security staff at the Crown Towers hotel in Perth, Western Australia, received a phone call from worried family members of Alice McShera, a 34-year-old lawyer.

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5 deaths in 10 days point to a problem Australia wants to solve | CNN

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The murder of five women within 10 days in Australia, allegedly by men they knew, has left Manuela Whitford feeling "numb."

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A recent analysis by the Zoological Society of London found that over half of the 100 most significant tropical timber and pulp companies do not publicly commit to protecting biodiversity and only 44% have yet to publicly commit to zero deforestation. As of 2021, forests still cover about 31% of the world's land area, but they are disappearing at an alarming rate. Since 1990, the world lost 1.3 million square kilometres of forest due to deforestation for land uses and commercial agriculture. The area of primary forest worldwide has since decreased by over 80 million hectares. A number of companies remain to be the drivers for deforestation and they should be named and shamed and held accountable for their actions, which threaten every inhabitant of the planet: human, animal, and plant. There are many, but here are 13 major companies that are responsible for deforestation.
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Who Is Responsible for Deforestation?

1. Cargill

The US-based company has a long history of destruction and one of the biggest companies that contribute to deforestation, according to a report by the NGO Mighty Earth. The report details how Cargill profits from the destruction of the environment and the exploitation of people. In Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Bolivia, Cargill is involved in the destruction of the Amazon, Grand Chaco, and Cerrado ecosystems for the production of soy and beef. In Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, Cargill buys coca that has been illegally grown in protected areas and national parks. In Indonesia and Malaysia, Cargill buys palm oil from companies that illegally clear rainforests. The report also claims that Cargill uses inaccurate accounting methods to underestimate how harmful its practices are. Its corporate customers include McDonald's, Burger King, Walmart, Walmart, Unilever, and more.

2. BlackRock

In January 2020, investment firm BlackRock announced it would exit investments with high environmental risks, including thermal coal. They also said that they would launch new investment products that screen for fossil fuels. However, BlackRock has been accused of " climate hypocrisy " since, in September, a big data tool found that the firm's ESG funds hold companies with a deforestation risk that stretches over 500 hectares of land, more than any other fund.

3. Wilmar International Ltd.

The world's largest refiner and trader of palm oil, Wilmar International received a total score of 25% on Forest 500, which assesses the biggest companies in the world in terms of their anti-deforestation commitments. The company is one of the world's largest oil palm plantation owners and processors, reportedly controlling around 45% of worldwide palm oil trade sourced from more than 80% of global palm oil growers. Wilmar also has a global soybean crushing capacity of 36 million metric tons per year, the majority of which is in China. It has no commitments to protect priority forests and no commitments to report on its supply chain. They also do not monitor or verify supplier compliance. Furthermore, in April 2020, the company left a committee that helps to identify forest areas for protection.

4. Walmart
You might also like: 10 Amazon Rainforest Deforestation Facts to Know About
Walmart has set zero-deforestation goals for 2020, however, it does not have a system in place to track and monitor the origin of forest-risk commodities - palm oil, pulp and paper, soy, and beef; it says that implementing such a system is " not an immediate business priority. " It is unlikely that it will meet the goals defined for these key commodities, but it also "does not know" what percentage of the soy and beef used in the product it sells is produced with zero net deforestation.

In 2019, Mighty Earth was publicly linked to the fires in the Amazon as it conducted business with the Brazilian beef company JBS. Walmart is also a major buyer of Cargill's products, the second-largest Brazilian soy exporter.

5. JBS

JBS is one of Brazil's leading exporters of beef and one of the more known deforestation companies. It operates over 200 production facilities worldwide, processing many tens of thousands of cattle per day. In addition to beef, JBS uses soy in its animal feed in cattle feedlots, poultry, and swine farms. On the Forest 500 index, it has received a score of just 39%.

Further, in July 2020, JBS reportedly acquired cattle from a farm in the Brazilian Amazon which is under sanction for illegal deforestation, the fifth time in a year that the company has been linked to illegal deforestation.

6. IKEA

Despite claims that it does not accept illegally logged wood in its products, a report accused IKEA of sourcing manufactured products from suppliers that have used logs that were felled illegally in Ukraine. VGSM, one of IKEA's suppliers, also cut down trees during a "silence period" between April and mid-June, when certain forms of logging in Ukraine are banned during the critical breeding period for lynx and other species. Those logs were also felled under a "sanitary felling" permit, a widely-used loophole in Ukrainian that allows for trees to be cut down and sold provided they were already damaged by disease or insect infestation. These permits are often issued even when the felled trees show little or no signs of degradation.

According to the company, they are the largest producer of wooden furniture in the world, meaning that their operations require large amounts of timber.

Despite saying that it will investigate the claim and potentially end its relationship with the law-breaking supplier, the Swedish furniture company received a score of 48% on the Forest 500 index, failing in the commodity categories of timber, leather, pulp and paper, and palm oil. Its commitment strength to protect priority forests is also low for all commodities.

In 2021, the Swedish giant was also implicated in an Earthsight investigation for selling children's furniture made from wood linked to illegal logging in protected Siberian forests in Russia.

7. Korindo Group PT

Korindo group is an Indonesian-based producer, processor, and manufacturer of various products, including wind towers, battery separators, specialised container vehicles, and cast iron products. It has plantations of palm oil and timber.

A two-year investigation process by the International Board of Directors of the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), a global certification body on responsible forest management found the company guilty of violating its association policies. Korindo has engaged in massive-scale deforestation in Papua and North Maluku (more than 30 000 hectares in the two years prior to filing the complaint), Indonesia, and has been using the FSC's eco-forestry label to greenwash its practices. The investigation also found that the company destroys critical wildlife habitats and violates traditional and human rights. It sells its timber, plywood, pulpwood, biomass, and newsprint to Asia Pulp & Paper, APRIL, Sumitomo Forestry, Oji Corporation, and News Corps Australia.

The company has received a score of 38% on the Forest 500 index based on its poor commitment strength, reporting and implementation, and social considerations.

8. Yakult Honsha Co. Ltd

This is the Japanese manufacturer of the popular probiotic milk drink Yakult. It also produces a variety of other food and beverage products, as well as pharmaceuticals and cosmetics. Through its various product lines, Yakult is exposed to forest risk commodity palm oil, soy, and pulp and paper.

Shockingly, it has a score of 3% on the Forest 500 index; it has made no commitments to protect any priority forests in which it operates. In 2018, it committed to ending deforestation by 2020 but it has since dropped that commitment.

9. Starbucks

In 2015, Starbucks was ranked as the largest chain of coffee shops in the world by the number of stores; in 2017, it had over 24 000 outlets in 70 countries. Starbucks also sells teas, bottled drinks, baked goods, snacks, and other food. Its products and packaging expose the company to various forest risk commodities such as palm oil, soy, beef, and paper. On the Forest 500 index, it performs very poorly for palm oil, soy, and pulp and paper, but especially soy, where its commitment strength, reporting and monitoring, and social consideration scores are abysmal. It scored 25% on the index overall, making it one of the companies that caused deforestation.

Starbucks says that 99% of its coffee is now ethically sourced, but it has yet to adopt sourcing policies that ensure that the palm oil in its baked goods does not contribute to deforestation, climate change, and human rights violations. A Wall Street Journal investigation found human rights abuses on plantations in Malaysia.

10. McDonald's

McDonald's has more than 36 000 locations in over 100 countries. Its burgers, sandwiches, sides, and beverages involve significant amounts of beef, soy, and palm oil, as well as paper in packaging. In 2015, over 120 000 metric tons of palm oil were used by McDonald's. The fast-food restaurant gets its soy from Cargill, one of the most renowned deforestation companies.

These companies conduct billions of dollars' worth of business all around the world- they should not be allowed to continue their wanton acts of destruction against the environment, deforestation or otherwise. Wherever possible, the countries in which they operate should mandate that they either source their products in an ethical and sustainable way, or move their production somewhere else. If every country were to take this hard a stance, these unethical companies would soon have nowhere to go.

11. Yum! Brands

The American fast food corporation owns a majority of the country's biggest fast food chains including KFC, Pizza Hut and Taco Bell. Considering the massive amounts of meat, soy, palm oil, and paper used in its restaurants in the US and across the world, Yum! Brand is unsurprisingly one of the major companies that contribute to deforestation in order to get ahold of these commodities. According to the WWF Palm Oil Buyers Scorecard in 2019, Yum rack up to a total of 157,776 tonnes of palm oil used in a year.

Despite the corporation having made a commitment to eliminate deforestation from their global supply chains by 2020, a CDP Consumer Deforestation Report found that not only Yum was not able to achieve that target, but industry-wide deforestation goals were also not met.

12. Procter & Gamble (P&G)

The consumer goods giant P&G was recently given a grade F in the released by Rainforest Action Network (RAN) when evaluating the major companies, banks and other parties who are involved in deforestation. P&G has been criticised for their inadequate action in addressing the impact of its sourcing of forest-risk commodities, and failure to ensure that their forest sourcing does not infringe on Indigenous rights and negatively impact threatened species.

The WWF reported that P&G used a total of 463,295 tonnes of palm oil in 2019 and was not able to guarantee sourcing 100% sustainable palm oil.
Featured image by: Sandile Ndlovu You might also like: How Does Deforestation Affect the Environment?
13. Ahold Delhaize

The supermarket chain Ahold Delhaize, which forms an umbrella over companies like Stop & Shop, Food Lion, Giant, Hannaford, and other brands, has said they aim to achieve zero deforestation and conversion by 2025. However in 2018, they launched a $100 million joint venture with Cargill to operate a new meat packaging plant supplying Ahold Delhaize's stores in the US, as well as continue to source meat from another leading deforestation company, JBS. The fact that the zero deforestation goal currently only applies to the company itself and not to the entire corporate group is also telling of its commitment to deforestation.

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13 Major Companies Responsible for Deforestation | Earth.Org

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Between 1990 and 2016, the world lost 1.3m sq km of forest. There are many, but here are 12 companies that are responsible for deforestation.

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BACKGROUND

HAMAS formed in late 1987 at the beginning of the first Palestinian intifada (uprising). Its roots are in the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, and it is supported by a robust sociopolitical structure inside the Palestinian territories. The group's charter calls for establishing an Islamic Palestinian state in place of Israel and rejects all agreements made between the PLO and Israel. HAMAS' strength is concentrated in the Gaza Strip and areas of the West Bank.

HAMAS has a military wing known as the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades that has conducted many anti-Israel attacks in both Israel and the Palestinian territories since the 1990s. These attacks have included large-scale bombings against Israeli civilian targets, small-arms attacks, improvised roadside explosives, and rocket attacks.

The group in early 2006 won legislative elections in the Palestinian territories, ending the secular Fatah party's hold on the Palestinian Authority and challenging Fatah's leadership of the Palestinian nationalist movement. HAMAS continues to refuse to recognize or renounce violent resistance against Israel and in early 2008 conducted a suicide bombing, killing one civilian, as well as numerous rocket and mortar attacks that have injured civilians. The US Government has designated HAMAS a Foreign Terrorist Organization.

HAMAS in June 2008 entered into a six-month agreement with Israel that significantly reduced rocket attacks. Following the temporary calm, HAMAS resumed its rocket attacks, which precipitated a major Israeli military operation in late December 2008. After destroying much of HAMAS' infrastructure in the Gaza Strip, Israel declared a unilateral cease-fire on 18 January 2009.

HAMAS and Fatah in April 2011 agreed to form an interim government and hold elections, reaffirming this pledge in February 2012. HAMAS departed its long-time political headquarters in Damascus in February and dispersed throughout the region as Syrian President Bashar al-Asad's crackdown on opposition in the country made remaining in Syria untenable for the group. In May 2012, HAMAS claimed to have established a 300-strong force to prevent other Palestinian resistance groups from firing rockets into Israel. Conflict broke out again in November. While HAMAS had worked to maintain the cease-fire brokered by Egypt that ended the week-long conflict, other Palestinian militant groups flouted the cease-fire with sporadic rocket attacks throughout 2013 and 2014. Fatah and HAMAS in April 2014 agreed to form a technocratic unity government headed by PA Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah and to hold legislative elections within six months. HAMAS has not renounced violent resistance against Israel even while pursuing reconciliation with Fatah.

In July 2014, the uneasy calm between HAMAS and Israel broke down completely after three Israeli teenagers were kidnapped and killed in the West Bank in June-deaths ascribed by Israel to HAMAS-and a Palestinian was killed by Israeli settlers in revenge. Retaliatory rocket attacks by HAMAS's military wing and other Palestinian militants in the Gaza Strip escalated into the longest and most lethal conflict with Israel since 2009.
INFORMATION UPDATED AS OF JANUARY, 2014.

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National Counterterrorism Center | Groups

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BACKGROUND HAMAS formed in late 1987 at the beginning of the first Palestinian intifada (uprising). Its roots are in the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, and it is supported by a robust sociopolitical structure inside the Palestinian territories.

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In the absence of human activity, fires would not burn in the heart of the Amazon rainforest. It's too wet, even during the driest parts of the year. Yet for as long as satellites have made large-scale monitoring of the rainforest possible, researchers have observed thousands of fires in the Amazon every year, with especially intense activity during the dry months of July through November.

2023 is no exception. Satellite observations from several fire monitoring platforms, including the SERVIR Amazon Fire Dashboard, the Brazilian Space Agency's Queimadas program, and NASA's Fire Information for Resource Management System have detected large numbers of fires burning throughout the Amazon basin since the start of the year. They have also observed particularly intense fire activity in September and October in the northern and western Amazon as drought tightened its grip on the region.

Every year, people intentionally light large numbers of fires in the Amazon basin. Often, the goal is to clear forests or manage crops and pastures, though there are an array of other reasons including burning trash or starting cooking fires. Some fires are unintentional ignitions associated with human activity, including discarded cigarettes or sparks from electrical or farming equipment.

In 2023, as researchers forecasted months in advance, the peak of fire season coincided with an ongoing El Niño and a drought in the northern and western part of the basin that worsened the burning. Outbreaks of fire were particularly intense in Amazonas, Para, and Amapá, according to satellite observations. In these areas, drought conditions followed by hot and dry weather have enlarged fires that would have otherwise been unable to spread.

The MODIS ( Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer) sensor on NASA's Terra satellite captured an image (top of the page) showing smoke streaming from fires burning near Manaus on October 11, 2023. The city, a transportation and manufacturing hub deep in the rainforest, is the capital city of Brazil's Amazonas state. Smoke from the fires periodically engulfed the city of two million in September and October, at times giving Manaus some of the most polluted skies in the world.

Data from the SERVIR Amazon Fire Dashboard indicates that a mixture of fire types burned in the area at the time. Among them: small clearing and agriculture fires that are used to manage crops, deforestation fires ignited to burn trees that were bull dozed and felled earlier during wet season, and grassland fires used to manage pastures. The system also detected large numbers of understory forest fires, a particularly harmful type of fire that can cause damage that persists for decades.

"Deforestation fires are happening this year as well, but I'm especially worried about the addition of so many understory forest fires associated with the drought," said Douglas Morton, chief of the Biospheric Sciences Laboratory at NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center. "This is a classic response to El Niño. We've seen lower rainfall and lower river levels and water tables-conditions that made it more likely that fires could escape their intended boundaries and burn into standing Amazon rainforest."

It is possible to identify some understory forest fires with the VIIRS ( Visible Infrared Imaging Radiometer Suite) sensors on the Suomi NPP and NOAA-20 satellites, but it's challenging for satellites to detect all of them because they often burn beneath dense canopy. Sensors on Landsat 8 and 9 and the Sentinel-2 satellites offer more detailed observations than VIIRS and can sometimes detect understory fires, though they pass over the Amazon basin less frequently than VIIRS.

The false-color image above, captured by the OLI-2 ( Operational Land Imager-2) sensor on Landsat 9, shows an example of several understory fires burning in densely forested areas south of Manaus. The use of the sensor's observations in the shortwave infrared makes it easier to identify fires.

"Understory fires are lose-lose: they degrade the value of forests and contribute to climate change," added Morton. "We've been working as quickly as possible to get data from the SERVIR Amazon Fire Dashboard and several satellites about the location of these fires to fire brigades on the ground to support suppression efforts as quickly as possible. This is an all-hands-on-deck situation."
NASA Earth Observatory images by Lauren Dauphin, using MODIS data from NASA EOSDIS LANCE and GIBS/Worldview and Landsat data from the U.S. Geological Survey. Story by Adam Voiland.

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With an El Niño brewing in the Pacific, uncontrolled fires are burning beneath the canopy in some parts of the rainforest.

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Myanmar's anti-coup forces have made major gains in recent months [AFP]

On February 1, 2021, a military coup in Myanmar sparked widespread nonviolent protests that quickly turned into an armed uprising after the military responded with brutal force.

Ethnic armed organisations fighting for autonomy along the country's borders also joined the anti-coup groups in a war, which has since reached an unprecedented scale in Myanmar's history.

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Resistance forces share not only a common enemy but also a desire to overturn Myanmar's military-dominated political system and establish a federal democracy that grants the right to self-determination for its ethnic minorities.

Al Jazeera spoke with four people who are part of the armed resistance.

They come from different backgrounds and are serving with different groups, but nonetheless share the same broad political goals, as well as a will to advance a more just and equitable society.

They are using their noms de guerre to protect their families from military reprisals.

Ma Wai, 32, Bamar People's Liberation Army

The BPLA, established in April 2021 by activist and poet Maung Saungkha, is the country's only armed resistance group identifying with the ethnic Bamar majority, and which specifically seeks to combat the dominant role of Bamar people in Myanmar society. Since late October, it has taken an active role in Operation 1027, a joint offensive that has brought major gains for anti-coup forces.

Ma Wai returned to her village in the Bago region from Dubai during the pandemic, with a plan to go back and resume her job as a chef at a four-star hotel once travel restrictions eased. Then the coup happened, and she joined street demonstrations instead.

Weeks later, soldiers and police were firing live rounds, and Ma Wai was tending to a wounded protester. "I saw the blood flowing with my own eyes," she said. "The incident was so vivid and devastating that it will haunt me for the rest of my life."

Soon, her peers were taking up arms in the jungle, but Ma Wai initially hesitated to join them. Her job in Dubai had provided the main source of income for her widowed mother and two younger brothers, who are both in their 20s, and she worried about how they would get by if she didn't go back.

Still, her commitment to resisting the military won out, and she confided her decision to her brother the day before her planned departure for the jungle. "He told me, 'Sister, you're a girl, so don't go. As a boy. I can do more, so I'm supposed to go,'" she recalled.

Ultimately, however, their mother gave them both her blessing. "[She] decided, 'You both should go as you made this decision for the people,'" said Ma Wai.

In May of 2021, she and her brother enlisted in one of thousands of groups forming across the country at the time, commonly known as people's defence forces (PDFs). Like many PDFs, theirs was based in the territory of the Karen National Union, Myanmar's oldest ethnic armed organisation. Although it signed a ceasefire with the military in 2012, it has resumed its fight for self-determination since the coup, while also participating in the country's wider pro-democracy struggle.

Ma Wai joined the resistance intending to fight until the end, but her plans soon began to falter. Her PDF's leaders seemed not to have a clear plan for its recruits, who began returning to their towns and villages after completing the group's 10-day military training.

"I knew that the training wasn't enough for me to fight against the military, but when I thought about returning home, I didn't want to go back either," said Ma Wai. "I really wanted to connect with a group that could provide weapons and train us well."

The opportunity came that August, through a chance encounter with BPLA leader Maung Saungkha. As he spoke about the group's philosophy and approach, as well as its equal treatment of women and men, Ma Wai's direction became clear. "I felt that he wasn't talking like an election campaign, but expressing his determination, vision and mission," she said. "I realised that this was the kind of group I wanted to join."

Her brother came to the same decision, and soon after, they were climbing rugged mountains in the heavy rain and linking arms with their new comrades to cross rushing streams. When they reached their new camp, they underwent a training programme far more rigorous than the first - so much so that Ma Wai's legs became stiff and swollen, and her trainers told her to seek medical attention.

Realising her limitations, she said, was even harder than enduring the ache in her legs. "The trainers didn't allow me to continue even though I straightened up and tried to force myself," she said. "It was the most painful moment for me."

She later completed the training after receiving treatment for vitamin B12 deficiency and began serving in a logistical role to manage the distribution of rations to BPLA soldiers. A year later, she was transferred to the finance and support department, and now supervises the BPLA's administration office.

Ma Wai estimates that while one-tenth of the BPLA's members are female, women make up about a third of people serving in leadership roles. While Ma Wai said she hasn't faced any discrimination as a woman, she acknowledged that she initially had to work extra hard to demonstrate her capabilities, especially to some of her male comrades.

"Sometimes ... they looked at me as if I didn't know anything, but that was in the early days," she said. "When we worked together, they came to understand me more and appreciate my talent."

She has also undergone a personal transformation, as she learns about the Myanmar military's brutal history against the country's ethnic minorities and reflects on her own identity as a member of the ethnic Bamar majority.

"In the past, I neglected to know about the [other] ethnic groups, their suffering and losses, and I acted like it wasn't my business," she said. "I also didn't notice that I was privileged as a Bamar."

Serving in the BPLA has also offered her the chance to study political theory. "Before this armed revolution, I called and shouted for federal democracy for our country in protests, but honestly, I didn't really know why this system was important for our country or what federalism or democracy were," she said. "I became aware of why Myanmar people are asking for it with their blood and sweat ... If the political system is bad, I know how much the people of the country will be affected."

Khun, 31, Karenni Nationalities Defence Forces

The Karenni Nationalities Defence Forces (KNDF) is a coalition of armed resistance groups in Myanmar's southeastern Karenni State (also known as Kayah State). Peaceful for nearly a decade leading up to the coup, the state has since seen heavy fighting, which despite a major disparity in arms, has resulted in major gains for resistance forces. Since launching a new operation in November, they have been closing in on the state capital and coming nearer to liberating the entire state from military control.

A migrant worker in Malaysia until 2019, Khun returned to his village in Karenni State's Demoso township at a time when opportunities for young people were opening up under the Aung San Suu Kyi-led semi-civilian government. The coup, however, crushed his optimism. "I lost all my dreams and felt depressed," he said.

He began leading protests in his village, and when his peers started joining the armed resistance soon after, helped to arrange their rations and supplies. He also coordinated their food and accommodation when they passed through his village, even as the military scaled up its campaign of bombing, shelling and raids on civilian areas, in a strategy known as four cuts, which seeks to cut off civilian support to resistance groups.

Demoso township was a particular target, and Khun, like most others from the area, has been repeatedly displaced. "The military council always attacks us at irregular times, like when people are asleep," he said. "These attacks really affect our mentality, and leave us depressed and disturbed."

Wanting to do more for the resistance, Khun joined the KNDF in January of 2022. "In this revolution, I'm trying my best to participate in every way, whether by saving a life or fetching a bucket of water," he said, referencing a Burmese proverb: "A single sesame seed cannot produce much oil, which requires the use of many seeds."

He said the decision was motivated not by vengeance, but by a desire to bring positive change to his society. "Our [Karenni] ethnic people need and want self-determination and autonomy, and to be able to practise our culture and language," he said. "I want us to have a nation where people of all ethnicities can coexist, and for there to be genuine peace."

As an armed combatant, he also emphasised the importance of adhering to high ethical standards and international humanitarian law. "I want to have a clear conscience in this revolution," he said.

Now overseeing rations distribution and fundraising for his battalion, while also helping to coordinate humanitarian support for displaced civilians, his work has become significantly harder since fighting began intensifying in November.

Displacement has surged, while the military has also cut off telecommunications access across the entire state. Khun spoke to Al Jazeera using Starlink, a satellite-based technology owned by billionaire Elon Musk which several resistance forces in Myanmar began using last year.

The associated costs and equipment have left the technology out of reach for most common civilians, however, including Khun's family. To communicate with them, he has to travel by motorbike to their displacement site, crossing terrain riven by conflict and landmines. A recent surge in fuel prices has also strained his ability to make the trip.

Still, he expressed optimism when considering the state of the Karenni resistance, which began with percussion-lock rifles and other hunting weapons and is now a well-organised force equipped with drones and machine guns.

"In the past, we had to defend ourselves, but now, we're attacking," said Khun.

Nehemiah, 23, Chin National Army

Established in 1988, the Chin National Front entered a ceasefire with the military in 2012 but resumed its armed struggle after the coup, while also training and supporting newly-formed resistance groups through its armed wing, the Chin National Army. Since late October, the CNA and allied Chin forces have seized strategic posts at the Indian border and driven out the military from multiple towns and villages.

Nehemiah, from a village in Chin State's Thantlang township, dropped out of university to join the CNA in 2019, when he was 19, out of a desire to protect the land inhabited by his ethnic people and promote the establishment of an autonomous Chin nation.

Since the CNF was in a ceasefire with the military at the time, he travelled 5,000 kilometres (3,107 miles) to Myanmar's northeastern border with China, where he trained instead under the Kachin Independence Army, one of Myanmar's strongest ethnic armed organisations.

When he returned home months after the coup, it was to a dramatically different situation. Anti-military sentiments had merged with a surge in Chin nationalism and the CNA's numbers had swelled. More than a dozen new resistance groups had also emerged, many with the CNF's support.

"After witnessing innocent people being killed without reason and experiencing the brutality of the Myanmar military, many people became more accepting of the armed revolution," said Nehemiah.

Now serving as a brigade captain, he has spent most of his time on the front line, applying the skills he learned in Kachin to fight the military on Myanmar's northwestern front

"The thing I am most proud of is that when we joined the battles, we stood firmly with our young subordinates and supported them with kindness, and that I complied with the chain of command from my seniors," he said.

But in a state known for its remote, mountainous terrain and high linguistic diversity, coordination has at times been difficult. "When it comes to our strengths and challenges, my response is very simple: unity and disunity," said Nehemiah.

He also expressed concern that over time, public support for the resistance might wane, and called for Chin people to come together so that the recent momentum on the battlefield could continue to accelerate. "Sooner or later, we will defeat the military if we all are united," he said. "Many of my people and friends lost their lives during this revolution, and a lot of innocent blood was shed, so I am determined to continue fighting until we win."

Noble, 24, People's Defence Force Dawei District

The People's Defence Force Dawei District, based in Myanmar's southernmost Tanintharyi region, is one of many resistance forces operating under the command of the National Unity Government, a parallel administration made up of elected politicians and activists who oppose the coup. Although the conflict in Tanintharyi has not reached the levels of intensity seen in many parts of the country, the region has nonetheless seen periods of intense fighting and displacement.

Noble, a university student union leader in Tanintharyi's regional capital of Dawei before the pandemic, is one of millions of students across Myanmar who boycotted classes after the coup as part of a wider civil disobedience movement. Active in nonviolent protests, she also participated in a campaign to convince the staff of her university to go on strike.

Fearing arrest, she left home shortly after the military power grab and began moving from place to place. Soldiers and police raided her home that November; unable to find her, they looted her family's valuables and arrested her mother and 17-year-old sister instead.

Her sister was released three days later, but her mother was given a two-year sentence for incitement, a charge the military has commonly levelled against activists and dissidents since the coup. It has also jailed hundreds of people by association; Noble's mother served a year and two months before being released in a prisoner amnesty.

Noble, for her part, enlisted in a PDF just a month after her mother's arrest. Assigned to a non-combat support role, she has since been travelling through remote, coastal areas where even fetching water can be difficult. "Sometimes, I even forget that I'm a woman," she said.

Just as she was getting accustomed to the new lifestyle, however, disaster struck. In September of 2022, military forces discovered her camp and encircled it as Noble and her comrades watched anxiously and began preparing for battle. They also called for reinforcements, but the military intercepted the attempt and arrested six of her comrades in the process. One escaped; Noble believes the other five are still in military custody.

Clashes erupted a few days later. Noble, who was still in the camp at the time along with two other comrades, received a message by walkie-talkie to begin a retreat. As they gathered the most essential items and fled to a safer place, a PDF member, who was serving as a scout during the camp evacuation, was shot in the hip.

"He tried to go to the place where we were gathering, but he couldn't reach it," said Noble. "We received a phone call from him saying that he had been injured and requesting help."

By the time Noble and her comrades reached him, dusk was setting in and rain was falling. As they attempted to dress the wound, they quickly realised they were ill-equipped to treat the 18-year-old fighter.

The next morning, they fastened him into a hammock and attempted to carry him to the nearest medical facility. But they struggled to find a route because there were so many military soldiers, and by the third day, the wound had become infected and the fighter died.

They buried him and continued walking for two more weeks in search of a place to set up camp, foraging for food along the way to supplement the last of their rice rations. They have since been working to regroup and rebuild, while also healing psychologically.

The experience, said Noble, has brought her closer to her comrades and also increased her empathy for displaced civilians. Although at times frustrated and discouraged, she said she gathers her strength by focusing on her comrades who lost their lives.

"Sometimes, it is uncomfortable for me to continue fighting and I want to return home, but when I feel that way, I consider that my fallen comrades would feel I had retreated halfway, and I want to continue," she said.

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Emily Fishbein,Jaw Tu Hkawng,Hpan Ja Brang

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'Blood and sweat': Myanmar resistance fights to overturn military coup

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Three years after the generals' power grab, anti-coup fighters say they want them out of Myanmar's politics.

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Russia's invasion and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine is today not just an assault on Ukrainian freedom and liberty, but also a threat to global order, said U.S. officials.

Two years ago today, on Feb. 24, 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine. Since then, Russia has failed to capture Kyiv, take control of the Ukrainian government, or stifle the spirit of the Ukrainian people.

"The scale of Putin's blunder is especially stark today," said Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III in a statement yesterday. "The Kremlin's forces failed to win the Battle of Kyiv, failed to topple Ukraine's democratically elected government, and failed to crush the will of the Ukrainian people.

"Ukraine has retaken more than half of the sovereign territory that was grabbed by the Kremlin's forces in 2022," he continued. "And as a result of Putin's unprovoked war, Russia has suffered hundreds of thousands of casualties, lost significant equipment, and severely set back its military modernization program."

Russia's war in Ukraine is not just a threat to Ukraine or the nations that share a border with it. Russia's war in Ukraine serves as a threat to all of Europe and the rest of the world, including the United States, President Joe Biden said.

"The American people and people around the world understand that the stakes of this fight extend far beyond Ukraine," Biden said in a statement released yesterday. "Ten years ago, Putin occupied Crimea and created puppet regimes in Ukraine's Luhansk and Donetsk regions. Two years ago, he tried to wipe Ukraine off the map. If Putin does not pay the price for his death and destruction, he will keep going. And the costs to the United States - along with our NATO allies and partners in Europe and around the world - will rise."

Today, as part of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, the United States continues to stand with Ukraine, along with international allies and partners, to provide what it needs for its defense now and in the future, Austin said.

"Since 2022, I have regularly convened some 50 countries from around the world as part of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group," Austin said. "This global coalition works together to ensure that Ukraine has the capabilities that it needs to defend its people from Russian aggression and take back its sovereign territory."

The first contact group meeting happened in April 2022 in Germany. At the time, Austin hosted nearly 40 nations to discuss current and future efforts to provide the support for Ukraine to maintain its sovereignty. Today, that monthly meeting has grown to some 50, like-minded nations that are united in their support of Ukraine's freedom.

"I hosted the most recent meeting of this contact group just last week, and I was struck again by the steadiness of its members' collective resolve," Austin said. "This historic coalition has committed more than $87 billion in security assistance to Ukraine since the start of Putin's war - including 15 U.S. allies that, as a percentage of [gross domestic product], contribute more to Ukraine's capability needs than the United States."

Since the start of the Russian invasion, the U.S. has provided, through presidential drawdown authority and the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, more than $44.2 billion in security assistance to Ukraine.

Presidential drawdown authority allows the president in certain circumstances to withdraw weapons, ammunitions and materiel from existing U.S. military stocks and provide that to other nations. As part of the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, DOD contracts for the purchase of materiel to be sent.

Included in the materiel that has been sent to Ukraine are: air defense systems, radar systems, artillery systems, tanks, helicopters, ground-combat and support vehicles, unmanned aerial systems, missiles, rockets, and millions of rounds of small arms ammunition.

It's not just equipment and weapons that is needed by Ukraine. Since the start of Russia's invasion, the U.S. and partner nations have also provided important training to Ukrainians to improve their combat skills and to help them learn to use the equipment that the U.S. and partners have provided.

Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III

The U.S. and partners have trained more than 123,000 Ukrainians at more than 80 locations around the world. The U.S. alone has provided training to some 19,000 Ukrainian service members on combined arms, specific combat platforms, and staff and leadership skills.

Also in the U.S., Ukrainian service members are being trained on the use of the F-16 aircraft. Other Ukrainian service members, both pilots and aircraft maintainers, are also in the United States to attend English-language classes as part of the F-16 training coalition led by Denmark and the Netherlands.

Going forward, Austin said, the U.S. must continue to stand with Ukraine, not just for the sake of Ukraine's own freedom and security, but for that of the world, as well.

"Today's grim milestone should spur us all to decide what kind of future we want for our children and grandchildren: an open, secure, and prosperous world of rules and rights or the violent and lawless world of aggression and chaos that Putin seeks," Austin said. "We support Ukraine's fight for freedom, both because it is the right thing to do and because doing so is central to America's continued security. After two years of Putin's reckless and lawless war, we salute Ukraine's brave defenders, and we wish Ukraine's unbowed citizens peace, security and freedom."

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Two Years in, Russia's War on Ukraine Continues to Pose Threat to Global Security

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Russia's invasion and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine is not just an assault on Ukrainian freedom and liberty, but also a threat to global order, U.S. officials said. ,

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Hamas's surprise attack on October 7 fundamentally reshaped the perception of the militant group, which had been thought by Israel to be veering away from violent confrontation. But it has not always been clear what Hamas actually sought to accomplish strategically with its assault. And with Israel attempting to destroy the organization - so far unsuccessfully - its role in the future of a devastated Gaza is far from assured. For perspective on Hamas's motivations and tactics, I spoke with Leila Seurat, a researcher at the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies in Paris, and the author of the book The Foreign Policy of Hamas.

We're about three months into the war in Gaza. But despite Israel's aerial bombardment and ground invasion, which have killed more than 23,000 people, Hamas continues to fire rockets into Israel, and its leadership has not been eradicated. Certainly the group's leader, Yahya Sinwar, is still alive. From Hamas's perspective, has this whole thing been, in a twisted way, a win?
﻿Yeah, I think we can talk about a kind of victory. We need to recall Hamas's first objectives and think about how it is really a victory concerning those first objectives.

Just after October 7, Hamas leaders declared three main objectives. The first was to capture Israeli soldiers in order to achieve a prisoner exchange. The second was to respond to attacks against Palestinians in the West Bank and to protect Al-Aqsa Mosque from settlers. The Hamas leaders, if you remember, claimed to have acted on behalf of Al-Aqsa, which is why the operation was called Al-Aqsa Flood. The third objective was putting the Palestinian cause at the center of international concerns and preventing the consolidation of regional agreements between Israel and Arab countries.

There are other kinds of objectives that relate to long-term strategy: weakening Israel's military apparatus, physically encircling the state of Israel on different fronts, targeting Israel from Lebanon. Another aim, at the level of public opinion, is to raise international awareness of the plight and injustice of the Palestinians. So I would say you have different kinds of objectives: the three I first mentioned and then the more broad, long-term strategy of the movement.

Now we can look at the results. The first objective - the prisoners - I think it's too early to say. A second agreement between Israel and Hamas has been blocked now that Israel has killed Saleh al-Arouri. But for the other objectives, we can assess that yes, it's a kind of victory. Even more - I would say that the results have been above Hamas's expectations. At the regional level, the plan worked very well because the strategy of uniting the front has involved not only the West Bank and Lebanon but also Iraq and Yemen.

Yeah, although Hamas might have thought that Hezbollah and Iran would immediately instigate a new war, which hasn't happened, at least not yet.
﻿But I think their objective is not to have a war in the traditional sense. I think they just only want to see different forces surrounding Israel and giving Israel difficulty. This is working, and it's working very well, I think. For me, it's quite clear that this will lead to a rebalancing shift against Israel.

Much of the Gaza Strip has been destroyed. Do you think on October 7, that's what Hamas expected to happen - this level of Israeli response?
﻿No, I don't think so. If we put ourselves in Hamas's shoes, I think we have to recognize that the plan didn't go as they expected. Because one, Hamas didn't know about the Nova Music Festiva l, which was acknowledged by Israeli police. Two, they did not expect to take the Erez Crossing so easily. This situation quickly allowed civilians to join the battlefield. It was a mess at the end.

I know Hamas is not one voice speaking in unison here. But what do they want to happen now? What does the end game of this conflict look like to them? Israel has said that Hamas can have no role in the leadership of Gaza - it has to be controlled by someone else. What does Hamas say to that?
﻿I think it was last week when Ismail Haniyeh said in a speech, three times in a row, that every single person who thinks that Hamas can be eradicated and removed from any kind of deal or solution is - they say wahm, or Sarab, in Arabic. It means that it's unrealistic, that it's a kind of illusion. The day al-Aruri was killed, he gave a speech, and he repeated this too. Hamas has said it many times. For them, it's like there is no way anyone can put them out of the game.

I think what Hamas would like to see is first a ceasefire as soon as possible to stop the massacre. Second, I think they want to obtain the best possible deal in negotiations, which will follow the ceasefire, meaning to exchange "all the prisoners for all." The best deal would be, of course, to include Ahmad Sa'adat and Marwan Barghouti. That would be an additional victory for them. There is no doubt that the deal would sanctify the fact of victory on the ground, which they have achieved, and nobody can say otherwise.

Let's say they get what they want in terms of a ceasefire and prisoner negotiations. Then what?
﻿The day after?

Yeah. Nobody knows what's going to happen, obviously. But I'm trying to figure out how they see it.
﻿I think the Biden administration knows that Hamas cannot be beaten, and so they're going to deal with Hamas, even though they will not recognize them. Biden may be waiting out Benjamin Netanyahu so he can work more with Yoav Gallant or someone else - it seems like he has already started to plan with Gallant. I don't know if you noticed, but Gallant said there will be Palestinians controlling their own security apparatus. He has distinguished himself from Netanyahu, and there is huge conflict between all of them in the military apparatus.

If a deal happens, it'll be a government of technocrats. A government of technocrats means, concretely, that Hamas is not in the government. But it's a way of saying that they're part of the deal.

In 2014, Hamas made a deal with Fatah for this kind of government. They've been talking about technocratic governments for I would say a decade. They know that for a government to be recognized, it will not include any official Hamas figures, and they don't have any problem with that. They will agree on it, but they want to be part of the reconstruction first.

So in this scenario, Hamas is de facto part of the government and Israel has been left more vulnerable. Is Hamas content with that, even if they don't destroy Israel altogether?
﻿Yes, of course. Hamas has been a really pragmatic movement since 2005, when they decided to be part of the electoral process before the victory of 2006.

There are many, many cases of this. The reconciliation agreements of 2005, 2006 - the prisoner agreement, etc. All the reconciliation agreements since then. Even in their own documents - the general policies published in 2017 recognized the borders of '75. We shouldn't see them as if they're playing a double game. For them and for all the Palestinians, it's a liberation struggle. But they're engaging with armed struggle and negotiations and politics at the same time. For them, there is no contradiction, and they're working on all the different fronts.

What does liberation look like to Hamas?
﻿For Hamas, and for the Palestinians, it can be either a two-state solution or a one-state solution. If you ask this question to a Hamas leader, he would say, "I don't have the answer, because I'm not the one who decides. I'm not going to talk about what the Palestinians will want in the future. We're just dealing with the national liberation struggle at the moment."

So there's not necessarily a clearly defined goal. It's about getting to a better position day by day.
﻿Of course. You know why? Because on the Israeli side, there is no clear position. Sometimes they talk about achieving an agreement, but they don't know what this agreement would look like. Most of the time they say that they don't want the Palestinians to have a state. There is no clear vision.

You wrote a recent essay in Foreign Affairs about the fact that the Hamas leadership in Gaza, even before October 7, was getting more powerful compared to the leadership in foreign capitals like Doha. How are these two factions aligned or not aligned now, do you think? Are they on the same page, and do they want the same things?
﻿I think they want the same thing. But they have disagreements, as in any political organization. That might be sometimes seen as ideological, but it doesn't mean that one guy is more moderate than this other guy. It's just competing for a position in an organization. I don't think Hamas is more divided than any other organization. Of course, where you sit influences the way you see things. I would say that there are no ideological differences, but that Hamas in Gaza has regained the political supremacy within the movement to the point that it is now leading the whole movement, on the battlefield and also on the communication level.

This is pretty new. If you look at the conflict, the al-Qassam brigades were not very strong on the media side. Now you have all these videos from the battlefield every day. This also explains the gap between the two. It's not an ideological gap; it's the fact that everything is concentrated into Gaza.

I wonder whether there's anger in some corners at Hamas for instigating this latest round of horrible violence. Maybe not right now, but when the rebuilding effort begins. It's not exactly easy to reconstruct the vast majority of the buildings that have been destroyed or damaged. Do you think there'll be some blowback among the population there?
﻿It's obviously a monumental cost for the Palestinians, but I think they're committed to this national liberation struggle. Until now, the Palestinians have not held Hamas responsible for the massacre, as Israel had hoped. I don't know if you noticed a recent poll in opinion published by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research. It recently showed that they're unanimous in the defense of the Palestinian resistance.

Of course, as you said, the support does not mean that the situation cannot evolve over time, I think particularly in the context of a disease, epidemics. If the deportation of Gazans becomes concrete and implemented, of course Palestinians will be fed up and Hamas will lose everything it has achieved - of course. But for the time being, the massacres have damaged Israel's reputation in what seems to be an irreversible manner. Legally speaking, also, we should remember that since Israel is the occupying power and the blockade of the Gaza Strip is still considered to be under the control of the organization, it is Israel that is, legally speaking, responsible for the civilians in the Gaza Strip.

It seems as though Hamas could have accomplished many of its goals without all the bloodshed of October 7, which then led to this huge barrage on Gaza. That's what confuses me. With the Gilad Shalit thing, they kidnapped one person, and they got a thousand prisoners in exchange. It was a great deal for them.
﻿They didn't want to have civilians. I'm 100 percent sure about this. Hamas in Doha said it's a burden for them. You can believe them or not. However, I think we can say that with the hostage issue, they managed to transform what was a burden into something positive for them.

We have to recognize that at the international level, October 7 was a success. It has brought the two-state solution back to the top of the international agenda. Western countries' commitment to Israel is becoming extremely costly, even in the U.S.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

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Hamas expert Leila Seurat on what the extremist group hoped to accomplish with its bloody attacks on October 7 - and what it wants now that Israel has devastated Gaza.

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On March 28, 2021, barely two months after the February 1 coup in Myanmar, a minor skirmish erupted at the Tarhan protest in Kalay township in central Sagaing region as demonstrators took up makeshift weapons to defend themselves against ruthless assaults by the junta's security forces. This was the first recorded instance of civilian armed resistance to the military's violent crackdown on peaceful protesters since the February 1 coup d'état.

New resistance fighters during a graduation ceremony in southern Karenni state, in Myanmar, on Feb. 1, 2024. (Adam Ferguson/The New York Times)

More than three years later, the landscape of the country's conflict has undergone a profound transformation. The military faces a national uprising that spans the breadth of the country. Unprecedented in its history, Myanmar's military has lost control over vast swathes of territory and strategically significant bases. Facing an increasingly coordinated and well-equipped resistance that enjoys widespread public support, there appears to be no way back for the regime.

According to ACLED, which monitors armed conflict around the world, the warfare in Myanmar currently ranks as the most intense violent conflict among the 50 countries it monitors. However, it has garnered little international attention. Its complexity has led many to revert to fatalistic narratives that Myanmar is irreconcilably fractious and that the military is bound to dominate. These narratives have led policymakers in some countries to conclude they have no choice but to engage the junta. The past three years have clearly shown these narratives to be false.

Nine Guideposts for Policymakers

Having closely observed and analyzed the resistance movement and armed conflict over the past three years, I have arrived at nine key observations that can guide policy discussions.

1. Although the resistance has far outperformed international expectations, many within the movement saw this coming. Since the inception of armed resistance, several international analysts predicted that the public would be easily ground into submission and resistance troops would exhaust themselves in their struggle against the powerful military. Instead, people have proven resilient, supported one another despite the junta's efforts to create suffering and displacement, and the armed resistance has grown in strength. Despite international pessimism, many within the movement who understand the public's motivation and unwillingness to be pacified by the military said from the beginning that they would prevail. These voices should be taken more seriously.

2. Trends matter more than incidents. As per my data, conflict incidents since the start of the armed resistance have occurred in 233 of 330 townships, with 45 towns now under the control of various resistance groups. In the country's protracted history of civil war, the magnitude of the current conflict and the territorial gains made by the resistance forces are unprecedented. The ongoing setbacks to the military are part of the pattern of the three-year trend of conflicts. These trends should be the primary focus of analysis - not isolated incidents that most analysts struggle to contextualize. Major events such as Operation 1027 garner the attention of analysts and policymakers as "inflection points" or a "shift"; however, they are emblematic of durable long-term and nationwide trends.
The gains from Operation 1027 - an offensive launched in October 2023 by an alliance of three ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) against the military junta - are the result of long-term trends of growing resistance coordination on the ground, a withering junta capacity and sustained public support for the movement. While history plays a role in interpreting conflicts like Myanmar's, many overemphasize its importance, leading to faulty comparisons. The argument that the Myanmar military has succeeded against multifront resistance in the past and, therefore, can again, often misrepresents history and offers limited predictive value. Worse, these arguments have fueled erroneous policymaking based on the belief that the military is stronger and more resilient than it actually is.

3. The Myanmar military is significantly weaker than previously believed and troop numbers are important. Within three years of the conflict, the military has suffered significant losses of ground troops due to defections, casualties and surrenders. As a result, the total number of combat and noncombat troops has now dwindled to 130,000, according to my estimates, with auxiliary forces of police and militias comprising around 70,000 - compared to earlier estimates of at least 300,000. Despite desperate attempts to replenish these losses - most recently through forced conscription - the shortage of manpower has made it challenging to hold territory and nearly impossible to retake lost territory.
Conversely, the current estimate of the resistance forces, newly founded after the coup, such as People's Defense Forces (PDFs), Local Defense Forces and People's Defense Team, stands at approximately 85,000 troops, according to my estimates. EAOs, many of which have fought the military for decades, have grown in strength since the coup to about 120,000 troops. Although the military has a significant advantage in air power and heavy weaponry, recent developments have proven the resistance's superior morale, improved weaponry and the public's support have enabled it to achieve major and unexpected gains.

4. The Myanmar military is not capable of retaking the territory it has lost in ethnic minority areas.
EAOs have emerged as key players in the post-coup conflict landscape. Many have dismantled the military's control apparatus in their territory or pushed them out entirely. As military power shifted to EAOs, so has political power. The military has lost over 60% of territory it controlled in ethnic minority areas - most significantly in the past six months alone. Facing heavy military pressure in many regions simultaneously and depleted troop levels, the military is seldom able to recapture lost bases and territory in these ethnic areas. For example, the regime has expended enormous resources toavoid losing Myawaddy, a crucial trade post on the Thai border, by making concessions to the Border Guard Force (BGF). However, sustaining control in this area, where it is surrounded by resistance forces, is unrealistic in the long run. With control slipping in ethnic areas, the military is focusing on preventing further losses in ethnic minority areas and has prioritized restoring control in the heartland of Myanmar, where newer PDFs are relatively weak. This is evident in successful counteroffensives to regain control of Kani and Kawlin. However, in the long run, it will likely struggle to maintain control even in these areas within Myanmar's heartland given that it has virtually no public support.

5. The military's apparatus of population and territory control is withering. The junta faces a public that is intent on its demise and unwilling to be pacified. As its apparatus of control disintegrates, so does any prospect that it can consolidate power. Of its 5,280 military positions, including outposts, bases and headquarters, the military has lost control of approximately 2,500, according to my data. Most of these bases were overrun by the resistance. In some cases, the Sit-Tat, as the military is known, withdrew strategically, but the vast caches of abandoned junta weapons demonstrate that "strategic consolidation" is the exception. The military also asserts control through its 330 General Administration Department offices and its BGF. The military has lost many General Administration Department offices with others actively collaborating with the resistance. Its BGF structure is collapsing as one of its BGFs defected, another is defunct and it has lost control of others.
This infrastructure has been instrumental in sustaining military dictatorships in Myanmar for decades and has been utilized repeatedly to initiate coups. This vast apparatus of control has enabled the military chief to stage coups against the public will by activating this apparatus of territorial and population control. Having lost much of its apparatus of control, another coup would be much less likely in the event that a civilian government emerges in place of this junta.

6. The Myanmar military remains the primary agent of instability. Before the coup, the Myanmar military's atrocities against ethnic minorities and genocide of Rohingya Muslims created millions of refugees, burdening Myanmar's neighbors. Since the coup, millions more have been displaced because of the junta's campaign against the public. Recent airstrikes by the military in Myawaddy have forced residents to flee to Thailand, highlighting the regime's ongoing destabilizing activities. Forced conscription has driven thousands of young people to seek refuge in liberated areas or outside Myanmar, leading to a surge in transnational criminal activities in the region. It represents the latest in a series of destabilizing actions by the military, which have plunged the country into turmoil with the military's sustained record of economic and financial mismanagement, as well as its campaigns against the people. Many have long understood the Myanmar military as the primary agent of instability, but for the first time in decades there is an opportunity to build a new, more stable governance structure.

7. Resistance coordination will be a decisive factor in shaping the outcome of the current conflict. After three years, the myriad resistance forces still struggle to coordinate strategically in their fight against the military. Since the onset of the resistance, many actors, particularly the National Unity Government (NUG) and EAOs, have endeavored to establish joint command. Tactical coordination has improved markedly but strategic coordination that is needed for synchronized nationwide offensives remains elusive. Facilitating strategic coordination among the plethora of groups will take time, but it will be a decisive factor in determining the outcome of the conflict in Myanmar.

8. War in Myanmar will not stop until the military is removed from a position of political power. Conflict will continue to escalate this year - particularly if international actors, who overestimate the junta's capability or demand it remains in a position of political influence, continue to prop up the enfeebled junta. The public remains resolute in their fight against the regime. They will not stop until the military does not have political power. Likewise, EAOs view the current situation as an opportunity to oust the military and consolidate control in their respective areas. As long as the regime remains in power, resistance forces nationwide will persist in their efforts to combat the illegitimate and oppressive regime.

9. This year may prove to be a decisive one for the conflict in Myanmar. Over the past six months, in northern Shan, Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Rakhine and Chin states, powerful EAOs have been escalating their attacks, gradually seizing control of additional towns and military positions. Concurrently, PDFs have been intensively preparing to infiltrate major cities and capitals. Recent attacks in Naypyitaw and Pyin Oo Lwin suggest that PDFs are prepared to launch operations in key urban areas, the regime's major strongholds, bolstered by increasing weaponry and combat capabilities. The generals in Naypyitaw have few options but to persist in their ruthless campaign and plead for help from their international enablers. This year could be a decisive one, shaping the conflict's trajectory for years to come.

Armed Resistance at a Crossroads

Myanmar's resistance movement finds itself at a pivotal crossroads that could shape the destiny of the nation for years to come. The resistance movement has sustained itself and matured over three years of opposition to the junta regime. Over the past six months, a profound transformation has occurred, tilting the balance of power decisively in favor of the resistance forces. What stands out amid the turmoil is the stark realization that the Myanmar military's domination of the country is no longer a given. Instead, it is an array of resistance stakeholders who will determine the trajectory of Myanmar's future.

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Nine Things to Know About Myanmar's Conflict Three Years On

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On March 28, 2021, barely two months after the February 1 coup in Myanmar, a minor skirmish erupted at the Tarhan protest in Kalay township in central Sagaing region as demonstrators took up makeshift weapons to defend themselves against ruthless assaults by the junta's security forces.

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Even as fierce debate on plastic pollution and single-use packaging continues in the Philippines, it is vital to address the lack of disposal facilities and stop the leakage of plastic waste into the oceans, industry experts said.

The use of plastic packaging by food and consumer goods companies has been blamed for the marine pollution crisis, but no other material is as effective in ensuring the safe transportation of food, Crispian Lao, head of the Philippine Alliance for Recycling and Materials Sustainability (PARMS), pointed out.

"If there is packaging that meets the demand of food safety and accountability in an archipelagic country like the Philippines, where food has to be transported from one island to another, then we are very much open to that," said Lao, whose multi-sectoral organisation aims to develop zero-waste programmes for schools and communities.

"But we are still in the process of looking for those solutions, so right now, we need to address problems as they come. What is important for now is to ensure that none of the waste enters our ecosystem."

Although the Philippines has a high garbage collection rate among Southeast Asian countries, rubbish is not properly disposed of, according to a 2018 study of waste management practices in the region.

Lao said 70 per cent of the Filipino population has no access to disposal facilities and sanitary landfills, causing waste to leak into the oceans.

The low compliance of cities to establish sanitary landfills has been blamed on the high cost of closing dumpsites, but Lao argued that regulations for building landfills are also "too strict".

Among other requirements, landfills must be built on clay, and at a distance from earthquake faults. But the country has very little clay and sits on several tectonic plates, he said.

Czarina Constantino, who spearheads the World Wide Fund for Nature's (WWF) global campaign in the Philippines to stop the flow of plastics into nature by 2030, agreed that the lack of waste disposal facilities is one of the main causes of plastic pollution in the country. Poorly resourced municipal governments are the reason for this.
Read the full article about plastic pollution in the Philippines by Hannah Alcoseba Fernandez at Eco-Business.

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Why Plastic Pollution in the Philippines is So Severe

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ven as fierce debate on plastic pollution and single-use packaging continues in the Philippines, it is vital to address the lack of disposal facilities and stop the leakage of plastic waste into the oceans, industry experts said. The use of plastic packag

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Israelis from the north and south find themselves displaced within their own country, as a result of the Gaza war, without any clear resolution in sight. Haaretz spoke to experts on displacement to understand the challenges it creates

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It's been nearly five months since October 7 and many Israelis have established some kind of new routine. Yes, the economic situation is deteriorating, thoughts about the hostages are heartrending, the bereavement circles are widening and anxiety is part of any reflection about the future.

In the News

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The tragedy of Israel's 135,000 displaced citizens

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Israelis From the North and South Find Themselves Displaced Within Their Own Country, as a Result of the Gaza War, Without Any Clear Resolution in Sight. Haaretz Spoke to Experts on Displacement to Understand the Challenges It Creates

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Israel-Hamas War, war between Israel and Palestinian militants, especially Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), that began on October 7, 2023, when Hamas launched a land, sea, and air assault on Israel from the Gaza Strip. The October 7 attack resulted in more than 1,200 deaths, primarily Israeli citizens, making it the deadliest day for Israel since its independence.

More than 240 people were also taken hostage during the attack. The next day, Israel declared itself in a state of war for the first time since the Yom Kippur War in 1973. The war began with the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) conducting air strikes on the Gaza Strip, followed weeks later by the incursion of ground troops and armored vehicles.

What led up to October 7

In 1948 the State of Israel was created on land inhabited by both Jews and Arab Palestinians. Hostilities between the two communities that year led to a mass displacement of Palestinians. Many of them became refugees in the Gaza Strip, a narrow swath of land roughly the size of Philadelphia that had come under the control of Egyptian forces in the 1948-49 Arab-Israeli war. The status of the Palestinians remained unresolved as the protracted Arab-Israeli conflict brought recurrent violence to the region, and the fate of the Gaza Strip fell into the hands of Israel when it occupied the territory in the Six-Day War of 1967.

In 1993 there was a glimmer of hope for a peaceful resolution when the Israeli government and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) reached an agreement on the creation of a Palestinian state alongside an Israeli state ( see two-state solution; Oslo Accords). Hamas, a militant Palestinian group founded in 1987 and opposed to the more conciliatory stance taken by the PLO, rejected the plan, which included Palestinian recognition of the State of Israel, and carried out a terror campaign in an attempt to disrupt it. The plan was ultimately derailed amid suicide bombings by Hamas and the 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin by a Jewish extremist. In 2005, in the wake of the collapse of the peace process, Israel unilaterally withdrew from the settlements it had constructed in the Gaza Strip after 1967, and in 2007, after factional conflict within the Palestinian Authority (PA), Hamas emerged as the de facto ruler in the Gaza Strip. The takeover by Hamas prompted a blockade of the Gaza Strip by Israel and Egypt and set the stage for the next decade and a half of continued unrest.

The first major conflict between Israel and Hamas, which included Israeli air strikes and a ground invasion, took place at the end of 2008. Hostilities continued to break out, most notably in 2012, 2014, and 2021. Among the factors complicating those hostilities were the high population density of the Gaza Strip and the proliferation of subterranean tunnels there. Those tunnels were used by Hamas and other Gazans to sidestep the blockade, to conduct operations, and to hide from Israeli forces, and they were difficult to detect or destroy, especially when constructed under urban dwellings.

These conflicts were devastating for the Gaza Strip and came at a high human cost for Gaza's civilians. But they usually lasted only weeks, resulted in few Israeli civilian casualties, and weakened Hamas's military capacity. Hostilities often resulted in cease-fire agreements that temporarily eased Israel's blockade and facilitated the transfer of foreign aid into the Gaza Strip. Many officials in Israel's defense establishment maintained that Hamas had been effectively deterred by years of conflict and that an occasional flare-up of violence would be manageable. On October 7 the error of that assumption became tragically clear. Ongoing violence in the West Bank, political turmoil at home, and simmering tensions with Hezbollah in Lebanon were among the distractions that left Israel unprepared for the onslaught from the Gaza Strip.

In early 2022 militants from the PIJ and new, localized groups in the West Bank, a territory northeast of the Gaza Strip that is also predominantly inhabited by Palestinians, conducted a string of attacks in Israel. The IDF responded with a series of raids in the West Bank, resulting in the deadliest year for the West Bank since the end of the second Palestinian intifada (uprising; 2000-05). The IDF targeted PIJ militants in the Gaza Strip-but left Hamas alone. In turn, Hamas refrained from escalating the conflict, bolstering the assumption by Israeli officials that they could prioritize other threats over Hamas.

At the close of 2022, Benjamin Netanyahu returned to office as Israel's prime minister after cobbling together the most far-right cabinet since Israel's independence, which proved to be domestically destabilizing. The cabinet pushed for reforms to Israel's basic laws that would bring the judiciary under legislative oversight; the polarizing move led to unprecedented strikes and protests by many Israelis, including thousands of army reservists, concerned over the separation of powers. In August 2023 senior military officials warned lawmakers that the readiness of the IDF for war had begun to weaken. All the while, provocations by Hezbollah were raising the risk of conflict along Israel's northern border.

But while tensions were brewing at home, Saudi Arabia-which had long conditioned diplomatic relations with Israel on the conclusion of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process-had begun negotiating with Israel and the United States on an Israeli-Saudi peace deal. Although Saudi Arabia sought concessions on issues related to the Palestinians, the Palestinians were not directly involved in the discussions and the deal was not expected to satisfy the grievances of the Palestinians in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Many observers believed that disrupting those negotiations was one of the goals of Hamas's October 7 attack.

That deal was part of a broader regional transformation. The United States, which had long been the driving force behind the peace process, sought a "pivot to Asia" in its foreign policy and hoped an Israeli-Saudi deal would reduce the resources it needed to devote to the Middle East. Iran, meanwhile, was consolidating an "axis of resistance" in the region that included Hezbollah in Lebanon, Pres. Bashar al-Assad in Syria, and Houthi rebels in Yemen. Hamas, whose relationship with Iran had been tumultuous in the 2010s, had grown closer to Iran after 2017 and received significant Iranian support to build up its military capacity and capability.

October 7, 2023, attack

On October 7, 2023, Hamas led a stunning coordinated attack, which took place on Shemini Atzeret, a Jewish holiday that closes the autumn thanksgiving festival of Sukkot. Many IDF soldiers were on leave, and the IDF's attention had been focused on Israel's northern border rather than on the Gaza Strip in the south.

The assault began about 6:30 am with a barrage of at least 2,200 rockets launched into Israel in just 20 minutes. During that opening salvo, Hamas used more than half the total number of rockets launched from Gaza during all of 2021's 11-day conflict. The barrage reportedly overwhelmed the Iron Dome system, the highly successful antimissile defense system deployed throughout Israel, although the IDF did not specify how many missiles penetrated the system. As the rockets rained down on Israel, at least 1,500 militants from Hamas and the PIJ infiltrated Israel at dozens of points by using explosives and bulldozers to breach the border, which was heavily fortified with smart technology, fencing, and concrete. They disabled communication networks for several of the Israeli military posts nearby, allowing them to attack those installations and enter civilian neighborhoods undetected. Militants simultaneously breached the maritime border by motorboat near the coastal town of Zikim. Others crossed into Israel on motorized paragliders.

About 1,200 people were killed in the assault, which included families attacked in their homes in kibbutzim and attendees of an outdoor music festival. That number largely comprised Israeli civilians but also included foreign nationals. A March 2024 United Nations report found evidence that some were victims of sexual violence before they were killed. Adding to the trauma was the fact that it was the deadliest day for Jews since the Holocaust.

More than 240 others were taken into the Gaza Strip as hostages. Many of them were taken from their homes and some from the music festival. Including Israelis with dual citizenship, more than half of those taken hostage collectively held passports from about two dozen countries, effectively pulling several countries into the efforts to release their citizens.

At war

At 8:23 am on October 7 the IDF announced a state of alert for war and began mobilizing its army reserves (eventually calling up more than 350,000 reservists over the next several days). Two hours later, IDF fighter jets began conducting air strikes in the Gaza Strip. On October 8 Israel declared itself in a state of war, and Netanyahu told residents of the blockaded enclave to "get out now. We will be everywhere and with all our might." On October 9 Israel ordered a "complete siege" of the Gaza Strip, cutting off water, electricity, food, and fuel from entering the territory.

As Israel conducted air strikes, international efforts were made to secure the release of the hostages. Qatar, which in years past had coordinated with Israel on the delivery of international aid packages to the Gaza Strip, became the key mediator, but in the first weeks of the war it managed to negotiate the release of only four of the people held by Hamas. Gaza's subterranean tunnels-forming an intricate web of passageways extending hundreds of miles-added to the difficulty of locating the hostages as well as targeting militants and their weapons caches: destroying the tunnels without high civilian cost proved difficult, and conducting military activity inside the tunnels presented a high risk for all those inside, especially for the IDF troops and the hostages who might be held there. Just three weeks after Hamas's assault on October 7, more than 1.4 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip had become internally displaced, and, with numbers of Palestinians killed still climbing by the thousands, it had become the deadliest conflict for the Palestinians since the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.

At the end of October Israeli ground forces advanced into the Gaza Strip. Communications in the territory were initially cut, restricting the ability of militants to coordinate but also limiting the ability of paramedics and humanitarian organizations to attend to emergencies. Unlike in previous conflicts, the ground invasion was slow and the number of armored vehicles and personnel was increased gradually. On November 1 the Rafah border crossing between the Gaza Strip and Egypt was opened, under conditions agreed to by Egypt, Hamas, and Israel, to allow a limited number of foreign nationals to evacuate the territory for the first time since October 7.

On November 22 Israel's security cabinet agreed to a prisoner exchange with Hamas, which was mediated by Qatar and Egypt, that would coincide with a temporary pause in fighting. During the pause, which lasted seven days, 110 of the hostages were freed in exchange for 240 Palestinian prisoners. In the days after fighting resumed, Israeli forces moved into Khan Younis, the largest urban center in the south of the Gaza Strip and the location of the homes of senior Hamas leaders, including Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif. A large number of civilians fled to Rafah, one of the last areas in the enclave for civilians to shelter from the ground invasion, and within weeks more than half of the Gaza Strip's total population had crammed into the city along Egypt's border.

By year's end international pressure weighed heavily on Israel amid the high number of civilian casualties and wide destruction in the Gaza Strip. In mid-December U.S. Pres. Joe Biden, during a fundraising event for his re-election campaign, said that Israel was beginning to lose international support. In early January 2024, after nearly 23,000 Palestinians had been reported dead (a number that included mostly civilians but also Hamas fighters), Israel announced a change in strategy that would result in a more targeted approach. By the end of January the number of average daily deaths was one-third of what it was in October, but still more than three times that of the 2014 conflict, the deadliest in the Gaza Strip until 2023.

In late January a framework emerged through the mediation of Qatar, Egypt, and the United States for a potential three-phase pause in fighting during which a comprehensive agreement to end the war would be negotiated. The pause would include the release, in stages, of hostages held in the Gaza Strip and Palestinian prisoners taken by Israel since the start of the conflict. But the framework remained elusive as Hamas insisted on guarantees that the hostage exchange would lead to a permanent cease-fire.

Israeli officials in February announced their intent to extend the war into Rafah, leading to concerns internationally over the high humanitarian cost of such an operation. Netanyahu insisted, however, that an invasion of Rafah would proceed to root out "the last bastion" of Hamas battalions. A rift between Netanyahu and Biden came out into the open as Biden mulled withholding military support if an invasion of Rafah were to go forward without a comprehensive plan in place to protect civilians. In mid-March the IDF said that it would evacuate a portion of the civilians in Rafah to "humanitarian islands" that it would set up in the center of the Gaza Strip.

Although the fighting was by and large centered on the Gaza Strip, it was not confined to that territory. The IDF also intensified its raids in the West Bank, blockading several urban areas, and in October it conducted a strike by warplane in the territory for the first time since the second intifada (2000-05). Attacks on Palestinians by vigilante Israeli settlers increased as the number of gun permits and weaponry in the settlements proliferated. Skirmishes with Hezbollah near the Lebanese border threatened to open a second major front, although both the IDF and Hezbollah appeared hesitant to escalate the fighting. Attempts by Houthi forces to strike southern Israel-an unusual target for the Yemen-based movement-using both missiles and drones also indicated some level of coordination among the Iran-led "axis of resistance" during the war.

Global reaction to the war

The October 7 Hamas attack drew widespread condemnation from around the world and was denounced for its terrorism against civilians by many, including the governments of many Western countries as well as those of India, Japan, and South Korea. Some foreign ministries, especially those of several Arab countries as well as Turkey, Russia, and China, refrained from condemning Hamas specifically and instead urged restraint. In the war's initial stages, U.S. Pres. Joe Biden pledged unequivocal support for Israel, and on October 18 he became the first U.S. president to visit Israel while it was at war.

But as the war led to a deepening humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip, Israel faced significant international pressure to allow limited aid into the territory. Some opponents of the war lodged accusations of genocide against Israel as the war moved to the southern half of the Gaza Strip, and in December 2023 South Africa sought an injunction from the International Court of Justice to prevent violations of international genocide conventions. The following month the court ordered Israel to take all measures within its power to prevent genocide, including enabling humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip. Concerns were also raised over the potential of the war expanding into a greater regional conflict, particularly as attacks by Houthi fighters on ships passing through the Red Sea disrupted global shipping and U.S. troops in the region faced attacks that, at times, proved deadly.

The intense emotions surrounding the war also led to a wave of anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, and anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian racism. In the first several weeks of the conflict, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) recorded 312 anti-Semitic incidents in the United States, up from 64 incidents reported in the same period in 2022. The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) recorded 774 complaints of Islamophobia in the United States during a similar period, up from 63 total reported incidents in August.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

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Israel-Hamas War | Explanation, Summary, Casualties, & Map

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The Israel-Hamas War is a war between Israel and Palestinian militants, especially Hamas, that began on October 7, 2023, when Hamas launched an assault on Israel that killed more than 1,200 people in Israel.

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From https://backlinko.com/social-media-users September 2, 2021

4.48 billion people currently use social media worldwide, up more than double from 2.07 billion in 2015

The average social media user engages with an average of 6.6 various social media platforms.

The social media growth rate since 2015 is an average of 12.5% year-over-year. However, growth is on the decline with 2019-2020 data revealing a 9.2% growth rate

By region, social media growth in 2019-2020 is led by Asia: +16.98%, Africa +13.92%, South America +8.00%, North America +6.96%, Europe +4.32%, and Australasia +4.9%

60.99% of the 7.87 billion people in the world use social media, of eligible audiences aged 13+, there is 63% are active users

93.33% of internet users are on social media; however, a titanic 85% of mobile internet users are active on networks

Out of 4.48 billion social media users, 99% access websites or apps through a mobile device, with only 1.32% accessing platforms exclusively via desktop

Globally, the average time a person spends on social media a day is 2 hours 24 minutes; if someone signed up at 16 and lived to 70, they would spend 5.7 years of their life on it

Facebook is the leading social network at 2.9 billion monthly active users, followed by YouTube (2.3 billion), WhatsApp (2 billion), FB Messenger (1.3 billion), and WeChat (1.2 billion)

72.3% of the total US population actively use social media, totalling a number of 240 million people

In the US, 54% of social media users are female, while the remaining 46% are male, compared with a global average of 45.6% for female, and 54.4% for male.

40% of all internet users worldwide utilize social media for work purposes. In the U.S., only 27% of people actively use social media in their jobs, compared with the highest by country in Indonesia at 65%, or the lowest at 13% in Israel.

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Social Media Statistics Details - Undiscovered Maine - University of Maine

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From https://backlinko.com/social-media-users September 2, 2021 4.48 billion people currently use social media worldwide, up more than double from 2.07 billion in 2015 The average social media user engages with an average of 6.6 various social media platforms. The social media growth rate since 2015 is an average of 12.5% year-over-year.

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Kenya dam collapse: At least 169 killed following devastating floods

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5 Crazy Ways Social Media Is Changing Your Brain Right Now

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NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) - Human Rights Watch accused Kenyan authorities on Thursday of not responding adequately to ongoing floods that have killed more than 170 people since the start of the rainy season.

The New York-based rights group said the government "has a human rights obligation to prevent foreseeable harm from climate change and extreme weather events and to protect people when a disaster strikes."

Kenya's Meteorology Department sent an early warning before the rainy season started, but President William Ruto only formed a response committee on April 24. By then, nearly 100 people had died due to the flooding.

Kenya, along with other parts of East Africa, have been overwhelmed by floods. More than 150,000 people are displaced and living in dozens of camps.

The rights group said the government did not draw lessons from the last year's rainy season that left hundreds of people dead.

The meteorology department had warned that the country would experience increased rainfall due to the El Niño until early this year, but Ruto in October said the country had been spared by the weather pattern.

The government announced at the time that at least 10 billion Kenyan shillings ($75 million) would be released to prepare a nationwide response. It is unclear how the funds were used, and critics have accused the government of misappropriation.

Those affected by ongoing flooding in Mai Mahiu, in the west of the country, have accused the government of a slow response. At least 45 people died after a river overflowed and destroyed houses, with more than 80 people missing since Monday. The debris has not yet been cleared to recover any buried bodies.

On Tuesday, the government directed those living in flood-prone areas to move or be evacuated forcefully, as more rain is predicted across the country through May.

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As Kenya's flood toll rises, Human Rights Watch says officials must step up efforts

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Human Rights Watch accuses Kenyan authorities of not responding adequately to ongoing floods that have killed more than 170 people since the start of the rainy season.

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Tensions between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) in the 1950s resulted in armed conflict over strategic islands in the Taiwan Strait. On two separate occasions during the 1950s, the PRC bombed islands controlled by the ROC. The United States responded by actively intervening on behalf of the ROC.

The importance of the islands in the Taiwan Strait was rooted in their geographic proximity to China and Taiwan and their role in the Chinese Civil War. Jinmen (Quemoy), two miles from the mainland Chinese city of Xiamen, and Mazu, ten miles from the city of Fuzhou, are located approximately one hundred miles west of Taiwan. When the Nationalist Government of the ROC under Chiang Kai-shek recognized that it had lost control of mainland China during the Chinese Civil War, the officials and part of the Nationalist Army fled to the island of Taiwan, establishing troops on these two islands and the Dachen Islands further north. In the early 1950s, Chiang's forces launched minor attacks from Jinmen and Mazu against the coast of mainland China. Leadership on both sides of the strait continued to view the islands as a potential launching pad for an ROC invasion to retake the Chinese mainland and had an interest in controlling the islands.

U.S. policy toward East Asia in the early Cold War contributed to the tensions in the Taiwan Strait. In late 1949 and early 1950, American officials were prepared to let PRC forces cross the Strait and defeat Chiang, but after the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950, the United States sent its Seventh Fleet into the Taiwan Strait to prevent the Korean conflict from spreading south. The appearance of the Seventh Fleet angered the Chinese Communists, who transferred their troops poised for an invasion of Taiwan to the Korean front. This served to delay military conflict in the Strait until the United States withdrew its fleet after the Korean War.

Over the next few years, the U.S. Government took steps that allied it more firmly to the ROC Government on Taiwan. In 1954, the United States led the creation of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, which was designed to unify the region against the perceived Communist threat. Moreover, U.S. officials openly debated the possibility of signing a Mutual Defense Treaty with Chiang Kai-shek. The PRC viewed these developments as threats to its national security and regional leadership. In the interest of bolstering its strategic position in the Taiwan Strait, the PRC began to bombard Jinmen in September 1954, and soon expanded its targets to include Mazu and the Dachen Islands.

U.S. policymakers considered sending part of the U.S. fleet into the Strait. Discussions centered on whether this maneuver would reopen the Chinese Civil War and, if so, what effect that would have on U.S. security concerns in the region. U.S. policymakers did not want to be drawn into the conflict, but wanted the ROC to maintain control of the islands. The loss of Jinmen and Mazu to the People's Republic might mean an irreparable blow to Nationalist Army morale and the legitimacy of the ROC regime on Taiwan. To assert its continued support of that regime, the United States signed the Mutual Defense Treaty with the ROC. Although the treaty did not commit the United States to defending the off-shore islands, it promised support if the ROC engaged in a broader conflict with the PRC.

The situation in the Strait deteriorated in late 1954 and early 1955, prompting the U.S. Government to act. In January 1955, the U.S. Congress passed the "Formosa Resolution," which gave President Eisenhower total authority to defend Taiwan and the off-shore islands. The U.S. Government then announced its determination to defend Taiwan against communist attack, although it did not specify the territory included within its defensive perimeter. In exchange for a private promise to defend Jinmen and Mazu, however, Chiang Kai-shek agreed to withdraw his troops from Dachen, which was strategically ambiguous and difficult to defend.

The Eisenhower Administration considered many options, ranging from convincing Chiang Kai-shek to give up the islands to employing nuclear weapons against the PRC. Before any of these options became necessary, at the Afro-Asian Conference in April 1955 in Bandung PRC Foreign Minister Zhou Enlai announced a desire to negotiate with the United States. The PRC's sudden shift could have stemmed from pressure from the Soviet Union to ease tensions, concern about the very real possibility of war with the United States, or changes in internal politics. In September, 1955, the PRC and the United States began talks at Geneva to address the issue of repatriation of nationals, but also to discuss preventing the escalation of future conflicts.

Although there were good reasons for the PRC to stand down in 1955, it resumed its bombardment of Jinmen and Mazu in 1958. This time, the PRC took advantage of the fact that international attention was focused on U.S. intervention in Lebanon and barred ROC efforts to re-supply garrisons on the off-shore islands. The PRC also wanted to protest continued U.S. support of the ROC regime. Once again, President Eisenhower was concerned that the loss of the islands would hurt Nationalist morale and might be a precursor to the Communist conquest of Taiwan. The United States thus arranged to re-supply ROC garrisons on Jinmen and Mazu. This brought an abrupt end to the bombardment and eased the crisis. Eventually, the PRC and ROC came to an arrangement in which they shelled each other's garrisons on alternate days. This continued for twenty years until the PRC and the United States normalized relations.

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Milestones in the History of U.S. Foreign Relations - Office of the Historian

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A Brief History of Modern China and Taiwan

After several centuries of relative Taiwanese autonomy, if uncertain sovereign status vis-à-vis China (a subject of continuing debate between China, Taiwan, and international scholars), Japan acquired the island as a colony in 1895 following the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese War. With the fall of China's Qing Dynasty in 1911, China was thrown into political and social turmoil as the end of centuries of dynastic rule left China in a politically fragmented semi-colonial state.

In this era, two main political-military groups with opposing ideologies competed to shape the future of modern China. The Nationalist Party (KMT) arose as the legacy of the Republic of China (ROC), which succeeded the Qing Dynasty but eventually succumbed to warlordism. The KMT envisioned China as a constitutional republic following Western models of government. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), formed in 1921, sought a Chinese-styled Communist revolution and a future socialist China upholding the principals of Marxism-Leninism (and eventually Maoism).

The two groups, superficially working together, successfully unified China from the warlords in 1928 but quickly plummeted into open violent conflict. Despite a brief period of cooperation against the occupying Japanese Army during the 1930s, fighting between the KMT and CCP continued throughout the Second World War. On December 1, 1943, the heads of state from China, the United States, and Great Britain jointly signed the "Cairo Declaration" stipulating that: "all the territories Japan has seized from China, such as Manchuria, Taiwan and the Penghu Islands, shall be restored to China."

After the Japanese surrender in 1945, the United States, which had favored the KMT during the surrender negotiations, attempted to broker a truce between the KMT and the CCP. However, subsequent CCP-KMT disagreements and cease-fire violations resulted in U.S. abandonment of mediation efforts on January 29, 1947, and the withdrawal of the U.S. mission. The United States suspended military aid to the KMT but continued its program of economic assistance. On October 1, 1949, Mao Zedong, the chairman of the CCP, announced the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing while Chiang Kai-Shek, generalissimo of the KMT, withdrew to Taiwan, bringing two million KMT troops and supporters with him. His army proclaimed Taipei the temporary capital of the Republic of China.

In early 1950, as the CCP completed its consolidation of power over the mainland, the PRC began amassing troops opposite Taiwan while the KMT in Taiwan plotted its own cross-Strait attack. However, after the Korean War broke out in June of that year, the United States dispatched its Seventh Fleet to patrol the Taiwan Strait to prevent hostilities, and there was renewed cooperation between the United States and the KMT. On December 2, 1954, the United States and the ROC signed the Mutual Defense Treaty where the United States pledged support for Taiwan in the case of an attack by the PRC. Through these actions by the United States, the stalemate across the Taiwan Strait was solidified. Small-scale hostilities across the Strait continued throughout the 1950s over a string of islands (Quemoy (Kinmen) and Matsu) off the coast of China, but the situation eventually settled into one of the Cold War's most enduring and sensitive stand-offs.

After 1949, and throughout much of the Cold War, Taiwan enjoyed substantial international recognition as the Republic of China, especially due to the U.S.-led anti-communist campaign, and the mainland's own isolationist and ideological posture. However, in 1971, the PRC garnered enough votes in the UN General Assembly to expel Taiwan as the Republic of China, and to admit the PRC as the representative of China to the UN. In 1972, on a historic trip by U.S. President Nixon to China, the United States reestablished contact with the PRC and signed the first U.S.-Sino Joint Communiqué. This document, called the Shanghai Communiqué, formed the first formal written statement in which the United States and China expressed their views on the Taiwan question.

In the Shanghai Communiqué, China reaffirmed its position that the government of the PRC is the sole legal government of China; Taiwan is a province of China; and the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal affair in which no other country has the right to interfere. The United States acknowledged that all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is part of that China. In addition, the United States asserted its interest in a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question by the Chinese themselves.

Throughout the 1970s, increasing numbers of nations followed a formula of establishing formal diplomatic relations with the PRC while maintaining an unofficial relationship with the ROC without acknowledging statehood. In 1979, the United States formally established diplomatic relations with the PRC during a visit to Washington by PRC President Deng Xiaoping. The January 1, 1979 communiqué establishing formal relations further outlined respective perspectives on Taiwan, and set forth the limits to U.S. engagement with the island, including abrogation of the bilateral defense treaty, withdrawal of U.S. forces stationed on Taiwan, and withdrawal of formal diplomatic recognition. Shortly thereafter, the U.S. Congress provided the outlines of an unofficial U.S. relationship with the island, and reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to Taiwan's security by passing the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA).

Tensions with Beijing over the possibility of U.S. sales of fighter jets to Taiwan early in the Reagan administration culminated in the signing of a third communiqué on August 17, 1982. The question of U.S. arms sales to Taiwan had remained unsettled in the course of negotiations between the two countries on establishing diplomatic relations. The 1982 communiqué sought to resolve this issue so that it would not stand in the way of the further development of U.S.-China relations. The United States asserted that it did not seek to carry out a long-term policy of arms sales to Taiwan and affirmed that future arms sales to the island would not exceed, either in qualitative or in quantitative terms, the level of those supplied in the years since the normalization of diplomatic ties between the U.S. and China. Furthermore, the U.S. declared its intention to reduce gradually its sales of arms to Taiwan, "leading over a period of time to a final resolution."

Despite efforts by Washington and Beijing to narrow their differences over Taiwan, the issue remained both sensitive and explosive. Tensions mounted in 1995, following a visit by Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui to attend commencement ceremonies at his alma mater, Cornell University. China objected strongly to the U.S. decision to grant Lee a visa and to what it judged to be an inflammatory speech delivered by Lee. In the summer of that year, the PLA conducted ballistic missile tests and a series of war games to demonstrate its displeasure. In March of the following year, China resumed its ballistic missile firings, this time with target areas in close proximity to Taiwan's two largest ports, Keelung and Kaohsiung. To deter the PRC from taking any military action against Taiwan or its outlying islands and to maintain American credibility throughout the region as the guarantor of East Asian peace and stability, the United States dispatched two carrier battle groups to the area.

The 1995-96 missile crisis had profound consequences for China's military modernization and U.S. defense relations with Taiwan. In the ensuing years, China began to invest heavily in upgrading its military capabilities with a focus on developing the means to use force against Taiwan to compel a political outcome favorable to Chinese interests. The prospect of the erosion of Taiwan's military edge raised alarm bells in Washington and led to the expansion of U.S. defense engagement with Taipei and President Bush's April 2001 approval of a robust arms sales package for Taiwan.

The Current Situation

Since 1978, China has adopted sweeping economic reforms and embraced a market economy, which has contributed to its nine percent average growth rate over the the past 25 years. China's opening to the outside world, culminating in its accession into the World Trade Organization, has made it a significant trade partner for many countries and the leading recipient of foreign direct investment. China's growing economic influence has given rise to concerns about negative impacts on the rest of the world in the case of an economic downturn. Despite growing economic ties across the Strait, many in Taiwan also worry that China will use its considerable leverage to squeeze Taiwan both economically and diplomatically.

With rapid economic development came a loosening of political control and a weakening of the CCP's legitimacy. As the society grew increasingly pluralistic and indifferent to ideologies, the CCP recast its image as the defender of China's national interests and territorial integrity, tying its legitimacy to the protection of China's sovereignty. Yet the surge of nationalism among mainland citizens, fueled by both past humiliations and newfound self-confidence, sometimes limited the options for the leadership in cross-Strait negotiations.

The situation across the Strait remains in a political stalemate, even as economic interaction between Taiwan and China continues to expand rapidly. Although China's emergence as a major regional power may shift the strategic balance in its favor in the future, it is frustrated with its limited influence on what it perceives as Taiwan's creeping independence and concerned with repeated challenges by Taiwan that test its resolve. Some observers worry that China may choose to demonstrate resolve in a fashion that would upset the delicate balance of the Strait.

As China becomes stronger economically and militarily, and becomes a more important regional and global player, Taiwan's qualitative advantage over the mainland in both areas may be jeopardized. In time, perhaps before the end of the decade, the strategic balance may shift in the mainland's favor. China is determined to forestall Taiwanese independence and eventually realize Taiwan's unification with the mainland. Although Chinese leaders emphasize their determination to resolve cross-Strait differences peacefully, Beijing has never renounced the use of force against the island. The cornerstone of China's policy remains the "One China Principle" that the mainland and Taiwan are both part of China and that China's sovereignty and territorial integrity cannot be separated. Beijing's formula for unification was originally the "One Country, Two Systems" model by which Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty.

Meanwhile, the last 30 years have witnessed a pluralization and democratization of Taiwan politics. This has led to a flowering of local culture and, more importantly, a "new Taiwanese" local political identity. The death of Chiang Kai-Shek's son and successor, Chiang Ching-kuo, gave way to the presidency of Lee Teng-hui, the island's first native Taiwanese president. Lee came to champion greater Taiwanese political and cultural identity separate from any connection to China, enunciating in 1999 his preference for a "special state-to-state" relationship between the two sides that infuriated the mainland and resulted in an acceleration of China's military preparations.

Changes on Taiwan were demonstrated most starkly by the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections in which the first non-KMT candidate, Chen Shui-bian, emerged victorious. Chen represents the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), a political party traditionally made up of native Taiwanese and whose platform prior to 1999 called explicitly for Taiwan independence. Chen has continued and expanded upon Lee Teng-hui's efforts to promote greater cultural and political separation of Taiwan from the mainland. In 2002, Chen declared that there was "one country on each side" of the Taiwan Strait.

A strong U.S. presence in East Asia has played a stabilizing role, and thus far has deterred the use of military force. Nevertheless, current trends threaten the relatively peaceful status quo. U.S.-Taiwan relations were strained in 2003 during President Chen's campaign for re-election, as Chen ignored American expressions of concern about his plans, first to hold the island's first referendum and later to re-write the ROC constitution. Following his razor-thin victory in March 2004, however, the bilateral relationship gradually began to improve. There are still ties that bind, such as the TRA and the concern of many Americans, including the U.S. Congress, for Taiwan's 23 million people. The United States continues to sell arms to Taiwan and the proximity of the Seventh Fleet continues to act as an ambiguous deterrent.

U.S. management of cross-Strait relations now rests on firm opposition to any unilateral action by either side to alter the status quo, which in Washington's definition is the preservation of peace and stability. This dual message means that the U.S. will not countenance the use of force by Beijing, nor will it allow Taiwan to pursue provocative policies that have destabilizing consequences. The U.S. policy of strategic ambiguity thus remains intact. Taiwan cannot assume that the United States will defend it under any and all circumstances, and China cannot rule out the possibility of U.S. involvement should it attack Taiwan.

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Background and Overview | Cross-Strait Security Initiative | CSIS

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A Brief History of Modern China and Taiwan After several centuries of relative Taiwanese autonomy, if uncertain sovereign status vis-à-vis China (a subject of continuing debate between China, Taiwan, and international scholars), Japan acquired the island as a colony in 1895 following the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese War.

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Why has Australia declared a 'national crisis' over violence against women?

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese joins a rally to a call for action to end violence against women [Lukas Coch/AAP Image via AP Photo]

Australia's Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has branded domestic violence a "national crisis" amid an outcry over the rise in the number of killings of women by their intimate partners, and pledged action to tackle the issue, including new funding to help survivors as well as a crackdown on misogynistic online content.

The measures, announced on Wednesday, came after tens of thousands of Australians rallied across the country, including in the cities of Brisbane, Canberra, Melbourne, Sydney and Perth, demanding the government declare the issue a national emergency.

Keep reading

The protests were prompted by a wave of violence that campaign groups say has seen one woman killed every four days this year as a result of domestic violence.

They also followed a stabbing attack in Sydney in April, during which a knife-wielding assailant killed six people at a busy mall.

Five of his victims were women, and police said it was "obvious" that the attacker was targeting women.

Here's what you need to know about the issue.

How dangerous is Australia for women?

Campaigners called the weekend rallies following a week in which three women were killed, allegedly by men known to them. This included Molly Ticehurst, a 28-year-old mother who authorities say was murdered by her former boyfriend, weeks after he was granted bail following his detention on charges of raping and stalking her.

In total, some 28 women have been killed this year by their current or former partners and members of their family, according to the campaign group Destroy the Joint.

The figure is almost double the number killed in the same period last year, according to public service broadcaster ABC.

Samantha Bricknell, research manager at the Australian Institute of Criminology, told the ABC that recent data suggested an increase in violence against women, with the rate of women killed by an intimate partner increasing by 31 percent from June 2022 to June 2023. Some 34 such murders took place in that period compared with the same period a year earlier, when 26 women were killed.

The increase defied a longer-term downward trend in Australia.

"What we're really interested to see going forward ... is, is this a sustained increase? That's something that Australia needs to be worried about," Bricknell told ABC. "More recent data suggests that it is going up, but hopefully we'll see that that slight uptick turns around and continues to decrease."

Government statistics also show one in four women in Australia have experienced violence by an intimate partner or family member since the age of 15. While a cause for concern, the figure is lower than in countries such as France, the United Kingdom and the United States. In the latter, more than one in three women have reported experiencing physical and sexual violence by an intimate partner.

What has Albanese said?

Albanese, who joined protesters in Canberra on Sunday, said he took the rallies as a call to action.

"We need to change the culture. We need to change attitudes. We need to change the legal system," he told the crowd. "We need to change the approach by all governments because it's not enough to support victims. We need to focus on the perpetrators and focus on prevention."

Albanese also responded to calls to declare the issue a national emergency, saying such decrees were a short-term legal avenue intended for use in natural disasters. He did however describe domestic violence as a "national crisis" and scheduled an urgent cabinet meeting for Wednesday to discuss the issue. He said violence against women would be the sole agenda item for the meeting.

What kind of action is the government promising?

Following the cabinet meeting, Albanese announced that his government would invest 925 million Australian dollars ($599m) over five years to provide financial support to women and children trying to escape violence.

Those eligible for the Leaving Violence Program will be able to access up to 5,000 Australian dollars ($3,300) in financial support along with referral services, risk assessments and safety planning, a government statement added.

The national cabinet also unveiled new measures to tackle factors that it said exacerbated violence against women, "such as violent online pornography, and misogynistic content targeting children and young people". These steps will include legislation to ban deepfake pornography and additional funding to pilot age assurance technologies, it said in a statement.

The cabinet also pledged to explore options to improve police responses to high-risk and serial perpetrators.

It added that ministers will meet again in three months to discuss progress.

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Why has Australia declared a 'national crisis' over violence against women?

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Government pledges action after tens of thousands of people rally over killings of women by their partners.

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Discover and donate to highly rated charities providing disaster relief and recovery services for affected communities in Israel and Gaza.

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Confrontation Over Taiwan | Global Conflict Tracker

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Learn about the world’s top hotspots with this interactive Global Conflict Tracker from the Center for Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations.

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AUSTRALIAN FEMICIDE & CHILD DEATH MAP - Google My Maps

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A message from journalist Sherele Moody who undertakes the research, photo gathering and story writing for this project: To easily find a victim on The RED HEART Campaign's Australian Femicide & Child Death Map - on a computer or tablet - simply search for their last name using the magnifying glass next to the map name in the red banner above.

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Thousands of people are set to take to the streets this weekend in 17 rallies across Australia calling for greater action on a growing epidemic of women killed in violent attacks.

Organised by advocacy group What Were You Wearing (WWYW), the first rallies will be held in Ballarat and Newcastle on Friday.

Saturday's rallies will be held in Sydney and Adelaide, and on Sunday rallies will take place across the country in Melbourne, Bendigo, Geelong, Coffs Harbour, Wagga Wagga, Orange, Perth, the Sunshine Coast, Gold Coast, Brisbane and Canberra.

"Enough is enough," the rallies' organisers posted to social media. "The number keeps going up and this is why we are protesting this weekend. Fight with us for change."

The prime minister, Anthony Albanese, will be in attendance at Sunday's rally in Canberra.

It is understood he will raise the issue of violence against women at the next national cabinet following discussions with premiers Jacinta Allan, Chris Minns and Peter Malinauskas.

The South Australian Greens senator Sarah Hanson-Young, who is among those scheduled to speak at the Adelaide rally, has called for Albanese to designate violence against women "a national emergency".

"This is an epidemic and it's time we started talking about it not in terms of just 'violence against women'," Hanson-Young told Guardian Australia in an interview for the Australian Politics podcast. "This is the murder of women. This is the terrorising of women in their homes and on the street. Women don't feel safe."

WWYW's founder, Sarah Williams, said the group had five demands including more funding for domestic, family and sexual violence support services as well as for Albanese to declare the violence a national emergency.

" I didn't expect when I started organising the rallies that so many people from everywhere over Australia would be not only angry but wanting to stand together in solidarity to really see an end to this," Williams told ABC News Breakfast.

"I think there is no better time than now to really put some pressure on change-makers to make some change."

Hanson-Young said that instead of political hand-wringing, there should be an "all-shoulders-to-the-wheel" approach, starting with better funding of support services and a "root-and-branch review of the justice system", including apprehended violence orders and how well they protect women.

Asked if what she called "an epidemic" of violence against women should be designated as a form of terrorism, as some have suggested, Hanson-Young said Australians needed to "change the way we think about it and the way we talk about it".

"Because what we're doing isn't working."

Violence against women has long plagued Australia. There is no official counter for women's deaths, but the number of women who die in gendered violence is collated by Destroy the Joint's Counting Dead Women and Femicide Watch's Red Heart Campaign. According to their figures, an average of one woman a week was killed in domestic violence incidents last year. This year that average has grown to almost one woman murdered every four days.

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"Right around the country our communities are reeling from an increase in family and domestic violence," the independent senator David Pocock said.

"Find your nearest rally and get out there to show that enough is enough."

Here are where the rallies will take place across Australia:

Friday

Saturday

Sydney: Belmore Park in Haymarket at 1pm

Adelaide: Parliament House at 11am

Hobart: Parliament House lawns at 1pm

Sunday

Melbourne: State Library at 10am

Perth: Parliament House at 1pm

Brisbane: King George Square at 11am

Canberra: Commonwealth Park at 2pm

Bendigo: Rosalind Park at 11am

Geelong: Market Square Mall at 11am

Coffs Harbour: Jetty foreshore at 11am

Sunshine Coast: Foundation Park at 11am

Gold Coast: Broadwater Parklands at 11am

Orange: Robertson Park at 2.30pm

Cobram: Federation Park at 11am

Wagga Wagga: Victory Memorial Gardens at 11am

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'Enough': thousands to join protests across Australia opposing violence against women

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Organisers of the No More rallies say number of attacks keeps rising amid calls for prime minister Anthony Albanese to declare 'epidemic' a national emergency

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Thousands rally in Italy over violence against women after woman's killing that outraged the country

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ROME (AP) - Tens of thousands took to the streets of Italy's main cities on Saturday to mark International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, just as an Italian man suspected of killing his ex-girlfriend was extradited from Germany.

The slaying of 22-year-old university student Giulia Cecchettin, allegedly at the hands of her former boyfriend, sparked outrage across Italy, where on average one woman is killed every three days.

Suspect Filippo Turetta, 21, landed at the Venice airport around mid-morning on Saturday. He was immediately transferred to a prison in the northern city of Verona to face questions in the investigation into Cecchettin's death, Italian media reported.

Cecchettin had disappeared after meeting Turetta for a burger at a shopping mall near Venice, just days before she was to receive her degree in biomedical engineering. The case gripped Italy.

Her body was found on Nov. 18 - covered by black plastic bags in a ditch near a lake in the foothills of the Alps. Turetta was arrested the following day in Germany.

Cecchettin's killing has sparked an unprecedented wave of grief and anger in Italy, where many women say patriarchal attitudes are still entrenched.

Data from the Italian Interior Ministry show that 106 women have so far been killed in Italy this year, 55 of them allegedly by a partner or former partner.

Italy's RAI state TV reported that in the days since Cecchettin's body was found, calls to a national hotline for women fearing for their safety at the hands of men have jumped from some 200 to 400 a day - including from parents of young women.

"Rome has been invaded ... we are 500,000," said activists from Non Una Di Meno (Not one less), the anti-violence feminist association that organized the rally in the capital.

Many of the demonstrations that took place across Italy remembered Cecchettin and her striking story.

"Male violence is something that personally touched me and all of us, at every age," said Aurora Arleo, a 24-year-old student, who went to the demonstration from Ladispoli, a town close to Rome. "We have united also in the name of Giulia, because her story struck us, and I hope it will change something."

Monica Gilardi, 46, noted that her generation was probably "the one that suffered in silence more than others," despite having experienced years of women's battles and emancipation.

"Now that I've reached a different awareness, I hope to be able to share it with my sisters," she said.

Thousands of men of all ages also responded to the call for joining Saturday's initiatives against gender violence.

"I think it was important to be here today," said Leonardo Sanna, 19, who took part in the Rome demonstration with female friends. "It's not my first time, but I believe that Giulia's death changed in part the perception of this problem among youths. And I hope this is not going to be short-lived."

Earlier this week, the Italian parliament approved new measures to clamp down on violence against women, following unanimous support from the two chambers.

Among the measures being introduced is a campaign in schools to address sexism, machismo and psychological and physical violence against women.

"A human society that aspires to be civilized cannot accept, cannot endure, this string of attacks on women and murders," Italy's President Sergio Mattarella said on Saturday. "We cannot just counter this with intermittent indignation."

In his message to mark the battle against gender violence, Pope Francis said it is a plague that must be rooted out from society and called for educational action.

"Violence against women is a poisonous weed that plagues our society and must be pulled up from its roots," the Pope wrote in a post on X, formerly Twitter, on Saturday.

"These roots grow in the soil of prejudice and of injustice; they must be countered with educational action that places the person, with his or her dignity, at the center," he added.

Violence against women and girls remains one of the most pervasive human rights violations in the world. According to the most recent U.N. data, globally, over 700 million women - almost one in three - have been subjected to physical and sexual intimate partner violence, non-partner sexual violence, or both, at least once in their life.

Thousands of people also rallied in Paris on Saturday to demand more government action to prevent gender violence. Protesters marched behind a large banner saying "women are angry, stop violence: actions and resources, now."

France has taken steps in recent years to toughen punishment for rape and sexual misconduct. But while President Emmanuel Macron has promised to tackle deadly domestic abuse and other violence against women, activists say France still has a long way to go.

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Associated Press writer Sylvie Corbet contributed to this report from Paris.

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Thousands rally in Italy over violence against women after woman's killing that outraged the country

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Tens of thousands of people have taken to the streets of Italy's main cities to mark International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. They marched just as an Italian man suspected of killing his ex-girlfriend was extradited from Germany.

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Italy grapples with its patriarchal history as femicide cases shock the nation | CNN

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Italy grapples with its patriarchal history as femicide cases shock the nation | CNN

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Some are stabbed, some are shot, some are strangled. But all the women killed by femicide in Italy have one thing in common: they knew their killers.

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Femicide: 120 women murdered in Italy in 2023 - General News - Ansa.it

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In 2023 120 women were murdered in Italy, according to a report released on Thursday by the Interior Ministry's Criminal Police Central Directorate ahead of International Women's Day on Friday.
The report said that over half of the women, 64, were killed by their partners or ex-partners.
It said a quarter of the homicides were committed by the victims' children, a son in 89% of cases.
Gender-based violence is a major issue in Italy following a long series of femicides, including the murder of 22-year-old student Giulia Cecchettin by her ex-boyfriend last year in a case that shocked the nation.

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED © Copyright ANSA

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Femicide: 120 women murdered in Italy in 2023 - General News - Ansa.it

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In 2023 120 women were murdered in Italy, according to a report released on Thursday by the Interior Ministry's Criminal Police Central Directorate ahead of International Women's Day on Friday. (ANSA)

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Ukraine has long played an important, yet sometimes overlooked, role in the global security order. Today, the country is on the front lines of a renewed great-power rivalry that many analysts say will dominate international relations in the decades ahead.

Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 marked a dramatic escalation of the eight-year-old conflict that began with Russia's annexation of Crimea and signified a historic turning point for European security. A year after the fighting began, many defense and foreign policy analysts cast the war as a major strategic blunder by Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Many observers see little prospect for a diplomatic resolution in the months ahead and instead acknowledge the potential for a dangerous escalation, which could include Russia's use of a nuclear weapon. The war has hastened Ukraine's push to join Western political blocs, including the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

Why is Ukraine a geopolitical flash point?

Ukraine was a cornerstone of the Soviet Union, the archrival of the United States during the Cold War. Behind only Russia, it was the second-most-populous and -powerful of the fifteen Soviet republics, home to much of the union's agricultural production, defense industries, and military, including the Black Sea Fleet and some of the nuclear arsenal. Ukraine was so vital to the union that its decision to sever ties in 1991 proved to be a coup de grâce for the ailing superpower.

In its three decades of independence, Ukraine has sought to forge its own path as a sovereign state while looking to align more closely with Western institutions, including the EU and NATO. However, Kyiv struggled to balance its foreign relations and to bridge deep internal divisions. A more nationalist, Ukrainian-speaking population in western parts of the country generally supported greater integration with Europe, while a mostly Russian-speaking community in the east favored closer ties with Russia.

Ukraine became a battleground in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea and began arming and abetting separatists in the Donbas region in the country's southeast. Russia's seizure of Crimea was the first time since World War II that a European state annexed the territory of another. More than fourteen thousand people died in the fighting in the Donbas between 2014 and 2021, the bloodiest conflict in Europe since the Balkan Wars of the 1990s. The hostilities marked a clear shift in the global security environment from a unipolar period of U.S. dominance to one defined by renewed competition between great powers [PDF].

In February 2022, Russia embarked on a full-scale invasion of Ukraine with the aim of toppling the Western-aligned government of Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

What are Russia's broad interests in Ukraine?

Russia has deep cultural, economic, and political bonds with Ukraine, and in many ways Ukraine is central to Russia's identity and vision for itself in the world.

Family ties. Russia and Ukraine have strong familial bonds that go back centuries. Kyiv, Ukraine's capital, is sometimes referred to as "the mother of Russian cities," on par in terms of cultural influence with Moscow and St. Petersburg. It was in Kyiv in the eighth and ninth centuries that Christianity was brought from Byzantium to the Slavic peoples. And it was Christianity that served as the anchor for Kievan Rus, the early Slavic state from which modern Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarussians draw their lineage.

Russian diaspora. Approximately eight million ethnic Russians were living in Ukraine as of 2001, according to a census taken that year, mostly in the south and east. Moscow claimed a duty to protect these people as a pretext for its actions in Crimea and the Donbas in 2014.

Superpower image. After the Soviet collapse, many Russian politicians viewed the divorce with Ukraine as a mistake of history and a threat to Russia's standing as a great power. Losing a permanent hold on Ukraine, and letting it fall into the Western orbit, would be seen by many as a major blow to Russia's international prestige. In 2022, Putin cast the escalating war with Ukraine as a part of a broader struggle against Western powers he says are intent on destroying Russia.

Crimea. Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev transferred Crimea from Russia to Ukraine in 1954 to strengthen the "brotherly ties between the Ukrainian and Russian peoples." However, since the fall of the union, many Russian nationalists in both Russia and Crimea longed for a return of the peninsula. The city of Sevastopol is home port for Russia's Black Sea Fleet, the dominant maritime force in the region.

Trade. Russia was for a long time Ukraine's largest trading partner, although this link withered dramatically in recent years. China eventually surpassed Russia in trade with Ukraine. Prior to its invasion of Crimea, Russia had hoped to pull Ukraine into its single market, the Eurasian Economic Union, which today includes Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan.

Energy. Moscow relied on Ukrainian pipelines to pump its gas to customers in Central and Eastern Europe for decades, and it paid Kyiv billions of dollars per year in transit fees. The flow of Russian gas through Ukraine continued in early 2023 despite the hostilities between the two countries, but volumes were reduced and the pipelines remained in serious jeopardy.

Political sway. Russia was keen to preserve its political influence in Ukraine and throughout the former Soviet Union, particularly after its preferred candidate for Ukrainian president in 2004, Viktor Yanukovych, lost to a reformist competitor as part of the Orange Revolution popular movement. This shock to Russia's interests in Ukraine came after a similar electoral defeat for the Kremlin in Georgia in 2003, known as the Rose Revolution, and was followed by another-the Tulip Revolution-in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. Yanukovych later became president of Ukraine, in 2010, amid voter discontent with the Orange government.

What triggered Russia's moves in Crimea and the Donbas in 2014?

It was Ukraine's ties with the EU that brought tensions to a head with Russia in 2013-14. In late 2013, President Yanukovych, acting under pressure from his supporters in Moscow, scrapped plans to formalize a closer economic relationship with the EU. Russia had at the same time been pressing Ukraine to join the not-yet-formed EAEU. Many Ukrainians perceived Yanukovych's decision as a betrayal by a deeply corrupt and incompetent government, and it ignited countrywide protests known as Euromaidan.

Putin framed the ensuing tumult of Euromaidan, which forced Yanukovych from power, as a Western-backed "fascist coup" that endangered the ethnic Russian majority in Crimea. (Western leaders dismissed this as baseless propaganda reminiscent of the Soviet era.) In response, Putin ordered a covert invasion of Crimea that he later justified as a rescue operation. "There is a limit to everything. And with Ukraine, our western partners have crossed the line," Putin said in a March 2014 address formalizing the annexation.

Putin employed a similar narrative to justify his support for separatists in southeastern Ukraine, another region home to large numbers of ethnic Russians and Russian speakers. He famously referred to the area as Novorossiya (New Russia), a term dating back to eighteenth-century imperial Russia. Armed Russian provocateurs, including some agents of Russian security services, are believed to have played a central role in stirring the anti-Euromaidan secessionist movements in the region into a rebellion. However, unlike Crimea, Russia continued to officially deny its involvement in the Donbas conflict until it launched its wider invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Why did Russia launch a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022?

Some Western analysts see Russia's 2022 invasion as the culmination of the Kremlin's growing resentment toward NATO's post-Cold War expansion into the former Soviet sphere of influence. Russian leaders, including Putin, have alleged that the United States and NATO repeatedly violated pledges they made in the early 1990s to not expand the alliance into the former Soviet bloc. They view NATO's enlargement during this tumultuous period for Russia as a humiliating imposition about which they could do little but watch.

In the weeks leading up to NATO's 2008 summit, President Vladimir Putin warned U.S. diplomats that steps to bring Ukraine into the alliance "would be a hostile act toward Russia." Months later, Russia went to war with Georgia, seemingly showcasing Putin's willingness to use force to secure his country's interests. (Some independent observers faulted Georgia for initiating the so-called August War but blamed Russia for escalating hostilities.)

Despite remaining a nonmember, Ukraine grew its ties with NATO in the years leading up to the 2022 invasion. Ukraine held annual military exercises with the alliance and, in 2020, became one of just six enhanced opportunity partners, a special status for the bloc's closest nonmember allies. Moreover, Kyiv affirmed its goal to eventually gain full NATO membership.

In the weeks leading up to its invasion, Russia made several major security demands of the United States and NATO, including that they cease expanding the alliance, seek Russian consent for certain NATO deployments, and remove U.S. nuclear weapons from Europe. Alliance leaders responded that they were open to new diplomacy but were unwilling to discuss shutting NATO's doors to new members.

"While in the United States we talk about a Ukraine crisis, from the Russian standpoint this is a crisis in European security architecture," CFR's Thomas Graham told Arms Control Today in February 2022. "And the fundamental issue they want to negotiate is the revision of European security architecture as it now stands to something that is more favorable to Russian interests."

Other experts have said that perhaps the most important motivating factor for Putin was his fear that Ukraine would continue to develop into a modern, Western-style democracy that would inevitably undermine his autocratic regime in Russia and dash his hopes of rebuilding a Russia-led sphere of influence in Eastern Europe. "[Putin] wants to destabilize Ukraine, frighten Ukraine," writes historian Anne Applebaum in the Atlantic. "He wants Ukrainian democracy to fail. He wants the Ukrainian economy to collapse. He wants foreign investors to flee. He wants his neighbors-in Belarus, Kazakhstan, even Poland and Hungary-to doubt whether democracy will ever be viable, in the longer term, in their countries too."

What are Russia's objectives in Ukraine?

Putin's Russia has been described as a revanchist power, keen to regain its former power and prestige. "It was always Putin's goal to restore Russia to the status of a great power in northern Eurasia," writes Gerard Toal, an international affairs professor at Virginia Tech, in his book Near Abroad. "The end goal was not to re-create the Soviet Union but to make Russia great again."

By seizing Crimea in 2014, Russia solidified its control of a strategic foothold on the Black Sea. With a larger and more sophisticated military presence there, Russia can project power deeper into the Mediterranean, Middle East, and North Africa, where it has traditionally had limited influence. Some analysts argue that Western powers failed to impose meaningful costs on Russia in response to its annexation of Crimea, which they say only increased Putin's willingness to use military force in pursuit of his foreign policy objectives. Until its invasion in 2022, Russia's strategic gains in the Donbas were more fragile. Supporting the separatists had, at least temporarily, increased its bargaining power vis-à-vis Ukraine.

In July 2021, Putin authored what many Western foreign policy experts viewed as an ominous article explaining his controversial views of the shared history between Russia and Ukraine. Among other remarks, Putin described Russians and Ukrainians as "one people" who effectively occupy "the same historical and spiritual space."

Throughout that year, Russia amassed tens of thousands of troops along the border with Ukraine and later into allied Belarus under the auspices of military exercises. In February 2022, Putin ordered a full-scale invasion, crossing a force of some two hundred thousand troops into Ukrainian territory from the south (Crimea), east (Russia), and north (Belarus), in an attempt to seize major cities, including the capital Kyiv, and depose the government. Putin said the broad goals were to "de-Nazify" and "de-militarize" Ukraine.

However, in the early weeks of the invasion, Ukrainian forces marshaled a stalwart resistance that succeeded in bogging down the Russian military in many areas, including in Kyiv. Many defense analysts say that Russian forces have suffered from low morale, poor logistics, and an ill-conceived military strategy that assumed Ukraine would fall quickly and easily.

In August 2022, Ukraine launched a major counteroffensive against Russian forces, recapturing thousands of square miles of territory in the Kharkiv and Kherson regions. The campaigns marked a stunning setback for Russia. Amid the Russian retreat, Putin ordered the mobilization of some three hundred thousand more troops, illegally annexed four more Ukrainian regions, and threatened to use nuclear weapons to defend Russia's "territorial integrity."

Fighting in the subsequent months focused along various fronts in the Donbas, and Russia adopted a new tactic of targeting civilian infrastructure in several distant Ukrainian cities, including Kyiv, with missile and drone strikes. At the first-year mark of the war, Western officials estimated that more than one hundred thousand Ukrainians had been killed or wounded, while Russian losses were likely even higher, possibly double that figure. Meanwhile, some eight million refugees had fled Ukraine, and millions more were internally displaced. Ahead of the spring thaw, Ukraine's Western allies pledged to send more-sophisticated military aid, including tanks. Most security analysts see little chance for diplomacy in the months ahead, as both sides have strong motives to continue the fight.

What have been U.S. priorities in Ukraine?

Immediately following the Soviet collapse, Washington's priority was pushing Ukraine-along with Belarus and Kazakhstan-to forfeit its nuclear arsenal so that only Russia would retain the former union's weapons. At the same time, the United States rushed to bolster the shaky democracy in Russia. Some prominent observers at the time felt that the United States was premature in this courtship with Russia, and that it should have worked more on fostering geopolitical pluralism in the rest of the former Soviet Union.

Former U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, in Foreign Affairs in early 1994, described a healthy and stable Ukraine as a critical counterweight to Russia and the lynchpin of what he advocated should be the new U.S. grand strategy after the Cold War. "It cannot be stressed strongly enough that without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be an empire, but with Ukraine suborned and then subordinated, Russia automatically becomes an empire," he wrote. In the months after Brzezinski's article was published, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Russia pledged via the Budapest Referendum to respect Ukraine's independence and sovereignty in return for it becoming a nonnuclear state.

Twenty years later, as Russian forces seized Crimea, restoring and strengthening Ukraine's sovereignty reemerged as a top U.S. and EU foreign policy priority. Following the 2022 invasion, U.S. and NATO allies dramatically increased defense, economic, and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, as well as ramped up their sanctions on Russia. However, Western leaders have been careful to avoid actions they believe will draw their countries into the war or otherwise escalate it, which could, in the extreme, pose a nuclear threat.

What are U.S. and EU policy in Ukraine?

The United States remains committed to the restoration of Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty. It does not recognize Russia's claims to Crimea or the other regions unlawfully annexed by Russia. Prior to the 2022 invasion, the United States supported a settlement of the Donbas conflict via the Minsk agreements [PDF].

Western powers and their partners have taken many steps to increase aid to Ukraine and punish Russia for its 2022 offensive. As of February 2023, the United States has provided Ukraine more than $50 billion in assistance, which includes advanced military aid, such as rocket and missile systems, helicopters, drones, and tanks. Several NATO allies are providing similar aid.

Meanwhile, the international sanctions on Russia have vastly expanded, covering much of its financial, energy, defense, and tech sectors and targeting the assets of wealthy oligarchs and other individuals. The U.S. and some European governments also banned some Russian banks from the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication, a financial messaging system known as SWIFT; placed restrictions on Russia's ability to access its vast foreign reserves; and blacklisted Russia's central bank. Moreover, many influential Western companies have shuttered or suspended operations in Russia. The Group of Eight, now known as the Group of Seven, suspended Russia from its ranks indefinitely in 2014.

The invasion also cost Russia its long-awaited Nord Stream 2 pipeline after Germany suspended its regulatory approval in February. Many critics, including U.S. and Ukrainian officials, opposed the natural gas pipeline during its development, claiming it would give Russia greater political leverage over Ukraine and the European gas market. In August, Russia indefinitely suspended operations of Nord Stream 1, which provided the European market with as much as a third of its natural gas.

What do Ukrainians want?

Russia's aggression in recent years has galvanized public support for Ukraine's Westward leanings. In the wake of Euromaidan, the country elected as president the billionaire businessman Petro Poroshenko, a staunch proponent of EU and NATO integration. In 2019, Zelensky defeated Poroshenko in a sign of the public's deep dissatisfaction with the political establishment and its halting battle against corruption and an oligarchic economy.

Before the 2022 offensive, polls indicated that Ukrainians held mixed views on NATO and EU membership. More than half of those surveyed (not including residents of Crimea and the contested regions in the east) supported EU membership, while 40 to 50 percent were in favor of joining NATO.

Just days after the invasion, President Zelenskyy requested that the EU put Ukraine on a fast track to membership. The country became an official candidate in June 2022, but experts caution that the membership process could take years. In September of that year, Zelenskyy submitted a formal application for Ukraine to join NATO, pushing for an accelerated admission process for that bloc as well. Many Western analysts say that, similar to Ukraine's EU bid, NATO membership does not seem likely in the near term.

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Ukraine: Conflict at the Crossroads of Europe and Russia

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Ukraine's Westward drift since independence has been countered by the sometimes violent tug of Russia, felt most recently with Putin's 2022 invasion.