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A farmer and his two sons during a dust storm in Cimarron County, Oklahoma, April 1936. Iconic photo entitled "Dust Bowl Cimarron County, Oklahoma" taken by Arthur Rothstein.

Map of states and counties affected by the Dust Bowl between 1935 and 1938 originally prepared by the Soil Conservation Service. The most severely affected counties during this period are colored  .

The Dust Bowl was the result of a period of severe dust storms that greatly damaged the ecology and agriculture of the American and Canadian prairies during the 1930s. The phenomenon was caused by a combination of natural factors (severe drought) and human-made factors: a failure to apply dryland farming methods to prevent wind erosion, most notably the destruction of the natural topsoil by settlers in the region. The drought came in three waves: 1934, 1936, and 1939-1940, but some regions of the High Plains experienced drought conditions for as long as eight years.

The Dust Bowl has been the subject of many cultural works, including John Steinbeck's 1939 novel The Grapes of Wrath, the folk music of Woody Guthrie, and Dorothea Lange's photographs depicting the conditions of migrants, particularly Migrant Mother, taken in 1936.

Geographic characteristics and early history

With insufficient understanding of the ecology of the plains, farmers had conducted extensive deep plowing of the Great Plains' virgin topsoil during the previous decade; this displaced the native, deep-rooted grasses that normally trapped soil and moisture even during periods of drought and high winds. The rapid mechanization of farm equipment, especially small gasoline tractors, and widespread use of the combine harvester contributed to farmers' decisions to convert arid grassland (much of which received no more than 10 inches (250 mm) of precipitation per year) to cultivated cropland. During the drought of the 1930s, the unanchored soil turned to dust, which prevailing winds blew away in huge clouds that sometimes blackened the sky. These choking billows of dust - named "black blizzards" or "black rollers" - traveled cross-country, reaching as far as the East Coast and striking such cities as New York City and Washington, D.C. On the plains, they often reduced visibility to three feet (1 m) or less. Associated Press reporter Robert E. Geiger happened to be in Boise City, Oklahoma, to witness the " Black Sunday" black blizzards of April 14, 1935; Edward Stanley, the Kansas City news editor of the Associated Press, coined the term "Dust Bowl" while rewriting Geiger's news story.

The term "the Dust Bowl" originally referred to the geographical area affected by the dust, but today it usually refers to the event itself (the term "Dirty Thirties" is also sometimes used). The drought and erosion of the Dust Bowl affected 100 million acres (400,000 km ²) that centered on the Texas Panhandle and Oklahoma Panhandle and touched adjacent sections of New Mexico, Colorado, and Kansas. The Dust Bowl forced tens of thousands of poverty-stricken families, who were unable to pay mortgages or grow crops, to abandon their farms, and losses reached $25 million per day by 1936 (equivalent to $530 million in 2022). Many of these families, often called " Okies" because many of them came from Oklahoma, migrated to California and other states to find that the Great Depression had rendered economic conditions there little better than those they had left.

A dust storm approaches Stratford, Texas, in 1935.

The Dust Bowl area lies principally west of the 100th meridian on the High Plains, characterized by plains that vary from rolling in the north to flat in the Llano Estacado. Elevation ranges from 2,500 ft (760 m) in the east to 6,000 ft (1,800 m) at the base of the Rocky Mountains. The area is semiarid, receiving less than 20 in (510 mm) of rain annually; this rainfall supports the shortgrass prairie biome originally present in the area. The region is also prone to extended drought, alternating with unusual wetness of equivalent duration. During wet years, the rich soil provides bountiful agricultural output, but crops fail during dry years. The region is also subject to high winds. During early European and American exploration of the Great Plains, this region was thought unsuitable for European-style agriculture; explorers called it the Great American Desert. The lack of surface water and timber made the region less attractive than other areas for pioneer settlement and agriculture.

The federal government encouraged settlement and development of the Plains for agriculture via the Homestead Act of 1862, offering settlers " quarter section" 160-acre (65 ha) plots. With the end of the Civil War in 1865 and the completion of the First transcontinental railroad in 1869, waves of new migrants and immigrants reached the Great Plains and greatly increased the acreage under cultivation. An unusually wet period in the Great Plains mistakenly led settlers and the federal government to believe that " rain follows the plow" (a popular phrase among real estate promoters) and that the region's climate had permanently changed. While initial agricultural endeavors were primarily cattle ranching, the harsh winters' adverse effect on the cattle, beginning in 1886, a short drought in 1890, and general overgrazing, led many landowners to increase the amount of land under cultivation.

Recognizing the challenge of cultivating marginal arid land, the U.S. government expanded on the 160 acres (65 ha) offered under the Homestead Act, granting 640 acres (260 ha) to homesteaders in western Nebraska under the Kinkaid Act (1904) and 320 acres (130 ha) elsewhere in the Great Plains under the Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909. Waves of European settlers arrived in the plains at the beginning of the 20th century. A return of unusually wet weather seemingly confirmed a previously held opinion that the "formerly" semiarid area could support large-scale agriculture. At the same time, technological improvements such as mechanized plowing and mechanized harvesting made it possible to operate larger properties without increasing labor costs.

The combined effects of World War I and the disruption of the Russian Revolution, which decreased the supply of wheat and other commodity crops, increased agricultural prices; this demand encouraged farmers to dramatically increase cultivation. For example, in the Llano Estacado of eastern New Mexico and northwestern Texas, the area of farmland doubled between 1900 and 1920, then tripled between 1925 and 1930. The agricultural methods farmers favored during this period created the conditions for large-scale erosion under certain environmental conditions. The widespread conversion of the land by deep plowing and other soil preparation methods to enable agriculture eliminated the native grasses that held the soil in place and helped retain moisture during dry periods. Furthermore, cotton farmers left fields bare during the winter, when winds in the High Plains are highest, and burned the stubble as a means to control weeds before planting, thereby depriving the soil of organic nutrients and surface vegetation.

Drought and dust storms

A dust storm; Spearman, Texas, April 14, 1935

Heavy black clouds of dust rising over the Texas Panhandle, Texas, c. 1936

After fairly favorable climatic conditions in the 1920s with good rainfall and relatively moderate winters, which permitted increased settlement and cultivation in the Great Plains, the region entered an unusually dry era in the summer of 1930. During the next decade, the northern plains suffered four of their seven driest calendar years since 1895, Kansas four of its 12 driest, and the entire region south to West Texas lacked any period of above-normal rainfall until record rains hit in 1941. When severe drought struck the Great Plains region in the 1930s, it resulted in erosion and loss of topsoil because of farming practices at the time. The drought dried the topsoil and over time it became friable, reduced to a powdery consistency in some places. Without indigenous grasses in place, the plains' high winds picked up the topsoil and created massive dust storms. The persistent dry weather caused crops to fail, leaving the plowed fields exposed to wind erosion. The Great Plains' fine soil eroded easily and was carried east by strong continental winds.

On November 11, 1933, a very strong dust storm stripped topsoil from desiccated South Dakota farmlands in one of a series of severe dust storms that year. Beginning on May 9, 1934, a strong, two-day dust storm removed massive amounts of Great Plains topsoil in one of the worst such storms of the Dust Bowl. The dust clouds blew all the way to Chicago, where they deposited 12 million pounds (5,400 tonnes) of dust. Two days later, the same storm reached cities to the east, such as Cleveland, Buffalo, Boston, New York City, and Washington, D.C. That winter (1934-35), red snow fell on New England.

On April 14, 1935, known as " Black Sunday", 20 of the worst "black blizzards" occurred across the entire sweep of the Great Plains, from Canada south to Texas. The storms caused extensive damage and appeared to turn day to night; witnesses reported that they could not see five feet (1.5 m) in front of them at certain points. Denver-based Associated Press reporter Robert E. Geiger happened to be in Boise City, Oklahoma, that day. His story about Black Sunday marked the first appearance of the term Dust Bowl; it was coined by Edward Stanley, Kansas City news editor of the Associated Press, while rewriting Geiger's news story.

Spearman and Hansford County have been literaly [sic] in a cloud of dust for the past week. Ever since Friday of last week, there hasn't been a day pass but what the county was beseieged [sic] with a blast of wind and dirt. On rare occasions when the wind did subside for a period of hours, the air has been so filled with dust that the town appeared to be overhung by a fog cloud. Because of this long seige of dust and every building being filled with it, the air has become stifling to breathe and many people have developed sore throats and dust colds as a result.

Much of the farmland was eroded in the aftermath of the Dust Bowl. In 1941, a Kansas agricultural experiment station released a bulletin that suggested reestablishing native grasses by the "hay method". Developed in 1937 to speed up the process and increase returns from pasture, the "hay method" was originally supposed to occur in Kansas naturally over 25-40 years.

After much data analysis, the causal mechanism for the droughts can be linked to ocean temperature anomalies. Specifically, Atlantic Ocean sea surface temperatures appear to have had an indirect effect on the general atmospheric circulation, while Pacific sea surface temperatures seem to have had the most direct influence.

Human displacement

Buried machinery in a barn lot; Dallas, South Dakota, May 1936

This catastrophe intensified the economic impact of the Great Depression in the region.

In 1935, many families were forced to leave their farms and travel to other areas seeking work because of the drought, which had already lasted four years. The abandonment of homesteads and financial ruin resulting from catastrophic topsoil loss led to widespread hunger and poverty. Dust Bowl conditions fomented an exodus of the displaced from the Texas Panhandle, Oklahoma Panhandle, and the surrounding Great Plains to adjacent regions. More than 500,000 Americans were left homeless. More than 350 houses had to be torn down after one storm alone. The severe drought and dust storms left many homeless; others had their mortgages foreclosed by banks, or felt they had no choice but to abandon their farms in search of work. Many Americans migrated west, looking for work. Parents packed up " jalopies" with their families and a few personal belongings and headed west. Some residents of the Plains, especially Kansas and Oklahoma, fell ill and died of dust pneumonia or malnutrition.

"Broke, baby sick, and car trouble!" - Dorothea Lange's 1937 photo of a Missouri migrant family's jalopy stuck near Tracy, California.[33]

Between 1930 and 1940, about 3.5 million people moved out of the Plains states. In just over a year, over 86,000 people migrated to California. This number is more than the number of migrants to that area during the 1849 gold rush. Migrants abandoned farms in Oklahoma, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, Texas, Colorado, and New Mexico, but were often generally called " Okies", "Arkies", or "Texies". Terms such as "Okies" and "Arkies" came to be standard in the 1930s for those who had lost everything and were struggling the most during the Great Depression.

A migratory family from Texas living in a trailer in an Arizona cotton field

But not all migrants traveled long distances; most participated in internal state migration, moving from counties that the Dust Bowl badly impacted to other, less affected counties. So many families left their farms and were on the move that the proportion of migrants and residents was nearly equal in the Great Plains states.

An examination of Census Bureau statistics and other records, and a 1939 survey of occupation by the Bureau of Agricultural Economics of about 116,000 families who arrived in California in the 1930s, showed that only 43% of Southwesterners were doing farm work immediately before they migrated. Nearly a third of all migrants were professional or white-collar workers. Some farmers had to take on unskilled labor when they moved; leaving the farming sector commonly led to greater social mobility as there was a far greater likelihood that migrant farmers would later go into semi-skilled or high-skilled fields that paid better. Non-farmers experienced more downward occupational moves than farmers, but in most cases they were not significant enough to bring them into poverty, because high-skilled migrants were most likely to experience a downward shift into semi-skilled work. While semi-skilled work did not pay as well as high-skilled work, most of these workers were not impoverished. For the most part, by the end of the Dust Bowl the migrants generally were better off than those who chose to stay behind.

After the Great Depression ended, some migrants moved back to their original states. Many others remained where they had resettled. About one-eighth of California's population is of Okie heritage.

Government response

Resettlement Administration poster by Richard H. Jansen, 1935

Government's greatly expanded participation in land management and soil conservation was an important result of the disaster. Different groups took many different approaches to responding to the disaster. To identify areas that needed attention, groups such as the Soil Conservation Service generated detailed soil maps and took photos of the land from the sky. To create shelterbelts to reduce soil erosion, groups such as the United States Forest Service's Prairie States Forestry Project planted trees on private lands. Groups like the Resettlement Administration, which later became the Farm Security Administration, encouraged small farm owners to resettle on other lands if they lived in drier parts of the Plains.

During President Franklin D. Roosevelt's first 100 days in office in 1933, his administration quickly initiated programs to conserve soil and restore the nation's ecological balance. Interior Secretary Harold L. Ickes established the Soil Erosion Service in August 1933 under Hugh Hammond Bennett. In 1935, it was transferred and reorganized under the Department of Agriculture and renamed the Soil Conservation Service. It is now known as the Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS).

As part of New Deal programs, Congress passed the Soil Conservation and Domestic Allotment Act in 1936, requiring landowners to share the allocated government subsidies with the laborers who worked on their farms. Under the law, "benefit payments were continued as measures for production control and income support, but they were now financed by direct Congressional appropriations and justified as soil conservation measures. The Act shifted the parity goal from price equality of agricultural commodities and the articles that farmers buy to income equality of farm and non-farm population." Thus, the parity goal was to re-create the ratio between the purchasing power of the net income per person on farms from agriculture and that of the income of persons not on farms that prevailed during 1909-1914.

To stabilize prices, the government paid farmers and ordered more than six million pigs to be slaughtered as part of the Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA). It paid to have the meat packed and distributed to the poor and hungry. The Federal Surplus Relief Corporation (FSRC) was established to regulate crop and other surpluses. In a May 14, 1935, address to the AAA, Roosevelt said:

Let me make one other point clear for the benefit of the millions in cities who have to buy meats. Last year the Nation suffered a drought of unparalleled intensity. If there had been no Government program, if the old order had obtained in 1933 and 1934, that drought on the cattle ranges of America and in the corn belt would have resulted in the marketing of thin cattle, immature hogs and the death of these animals on the range and on the farm, and if the old order had been in effect those years, we would have had a vastly greater shortage than we face today. Our program - we can prove it - saved the lives of millions of head of livestock. They are still on the range, and other millions of heads are today canned and ready for this country to eat.

The FSRC diverted agricultural commodities to relief organizations. Apples, beans, canned beef, flour and pork products were distributed through local relief channels. Cotton goods were later included, to clothe needy.

In 1935, the federal government formed a Drought Relief Service (DRS) to coordinate relief activities. The DRS bought cattle in counties that were designated emergency areas for $14 to $20 a head. Animals determined unfit for human consumption were killed; at the beginning of the program, more than 50% were so designated in emergency areas. The DRS assigned the remaining cattle to the Federal Surplus Relief Corporation (FSRC) to be used in food distribution to families nationwide. Although it was difficult for farmers to give up their herds, the cattle slaughter program helped many of them avoid bankruptcy. "The government cattle buying program was a blessing to many farmers, as they could not afford to keep their cattle, and the government paid a better price than they could obtain in local markets."

Roosevelt ordered the Civilian Conservation Corps to plant the Great Plains Shelterbelt, a huge belt of more than 200 million trees from Canada to Abilene, Texas, to break the wind, hold water in the soil, and hold the soil in place. The administration also began to educate farmers on soil conservation and anti-erosion techniques, including crop rotation, strip farming, contour plowing, and terracing. In 1937, the federal government began an aggressive campaign to encourage Dust Bowl farmers to adopt planting and plowing methods that conserved the soil. The government paid reluctant farmers a dollar an acre (equivalent to $20 in 2022) to use the new methods. By 1938, the massive conservation effort had reduced the amount of blowing soil by 65%. The land still failed to yield a decent living. In the fall of 1939, after nearly a decade of dirt and dust, the drought ended when regular rainfall finally returned to the region. The government still encouraged continuing the use of conservation methods to protect the Plains' soil and ecology.

At the end of the drought, the programs implemented during the tough times helped sustain a friendly relationship between farmers and the federal government.

The President's Drought Committee issued a report in 1935 covering the government's assistance to agriculture during 1934 through mid-1935: it discussed conditions, measures of relief, organization, finances, operations, and results of the government's assistance. Numerous exhibits are included in this report.

Long-term economic impact

In many regions, more than 75% of the topsoil was blown away by the end of the 1930s. Land degradation varied widely. Aside from the short-term economic consequences of erosion, the Dust Bowl had severe long-term economic consequences.

By 1940, counties that had experienced the most erosion had a greater decline in agricultural land values. The per-acre value of farmland declined by 28% in high-erosion counties and 17% in medium-erosion counties, relative to land value changes in low-erosion counties. Even over the long term, the land's agricultural value often failed to return to pre-Dust Bowl levels. In highly eroded areas, less than 25% of the original agricultural losses were recovered. The economy adjusted predominantly through large relative population declines in more-eroded counties, both during the 1930s and through the 1950s.

The economic effects persisted in part because of farmers' failure to switch to more appropriate crops for highly eroded areas. Because the amount of topsoil had been reduced, it would have been more productive to shift from crops and wheat to animals and hay. During the Depression and through at least the 1950s, there was limited relative adjustment of farmland away from activities that became less productive in more-eroded counties.

Some of the failure to shift to more productive agricultural products may be related to ignorance about the benefits of changing land use. A second explanation is a lack of availability of credit, caused by the high rate of failure of banks in the Plains states. Because banks failed in the Dust Bowl region at a higher rate than elsewhere, farmers could not get the credit they needed to obtain capital to shift crop production. In addition, profit margins in either animals or hay were still minimal, and farmers at first had little incentive to change their crops.

Patrick Allitt recounts how fellow historian Donald Worster responded to his return visit to the Dust Bowl in the mid-1970s when he revisited some of the worst afflicted counties:

Capital-intensive agribusiness had transformed the scene; deep wells into the aquifer, intensive irrigation, the use of artificial pesticides and fertilizers, and giant harvesters were creating immense crops year after year whether it rained or not. According to the farmers he interviewed, technology had provided the perfect answer to old troubles, such of the bad days would not return. In Worster's view, by contrast, the scene demonstrated that America's capitalist high-tech farmers had learned nothing. They were continuing to work in an unsustainable way, devoting far cheaper subsidized energy to growing food than the energy could give back to its ultimate consumers.

In contrast with Worster's pessimism, historian Mathew Bonnifield argued that the Dust Bowl's long-term significance was "the triumph of the human spirit in its capacity to endure and overcome hardships and reverses."

A 2023 study in the Journal of Economic History found that while the Dust Bowl had large and enduring impacts on agricultural land, it had modest impacts on average wage incomes.

Influence on the arts and culture

Florence Owens Thompson seen in the photo Migrant Mother by Dorothea Lange

"Dust bowl farmers of west Texas in town", photograph take by Dorothea Lange, June 1937, in Anton, Texas.

The crisis was documented by photographers, musicians, and authors, many hired during the Great Depression by the federal government. For instance, the Farm Security Administration hired photographers to document the crisis. Artists such as Dorothea Lange were aided by having salaried work during the Depression. She captured what have become classic images of the dust storms and migrant families. Among her best-known photographs is Destitute Pea Pickers in California. Mother of Seven Children depicted a gaunt-looking woman, Florence Owens Thompson, holding three of her children. This picture expressed the struggles of people caught by the Dust Bowl and raised awareness in other parts of the country of its reach and human cost. Decades later, Thompson disliked the boundless circulation of the photo and resented that she had received no money from its broadcast. Thompson felt it made her perceived as a Dust Bowl "Okie".

The work of independent artists was also influenced by the crises of the Dust Bowl and the Depression. Author John Steinbeck, borrowing closely from field notes taken by Farm Security Administration worker and author Sanora Babb, wrote The Grapes of Wrath (1939) about migrant workers and farm families displaced by the Dust Bowl. Babb's own novel about the lives of the migrant workers, Whose Names Are Unknown, was written in 1939, but was eclipsed and shelved in response to Steinbeck's success, and was not published till 2004. Many of folk singer Woody Guthrie's songs, such as those on his 1940 album Dust Bowl Ballads, are about his experiences in the Dust Bowl era during the Great Depression, when he traveled with displaced farmers from Oklahoma to California and learned their traditional folk and blues songs, earning him the nickname the "Dust Bowl Troubadour".

Migrants also influenced musical culture wherever they went. Oklahoma migrants, in particular, were rural Southwesterners who carried their traditional country music to California. Today, the " Bakersfield Sound" describes this blend, which developed after the migrants brought country music to the city. Their new music inspired a proliferation of country dance halls as far south as Los Angeles.

The 2003-2005 HBO TV series was set during the dust bowl.

The 2014 science fiction film Interstellar features a ravaged 21st-century America that is again scoured by dust storms (caused by a worldwide pathogen affecting all crops). Along with inspiration from the 1930s crisis, director Christopher Nolan features interviews from the 2012 documentary The Dust Bowl to draw further parallels.

In 2017, Americana recording artist Grant Maloy Smith released the album Dust Bowl - American Stories, inspired by the history of the Dust Bowl. In a review, the music magazine No Depression wrote that the album's lyrics and music are "as potent as Woody Guthrie, as intense as John Trudell and dusted with the trials and tribulations of Tom Joad - Steinbeck and The Grapes of Wrath."

Changes in agriculture and population on the Plains

Agricultural land and revenue boomed during World War I, but fell during the Great Depression and the 1930s.[verification needed ] The agricultural land most affected by the Dust Bowl was 16 million acres (6.5 million hectares) of land in the Texas and Oklahoma panhandles. These 20 counties that the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Soil Conservation Service identified as the worst wind-eroded region were home to the majority of the Great Plains migrants during the Dust Bowl.

While migration from and between the Southern Great Plain States was greater than migration in other regions in the 1930s, the numbers of migrants from these areas had only slightly increased from the 1920s. The Dust Bowl and Great Depression thus did not trigger a mass exodus of southern migrants, but simply encouraged these migrants to keep moving where in other areas the Great Depression limited mobility due to economic issues, decreasing migration. While the population of the Great Plains did fall during the Dust Bowl and Great Depression, the drop was not caused by extreme numbers of migrants leaving the Great Plains but by of a lack of migrants moving from outside the Great Plains into the region.

References

Bibliography

Bonnifield, Mathew Paul. (1979) Dust Bowl: Men, Dirt and Depression

Cunfer, Geoff. (2008) "Scaling the Dust Bowl" Archived February 26, 2021, at the Wayback Machine, Placing history: How maps, spatial data, and GIS are changing historical scholarship, ESRI Press, Redlands.

Gregory, James Noble. American exodus: The dust bowl migration and Okie culture in California (Oxford University Press, 1989)

Sylvester, Kenneth M., and Eric S. A. Rupley, "Revising the Dust Bowl: High above the Kansas Grassland", Environmental History, 17 (July 2012), 603-33.

Woody Guthrie, (1963) The (Nearly) Complete Collection of Woody Guthrie Folk Songs, Ludlow Music, New York.

Alan Lomax, Woody Guthrie, Pete Seeger, (1967) Hard-Hitting Songs for Hard-Hit People, Oak Publications, New York.

Katelan Janke, (1935) Survival in the Storm: The Dust Bowl Diary of Grace Edwards, Dalhart, Texas, Scholastic (September 2002). ISBN 0-439-21599-4.

Sweeney, Kevin Z. (2016). Prelude to the Dust Bowl: Drought in the Nineteenth-Century Southern Plains Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press.

Documentary films

External links

The Dust Bowl photo collection

"The Dust Bowl", a PBS television series by filmmaker Ken Burns

The Dust Bowl (EH.Net Encyclopedia)

Black Sunday, April 14, 1935, Dodge City, KS

Voices from the Dust Bowl: The Charles L. Todd and Robert Sonkin Migrant Worker Collection, 1940-1941 Library of Congress, American Folklife Center Online collection of archival sound recordings, photographs, and manuscripts

The Dust Bowl (Wessels Living History Farm)

Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture - Dust Bowl

Dust, Drought, and Dreams Gone Dry: Oklahoma Women in the Dust Bowl Oral History Project, Oklahoma Oral History Research Program

Voices of Oklahoma interview with Frosty Troy. First person interview conducted on November 30, 2011 with Frosty Troy talking about the Oklahoma Dust Bowl. Original audio and transcript archived with Voices of Oklahoma oral history project.

Dust Bowl - Ken Burns playlist on YouTube

Dust Bowl - Ken Burns playlist on YouTube

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The Dust Bowl was the result of a period of severe dust storms that greatly damaged the ecology and agriculture of the American and Canadian prairies during the 1930s. The phenomenon was caused by a combination of natural factors (severe drought) and human-made factors: a failure to apply dryland farming methods to prevent wind erosion, most notably the destruction of the natural topsoil by settlers in the region.

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The Dust Bowl  was caused by major drout. Thousands of people lost crops and livestock. The Dust Bowl started in 1930 and lasted about a decade. This affected the U.S Majorly by reducing the amount of food we had. People also lost their homes from this tragic event.
Publisher - A&E Television Networks
https://www.history.com/topics/great-depression/dust-bowl
Picture from-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dust_Bowl

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On March 27th, 1964, an earthquake of 9.2 magnitude hit The Prince William Sound region of Alaska. The area where there was significant damage covered about 130,000 square kilometers. The area in which it was felt was about 1,300,000 square kilometers (all of Alaska, parts of Canada, and south to Washington). The four minute duration of shaking triggered many landslides and avalanches. Major structural damage occurred in many of the major cities in Alaska. The damage totaled 300-400 million dollars (1964 dollars).  The number of deaths from the earthquake totaled 131; 115 in Alaska and 16 in Oregon and California. The death toll was extremely small for a quake of this magnitude due to low population density, the time of day and the fact that it was a holiday, and the type of material used to construct many buildings.
http://www.aeic.alaska.edu/quakes/Alaska_1964_earthquake.html

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The blizzard of 1999 affected all across the US and Canada, New York got over 4 foot of snow and 400 people were killed in the storm.  The storm was labeled as "The Storm of the Century"
1. R. Brugge, “rmets.onlinelibrary.wiley.com,” Royal Meteorology Society, Published March 1994, https://rmets.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/j.1477-8696.1994.tb05985.x.

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If you are a RMetS member click here for instructions on how to access all RMetS journal content

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The Tangshan had a great impact on china because it had taken down many important highways and affect all of there society  because people could not go places cause of the earthquake and there was a bulge of amplitude 50mm. About 700,000 people were injured in this earthquakes.

Rafferty, John. “Tangshan earthhquake of 1976.” Britannica. 1 October 2018.

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Tangshan earthquake of 1976 | Magnitude, Deaths, Damage, & Facts

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Tangshan earthquake of 1976, earthquake on July 28, 1976, with a magnitude of 7.5, which nearly razed the Chinese coal-mining and industrial city of Tangshan, located about 68 miles (110 km) east of Beijing. The death toll, thought to be one of the largest natural disasters in recorded history, was

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Onshore tsunami deposits resulting from the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea earthquakes were described to evaluate the feasibility of tsunami deposits for inferring paleoseismic events along submarine faults. The article talks about a book called tsunami's 1992-1994

Sato. Hiroshi.“Onshore Tsunami Deposits Caused by the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea Earthquakes.” Springer Link. 1 October 2018.https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-0348-7279-9_18.

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Part of the Pageoph Topical Volumes book series (PTV)

Abstract

Onshore tsunami deposits resulting from the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea earthquakes were described to evaluate the feasibility of tsunami deposits for inferring paleoseismic events along submarine faults. Tsunami deposits were divided into three types, based on their composition and aerial distribution: (A) deposits consisting only of floating materials, (B) locally distributed siliclastic deposits, and (C) widespread siliclastic deposits. The most widely distributed tsunami deposits consist of the first two types. Type C deposits are mostly limited to areas where the higher tsunami runup was observed. The scale of tsunami represented by vertical tsunami runup is an important factor controlling the volume of tsunami deposits. The thickest deposits, about 10 cm, occur behind coastal dunes. To produce thick siliclastic tsunami deposits, a suitable source area, such as sand bar or dune, must be available in addition to sufficient vertical tsunami runup. Estimation of the amounts of erosion and deposition indicates that tsunami deposits were derived from both onshore and shoreface regions. The composition and grain size of the tsunami deposits strongly reflect the nature of the sedimentary materials of their source area. Sedimentary structures of the tsunami deposits suggest both low and high flow régimes. Consequently, it seems very difficult to identify tsunami deposits based only on grain size distribution or sedimentary structure of a single site in ancient successions.

Key words

Onshore tsunami deposits 1993 Southwest Hokkaido earthquake 1983 Japan Sea earthquake eastern coast of the Japan Sea paleoseismicity.

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References

1. Clifton, H. E. (1976), Wave-formed sedimentary structures-a conceptual model, In Beach and Nearshore Sedimentation (eds. Davis, R. A. Jr., and Ethington, R. L.), Spec. Publ. Soc. Econ. Paleontol. Miner. 24, 126-148

2. Dawson, A. G., Long, D., and Smith, D. E. (1988), The Storegga Slides: Evidence from Eastern Scotland for a Possible Tsunami, Marine Geology 82, 271-276

3. Dawson, A. G., Foster, I. D L., Shi, S., Smith, D. E., and Long, D. (1991), The Identification of Tsunami Deposits in Coastal Sediment Sequences, Sci. Tsunami Hazards 9, 73-82

4. Hokkaido Tsunami Survey Group (1993), Tsunami Devastates Japanese Coastal Region, EOS 74, 417-432

5. Kato, Y. (1987), Run-up Height of Yaeyama Seismic Tsunami (1977), J. Seismol. Soc. Jpn. 40, 377-381 (in Japanese with English abstract)

6. Kon'no, E., ed. (1961), Geological Observations of the Sanriku Coastal Region Damaged by Tsunami due to the Chile Earthquake in 1960, Contrib. Inst. Geol. Paleontol. Tohoku Univ. 52, 1-45 (in Japanese with English abstract)

7. Long, D., Smith, D. E., and Dawson, A. G. (1989), A Holocene Tsunami Deposit in Eastern Scotland, J. Quat. Sci. 4, 61-66

8. Moore, G. W., and Moore, J. G. (1988), Large-scale bed forms in boulder gravel produced by giant waves in Hawaii. In Sedimentologic Consequences of Convulsive Geologic Events (Clifton, H. E., ed.), Geol. Soc. Am. Spec. Pap. 229, 101-110

9. Moore, J. G., Claugue, D. A., Holcom, R. T., Lipman, P. W., Normark, W. R., and Torrewsan, M. E. (1989), Prodigious Submarine Landslides on Hawaiian Ridge, J. Geophys. Res. 94, 17465-17484

10. Nakata, T., and Kawana, T. (1993), Historical and prehistorical large tsunamis in the southern Ryukyus, Japan. In Tsunami ' 93, Proc. IUGG/IOC Int. Tsunami Symp. Wakayama Japan, August 23-27, 1993, pp. 297-307

11. Okamura, M., Shimazaki, K., Nakata, T., Chida, N., Miyatake, T., Maemoku, H., Tsutsumi, H., Nakamura, T., Yamaguchi, C., and Ogawa, M. (1993), Submarine Active Faults in the Northwestern Part of Beppu Bay, Japan - On a New Technique for Submarine Active Fault Survey-, Mem. Geol. Soc. Japan 40, 65-74 (in Japanese with English abstracts)

12. Shimamoto, T., Tsutsumi, A., Kawamoto, E., Miyawaki, M., and Sato, H. (1995), Tsunami Disasters Caused by the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido Earthquake and Their Implication for the Prevention of Future Tsunami Disasters, Pure and Appl. Geophys., this issue

13. Shuto, N. (1984), Trace Height of Tsunami of the Japan Sea Earthquake of 1983, Tsunami Engin. Technical Rept. Tohoku Univ. 1, 88-267 (in Japanese)

14. Yoshimura, A., Large-scale Tsunamis on the Sanriku Coast (Chuou-Koron, Tokyo 1984)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Onshore Tsunami Deposits Caused by the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea Earthquakes

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Part of the Pageoph Topical Volumes book series (PTV) Onshore tsunami deposits resulting from the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea earthquakes were described to evaluate the feasibility of tsunami deposits for inferring paleoseismic events along submarine faults.

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Tohoku Earthquake And Tsunami in 2011 was a 9.0 earthquake and lasted 6 minuets. It is one of the biggest recorded in the last 100 years, and killed more than 230,000 people.

Keiko Udo, Daisuke Sugawara, Hitoshi Tanka, Kentaro Imai, and  kira Mano. “Impact of the 2011 Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami ON BEACH MORPHOLOGY ALONG THE NORTHERN SENDAI COAST" Costal Engineering Journal. 29 September 2018.
https://www.worldscientific.com/doi/abs/10.1142/S057856341250009X

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The blizzard of 1999 affected all across the US and Canada, New York got over 4 foot of snow and 400 people were killed in the storm. The storm was labeled as "The Storm of the Century"

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If you are a RMetS member click here for instructions on how to access all RMetS journal content

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Smallpox killed more than 300-500 million people in the 20th century over 80% of the children affected died world wide. It killed off the Native Americans when Columbus came to the new world. Smallpox was declared eradicated in 1979 The virus its self only lives in two research facilities now, one in Atlanta, Georgia, and in Russia.
Lastname, Firstname. “Title of Web Page.” Publishing Organization or Name of Website in Roman.1/2/2001
https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/nejm200102013440511

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Mount Vesuvius, a volcano near the Bay of Naples in Italy, is hundreds of thousands of years old and has erupted more than 50 times. Its most famous eruption took place in the year 79 A.D., when the volcano buried the ancient Roman city of Pompeii under a thick carpet of volcanic ash.Two thousand people died, and the city was abandoned for almost as many years. When a group of explorers rediscovered the site in 1748.
Haraldur Sigurdsson, Stanford Cashdollar and Stephen R. J. Sparks “www.jstor.org" Archaeological Institute of America, Jan., 1982, URL.

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The Eruption of Vesuvius in A. D. 79: Reconstruction from Historical and Volcanological Evidence on JSTOR

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Reinterpretation of the volcanological and historical evidence shows that the eruption of Vesuvius in A. D. 79 consisted of two main phases. The initial 18 to 2...

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Typhoid fever is a bacterial disease that was an American epidemic but still is found around the world. The disease is contracted from bad hygiene and is commonly found in poor areas.

Crump John, Mintz Eric “Global Trends in Typhoid and Paratyphoid Fever” IDSA, HIVMA. 15 January 2010. https://academic.oup.com/cid/article/50/2/241/330059.

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Abstract

Typhoid and paratyphoid fever continue to be important causes of illness and death, particularly among children and adolescents in south-central and Southeast Asia, where enteric fever is associated with poor sanitation and unsafe food and water. High-quality incidence data from Asia are underpinning efforts to expand access to typhoid vaccines. Efforts are underway to develop vaccines that are immunogenic in infants after a single dose and that can be produced locally in countries of endemicity. The growing importance of Salmonella enterica serotype Paratyphi A in Asia is concerning. Antimicrobial resistance has sequentially emerged to traditional first-line drugs, fluoroquinolones, and third-generation cephalosporins, posing patient treatment challenges. Azithromycin has proven to be an effective alternative for treatment of uncomplicated typhoid fever. The availability of full genome sequences for S. enterica serotype Typhi and S. enterica serotype Paratyphi A confirms their place as monomorphic, human-adapted pathogens vulnerable to control measures if international efforts can be redoubled.

Enteric fever is a systemic infection caused by the human-adapted pathogens Salmonella enterica serotype Typhi ( S. Ty-phi) and S. enterica serotpe Paratyphi ( S. Paratyphi) A, B, and C. These organisms are important causes of febrile illness in crowded and impoverished populations with inadequate sanitation that are exposed to unsafe water and food and also pose a risk to travelers visiting countries of endemicity [ 1]. This review addresses recent trends in global epidemiology, approaches to prevention and control, antimicrobial resistance and patient treatment, and the genomics of these organisms.

Epidemiology

Burden of illness and death

In 2000, typhoid fever caused an estimated 21.7 million illnesses and 217,000 deaths, and paratyphoid fever caused an estimated 5.4 million illnesses worldwide [ 2]. Infants, children, and adolescents in south-central and Southeastern Asia experience the greatest burden of illness [ 2]. Typhoid and paratyphoid fever most often present as clinically similar acute febrile illnesses, and accurate diagnosis relies on laboratory confirmation [ 3]. Bone marrow culture remains the gold standard diagnostic test for enteric fever [ 4]. Efforts to develop serologic methods for the diagnosis of typhoid fever that improve on the poor performance of the Widal test still suffer from substantial limitations of both sensitivity and specificity [ 5]. Serological approaches to the diagnosis of S. Paratyphi A, B, and C have been developed but have not been evaluated or adapted for field use [ 6]. Consequently, blood culture, a less sensitive method than bone marrow culture, is often the practical first choice test for both patient diagnosis and epidemiologic evaluation of S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi burden. However, most enteric fever occurs in low-and middle-income countries where blood cultures are often unavailable, unaffordable, or inconsistently applied [ 7]. The most robust approach to the measurement of incidence of typhoid and paratyphoid fever is by regular, community-wide household visits to identify persons with febrile illness from whom blood samples for culture confirmation may be obtained. Alternatively, the results of surveys of health-seeking behavior and sentinel health care facility-based surveillance may be combined to estimate incidence [ 3]. Because of the limited availability of blood culture services and the logistic challenges of enteric fever surveillance techniques capable of measuring disease incidence, the burden of typhoid and paratyphoid fever is poorly characterized in much of the world, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Furthermore, accurate estimates of rates of complications and death at the population level are not available. To reduce gaps in the current understanding of typhoid fever incidence, complications, and case-fatality rate, large population-based studies using blood culture confirmation of cases are needed in representative sites, especially in low and medium human development index countries outside Asia [ 8].

Epidemiologic trends

Despite the limitations of currently available epidemiologic data, a number of recent trends in enteric disease epidemiology have emerged in the African, Asian, and Latin American regions. In sub-Saharan Africa, where the burden of enteric fever is the least well characterized, hospital-based studies indicate that non-Typhi serotypes of Salmonella, particularly S. enterica serotype Enteritidis and S. enterica serotype Typhimurium, greatly outnumber S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi as causes of bloodstream infection [ 9, 10]. Nonetheless, outbreaks of typhoid fever are frequently reported from sub-Saharan Africa, often with large numbers of patients presenting with intestinal perforations leaving open important questions about the epidemiology of enteric fever in the region [ 11]. In Asia, a large population-based prospective study using standardized surveillance methods estimated typhoid fever incidence in China, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Vietnam, to inform typhoid fever vaccine policy. This study confirmed the high incidence of typhoid fever in the region, particularly among children and adolescents, but also demonstrated that substantial variation in incidence occurs between surveillance sites in the same region [ 12]. Simultaneously, S. Paratyphi A was responsible for a growing proportion of enteric fever in a number of Asian countries, sometimes accounting for 50% of Salmonella bloodstream isolates among patients with enteric fever. This trend raises important concerns about the impact of typhoid fever vaccine on enteric fever rates [ 13, 14]. In Latin America, there is evidence that typhoid fever incidence has decreased in parallel with both economic transition and with water and sanitation measures introduced to control cholera during the last pandemic [ 2]. Although enteric fever remains a public health problem in the region, it does provide a model for what can be accomplished for countries with a high incidence of enteric fever.

Prevention and Control Strategies

Contaminated water and food are important vehicles for transmission of typhoid fever. Historical surveillance data suggest that enteric fever was endemic in Western Europe and North America and that rates decreased in parallel with the introduction of treatment of municipal water, pasteurization of dairy products, and the exclusion of human feces from food production [ 15]. At present, enteric fever prevention focuses on improving sanitation, ensuring the safety of food and water supplies, identification and treatment of chronic carriers of S. Typhi, and use of typhoid vaccines to reduce the susceptibility of hosts to infection.

Nonvaccine measures

Extending the benefits of improved sanitation and the availability of safe water and food that was achieved in industrialized countries a century ago to low- and middle-income countries has proved to be a challenge. United Nations Millennium Development Goal 7 sets a target to halve, by 2015, the proportion of the population without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation. Recent evidence suggests that interventions to improve the quality of drinking water may be relatively more important for the prevention of enteric infection relative to sanitation measures than was previously thought [ 16]. Although centrally treated reticulated water for all is an important goal, a growing body of research suggests that improving water quality at the household level, as well as at the source, can significantly reduce diarrhea [ 16]. Although not formally evaluated with enteric fever as an outcome, it is likely that interventions that reduce the rate of diarrheal diseases transmitted through contaminated water, food, and poor hygiene would have similar effects on rates of enteric fever.

The identification and treatment of S. Typhi carriers, particularly those involved with food production, has proven to be an important strategy for the control of typhoid fever in low-incidence settings. Although carriers can be identified by serial culture of stool specimens, this approach is labor intensive. Anti-Vi antibody assays have proven to be a useful alternative to stool culture for identifying carriers in outbreak settings [ 17]. However, when used at the community level in an area where typhoid is endemic, the high background levels of anti-Vi antibody appear to render the method impractical [ 18]. Furthermore, the method would also have limitations in settings where Vi-based vaccine use is widespread.

Vaccines

Currently, there are 2 vaccines available in the United States for the prevention of typhoid fever. The Ty21a vaccine is a live, attenuated, oral vaccine containing the S. Typhi strain Ty21a, and the parenteral Vi vaccine is based on the S. Typhi Vi antigen ( Table 1). Ty21a is available as enteric capsules and is licensed in the United States for use in children ⩾6 years of age and elsewhere for children as young as 2 years of age. The Vi-based vaccine is licensed in the United States for children aged ⩾2 years. The effectiveness of parenteral Vi vaccine has recently been confirmed in young children, and the protection of unvaccinated neighbors of Vi vaccinees has been demonstrated [ 19]. A new conjugate vaccine under development, Vi-rEPA, includes Vi antigen bound to a nontoxic recombinant protein that is antigenically identical to Pseudomonas aeruginosa exotoxin. It has been shown to be safe and immunogenic in Vietnamese children aged 2-5 years, providing protective efficacy of 91.5% [ 20], and is undergoing evaluation in younger age groups. In addition, efforts are underway to develop and evaluate improved live, attenuated, oral vaccines with the goals of maintaining safety while improving efficacy and reducing the number of doses required [ 21].

Because S. Paratyphi lack the Vi antigen, Vi-based vaccines are unlikely to provide protection against paratyphoid fever. There is evidence from pooled analyses of randomized controlled field trials done in Chile that Ty21a provides some limited protection against S. Paratyphi B [ 22], and a descriptive analysis of national enteric fever surveillance data among Israeli travelers suggests that Ty21a may offer protection against S. Paratyphi A [ 23]. Despite some preliminary efforts [ 24], there are currently no licensed vaccines against S. Paratyphi [ 25], which is a matter for concern, given the evidence for the emergence of this pathogen [ 14].

Despite having been evaluated in populations in middle- and low-income countries of endemicity, typhoid fever vaccines have historically been used predominantly among travelers from high-income countries [ 1] and have been only occasionally used in settings of endemicity [ 26]. However, this situation is changing because of the availability of high-quality burden of disease data from countries of endemicity [ 12]; the experience of typhoid vaccination programs in Thailand, China, Vietnam, and India [ 27]; and vaccine demonstration projects in 5 Asian countries [ 28]. Furthermore, a 2008 World Health Organization (WHO) position paper on the use of typhoid vaccines provides a mandate to member states by suggesting that countries should consider the programmatic use of Ty21a and Vi vaccines for controlling endemic disease. The position paper indicates that the use of vaccine should be based on an understanding of the local epidemiology of typhoid fever to target vaccine to groups at high risk of disease, such as pre-school-or school-age children, and that vaccine should be implemented in the context of broad disease control efforts [ 29]. Ultimately, the adoption of typhoid vaccine in settings of endemicity would be greatly aided by the availability of vaccines that are efficacious in infants to facilitate integration with Expanded Programs of Immunization, that can be administered as a single dose, and that are produced locally to reduce cost [ 28].

Opinion about the use of typhoid vaccines to curtail epidemics has developed over time. Historically, expert groups have recommended to the WHO that epidemic typhoid control focus on the antimicrobial treatment of acute cases and on improvements in water and sanitation. The conservative approach to the use of vaccine was based on the requirement for multiple doses, the risk for adverse reactions, and concern that vaccination campaigns would divert resources from attention to the source, usually sanitation and water problems. The effect of antimicrobial resistance on patient treatment [ 12], the availability of safe vaccines with simpler dosing regimens [ 1], the logistic challenges of rapidly addressing major water and sanitation infrastructure problems, and the success of mass vaccination programs in countries where typhoid fever is endemic have led to vaccine being more widely considered for epidemic control [ 30].

Antimicrobial Resistance and Patient Management

Antimicrobial resistance is a major public health problem in both S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi, and timely treatment with appropriate antimicrobial agents is important for reducing the mortality associated with enteric fever [ 31].

Multidrug resistance

Resistance to the traditional first-line antimicrobial agents ampicillin, chloramphenicol, and trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole defines multidrug resistance (MDR) in S. enterica. The MDR phenotype has been shown to be widespread among S. Typhi for many years [ 32] and is present, albeit at lower rates, among S. Paratyphi [ 33, 34]. Surveillance studies demonstrate considerable geographic variation in the proportion of S. Typhi isolates that are MDR in the same region, with sites in India, Pakistan, and Vietnam having higher rates of MDR isolates than sites in China and Indonesia [ 12]. Furthermore, longitudinal studies at the same site showed marked changes in the proportion of S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi A with MDR over time, including reductions in the proportion of isolates with MDR [ 35].

Fluoroquinolone resistance

The wide distribution and high prevalence of MDR among Salmonella species has led to fluoroquinolones assuming a primary role in the therapy for invasive salmonellosis. Some investigators have noted increases in the prevalence of S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi strains susceptible to traditional first-line antimicrobials coinciding with a switch to fluoroquinolones for the management of enteric fever [ 35, 36]. However, the widespread use of fluoroquinolones has also been associated with decreased susceptibility [ 37] and documented resistance to this class of drugs [ 38]. A single chromosomal mutation in the quinolone resistance determining region of the gyrA gene may be sufficient to result in decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility. Nalidixic acid resistance in the presence of ciprofloxacin susceptibility had been thought to be a reliable indicator of decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility; however, this is now known not to be the case, and many have suggested that decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility is most reliably determined by measurement of the ciprofloxacin minimum inhibitory concentration [ 39, 40]. Patients with enteric fever due to isolates with decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility are more likely to have prolonged fever clearance times and higher rates of treatment failure [ 41]. In the United States, S. Typhi with MDR and decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility are associated with travel to the Indian subcontinent [ 37]. In addition to decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility, ciprofloxacin resistance has been reported among both S. Typhi [ 42] and S. Paratyphi A [ 35].

Future concerns in antimicrobial resistance

As fluoro-quinolone use continues to expand and as decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility and fluoroquinolone resistance drives the use of third-generation cephalosporins and other agents for the management of enteric fever, new patterns of antimicrobial resistance can be anticipated. Patterns of antimicrobial resistance seen in non-Typhi Salmonella species and Enterobactericeae may emerge in S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi. Although quinolone resistance among Enterobactericeae usually arises as the result of mutations in the quinolone resistance determining region of gyrA, plasmid-mediated resistance is increasingly recognized. Plasmid-mediated quinolone resistance is associated with qnr genes that encode a protein that protects DNA gyrase from ciprofloxacin and by aac(6′)-Ib-cr, an aminoglycoside-modifying enzyme with activity against ciprofloxacin [ 34]. Plasmids bearing qnr or aac(6′)-Ib-cr may also contain an extended-spectrum cephalosporin resistance gene, which would pose a threat to the success of 2 major antimicrobial classes for the management of invasive salmonellosis. Indeed, an S. Typhi isolate producing an SHV-12 extended-spectrum β-lactamase [ 43] and extended-spectrum β-lactamase-producing S. Paratyphi A have recently been reported [ 44]. Of further concern, rare non-Typhi Salmonella isolates have been described that contain the carbapenemase bla IMP-4 and qnrB4 conferring both meropenem resistance and decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility [ 45].

Antimicrobial management of enteric fever

Optimal antimicrobial treatment of patients with enteric fever depends on an understanding of local patterns of antimicrobial resistance and is enhanced by the results of antimicrobial susceptibility testing of the Salmonella isolated from the individual patient. Ciprofloxacin continues to be widely used, but clinicians need to be aware that patients infected with Salmonella with decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility may not respond adequately [ 41]. In this circumstance, third-generation cephalosporins, such as ceftriaxone, may be used. However, the cost and route of administration make ceftriaxone less suitable for patient treatment in some low- and middle-income countries, and the oral third-generation cephalosporin cefixime appears to be inferior to other oral agents both in terms of fever clearance time and treatment failure [ 46]. In these circumstances, recent clinical trials suggest that azithromycin treatment (500 mg once daily for 7 days for adults or 20 mg/kg/day up to a maximum of 1000 mg/day for 7 days for children) is useful for the management of uncomplicated typhoid fever [ 47]. Because of its pharmacokinetic profile, gatifloxacin has potential as a new agent for treating patients infected with isolates with decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility [ 48] but carries risk for dysglycemia, which may limit its widespread use.

Genomics

The complete genome sequence has been determined for S. Typhi strains CT18 [ 49] and Ty2 [ 50] and for S. Paratyphi A strain ATCC9150 [ 51]. The availability of these genome sequences and of newer sequencing technologies that make draft genome sequence simpler and more cost effective provide new opportunities to understand the evolution of S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi A. Sequence-based molecular subtyping also brings more resolution to the molecular epidemiology of these pathogens than is afforded by more traditional methods such as pulsed-field gel electrophoresis.

Comparison of the sequence diversity at multiple, conserved housekeeping genes by multilocus sequence typing suggests that S. Typhi has a relatively recent origin (15,000-150,000 years ago, during the human hunter-gatherer phase) [ 52]. Full sequence analysis suggests that S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi A are much more closely related to each other than they are to other S. enterica serotypes [ 51]. Furthermore, the genomes of both S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi A show little sequence diversity and considerable loss of gene function through pseudogene formation and gene deletion. These features are found in many host-restricted pathogenic bacteria, compared with their host-generalist relatives and are likely to be the result of selection by the host and genetic drift associated with population bottlenecks during or after adaptation to the new niche [ 53, 54].

Conclusions

Enteric fever remains a major public health challenge. Economic development and progress toward the achievement of Millennium Development Goal 7 will assist low- and middle-income countries with experiencing reductions in the rate of enteric fever that are similar to those that were seen in industrialized countries a century ago. The occurrence of enteric fever in poor populations with limited access to diagnostic services means that disease burden is poorly quantified, and policy makers have lacked the data needed to make decisions about the deployment of enteric fever prevention measures and vaccines. However, recent studies and vaccine demonstration projects are beginning to change this situation in Asia. Such data are not yet available for other regions, particularly sub-Saharan Africa. Although Ty21a and Vi polysaccharide vaccines are effective, the development of cheap, safe vaccines with efficacy among infants that can provide protective immunity after a single dose and that could be easily adapted for Expanded Programs of Immunization would facilitate adoption into national programs. The growing importance of S. Paratyphi A as a cause of enteric fever is of great concern, particularly because of the lack of availability of an effective vaccine.

Antimicrobial resistance continues to emerge in S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi, resulting in loss over time of the value of traditional first-line drugs and fluoroquinolones. Decreased ciprofloxacin susceptibility and, more recently, fluoroquinolone resistance have led to greater use of third-generation cephalosporins. Azithromycin shows some promise for the management of uncomplicated typhoid fever and provide a useful alternative to ceftriaxone for settings where a cheaper oral regimen is needed. The historical adaptation of Salmonella to patterns of antimicrobial use suggests that vigilance for the emergence of ceftriaxone-resistant strains is warranted.

Recent insights into the evolution of S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi A from genomics confirm that the organisms are genetically monomorphic and show other features of highly host-adapted pathogens. These features remind us of the organisms' vulnerabilities and the potential for major gains in disease control. Added to the increasing complexity of managing enteric fever because of antimicrobial resistance, there is a strong case for much greater effort in disease control through improvements in sanitation, greater access to safe water and food, identification and treatment of S. Typhi carriers, and the more widespread use of currently available vaccines in populations at high risk of infection.

Acknowledgments

Potential conflicts of interest. All authors: no conflicts.

Financial support. US National Institutes of Health awards AIDS International Training and Research Program, Fogarty International Center (D43 PA-03-018 to J.A.C.); International Studies of AIDS-Associated Coinfections (AI062563 to J.A.C.); Duke University Center for AIDS Research (AI64518 to J.A.C.); Duke Clinical Trials Unit and Clinical Research Sites (AI069484-01 to J.A.C.); Intergovernmental Personnel Agreement from the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (to J.A.C.); and US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (to E.D.M.).

References

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Global Trends in Typhoid and Paratyphoid Fever | Clinical Infectious Diseases | Oxford Academic

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Typhoid and paratyphoid fever continue to be important causes of illness and death, particularly among children and adolescents in south-central and Southeast Asia, where enteric fever is associated with poor sanitation and unsafe food and water. High-quality incidence data from Asia are underpinning efforts to expand access to typhoid vaccines.

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The avian influenza pandemic was worldwide plague. that occurred during 1918-1920.And it caused the death of 62 million people worldwide. It was more lethal in developing countrys. But still . affected developed countrys. it was the worse flu pandemic in world history.

Christopher Murray,Alan Lopez,Brian Chin,Dennis Feehan, Kenneth Hill,"Science Direct" The Lancet,22 December 2006,https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0140673606698954#!

Lastname, Firstname. “Title of Web Page.” Publishing Organization or Name of Website in Roman. Publication date and/or access date if available. URL.

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Estimation of potential global pandemic influenza mortality on the basis of vital registry data from the 1918-20 pandemic: a quantitative analysis

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The threat of an avian influenza pandemic is causing widespread public concern and health policy response, especially in high-income countries. Our ai...

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Walter Wyman, The Black Plague, The North American Review, Vol. 164, No. 485 (Apr., 1897), pp. 441-452

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Part of the Pageoph Topical Volumes book series (PTV)

Abstract

Onshore tsunami deposits resulting from the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea earthquakes were described to evaluate the feasibility of tsunami deposits for inferring paleoseismic events along submarine faults. Tsunami deposits were divided into three types, based on their composition and aerial distribution: (A) deposits consisting only of floating materials, (B) locally distributed siliclastic deposits, and (C) widespread siliclastic deposits. The most widely distributed tsunami deposits consist of the first two types. Type C deposits are mostly limited to areas where the higher tsunami runup was observed. The scale of tsunami represented by vertical tsunami runup is an important factor controlling the volume of tsunami deposits. The thickest deposits, about 10 cm, occur behind coastal dunes. To produce thick siliclastic tsunami deposits, a suitable source area, such as sand bar or dune, must be available in addition to sufficient vertical tsunami runup. Estimation of the amounts of erosion and deposition indicates that tsunami deposits were derived from both onshore and shoreface regions. The composition and grain size of the tsunami deposits strongly reflect the nature of the sedimentary materials of their source area. Sedimentary structures of the tsunami deposits suggest both low and high flow régimes. Consequently, it seems very difficult to identify tsunami deposits based only on grain size distribution or sedimentary structure of a single site in ancient successions.

Key words

Onshore tsunami deposits 1993 Southwest Hokkaido earthquake 1983 Japan Sea earthquake eastern coast of the Japan Sea paleoseismicity.

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References

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11. Okamura, M., Shimazaki, K., Nakata, T., Chida, N., Miyatake, T., Maemoku, H., Tsutsumi, H., Nakamura, T., Yamaguchi, C., and Ogawa, M. (1993), Submarine Active Faults in the Northwestern Part of Beppu Bay, Japan - On a New Technique for Submarine Active Fault Survey-, Mem. Geol. Soc. Japan 40, 65-74 (in Japanese with English abstracts)

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14. Yoshimura, A., Large-scale Tsunamis on the Sanriku Coast (Chuou-Koron, Tokyo 1984)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Onshore Tsunami Deposits Caused by the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea Earthquakes

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Part of the Pageoph Topical Volumes book series (PTV) Onshore tsunami deposits resulting from the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea earthquakes were described to evaluate the feasibility of tsunami deposits for inferring paleoseismic events along submarine faults.

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Hurricane Maria hit Puerto Rico on September 27, 2017. The town of Humacao was wiped out. Being on the coast it was flooded and the houses and buildings were destroyed. There was no power of any kind for over a year. It will take years to rebuild Puerto Rico

Abbasi, Jennifer. “Hurricane Maria and Puerto Rico: A physician looks back.” JAMA Network. 21 August 2018.https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/2696323?widget=personalizedcontent&previousarticle=2654052.

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The eruption of Mount St. Helens in 1980 absolutely devastated the surrounding area in Washington state. The health impact of the explosion prompted swift action to learn about the effects of the explosion and prevent ill effects. The CDC worked with local authorities to evaluate the effects of the eruption and prevent or control adverse effects on public health and safety in the future.

Bernstein, Robert S., Baxter Peter J., Falk Henry, Ing Roy, Foster Laurence, and Floyd Frost.“Immediate public health concerns and actions in volcanic eruptions: lessons from the Mount St. Helens eruptions, May 18 - October 18, 1980.” American Journal of Public Health. March 1986. https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/abs/10.2105/AJPH.76.Suppl.25.

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American Public Health Association (APHA) publications

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The American Journal of Public Health (AJPH) from the American Public Health Association (APHA) publications

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The American Journal of Public Health (AJPH) from the American Public Health Association (APHA)

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The Great Blizzard of 1899 was a very severe weather event (In November) that effected most of the united states, especially the Rocky mountains. Crops were ruined and the bird population went down. Their was an estimated 100 deaths in the Rocky mountain region. People were found frozen to death trying to escape the cold.

Wiley, John. “Numerical modeling of a Historic storm: Simulating the Blizzard of 1888.” AGU 100 advancing earth and space science. 17 July 2013. https://agupubs.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/grl.50750.

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Journal of Advances in Modeling Earth Systems (JAMES)

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The Black Plague (or Bubonic Plague) was a devastating event that swept across Europe, Africa, and Asia during the 12th Century. It killed hundreds of millions of people and purged the population (30% - 60%) - causing a massive set-back in the population of the world. It spread through fleas on rats and was extremely deadly to humans. It's thought to have originated from Central Asia.

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Walter Wyman, The Black Plague, The North American Review, Vol. 164, No. 485 (Apr., 1897), pp. 441-452

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When the Tangshan hit china it affected the north eastern part of china

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ON THE ANOMALOUS CRUSTAL BULGE AND ASEISMIC CREEP PRIOR TO THE 1976 TANGSHAN EARTHQUAKE--《Acta Seismologica Sinica》1981年01期

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Based on the observed data of 11 repeated surveys in the Tangshan area prior to the 1976 earthquake, an analysis has been made for the temporal and spatial variations of erustal deformation within this region. The result indicates that before the earth-quake, from 1968 to 1969 a surface bulge of amplitude 50mm, lasting for two years, took place in the epicentral region.

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Part of the Pageoph Topical Volumes book series (PTV)

Abstract

Onshore tsunami deposits resulting from the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea earthquakes were described to evaluate the feasibility of tsunami deposits for inferring paleoseismic events along submarine faults. Tsunami deposits were divided into three types, based on their composition and aerial distribution: (A) deposits consisting only of floating materials, (B) locally distributed siliclastic deposits, and (C) widespread siliclastic deposits. The most widely distributed tsunami deposits consist of the first two types. Type C deposits are mostly limited to areas where the higher tsunami runup was observed. The scale of tsunami represented by vertical tsunami runup is an important factor controlling the volume of tsunami deposits. The thickest deposits, about 10 cm, occur behind coastal dunes. To produce thick siliclastic tsunami deposits, a suitable source area, such as sand bar or dune, must be available in addition to sufficient vertical tsunami runup. Estimation of the amounts of erosion and deposition indicates that tsunami deposits were derived from both onshore and shoreface regions. The composition and grain size of the tsunami deposits strongly reflect the nature of the sedimentary materials of their source area. Sedimentary structures of the tsunami deposits suggest both low and high flow régimes. Consequently, it seems very difficult to identify tsunami deposits based only on grain size distribution or sedimentary structure of a single site in ancient successions.

Key words

Onshore tsunami deposits 1993 Southwest Hokkaido earthquake 1983 Japan Sea earthquake eastern coast of the Japan Sea paleoseismicity.

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References

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2. Dawson, A. G., Long, D., and Smith, D. E. (1988), The Storegga Slides: Evidence from Eastern Scotland for a Possible Tsunami, Marine Geology 82, 271-276

3. Dawson, A. G., Foster, I. D L., Shi, S., Smith, D. E., and Long, D. (1991), The Identification of Tsunami Deposits in Coastal Sediment Sequences, Sci. Tsunami Hazards 9, 73-82

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6. Kon'no, E., ed. (1961), Geological Observations of the Sanriku Coastal Region Damaged by Tsunami due to the Chile Earthquake in 1960, Contrib. Inst. Geol. Paleontol. Tohoku Univ. 52, 1-45 (in Japanese with English abstract)

7. Long, D., Smith, D. E., and Dawson, A. G. (1989), A Holocene Tsunami Deposit in Eastern Scotland, J. Quat. Sci. 4, 61-66

8. Moore, G. W., and Moore, J. G. (1988), Large-scale bed forms in boulder gravel produced by giant waves in Hawaii. In Sedimentologic Consequences of Convulsive Geologic Events (Clifton, H. E., ed.), Geol. Soc. Am. Spec. Pap. 229, 101-110

9. Moore, J. G., Claugue, D. A., Holcom, R. T., Lipman, P. W., Normark, W. R., and Torrewsan, M. E. (1989), Prodigious Submarine Landslides on Hawaiian Ridge, J. Geophys. Res. 94, 17465-17484

10. Nakata, T., and Kawana, T. (1993), Historical and prehistorical large tsunamis in the southern Ryukyus, Japan. In Tsunami ' 93, Proc. IUGG/IOC Int. Tsunami Symp. Wakayama Japan, August 23-27, 1993, pp. 297-307

11. Okamura, M., Shimazaki, K., Nakata, T., Chida, N., Miyatake, T., Maemoku, H., Tsutsumi, H., Nakamura, T., Yamaguchi, C., and Ogawa, M. (1993), Submarine Active Faults in the Northwestern Part of Beppu Bay, Japan - On a New Technique for Submarine Active Fault Survey-, Mem. Geol. Soc. Japan 40, 65-74 (in Japanese with English abstracts)

12. Shimamoto, T., Tsutsumi, A., Kawamoto, E., Miyawaki, M., and Sato, H. (1995), Tsunami Disasters Caused by the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido Earthquake and Their Implication for the Prevention of Future Tsunami Disasters, Pure and Appl. Geophys., this issue

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Onshore Tsunami Deposits Caused by the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea Earthquakes

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Part of the Pageoph Topical Volumes book series (PTV) Onshore tsunami deposits resulting from the 1993 Southwest Hokkaido and 1983 Japan Sea earthquakes were described to evaluate the feasibility of tsunami deposits for inferring paleoseismic events along submarine faults.

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The 2011 Tōhoku earthquake happened when two tectonic plates collided. It occurred 125km from the east of Honshu and 380 km from Tokyo. It lasted for about three minutes, shaking parts of Japan and some parts of east China and Russia. The earthquake caused the loss of 15,854 people and left 26,992 injured, 3,167 missing and ruined over 125,000 buildings. Followed by the earthquake was a Tsunami. this cause the Fukushima Power Plant to be destroyed, leaking radioactive material around. Japan wasn't the only place effected by the earthquake, Due to the tsunami, it cause $30 million worth of damage in Hawaii; $55 million damage to the marine facilities in California; and $6 million in losses to the fishing industry in Tongoy. The Tōhoku earthquake may have lasted three minutes, but it caused years of damage. Japan is working to have the most efficient warning system that is updated frequently, since the previous ones were not as effective.

Kent, Julia and Wolfe, Hannah. “Japan Earthquake and Tsunami 2011.” www.Sutori.com.1 October, 2018. https://www.sutori.com/story/japan-earthquake-and-tsunami-2011.

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To print the story please do so via the link in the story toolbar.

In this case study, we will examine the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake, the tsunami that followed, and the mitigation which has developed from these catastrophes. This tragedy caused thousands of deaths, millions of dollars worth of houses, and buildings ruined. When the two tectonic plates collided with each other, causing the Tōhoku earthquake Zaré et al., 2012). The tsunami occurred after the earthquake, causing the Fukushima Power Plant to be destroyed, dispersingradioactive materials around, with the effects worse than the earthquake and tsunami (Oskin, 2017). The Tōhoku earthquake lasted for three minutes causing years of damage; which Japan's warning systems were revived after the previous warning systems were not as effective, Japan is working to have the most efficient warning system that is updated frequently (Zaré et al., 2012).

References

Dunbar. P., McCullough. H., Mungov. G., Varner. J., & Stroker. K. (2011). Tohoku earthquake and tsunami data available from NOAA/NGDC(2011), Geomatics, Natural Hazards and Risk, Vol. 2 (4), p. 305-323, DOI:10.1080/19475705.2011.632443

Normille, D. (2012). One Year After the Devastation, Tohoku Designs Its Renewal. Science, Vol.335, Issue 6073, 1164-1166. DOI: 10.1126/science.335.6073.1164

Oskin, B. (2017). Japan Earthquake & Tsunami of 2011: Facts and Information. Live Science. https://www.livescience.com/39110-japan-2011-earthquake-tsunami-facts.html

USGS. (2011, March 11). M 9.1 - near the east coast of Honshu, Japan. Retrieved from Earthquake Hazards Program: https://earthquake.usgs.gov/earthquakes/eventpage/official20110311054624120_30 #region-info

Zaré, M., & Afrouz, S. G. (2012). Crisis Management of Tohoku; Japan Earthquake and Tsunami, 11 March 2011. Iranian Journal of Public Health, 41(6), 12-20. URLhttps://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3469005

In this case study, we will examine the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake, the tsunami that followed, and the mitigation which has developed from these catastrophes. This tragedy caused thousands of deaths, millions of dollars worth of houses, and buildings ruined. When the two tectonic plates collided with each other, causing the Tōhoku earthquake Zaré et al., 2012). The tsunami occurred after the earthquake, causing the Fukushima Power Plant to be destroyed, dispersingradioactive materials around, with the effects worse than the earthquake and tsunami (Oskin, 2017). The Tōhoku earthquake lasted for three minutes causing years of damage; which Japan's warning systems were revived after the previous warning systems were not as effective, Japan is working to have the most efficient warning system that is updated frequently (Zaré et al., 2012).

References

Dunbar. P., McCullough. H., Mungov. G., Varner. J., & Stroker. K. (2011). Tohoku earthquake and tsunami data available from NOAA/NGDC(2011), Geomatics, Natural Hazards and Risk, Vol. 2 (4), p. 305-323, DOI:10.1080/19475705.2011.632443

Normille, D. (2012). One Year After the Devastation, Tohoku Designs Its Renewal. Science, Vol.335, Issue 6073, 1164-1166. DOI: 10.1126/science.335.6073.1164

Oskin, B. (2017). Japan Earthquake & Tsunami of 2011: Facts and Information. Live Science. https://www.livescience.com/39110-japan-2011-earthquake-tsunami-facts.html

USGS. (2011, March 11). M 9.1 - near the east coast of Honshu, Japan. Retrieved from Earthquake Hazards Program: https://earthquake.usgs.gov/earthquakes/eventpage/official20110311054624120_30 #region-info

Zaré, M., & Afrouz, S. G. (2012). Crisis Management of Tohoku; Japan Earthquake and Tsunami, 11 March 2011. Iranian Journal of Public Health, 41(6), 12-20. URLhttps://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3469005

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By Julia Kent and Hannah Wolfe The earthquake was the fourth largest earthquake ever in the world, other parts of the world were affected by this disastrous event, seeing two meter high waves at tide gauges in Russia, South America, Hawaii, and the United States' west coast (Dunbar et al., 2011).

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The unprecedented losses from Hurricane Katrina can be explained by two paradoxes. The safe development paradox is that in trying to make hazardous areas safer, the federal government in fact substantially increased the potential for catastrophic property damages and economic loss. The local government paradox is that while their citizens bear the brunt of human suffering and financial loss in disasters, local officials pay insufficient attention to policies to limit vulnerability. The author demonstrates in this article that in spite of the two paradoxes, disaster losses can be blunted if local governments prepare comprehensive plans that pay attention to hazard mitigation. The federal government can take steps to increase local government commitment to planning and hazard mitigation by making relatively small adjustments to the Disaster Mitigation Act of 2000 and the Flood Insurance Act. To be more certain of reducing disaster losses, however, the author suggests that we need a major reorientation of the National Flood Insurance Program from insuring individuals to insuring communities.

Cutter, Susan L. , and Christopher Emrich . 2005. Are natural hazards and disaster losses in the U.S. increasing? EOS, Transactions, American Geophysical Union 86:381, 388-389. Google Scholar

Grunwald, Michael , and Susan B. Glasser . 2005. The slow drowning of New Orleans. Washington Post, October 9. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/10/08/AR2005100801458_pf.html. Google Scholar

Pasterick, Edward T. 1998. The National Flood Insurance Program. In Paying the price: The status and role of insurance against natural disasters in the United States, ed. Howard Kunreuther and Richard J. Roth Sr. , 125-154. Washington, DC: Joseph Henry Press. Google Scholar

U.S. Department of Commerce , National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration , National Climatic Data Center . 2005. Billion dollar U.S. weather disasters. http://www.ncdc.noaa.gov/oa/reports/billionz.html (accessed October 9, 2005). Google Scholar

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Hurricane Katrina and the Paradoxes of Government Disaster Policy: Bringing About Wise Governmental Decisions for Hazardous Areas

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The unprecedented losses from Hurricane Katrina can be explained by two paradoxes. The safe development paradox is that in trying to make hazardous areas safer, the federal government in fact substantially increased the potential for catastrophic property damages and economic loss.

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accessed 27 September 2018
Hurricane Opal 1995 it intensively and aggressively went over the gulf of Mexico
hit a tropical storm strength in October. By October 3 it was just about to hit the gulf of Mexico

https://journals.ametsoc.org/doi/abs/10.1175/1520-0493(2000)128%3C0322:EIOTRI%3E2.0.CO;2
Lastname, Firstname. “Title of Web Page.” Publishing Organization or Name of Website in Roman. Publication date and/or access date if available. URL.
Lance F. Bosart,
W. Edward Bracken,
John Molinari

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https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0278425498100078
Robinson, Korbin

Lastname, Firstname. “Title of Web Page.” Publishing Organization or Name of Website in Roman. Publication date and/or access date if available. URL.

Pattena, Denis M., and  Jon R. Nance, "Regulatory cost effects in a good news environment: The intra-industry reaction to the Alaskan oil spill."
Accesed 27 Sep 2018

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Hurricane Irma hit several areas such as Florida, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. It began to hit land on Aug. 30th near the Cape Verde Islands. It developed from a tropical wave that developed off the West Africa coast. It eventually became a category 5 hurricane. the damage estimate from hurricane Irma is up to $100 billion. Around 130 people died.

Seraphin, Hughes. "

Natural disaster and destination management: the case of the Caribbean and hurricane Irma.” Taylor and Francis Online. Received 09 Sep 2017, Accepted 23 Dec 2017, Published online: 09 Jan 2018. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13683500.2017.1422483 .

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This current issue in the Caribbean raises the topic of destination management and more particularly the importance of considering natural phenomenon when planning and developing a tourism product. The impacts of Irma on some Caribbean islands such as Saint-Barthelemy, Saint-Martin, Barbuda and Anguilla show that hurricanes are major risks for the tourism industry of the islands. This risk could be said to be absolute in the Caribbean but the negative impacts can be mitigated by appropriate strategies. To some extent, natural disasters provide tabularaza that give destinations opportunities to reinvent themselves sustainability.

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Natural disaster and destination management: the case of the Caribbean and hurricane Irma

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This current issue in the Caribbean raises the topic of destination management and more particularly the importance of considering natural phenomenon when planning and developing a tourism product. The impacts of Irma on some Caribbean islands such as Saint-Barthelemy, Saint-Martin, Barbuda and Anguilla show that hurricanes are major risks for the tourism industry of the islands.

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Hurricane Katrina hit the Gulf South at the end of August 2005, devastating lives and raising questions about how race and class influence human, as well as institutional, responses to disaster. This study uses survey data collected from over 1200 Hurricane Katrina survivors to examine these influences on a wide array of responses, ranging from evacuation timing and emotional support to housing and employment situations and plans to return to pre-storm communities.

Lastname, Firstname. “Title of Web Page.” Publishing Organization or Name of Website in Roman. Publication date and/or access date if available. URL.

Elliott R. James, and Jeremy Pais. "Race, class, and Hurricane Katrina"
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0049089X06000135 .

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Race, class, and Hurricane Katrina: Social differences in human responses to disaster

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Hurricane Katrina pounded the Gulf South at the end of August 2005, devastating lives and raising questions about how race and class influence human, ...

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The San Francisco Earthquake hit on April 18, 1906. This event only lasted 47 seconds, but had a devastating effect on the city of San Francisco. While San Francisco had several earthquakes before, they did little damage, and the city was fairly small. By the earthquake of 1906, the city had grown considerably, and the results were devastating. Many people died in their houses, often asleep (the earthquake struck at 5:12 in the morning). It ripped the city to pieces, and killed others later, from injury. We don't really know how many people died, and guesses range from 800 to 3,000. The damage didn't stop with the earthquake. It caused fires, which burned for 3 days and 3 nights, causing more death and destruction. An estimated 3/4 of the buildings of San Francisco were lost. No one expected this earthquake. This event led to improved earthquake technology for houses, and improved earthquake procedures.
Hoobler, Dorothy, Thomas Hoobler, New York, New York, Penguin Random House LLC, 2016.
https://books.google.com/books?id=qtYiDQAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=san+francisco+earthquake&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwittJ661tvdAhWGzFMKHWs0AcQQ6AEIKzAB#v=onepage&q=san%20francisco%20earthquake&f=false

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2012 Great Britain and Ireland floods
Fire fighters were pumping water out of houses and dealing with landslips with more than 1.6in of rain fall  or 40mm dozens of roads closed down and more then 20 flood warnings were sent out "I would advise everyone to be cautious when traveling especially in the dark. In particular, don't drive too fast, and avoid driving through flood water. There are likely to be many potholes underneath surface water which present a hidden danger so drivers need to be aware of those and also of increased breaking distances."https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2012/dec/20/floods-chaos-britain-heavy-rains Steven Morrish "The Guardian"Publication 20th December Thursday 2012

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Extreme wind speed, and many other factors affected the people of Florida, when Hurricane Andrew hit. This hurricane destroyed many homes, workplaces, offices, etc. The hurricane hit on August 16th, 1992. This hurricane is known as the most costliest natural disaster in Florida's history.
Willoughby, H.E. , Black, P.G. " Hurricane Andrew in Florida: Dynamics of a Disaster" Hurricane Research Division AOML/NOAA, Miami, Florida, Published 1 March 1996, https://journals.ametsoc.org/doi/citedby/10.1175/1520-0477%281996%29077%3C0543%3AHAIFDO%3E2.0.CO%3B2

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Hurricane Andrew in Florida: Dynamics of a Disaster: Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society: Vol 77, No 3

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Four meteorological factors aggravated the devastation when Hurricane Andrew struck South Florida: completed replacement of the original eyewall by an outer, concentric eyewall while Andrew was still at sea; storm translation so fast that the eye crossed the populated coastline before the influence of land could weaken it appreciably; extreme wind speed, 82 m s − 1 winds measured by aircraft flying at 2.5 km; and formation of an intense, but nontornadic, convective vortex in the eyewall at the time of landfall.

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Hurricane Patricia was a historical tropical cyclone that broke many records.  The records that were broken were the intensification rate, peak intensity, and overwater weakening rate.  These records were broken during its brief 4-day lifetime in late October of 2015 in the eastern Pacific.  The observations collected from these missions include traditional data sources such as airborne Doppler radar and flight-level instruments as well as new data sources like a high-density array of dropsondes released from high-altitude and wide-swath radiometer.

Rodgers, Robert.  Sim, Aberson. “Rewriting the Tropical Record Books: The Extraordinary Intensification of Hurricane Patricia (2015).” NOAA/Atlantic Oceanographic and Meteorological Laboratory/Hurricane Research Division, Miami, Florida.  Published 30 October 2017. https://journals.ametsoc.org/doi/abs/10.1175/BAMS-D-16-0039.1

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Rewriting the Tropical Record Books: The Extraordinary Intensification of Hurricane Patricia (2015): Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society: Vol 98, No 10

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Hurricane Patricia was a historic tropical cyclone that broke many records, such as intensification rate, peak intensity, and overwater weakening rate, during its brief 4-day lifetime in late October 2015 in the eastern Pacific basin. Patricia confounded all of the intensity forecast guidance owing to its rapid intensity changes.

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On March 11, 2011, the Tohoku-Oki Earthquake had a magnitude of 9.0. It devastated Japan, costing 360 billion dollars in damage. The earthquake formed along a subduction zone, slowly building up energy until releasing high levels of radiation. Then the earthquake formed a tsunami, with 40.5 meter high waves. This catastrophe caused the death of 15,896 people, 6,157 injured people, and the the missing 2,537.

Ampuero, Jean-Paul, Chu, Risheng, Helmberger, Donald V., Hetland, Eric, Jiang, Junle, Kanamori, Hiroo, Meng, Lingsen, Minson, Sarah E., Moore, Angelyn W., Ortega, Francisco, Owen, Susan E., Simons, Mark, Sladen, Anthony, Webb, Frank H., Shengji, Wei  "The 2011 Magnitude 9.0 Tohoku-Oki Earthquake: Mosaicking the Megathrust from Seconds to Centuries.” AAAS, Unknown, 27 September, 2018, http://science.sciencemag.org/content/332/6036/1421.

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Abstract

Geophysical observations from the 2011 moment magnitude ( M w) 9.0 Tohoku-Oki, Japan earthquake allow exploration of a rare large event along a subduction megathrust. Models for this event indicate that the distribution of coseismic fault slip exceeded 50 meters in places. Sources of high-frequency seismic waves delineate the edges of the deepest portions of coseismic slip and do not simply correlate with the locations of peak slip. Relative to the M w 8.8 2010 Maule, Chile earthquake, the Tohoku-Oki earthquake was deficient in high-frequency seismic radiation-a difference that we attribute to its relatively shallow depth. Estimates of total fault slip and surface secular strain accumulation on millennial time scales suggest the need to consider the potential for a future large earthquake just south of this event.

The 2011 Tohoku-Oki earthquake occurred on the megathrust where the Pacific Plate subducts below Japan at an average rate of about 8 to 8.5 cm/year ( Fig. 1) (). Historically, many moment magnitude ( M w) 7 to M w 8 earthquakes have occurred on the Japan Trench megathrust (). Geodetic observations of crustal strain during the interseismic period have been used to infer spatial variations in the degree of plate coupling (i.e., regions of the megathrust expected to produce large earthquakes) for this section of the Japan Trench (). Generally, these models infer high coupling in regions where earthquakes were known to have already occurred ( Fig. 1 and fig. S1), with only partial or even no coupling from the trench to a point approximately midway between the trench and the coastline-precisely the region where the 2011 Tohoku-Oki earthquake occurred. It is fundamentally difficult to use land-based data to assess the state of coupling on distant portions of a megathrust. The Jogan earthquake of 13 July 869 may be the only documented event to have occurred with a possible magnitude and location similar to that of the 2011 earthquake ().

Observations of the 2011 Tohoku-Oki earthquake from a dense regional geodetic network and globally distributed broadband seismographic networks, as well as open-ocean tsunami data, allow the construction of a family of models that describe the distribution and evolution of subsurface fault slip. Surface displacements due to the Tohoku-Oki earthquake were observed by more than 1200 continuously recording Global Positioning System (GPS) sites installed and operated by the Geodetic Survey of Japan (GSI). Here, we used data sampled at 5-min intervals to produce individual three-component positional time series, from which we isolated coseismic displacements ( Fig. 1) (). Significant quasi-permanent displacements due to the mainshock occurred over the entire northern half of Honshu, with peak GPS-measured offsets exceeding 4.3 m horizontally and 66 cm of subsidence ( Figs. 1 and 2). We also isolated surface displacements associated with an M w 7.9 aftershock that occurred about 30 min after the mainshock ( Fig. 1). The spatial extent and the azimuth of the horizontal displacement vectors indicate that the aftershock was located to the south of the mainshock in the Ibaraki segment. Peak horizontal GPS-measured displacements for this aftershock were approximately 44 cm ( Fig. 1). We used observations of open-ocean tsunami wave heights measured by deep sea-bottom pressure gauges to constrain the distribution of coseismic slip on the shallowest portions of the megathrust ( Fig. 1). On the basis of their spatial and azimuthal distribution, we selected 12 sensors in the Pacific ocean east of the Japan trench. The closest of these pressure gauges detected a maximum tsunami wave height of more than 1.9 m ( Fig. 2A).

We first describe static coseismic slip models based on the GPS observations of coseismic offsets and the sea-floor pressure gauge data ( Fig. 3 and fig. S2). Static models constrain the final distribution of slip for the event but not its temporal evolution. We adopt a novel fully Bayesian probabilistic formalism requiring no a priori spatial regularization (, ). We conservatively define the section of the megathrust directly involved with the earthquake by considering only the areas where inferred slip exceeds 8 m (approximately 15% of the maximum slip value, depending on the model). The model predicts maximum seafloor subsidence of about 2 m located 50 km offshore Sendai and Kamaishi, and maximum sea-floor uplift just under 9 m about 50 km from the trench ( Fig. 2). This model fits the GPS and tsunami data with variance reductions of 99.7% and 90.1%, respectively. Residual GPS displacements after removal of the model predictions are shown in fig. S3.

The spatial distribution of slip ( Fig. 3) can be divided into several sections. The central section contains the highest estimated slip values, with peak displacement of around 60 m. The up-dip limit of the forearc is an active accretionary prism that extends about 50 km landward of the trench. Generally, the majority of the fault slip does not extend below this zone, with the exception being just up-dip of the region of maximum fault slip where estimated slip values near the trench range from about 5 to 15 m. A tendril of slip extends more than 100 km north from the central slip zone and just down-dip from the inferred source of the 1896 M w 8.0 Sanriku earthquake. Average slips in this region are approximately 5 to 10 m-similar to those inferred for the 1896 earthquake (). A lobe of about 10 m of fault slip extends down-dip toward the Oshika Peninsula east-northeast of Sendai. This lobe overlaps several of the inferred historical Miyagi-Oki rupture areas. Slip in the up-dip portion of these rupture areas exceeds 20 m. Another tendril of significant slip (5 to 10 m) extends southward of the main high-slip asperity. This tendril clearly overlaps the inferred locations of the 1938 Fukushima earthquake sequence.

We estimated probability distributions for derived scalar rupture quantities including rupture area, potency, scalar seismic moment, and static stress drop (fig. S4). Estimates of moment magnitude range from 8.8 to 9.2. We note that static slip models are relatively insensitive to absolute scaling of the elastic moduli; thus, estimates of moment are less certain than estimates of potency. Estimates of static stress drop vary between 2 and 10 MPa, depending on the area of fault considered. These values are high relative to previous estimates for megathrust events, which typically lie in the 1 to 5 MPa range () and reflect the relatively small area over which there is high slip. As a point of comparison, relative to our model for the Tohoku-Oki event, models of the 2010 M w 8.8 Maule, Chile earthquake typically find twice the along-strike extent of slip and half the peak slip (, ).

We also developed two kinematic finite fault models based on one and two fault planes, respectively, and constrained by broadband seismic data and GPS observations (but no tsunami data) (, ). Examples of the displacement and velocity waveform fits are shown in fig. S5. The inferred moment rate function suggests that most of the rupture occurred in a little over 3 min (fig. S6). We find a low average rupture velocity of about 1.2 km/s (fig. S6). This model explains 99% of the variance of the GPS data. The peak estimated fault slip in this model is about 45 m, a little less than found in the static model. This difference is due to the imposed smoothing in the kinematic model, which is absent in the static model. The extension of slip to the south (offshore Fukushima) is evident in the kinematic model; however, it is located up-dip relative to the static model, presumably because of the absence of the tsunami constraints in the kinematic model. The M w 7.9 aftershock occurred just beyond the southernmost extent of the mainshock slip area with an estimated maximum slip of about 4 m for this event ( Fig. 3) ().

Observations at the high-frequency (HF) end of the seismic spectrum (2 to 4 Hz) can constrain rupture direction and duration (); 90% of the energy release in this frequency band occurs within about 3 min (fig. S7). Unilateral rupture propagation would result in an azimuthally dependent duration. This earthquake displays uniform durations at most azimuths with slightly shortened durations in the down-dip direction, suggesting bilateral along-strike rupture with some down-dip propagation (fig. S7).

We developed an image of the rupture process at high frequencies (between 0.5 and 1 Hz) using back-projection of teleseismic array waveforms () based on high-resolution array processing techniques (, , ). The most energetic of the HF sources as a function of time during the rupture are systematically down-dip of the regions of largest fault slip ( Fig. 3). The robustness of the locations of the HF radiators relative to the assumed hypocenter is supported by the consistency between the results obtained with USArray data and those from the European array ( Fig. 3 and fig. S8).

HF radiation is usually assumed to be spatially correlated to seismic slip () or uniformly distributed over the fault (). This assumption contrasts with the spatial complementarity between HF and low-frequency (LF) source properties observed for this earthquake. Such a relationship has been inferred for other earthquakes, although not systematically (), and might reflect the general lack of correlation between HF and LF in ground motions (, ). Dynamic rupture models generate HF radiation mostly during sudden changes of rupture speed along sharp contrasts of fault rheology or geometry, or along remnant stress concentrations from previous earthquakes (), which can define the boundaries of the slip area.

Instead of relying on characteristics of the rupture dynamics to explain the predominance of HF radiators down-dip of the region of significant coseismic slip, an alternative explanation is that they occur at the transition between brittle and ductile regions. Recent observations of medium-sized earthquakes down-dip from aseismic sections as well as of slow-slip and nonvolcanic tremor phenomena suggest the presence of frictional heterogeneities in the brittle-ductile transition regions of subduction megathrusts (). Coseismic triggering of compact brittle asperities embedded in the ductile fault matrix could explain the relative locations of HF and lower-frequency slip and the apparent lack of HF radiators at shallow depths.

Similarly, we find that large aftershocks with thrust mechanisms are located outside the region of coseismic slip (fig. S2), as has been documented for previous events (, ). Interestingly, for this event, aftershocks are dominantly down-dip of the regions of major coseismic slip-consistent with the idea that fault slip at shallow depths is relatively slow because of higher fracture energy and thus radiates energy less efficiently than at greater depths (). This latter interpretation is supported by a comparison of seismic excitation between 0.5 and 4 Hz from the 2010 Maule and 2011 Tohoku-Oki events (fig. S9). Although the value of peak slip inferred for the Tohoku-Oki earthquake was larger than for the Maule earthquake by a factor of about 2 to 3 and the area of appreciable slip for the Tohoku-Oki is approximately half that of the Maule earthquake, we find that the former produced much less HF radiation. We suggest that this difference is because the Maule earthquake rupture is on average much deeper than the Tohoku-Oki rupture (fig. S10). Thus, it may be that shallow ruptures generally produce large displacements with relatively weak HF excitation. Such an interpretation is also broadly consistent with the general observations that tsunami earthquakes rupture very slowly, with slip concentrated in the shallowest part of the megathrust ().

Our inferred fault slip model suggests high static stress drop with large amounts of slip in a small region. An explanation for this behavior theorizes the existence of barriers that require much more stress accumulation than other regions before they rupture. Such barriers may pin the fault locally, limiting the amount of seismic slip occurring on neighboring areas that have lower thresholds for failure. When the strongest barrier finally ruptures, then surrounding areas can catch up. Subducted seamounts are the most obvious candidates for such barriers (). Indeed, several seamounts are known to have subducted in this segment of the Japan Trench (). The distribution of slip in the Tohoku-Oki earthquake suggests that small areas can have high effective yield stresses that serve to limit rupture propagation during some earthquakes but then eventually rupture with large slip during others.

The extent to which the 2011 earthquake was unexpected suggests that we should consider the potential for similar large events elsewhere on the Japan Trench megathrust. The secular interseismic velocity field for the Miyagi segment shows more than 3 cm/year of relative convergence across Honshu ( Fig. 4). On average, faults in the interior and off the western coast of Honshu, are believed to account for between 1 and 2 cm/year ()-leaving 1 to 2 cm/year associated with interseismic strain accumulation on the subduction interface. We adopt 1100 years as a representative time period because this corresponds to the last large event that is inferred to have occurred in this region (). Thus, over this time period, we must still account for 11 to 22 m of relative motion across Honshu. Similarly, at about 8.5 cm/year of convergence, we must account for more than 90 m of fault slip on the megathrust.

Earthquake activity offshore of Miyagi ( Fig. 1) has been suggested to be dominated by M7+ earthquakes recurring every 30 to 40 years (). However, it has already been established that the historical events are not exact repeats of one another (). Further, such M7+ events only produce 3 to 4 m of fault slip and 5 to 20 cm of surface displacement per event. In the 2011 mainshock, fault slip in the region of the historical M7+ events ranged from 5 to 25 m, which suggests that the concept of a characteristic subduction earthquake with approximately the same slip per event at a given location may be of limited use (). That the 2011 event produced approximately 50 m of slip up-dip of the historical Miyagi M 7+ events is roughly consistent with a 500- to 1000-year potential slip accumulation period. However, there is no basis on which to assume that the aforementioned interval of 1100 years is representative of the recurrence interval of great earthquakes in this segment-it could be shorter by a factor of 2 and still be consistent with the surface displacement budget and the peak slip inferred in this recent earthquake.

The only previously recorded large events offshore Fukushima and Ibaraki occurred as a sequence in 1938, which taken together correspond to about an M w 8.1 event (). At about 8.0 cm/year convergence, the 73 years since those earthquakes imply about 6 m of accumulated potential fault slip-surprisingly similar to the estimates of fault slip for this region during the 2011 event. However, this agreement is probably coincidental because there is no record of an equivalent set of earthquakes preceding the 1938 sequence. Similarly, the 2011 M w 7.9 aftershock offshore of Ibaraki ( Fig. 1) produced about 4 m of fault slip, implying a 50-year recurrence if these events are characteristic of this segment of the megathrust. There is no documentation of large ( M 8+) events prior to 1938 ().

The 2 cm/year GPS-observed onshore convergence in this region ( Fig. 4) implies that, in terms of the 1100-year budget, there is between 0 and 10 m of surface convergence that cannot be plausibly associated with faults farther to the west (). The combination of the 2011 mainshock and the M 7.9 aftershock only produced about 2 m of surface displacement.

There is no record of a large event up-dip of the 1938 Fukushima and Ibaraki sequence. Thus, the slip budget on the megathrust and the surface velocity data suggest that an earthquake similar to the 2011 event is possible offshore Ibaraki and Fukushima just south of the most recent event ( Fig. 4). During such an event, the 1938 asperities and the M 7.9 aftershock rupture area could experience much greater slip than has been documented for previous events, similar to what just occurred offshore Miyagi. However, if this region is in fact not strongly coupled, simple mechanical models () would predict high rates of postseismic afterslip-as is inferred to have occurred after several large recent earthquakes (). Thus, it is essential to monitor this region to quantify the extent of any postseismic slip in order to further understand the long-term fault slip budget and associated seismic hazard.

References and Notes

1. ↵ "Seismic Activity in Japan-Regional Perspectives on the Characteristics of Destructive Earthquakes (Excerpt)" (Earthquake Research Committee, Headquarters for Earthquake Research Promotion, Prime Minister's Office, Tokyo, 1998).

2. See supporting material on ↵Science Online.

3. ↵ S. E. Minson, M. Simons, J. L. Beck, paper presented at the AGU 2010 fall meeting, San Francisco, 13 to 17 December 2010, abstr. G12A-02.

4. Z. Duputel ↵et al., http://eost.u-strasbg.fr/wphase/events/tohoku_oki_2011 (2011).

5. Acknowledgments: Supported in part by the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation. M.S. and S.E.M. are supported by NSF grant CDI-0941374; J.P.A. and L.S.M. are supported by NSF grant EAR-1015704 and the Southern California Earthquake Center, which is funded by NSF Cooperative Agreement EAR-0106924 and USGS Cooperative Agreement 02HQAG0008. A portion of the research was carried out at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL), California Institute of Technology, under a contract with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration and funded through the internal Research and Technology Development program. We acknowledge the Geospatial Information Authority (GSI) of Japan for kindly providing all the GEONET RINEX data. Raw RINEX data are available directly from GSI. Processed GPS time series are provided through the ARIA project. We thank T. Ito for providing the interseismic velocity estimates used in Fig. 4. This paper is Caltech Tectonics Observatory contribution 165 and Caltech Seismological Laboratory contribution 10059.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The 2011 Magnitude 9.0 Tohoku-Oki Earthquake: Mosaicking the Megathrust from Seconds to Centuries

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Geophysical observations from the 2011 moment magnitude ( M w) 9.0 Tohoku-Oki, Japan earthquake allow exploration of a rare large event along a subduction megathrust. Models for this event indicate that the distribution of coseismic fault slip exceeded 50 meters in places.

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Wildfire in California

Wildfire risks for California under four climatic change scenarios were statistically modeled as functions of climate, hydrology, and topography. It caused a lot of habitat loss and it made people more cautious. Wildfire risks for the GFDL and PCM global climate models and the A2 and B1 emissions scenarios were compared for 2005–2034, 2035–2064, and 2070–2099 against a modeled 1961–1990 reference period in California and neighboring states.

Bryant, B. P., Westerling A. L., “Climate change and wildfire in California,” Springer Nature,  12 December 2007, URL.

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Climate change and wildfire in California

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Wildfire risks for California under four climatic change scenarios were statistically modeled as functions of climate, hydrology, and topography. Wildfire risks for the GFDL and PCM global climate...

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San Andreas affected the land of California and it affected the people that live there. The boundary between them is the San Andreas fault. The Pacific Plate moves northwestward relative to the North American Plate ,causing earthquakes along the fault.The faults were bigger than expected and the earthquaked was big and it affected the people around it and in different regions of California

Kebby,  E. Sieh. “Slip along the San Andreas fault associated with the great 1857 earthquake.  Bulletin Of The Seismological Of America  October 1978

https://pubs.geoscienceworld.org/ssa/bssa/article-abstract/68/5/1421/117823 .

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Slip along the San Andreas fault associated with the great 1857 earthquake | Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America | GeoScienceWorld

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Historical records indicate that several meters of lateral slip along the San Andreas fault accompanied the great 1857 earthquake in central and southern California. These records, together with dendrochronological evidence, suggest that the rupture occurred along 360 to 400+ km of the fault, including several tens of kilometers of the currently creeping reach in central California.

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the eruption in 1959 caused massive pahoehoe lava
substrate on the crater floor of Kilauea Iki six new habitats were found by remains of vegetation  Plant invasion on the cinder cone was delayed
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Lastname, Firstname. “Title of Web Page.” Publishing Organization or Name of Website in Roman.accessed 1959 if available. https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/handle/10125/25908.

Smathers, Garret A., and Dieter, Mueller dombois

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ScholarSpace at University of Hawaii at Manoa: Invasion and recovery of vegetation after a volcanic eruption in Hawaii

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A major volcanic eruption on the Island of Hawaii in December 1959 devastated one existing montane rain- and seasonal-forest covering an area of about 500 ha.

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Galveston hurricane  A brief description of Galveston Island will not be out of place as introductory to the details of this disaster. It is a sand island about thirty miles in length and one and one-half to three miles in width. The course of the island is southwest to northeast, parallel with the southeast coast of the State. The City of Galveston is located on the east end of the island. To the northeast of Galveston is Bolivar Peninsula, a sand spit about twenty miles in length and varying in width from one-fourth of a mile to about three miles. Lastname, Firstname. “Title of Web Page.” Publishing Organization or Name of Website in Roman. Publication date and/or access date if available. URL.
pielke, Roger; Gratz,Joel; landsea, Christopher; Douglas, Collins

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Normalized Hurricane Damage in the United States: 1900-2005 | Natural Hazards Review | Vol 9, No 1

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The radiation from the Chernobyl has had the effect of increased childhood thyroid cancer as well as psychological trauma to the past and new residents around the contaminated area as well as the volunteers to help clean up.

Rahu, Mati. "Health Effects of the Chernobyl Accident: Fear, Rumours, and the Truth." Science Direct 28 Jan. 2003. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0959804902007645.

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Health effects of the Chernobyl accident: fears, rumours and the truth

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The impact of the world's worst nuclear disaster at Chernobyl in 1986 is reviewed within a framework of a triad of fear, rumour and truth. The scope o...

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There were  307 tornados and 264 tornado days documented in AD 1119-2010. The tornados damaged buildings and trees. It also made sources less available.
Brazdil, Rudolf, Chroma, Katerina, Dobrovolny, Petr, Zbyněk, Černochc

"The tornado history of the Czech Lands, AD 1119–2010

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Abstract

Documentary evidence is employed to present the history of tornadoes in the Czech Lands (recently Czech Republic) in AD 1119-2010. Based on contemporaneous descriptions of events, tornadoes are categorised as proven or probable. They are analysed collectively in terms of their spatio-temporal changes, annual variation, specific features, and impacts according to the Enhanced Fujita (EF) scale. The first documented tornado, on 30 July 1119, did great damage to Vyšehrad Castle in Prague (EF3). Only three other tornadoes were recorded before AD 1500. In the following three centuries, the number fluctuated between 11 and 16 events per century. Documented tornado frequency increased significantly from the 19th century onwards, reaching peaks in 1931-1940 (44 tornadoes) and particularly in 2001-2010 (56 tornadoes); this rise, however, reflects the availability of relevant sources as well as increased social awareness and advances in communication technology. A total of 264 tornado days and 307 tornadoes were documented for the Czech Lands in 1119-2010. Although they are relatively homogeneously extended over the territory of the Czech Republic, tornadoes tend to occur more frequently at lower and medium altitudes. The highest frequency of tornadoes is recorded for the summer half-year (mainly from June to August), although they may develop between March and October. Probable tornadoes have also been recorded in the winter months. The strongest tornadoes in the Czech Lands may be classified as EF3, largely with significant damage to buildings and trees, but 13 related deaths have also been recorded. The paper presents not only a new chronology and climatology for Czech tornadoes but is also an important contribution to the study of tornadoes in Europe.

Highlights

► The history of tornadoes in the Czech Lands in the past millennium is addressed. ► A total of 307 tornadoes and 264 tornado days are documented for AD 1119-2010. ► Tornadoes occur mainly in lower and medium positions and in summer. ► The strongest tornadoes in the Czech Lands, up to EF3 on the Enhanced Fujita scale, damage buildings and trees. ► Much of the documentation of tornado frequency depends on availability of sources.

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The tornado history of the Czech Lands, AD 1119-2010

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JavaScript is disabled on your browser. Please enable JavaScript to use all the features on this page. Documentary evidence is employed to present the history of tornadoes in the Czech Lands (recently Czech Republic) in AD 1119-2010. Based on contemporaneous descriptions of events, tornadoes are categorised as proven or probable.

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The affect of of the Indian Ocean Tsunami was a decrease in tourists. which has made an impact on the tourism industry because tourists didn't want to visit.

Henderson, Joan C. “Responding to Natural Disasters: Managing a Hotel in the Aftermath of the Indian Ocean Tsunami.” SAGE journals November 1, 2005

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The case describes the experiences of the General Manager of a luxury resort hotel on the Thai island of Phuket in the days immediately following the Indian Ocean tsunami at the end of 2004. Although the property escaped physical damage and there were no fatalities among residents and staff, the management had to deal with an unprecedented crisis caused by disruption to the tourism industry in the destination as a whole and a dramatic fall in arrivals. Recovery efforts are outlined and reference is made to longer-term impacts on business and the challenges of restoring confidence and returning to normality. Issues arising from the case are suggested in a final list of questions for discussion.

Beirman, D. (2003) 'Restoring Tourism Destinations in Crisis: A Strategic Marketing Approach', CABI Publishing, Oxford, UK. Google Scholar

EIU (2005) 'Special Report. Asia's Tsunami: The Impact', The Economist Intelligence Unit, London, UK. Google Scholar

Glaesser, D. (2003) 'Crisis Management in the Tourism Industry', Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford, UK. Google Scholar

Muqbil, I. (2004) 'Crisis management by the Thai government and Tourism Authority of Thailand', Travel Newswire, World room.com website. http://www.worldroom.com. Google Scholar

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Responding to Natural Disasters: Managing a Hotel in the Aftermath of the Indian Ocean Tsunami

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The case describes the experiences of the General Manager of a luxury resort hotel on the Thai island of Phuket in the days immediately following the Indian Ocean tsunami at the end of 2004.

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After Mt. Vesuvius erupted in Pompeii (part of the Roman Empire) the ash and smoke nearly covered the Earth for several months and buried the citizens in thick layers of soot creating perfect castings of the citizens now hollow with only bones inside after decomposition of the body.

Giuseppe Luongo, Annamaria Perrotta, Claudio Scarpati;,
Ernesto De Carolis, Giovanni Patricelli, Annamaria Ciarallo "Science Direct"

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Hurricane Katrina affected how the U.S. looked at Chronic Conditions requiring hospital care because for weeks at a time the hospitals in the New Orleans were flooded and patients were stranded without the resources needed to care for their conditions.  This caused many deaths and affected many people who would have lived long lives if the hurricane had not happened and the FEMA resources had been available to them.

Kessler, Ronald C.,  “Title of Web Page.” Publishing Organization or Name of Website in Roman. Publication date and/or access date if available. URL.

Ronald C. Kessler

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The Hurricane Katrina Community Advisory Group

Ronald C. Kessler

KEY WORDS

hurricane Katrina chronic medical conditions disrupted treatment

This paper was prepared by a Writing Committee on behalf of the Hurricane Katrina Community Advisory Group. The Writing Committee (Philip S. Wang, M.D., Dr.P.H., National Institute of Mental Health, Division of Services and Intervention Research; David Kendrick, M.D., M.P.H., Center for IT Leadership at Partners HealthCare, Harvard Medical School; Nicole Lurie, M.D., M.S.P.H., RAND Corporation; Benjamin Springgate, M.D., M.P.H., UCLA, Geffen School of Medicine; and Ronald C. Kessler, Ph.D., Department of Health Care Policy, Harvard Medical School) assumes responsibility for the overall content and integrity of the manuscript.

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Hurricane Katrina's Impact on the Care of Survivors with Chronic Medical Conditions

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The Hurricane Katrina Community Advisory Group Ronald C. Kessler hurricane Katrina chronic medical conditions disrupted treatment This paper was prepared by a Writing Committee on behalf of the Hurricane Katrina Community Advisory Group. The Writing Committee (Philip S.

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The dust bowl was a series of severe dust storms that had greatly damage the ecology and agriculture of the American and Canadian prairies during the 1930s; severe drought and a failure to apply dry land farming methods to prevent the aeolian processes (wind erosion) caused the phenomenon.

Nugent, Connie, "The Southwest Respiratory And Critical Care Chronicles", Publishing Organization or Name Department of Internal Medicine, Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center, Lubbock, TX Lastname, Firstname. “Title of Web Page.”  Website in Roman. Publication date and/or access date if available. URL.

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The Dust Bowl | Nugent | The Southwest Respiratory and Critical Care Chronicles