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https://americanarchive.org/exhibits/newshour-cold-war/nicaragua

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Background and Context

The history of the relations between Nicaragua and the United States is long and fraught with political turmoil. Nicaragua's geographical position as a possible canal route through Central America and its wealth of natural resources captured U.S. interest soon after the country gained independence from Spain in 1821.³⁶ In the early 20th century, the United States, as it was becoming a major economic power, implemented a policy of "Dollar Diplomacy" in Nicaragua and other seemingly "unstable" nations to create a New York-centered gold-backed dollar bloc that would "rival the [London-based] gold-backed pound sterling that dominated international trade."³⁷ Through dollar diplomacy, U.S. banks supplied loans in order to induce nations to accept financial advisers, with the expressed goal to impart to them reliable financial habits that would lead to economic progress, while also protecting U.S. interests. In Nicaragua, the United States effectively chose the president in exchange for loans to the government.³⁸ Although the policy was designed to replace explicitly coercive "gunboat" diplomacy, the U.S. invaded Nicaragua in 1912 to further protect its economic interests-mainly banana plantations and possible canal routes-during a period of increased discontent, and the military occupation remained in effect for the most part until 1933. In 1927, to try to end a civil war in Nicaragua and establish stability so that its forces eventually could leave, the U.S. had formed a pact with Nicaragua to supervise elections and establish a National Guard as the sole military force. They installed as commander of the National Guard Anastasio Somoza, who became president in 1937 in a fraudulent election, and ties between the two governments remained strong.³⁹

For forty-three years thereafter, the Somoza family ruled Nicaragua with an iron fist, with the U.S.-supported government brutally crushing rebellions and imprisoning dissidents. The successful Cuban revolution of 1959, however, changed the political landscape of the state. Castro's revolution in Cuba and his subsequent government was based on the popular ideas of land reform for the poor, universal education, and anti-American sentiment, or anti-yanquismo. Many people in Latin America had long felt exploited by American policies, and Castro's revolution was initially painted as a symbol of Latin Americans of all classes taking their country back from dictators backed by U.S. imperialists. It was a political and moral victory for the Cubans, but to many other Latin American peoples, it was inspiration and hope for a similar revolution in their own countries.⁴⁰

The success of the Cuban revolution inspired a movement of farmers, students, and the middle class to unite and protest against the Somoza dictatorship; it was from this group of rebels that the Sandinista movement was born, its name derived from the Nicaraguan hero Augusto Sandino, who fought against American occupation in the early 20th century.⁴¹

The Sandinista movement, also known as the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), grew significantly in the early 1970s, and the nation became engulfed in a civil war. Nicaraguan President Anastasio Somoza attempted to subdue the revolution quickly, as his predecessors had done in past uprisings, but this time the revolution persisted. High profile assassinations of popular Sandinista sympathizers, such as the opposition newspaper editor Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal, drove more Nicaraguans to take up arms and join the movement against Somoza. The Carter administration had supported the Somoza government, but as news spread of human rights abuses committed in Somoza's name, the U.S. began to distance itself and left Somoza increasingly on his own to face the Sandinistas.⁴²

Although the U.S. decreased its support for the Nicaraguan government, the Carter administration also emphatically labeled the Sandinistas as dangerous Marxists. This characterization was inaccurate, since the FSLN at the time encompassed multiple political groups, with Marxists being only a small faction within the party. Based on the Soviet Union's previous interference in Guatemala in the 1950s, the United States was wary of a joint Soviet-Cuban effort to infiltrate nationalist movements in Latin America. Relatively little was done to stop the rebel movement, however, seemingly because the American government did not foresee a Sandinista victory.⁴³ Yet in 1979, after receiving aid and support from both Cuba and the Soviet Union, the Sandinista guerrilla soldiers surrounded the capital of Managua, and Somoza resigned and subsequently fled the country.

The Sandinistas installed their own government and immediately implemented land reform policies. These policies of redistribution were unpopular with the upper middle class, the wealthy, and many working professionals who immigrated en masse to the United States after the Sandinista victory. Of those who stayed in Nicaragua, not all were happy with the Sandinista rule. The new government quickly proved itself to be intolerant of dissent and brutal to those who dared speak out against it. Quickly, a new rebel movement opposing the Sandinista government was born: the Contras, a minority political group that included Somoza sympathizers and reactionary counterrevolutionaries.⁴⁴

When Ronald Reagan became president in 1981, he made it a priority of his administration to assist the Contras fighting the leftist Sandinista government. He faced an uphill battle in Congress, however, where many saw his requests for Contra aid as an attempt to intervene unjustifiably against a legitimate government. In 1982, Congress passed the Boland Amendment, which forbade the federal government from providing aid to the Contras for the purposes of overthrowing the Nicaraguan government, effectively tying President Reagan's hands in the matter. Yet, suspicion grew throughout the 1980s that the Reagan administration and the CIA were covertly aiding the Contras. These suspicions were realized in 1986 when news broke that the U.S. had sold weapons to Iran, subject to a U.S. embargo, in exchange for the release of U.S. hostages held in Lebanon by Hezbollah, a group with ties to Iran, and had funneled a portion of the profits of the sale to the Contras. This scandal became known as the Iran-Contra Affair. Several dozen Reagan officials, including Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane, and National Security Council staff member Oliver North, were indicted on charges ranging from obstruction of justice to perjury and withholding evidence, and eleven officials were convicted.⁴⁵

In Nicaragua, the Contras never gained the momentum of the Sandinista movement before it. The Sandinista party remained in power and began holding elections, although the fairness of those elections was sometimes disputed. In the elections of 1984, Daniel Ortega, a Sandinista, won the presidential election, and the Sandinista party remained in power until 1990, when an opposing party won an electoral victory.⁴⁶ The Sandinistas, however, remained powerful in Nicaragua politics, and in 2006, Ortega was re-elected to the presidency. Ortega remains in power today, leading a controversial administration that has both built on the history of the Sandinista movement and led to a steady stream of Nicaraguans fleeing his regime and immigrating to the United States.⁴⁷

Coverage

The Nicaraguan Revolution can be broken down into two main phases: the Sandinista uprising against the dictator Anastasio Somoza (1978-1979) and the subsequent Contra war against the Sandinista government (1979-1990). The MacNeil/Lehrer Report and The MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour coverage of the conflict can be similarly divided. For the first two years of the war, the Sandinista revolt was covered by the Report primarily through the introduction of guests involved in the war. The Report often invited members of the Somoza government and Sandinista leaders to give their sides of the conflict and debate one another, as in this segment where Luis Pallais, the Vice President of the Nicaraguan Chamber of deputies (and cousin of President Somoza), debated Casimiro Sotelo, a member of the anti-Somoza coalition, the Group of Twelve. This format often resulted in guests directly contradicting each other about the facts of the war, and rather than confront the guests themselves, the anchors of the Report preferred to let disagreements play out via debate between the guests. The Report anchors and correspondents, however, were not afraid to ask tough questions. In this clip from 1978, anchor Jim Lehrer pushes a major in the Nicaraguan National Guard to confront allegations of human rights abuses on the part of the Nicaraguan military. This exchange exemplifies how the Report approached broaching hard questions with stubborn guests while maintaining an atmosphere of respect.

In the first period of the war, the Report brought on many notable guests from Nicaragua, the most significant of whom was Somoza himself, who gave an interview from his presidential palace as the war to overthrow him raged in the streets of Managua. In this interview, given only a year before the Sandinistas would successfully oust him, Somoza downplayed the strength of the rebel forces and insisted that he would not submit to calls for his resignation. The conflict in Nicaragua often was viewed through the lens of United States foreign policy decisions, an angle that is present in nearly all the coverage, including the interview with Somoza. In this segment, Robert MacNeil asks Somoza what role, if any, the United States played in the war and how his government is responding to President Carter's decision to stop aid to the Nicaraguan military.

The U.S. policy perspective became even more prominent in the coverage of the war after the Sandinista government took control in 1979. In this second period of the war, the debate focus shifted from Nicaraguans discussing their positions to American political figures debating whether the United States should give aid to the Contra rebels in order to counteract the new Soviet-supported Sandinista government. This shift in the main focus of the coverage is exemplified in this 1981 clip of the Report featuring Representatives Robert J. Lagomarsino (R-California) and Gerry Studds (D-Massachusetts). Conversations like the one between Lagomarsino and Studds became common in the early to mid-1980s, as the Report and later the NewsHour highlighted the struggle between Congress, which was reluctant to give aid to the Contras, and the Reagan administration, which consistently pushed for increased aid to the Contras.

In November 1986, when coverage of the war in Nicaragua was eclipsed by the breaking Iran-Contra Affair, the focus of the NewsHour's reports on Nicaragua once again shifted. Instead of asking if America should give aid to the Contras, guests and hosts alike questioned the extent of President Reagan's knowledge of the illegal funneling of money to the Contra forces. The NewsHour extensively covered the Iran-Contra scandal, congressional hearings, the Tower Commission investigation, and subsequent trials on a nearly daily basis. To find more footage from the NewsHour's Iran-Contra coverage, click here.

While a large percentage of the coverage of the Nicaraguan Civil War in the mid-to-late 1980s was U.S. policy-oriented, with the shift to a one-hour show in 1983, the NewsHour was able to report on the war in new ways and start sending correspondents to Nicaragua to get footage and interviews on the ground. And while the issue of American aid was often hotly debated by American politicians on the NewsHour, once in Nicaragua, correspondents were able to interview a variety of Sandinista government members and supporters to get their perspectives on both the Contras and American intervention in their country. The NewsHour was also able to report on how city dwellers and farmers of Nicaragua viewed the conflict. In the rural countryside, correspondent Charles Krause interviewed Nicaraguan farmers about life during the war; it is a rare glimpse of war, not told from the perspective of politicians, but by the villagers forced to live with the conflict every day.

Krause was also on the ground in Nicaragua during watershed moments during the war, such as the election of President Daniel Ortega, the peace talks in 1988, and Violeta Chamorro's presidential victory in 1990. While the NewsHour primarily relied on its Central American correspondent, they also occasionally brought in outside journalists, such as in this documentary segment from Bruce Garvey of CBC.

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"Burning with a Deadly Heat": NewsHour Coverage of the Hot Wars of the Cold War

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The history of the relations between Nicaragua and the United States is long and fraught with political turmoil. Nicaragua's geographical position as a possible canal route through Central America and its wealth of natural resources captured U.S.

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https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/world-history/world-history-beginnings/ancient-americas/a/the-olmec-article#:~:text=Who%20were%20the%20Olmec%3F,it%20means%20the%20rubber%20people

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The Olmec lived along the Gulf Coast of Mexico in the modern-day Mexican states of Tabasco and Veracruz.

The Olmec society lasted from about 1600 BCE to around 350 BCE, when environmental factors made their villages unlivable.

The Olmec are probably best known for the statues they carved: 20 ton stone heads, quarried and carved to commemorate their rulers.

The name Olmec is an Aztec word meaning the rubber people; the Olmec made and traded rubber throughout Mesoamerica.

Who were the Olmec?

The Olmec were the first major civilization in Mexico. They lived in the tropical lowlands on the Gulf of Mexico in the present-day Mexican states of Veracruz and Tabasco. The name Olmec is a Nahuatl-the Aztec language-word; it means the rubber people. The Olmec might have been the first people to figure out how to convert latex of the rubber tree into something that could be shaped, cured, and hardened. Because the Olmec did not have much writing beyond a handful of carved glyphs-symbols-that survived, we don't know what name the Olmec people gave themselves.

Appearing around 1600 BCE, the Olmec were among the first Mesoamerican complex societies, and their culture influenced many later civilizations, like the Maya. The Olmec are known for the immense stone heads they carved from a volcanic rock called basalt. Archaeological evidence also suggests that they originated the Mesoamerican practices of the Mesoamerican Ballgame-a popular game in the pre-Columbian Americas played with balls made from solid rubber-and that they may have practiced ritual bloodletting.

Trade and village life

There are no written records of Olmec commerce, beliefs, or customs, but from the archaeological evidence, it appears they were not economically confined. In fact, Olmec artifacts have been found across Mesoamerica, indicating that there were extensive interregional trade routes. The presence of artifacts made from jade, a semiprecious green stone; obsidian, a glassy, black volcanic rock; and other stones provides evidence for trade with peoples outside the Gulf Coast of Mexico: the jade came from what is today the Mexican state of Oaxaca and the country of Guatemala to the south; the obsidian came from the Mexican highlands, to the north. The Olmec period saw a significant increase in the length of trade routes, the variety of goods, and the sources of traded items.

Trading helped the Olmec build their urban centers of San Lorenzo and La Venta. These cities, however, were used predominantly for ceremonial purposes and elite activity; most people lived in small villages. Individual homes had a lean-to-sort of like a garage shed-and a storage pit for storing root vegetables nearby. They also likely had gardens in which the Olmec would grow medicinal herbs and small crops, like sunflowers.

Most agriculture took place outside of the villages in fields cleared using slash-and-burn techniques. The Olmec likely grew crops such as maize, beans, squash, manioc, sweet potatoes, and cotton.

There are no direct written accounts of Olmec beliefs, but their notable artwork provide clues about their life and religion.

There were eight different androgynous -possessing male and female characteristics-Olmec deities, each with its own distinct characteristics. For example, the Bird Monster was depicted as a harpy eagle associated with rulership. The Olmec Dragon was shown with flame eyebrows, a bulbous nose, and bifurcated tongue. Deities often represented a natural element and included the following:

The Maize deity

The Rain Spirit or Were-Jaguar

The Fish or Shark Monster

Religious activities regarding these deities probably included the elite rulers, shamans, and possibly a priest class making offerings at religious sites in La Venta and San Lorenzo.

The Olmec culture was defined and unified by a specific art style. Crafted in a variety of materials-jade, clay, basalt, and greenstone, which is an archaeologist's term for carved, green-colored minerals-much Olmec art is naturalistic. Other art expresses fantastic anthropomorphic-human-shaped-creatures, often highly stylized, using an iconography reflective of a religious meaning. Common motifs include downturned mouths and cleft heads, both of which are seen in representations of were-jaguars and the rain deity.

Olmec colossal heads

The most striking art left behind by this culture are the Olmec colossal-very big-heads. Seventeen monumental stone representations of human heads sculpted from large basalt boulders have been unearthed in the region to date. The heads date from at least before 900 BCE and are a distinctive feature of the Olmec civilization. All portray mature men with fleshy cheeks, flat noses, and slightly crossed eyes. However, none of the heads are alike, and each boasts a unique headdress, which suggests they represent specific individuals.

The Olmec brought these boulders from the Sierra de los Tuxtlas mountains of Veracruz. Given that the extremely large slabs of stone used in their production were transported over large distances, requiring a great deal of human effort and resources, it is thought that the monuments represent portraits of powerful individual Olmec rulers, perhaps carved to commemorate their deaths. The heads were arranged in either lines or groups at major Olmec centers, but the method and logistics used to transport the stone to the sites remain uncertain.

The end of the Olmecs

The Olmec population declined sharply between 400 and 350 BCE, though it is unclear why. Archaeologists speculate that the depopulation was caused by environmental changes, specifically by the silting-up of rivers, which choked off the water supply.

Another theory for the considerable population drop proposes relocation of settlements due to increased volcanic activity as the cause rather than extinction. Volcanic eruptions during the Early, Late, and Terminal Formative periods would have blanketed the lands with ash and forced the Olmec to move their settlements.

What do you think?

What do the colossal heads of the Olmec tell us about how their society was organized?

Given that the Olmec worshiped anthropomorphic deities, do you think they believed their rulers were human beings?

What kind of ecological disaster would have to take place in order to make your home unlivable?

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The Olmec | Ancient civilizations (article) | Khan Academy

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The Olmec lived along the Gulf Coast of Mexico in the modern-day Mexican states of Tabasco and Veracruz. The Olmec society lasted from about 1600 BCE to around 350 BCE, when environmental factors made their villages unlivable. The Olmec are probably best known for the statues they carved: 20 ton stone heads, quarried and carved to commemorate their rulers.

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https://www.npr.org/podcasts/974836637/la-brega

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WNYC Studios and Futuro Studios present "La Brega: Stories of the Puerto Rican Experience": a seven-part podcast series that uses narrative storytelling and investigative journalism to reflect and reveal how la brega has defined so many aspects of life in Puerto Rico.

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https://www.archives.gov/research/african-americans/migrations/great-migration

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Black people who migrated during the second phase of the Great Migration were met with housing discrimination, as localities had started to implement restrictive covenants and redlining, which created segregated neighborhoods, but also served as a foundation for the existing racial disparities in wealth in the United States.

Records in this topic cover migratory information and trends captured by various branches and agencies of the government, including employment and housing. There are also records reflecting cultural and social aspects of the lives of those who participated and were impacted by the Great Migration.
Search the Catalog for Records relating to the Great Migration (1910-1970)
Resources

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Black people who migrated during the second phase of the Great Migration were met with housing discrimination, as localities had started to implement restrictive covenants and redlining, which created segregated neighborhoods, but also served as a foundation for the existing racial disparities in wealth in the United States.

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3S734SZ4bcc

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https://www.pbs.org/destinationamerica/usim_wn_noflash.html

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Destination America . When did they come? | PBS

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European Emigration to the U.S. 1851 - 1860

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https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/haventohome/haven-century.html

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In the century spanning the years 1820 through 1924, an increasingly steady flow of Jews made their way to America, culminating in a massive surge of immigrants towards the beginning of the twentieth century. Impelled by economic hardship, persecution, and the great social and political upheavals of the nineteenth century--industrialization, overpopulation, and urbanization--millions of Europe's Jews left their towns and villages and embarked on the arduous journey to the "Golden Land" of America.

In the first half of the nineteenth century, Jewish immigrants came mostly, though not exclusively, from Central Europe. In addition to settling in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, groups of German-speaking Jews made their way to Cincinnati, Albany, Cleveland, Louisville, Minneapolis, St. Louis, New Orleans, San Francisco, and dozens of small towns across the United States. During this period there was an almost hundred-fold increase in America's Jewish population from some 3,000 in 1820 to as many as 300,000 in 1880.

Between 1881 and 1924, the migration shifted from Central Europe eastward, with over two-and- one-half million East European Jews propelled from their native lands by persecution and the lack of economic opportunity. Most of those who arrived as part of this huge influx settled in cities where they clustered in districts close to downtowns, joined the working class, spoke Yiddish, and built strong networks of cultural, spiritual, voluntary, and social organizations. This period of immigration came to an end with the passage of restrictive laws in 1921 and 1924. Jewish emigration from Eastern Europe to the United States never again reached the levels that it did before 1920.

"Give Me Your Tired, Your Poor..."

Emma Lazarus, who had worked with East European immigrants through her association with the Hebrew Emigrant Aid Society, composed "The New Colossus" in 1883 as part of a fundraising campaign for erecting the Statue of Liberty. In 1903, a tablet with her words--"Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free"--was affixed to the statue's base. These words remain the quintessential expression of America's vision of itself as a haven for those denied freedom and opportunity in their native lands. Shown here is a copy of the sonnet in the author's own hand.

Irving Berlin's Miss Liberty

Set in 1885, Irving Berlin's Broadway musical Miss Liberty centers on the dedication ceremonies of the Statue of Liberty and the hero's search for the model that posed for Bertholdi's statue. Berlin, himself an immigrant from Russia, set music to Emma Lazarus's iconic poem, "Give Me Your Tired, Your Poor." It is the only song in the Irving Berlin canon for which he used someone else's words.

Waiting for the "Forwards"

This photograph of newsboys Waiting for the "Forwards," was taken by Lewis Hine at 1:15 a.m. on the steps of the building where the Jewish daily the Forward was produced on New York's Lower East Side. According to Hine, the group included a number of boys as young as ten years-old. The newsboy in the first row is holding copies of Wahrheit [Truth], a Yiddish daily newspaper that stressed Jewish national aspirations.

The Triangle Shirtwaist Company Fire

Jewish women made up the majority of workers in the garment industry, especially in the dress and shirtwaist trade. Poor working conditions, low wages, and frequent layoffs propelled many into the International Ladies' Garment Workers Union. On March 25, 1911, 146 garment workers lost their lives in the Triangle Shirtwaist factory fire in New York's Greenwich Village. Many were trapped inside because the escape exits had been locked to keep the girls in and the union organizers out. The fire was one of New York's worst industrial accidents and was covered by newspapers across the nation, including the Oklahoma State Capital, which is displayed here.

Becoming American

A variety of publications were issued to help Americanize the new immigrants. Bi-lingual Yiddish-English versions of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence were published for the new Americans, as were phrase books in Yiddish, English, and Ladino (Judeo-Spanish)--all intended to help the immigrants function in their new environment. Alexander Harkavy's English-Yiddish letter writing guides were especially popular, selling thousands of copies in multiple editions. Shown here is Harkavy's American Letter Writer, opened to a sample letter "From a Lady to a Gentleman, Complaining of Faithlossness (sic)."

Awake and Sing!

The Federal Theater Project produced a Yiddish language version of Clifford Odets's groundbreaking depiction of a Jewish family living in the Bronx during the Depression years. Burdened with financial difficulties, the family struggles to survive. In the play's climax, the socialist grandfather delivers the central message of the play, calling his family to action and urging them to "Go out and fight so life shouldn't be printed on dollar bills." The title is from Isaiah (26:19): "Awake and sing, ye that dwell in the dust."

Albert Einstein: from Berlin to Princeton

In 1933, after Adolf Hitler came to power, Albert Einstein renounced his German citizenship and immigrated to the United States, where he accepted an appointment as Professor of Theoretical Physics at Princeton. In 1936, he completed a "Declaration of Intention" form to become an American citizen, and, in 1940, he received his certificate of American citizenship from federal Judge Phillip Forman in a ceremony held in Trenton, New Jersey.

Hannah Arendt: from Berlin to Paris to New York

Author, educator, and political philosopher Hannah Arendt was born into a German Jewish family in Königsberg, now Russian "Kaliningrad." After being arrested in 1933, Arendt fled her homeland, moving from Prague to Geneva then to Paris, and finally to the United States in 1941. In 1946, she wrote that she understood that "the infinitely complex red-tape existence of stateless persons" inhibits freedom of movement. This denial of the right of citizenship led Arendt on an exploration of the origins of totalitarianism that would dominate her intellectual life.

In 1949 Arendt used this well-worn affidavit of identity "in lieu of a passport, which I, a stateless person, cannot obtain at present." Also seen here is Arendt's draft of the introduction to the third edition of Origins Of Totalitarianism, her most famous book.

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From Haven to Home: 350 Years of Jewish Life in America A Century of Immigration, 1820-1924

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In the century spanning the years 1820 through 1924, an increasingly steady flow of Jews made their way to America, culminating in a massive surge of immigrants towards the beginning of the twentieth century.

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https://www.npr.org/2021/07/04/1012978325/what-the-haitian-revolution-tells-us-about-the-u-s-movement-for-racial-equality

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LULU GARCIA-NAVARRO, HOST:

What can the Haitian Revolution tell us about the struggle for racial equality in the United States here today? As part of our series of conversations about democracy called We Hold These Truths, we're going to be taking a look at history that often gets ignored in the United States when discussing the current state of our union, and that is the history of our regional neighbors. Historian Marlene Daut from the University of Virginia joins us now to talk about the through lines connecting the Haitian slave rebellion to the Black Lives Matter movement here in the U.S. Welcome to the program.

MARLENE DAUT: Thanks so much for having me. I'm excited to be here today.

GARCIA-NAVARRO: Can you tell us briefly the story of the Haitian Revolution? I mean, give us the sort of 30-second synopsis. Obviously, it's complicated.

DAUT: So the Haitian Revolution refers to a collection of slave revolts and rebellions but also military strikes that occurred on the French claimed island of Saint-Domingue, which is today Haiti, beginning in August of 1791. So that's sort of the formal start date, although there were slave revolts and rebellions that occurred on the island previous to that, along with a lot of fugitivity called marronage. At the very end of this slave revolt and rebellion and this military strikes that involved England and Spain at one point, we have Haitian independence. So around 1802, what was a revolution against slavery, which occurred on the island, turned into a war of independence and led to the independence of Haiti from France in January 1804 officially.

GARCIA-NAVARRO: We know that the revolutionaries were largely people who had been enslaved, denied education. How did they organize and communicate with each other, considering what had happened to them?

DAUT: They had multiple ways that they could organize and communicate. In order to make life better for themselves - for example, I mentioned marronage. These fugitives from slavery would live in the hills, and they would often communicate with those who were still on the plantation. The other thing is that because it is a plantation economy, ships are constantly coming and going. And many of the sailors on those ships would bring newspapers with them. And so enslaved individuals would get news and understand what was taking place on other islands around the Caribbean and also back in western Europe - for example, the French Revolution of 1789.

The other way that they organized was through religious gatherings. And in fact, the night that the large-scale revolt is planned, it happens in mid-August 1791 under the direction of a man named Boukman Dutty, who is very famous in Haitian revolutionary history for having led what is called the ceremony at Bois Caiman. It starts as a religious ceremony and it ends with a speech in which Boukman tells the enslaved who are present that the God of the whites is a God who wants their subjugation but that the God of the Blacks is one who wants their freedom. And so it is up to them at that moment to go and take it. And within about 10 days, so many of the plantations in the northern plain are on fire, and they have essentially brought the plantation economy and slavery in the northern plain to a standstill.

GARCIA-NAVARRO: I mean, the revolutionaries did self-liberate and became the first Black republic in the New World. But beyond the sort of incredibly important symbolic significance of that, what steps did the revolutionaries then take to sort of protect and value Black life? What did it look like once they had control?

DAUT: They really started to make life better in the colonies. So the abolition of whipping, they talk about that. They want days off. So now that they are turning into a kind of day laborers who are still going to be largely engaged in planting and picking of sugar cane and refining of sugar cane and all of the business that had gone on under slavery, they're saying we want better working conditions. And under Toussaint Louverture...

GARCIA-NAVARRO: Toussaint Louverture, of course, was the leader of the Haitian Revolution.

DAUT: In his constitution that he has written, he says slavery is here forever abolished. Any form of servitude cannot exist. Everyone is going to live here free and they're going to die here free and they are going to remain French at that point, so it's not yet a war of independence. And later, when Haitian independence is struck, we see a further refinement of these ideas under Jean-Jacques Dessalines, also a general from the Haitian Revolution, considered the founder of Haitian independence, who spells out liberty in some incredibly profound ways, including banning conquests, so no more colonialism. And we're not going to become like the European empires. No color prejudices; the only distinctions that exist here are those of merit. We're not going to base it on skin color.

GARCIA-NAVARRO: Let me ask you this. When the Black Lives Matter movement started here in the United States, and you are a specialist in the Haitian Revolution, what parallels did you see?

DAUT: To a large extent, the Haitian Revolution is the first Black Lives Matter movement. And the reason I say that is that if we think about when chattel slavery began, racial taxonomy started to crop up the categorizing of human beings by skin color and by their physical attributes to justify slavery. Suddenly, we have enslaved people, particularly in Saint-Domingue, saying, no, we reject this system, we reject this terminology. What they have to put in its place is a kind of specificity that says we are human beings, too, because the Declaration of the Rights of Man in 1789 in France used the words all men but didn't mean women and didn't mean Black people. And so when the Haitian revolutionaries declare their independence, they put in those precise measures that were missing from the European versions of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and basically reject the version of universalism that is becoming more and more popular in western Europe and in the United States, whereby you just say all people, but you don't actually mean all people. And the Haitian revolutionaries and founders of Haitian independence say, no, we're going to spell out who are all of these people, and this specificity is going to protect us.

GARCIA-NAVARRO: The United States sees itself as unique, as exceptional. And yet there's so much incredible history of liberation and democracy that happened in the other Americas that don't have to do with the founding white fathers of American democracy, who, as you say, were not specific in their founding documents. Why is it important, do you think, to look for stories beyond our borders?

DAUT: I think that especially the story of the Haitian revolution and Haitian independence teach us what exactly was missing from the U.S. Declaration of Independence because the Haitian Declaration of Independence, the official version on January 1, 1804, also spells out that slavery is over. It also has anti-conquest language. Paying attention to what is happening, as you said, in the other Americas, so to speak, really illuminates that the founding fathers, they had missed a few steps along the way, and that's because most of them had their feet firmly entrenched in the plantation economy. And this is what we really need to consider when we think about why they didn't want to be specific.

GARCIA-NAVARRO: And so what place do you think the Haitian Revolution should hold here in the U.S. historically? I ask because it struck me watching the Netflix show "Bridgerton," which tries to imagine an alternative British regency world of equality, that those stories existed in the Caribbean, certainly of racially mixed societies of agency, of Black people really taking power into their own hands. Why don't we look here in the United States at what is so close to us?

DAUT: I mean, it's such a great question because can we judge historical figures by the sort of values, political values, ideological values of today? And one thing I always respond is, but there were so many people who were anti-slavery in the 18th and 19th century. For one, enslaved people and the Indigenous of the Americas constantly said, no. They engaged in warfare, the Indigenous did, to try to prevent their subjugation and to prevent European encroachment on Jamaica, for example. On the island of Grenada, there was Fedon's rebellion, which was directly inspired by the Haitian Revolution. And so I do wonder how the face of education would change in the United States, in particular, if we started to include these stories from the outset instead of hiding them away or leaving it up to individual teachers to kind of fill this in. In the other America, there was another way of doing things that was put forward. And why don't we learn more about that?

GARCIA-NAVARRO: Marlene Daut is a historian from the University of Virginia. Thank you very much.

DAUT: Thank you so much.

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NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR's programming is the audio record.

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What The Haitian Revolution Tells Us About The U.S. Movement For Racial Equality

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LULU GARCIA-NAVARRO, HOST: What can the Haitian Revolution tell us about the struggle for racial equality in the United States here today? As part of our series of conversations about democracy called We Hold These Truths, we're going to be taking a look at history that often gets ignored in the United States when discussing the current state of our union, and that is the history of our regional neighbors.

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https://mayersonjcc.org/12-influential-jewish-women-history/

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Congress designated August 26 Women's Equality Day in recognition of the ratification of the 19 th Amendment which gave women the right to vote.

To celebrate Women's Equality Day, we'll explore the stories of 12 influential Jewish women to honor the accomplishments and individuals that shaped our history.

1. Anne Frank - Frankis best-known for her renowned posthumously-published The Diary of a Young Girl which documented her life and hiding from the Nazi occupation.

2. Betty Friedan - Betty Friedan is largely known for her groundbreaking book The Feminine Mystique. She was also a founder of the National Organization for Women (NOW).

3. Ruth Bader Ginsburg - RBG is a U.S. Supreme Court Justice and voice for gender equality and rights of workers. She ruled on Obergefell v. Hodges, the landmark case that made same sex marriage legal in all 50 states.

4. Emma Lazarus - A successful author and poet, Emma's words are displayed on the Statue of Liberty and welcome all newcomers to America, "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to be free."

5. Bobbie Rosenfeld - Bobbie competed in the 1928 Amsterdam Olympics and swept the six track events that she took part in. Rosenfeld later coached track and softball and wrote the column Sports Reel for the Toronto Globe and Mail.

References:
Jewish Women's Archive. "Women of Valor." (Viewed on August 22, 2016) <https://jwa.org/womenofvalor>.

Bio.com. A&E Networks Television, 1 Jan. 2016. Web. 22 Aug. 2016.

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12 Influential Jewish Women in History - Mayerson JCC - Cincinnati, Ohio

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Congress designated August 26 Women's Equality Day in recognition of the ratification of the 19 th Amendment which gave women the right to vote. To celebrate Women's Equality Day, we'll explore the stories of 12 influential Jewish women to honor the accomplishments and individuals that shaped our history.

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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-11999611

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Lying off the southern tip of India, the tropical island of Sri Lanka has attracted visitors for centuries with its natural beauty.

But it has been scarred by a long and bitter civil war arising out of ethnic tensions between the majority Sinhalese and the Tamil minority in the north and east.

After more than 25 years of violence the conflict ended in May 2009, when government forces seized the last area controlled by Tamil Tiger rebels. But recriminations over abuses by both sides continue.

The island fell under Portuguese and Dutch influence after the 16th century. It gained independence in 1948, after nearly 150 years of British rule.

Read more country profiles - Profiles by BBC Monitoring

See slideshow

FACTS

LEADER
President: Gotabaya Rajapaksa
Gotabaya Rajapaksa is the latest member of a powerful Sinhalese Buddhist political dynasty to hold high office in Sri Lanka - his elder brother Mahinda served two terms as president.

Gotabaya came to prominence as his brother's defence chief in 2009, when he won much of the credit for bringing the Tamil separatist insurgency to an end.But allegations of war crimes and the disappearance of government critics during and after the conflict cast a shadow over the victory.

Sri Lanka's Tamil, Muslim and Hindu communities overwhelmingly voted for his opponent Sajith Premadasa, and the new president faces a challenge in uniting his country.
Read full profile
MEDIA

Sri Lanka's media divide along language and ethnic lines.

Many of the major press and broadcasting outlets are state-owned.

Read full media profile

TIMELINE
Some key dates in Sri Lanka's history:
1505 - Portuguese arrive in Colombo, marking beginning of European interest.

1833 - Whole island united under one British administration.

1948 - Ceylon gains full independence.

1949 - Indian Tamil plantation workers disenfranchised, the start of a wave of Sinhalese nationalism which alienates the Tamil minority.

1972 - Ceylon changes its name to Sri Lanka.

1976 - Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) founded to fight for Tamil rights.

1983 - Start of civil war.

2009 - LTTE defeated, ending the war thought to have killed between 70,000 and 80,000 people.

2019 April - Jihadist suicide bombers attack churches and hotels on Easter Sunday, killing more than 350 people.

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Lying off the southern tip of India, the tropical island of Sri Lanka has attracted visitors for centuries with its natural beauty. But it has been scarred by a long and bitter civil war arising out of ethnic tensions between the majority Sinhalese and the Tamil minority in the north and east.

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https://www.history.com/topics/vietnam-war/vietnam-war-history

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The Vietnam War was a long, costly and divisive conflict that pitted the communist government of North Vietnam against South Vietnam and its principal ally, the United States.

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https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/stonewall-inn-through-years/

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Stonewall Uprising | Article

A revered landmark for American gay rights activists, Greenwich Village's Stonewall Inn has undergone several transformations in the decades since it was the focal point of a three-day riot in 1969. Once a safe haven where the city's homosexuals could drink and dance free from harassment, the site fell into disrepair following the riots. Today, Stonewall Inn is open once again, for a drink, a dance, or a quick lesson in history.

Stonewall Inn, 1969 Courtesy: New York Times

Before the June 1969 riots, the Stonewall Inn on Christopher Street was a typical New York City Mafia-run bar: patrons drank over-priced, watered-down, and often bootlegged liquor; there was no running water; and the bar's two dark rooms were often uncomfortably stuffy and hot. It was a dive bar, but one in which the city's homosexuals felt comfortable and at home. As Jerry Hoose, Stonewall patron and founding member of the Gay Liberation Front described, "The bar itself was a toilet, but it was a refuge, it was a temporary refuge from the street."

As visitors entered the bar, they left their coats at check-in on their left. A set of doors led to the first room where the long, black, plywood bar would, on occasion, support a dressed up go-go dancer. Although the bar served a variety of people, the first room was usually crowded with the chino wearing, more straight-laced patrons looking to have a drink and to chat at the tables lined up along the walls. Those looking to dance entered a set of side doors that led to a second room which contained a large dance floor. The smell of popular perfumes such as Tabu and Ambush filled the room, worn by drag queens. Patrons fed quarters into the jukebox -- usually picking Motown or pop songs -- and danced freely with same-sex partners, a luxury not acceptable in most New York bars. A single white bulb hanging from the ceiling warned patrons of a police raid, at which point everyone would stop dancing and separate so as to avoid a potential arrest for lewd conduct.

On June 28th, 1969 a fairly typical police raid escalated into a three-day riot after the patrons refused to leave the bar. That night, six police officers were pushed back and into the bar by a mob on the street outside. Inside the Stonewall, police and the rioters remained calm as they heard the chaos erupting outside. The bar that police had raided just moments earlier had quickly become their refuge. As officer Pine recalled, "They had a regular entrance which was covered in steel, and it would be very difficult to break in once they closed it. If you had any men in there you had to protect them... you knew the moment you stepped out the door, you knew there'd be hundreds facing you."

After backup arrived police exited the bar, but throngs of people continued to flock to Christopher Street, rising up in support of Stonewall's patrons.

Following the riot, the bar's reputation was tarnished. Gay rights groups advocated boycotting Mafia-run establishments, and police raids continued in Greenwich Village.

New York police at the Stonewall 40 Pride March Courtesy: Eric Marcus

With no liquor license Stonewall converted to a juice bar, but the venture failed, and by October 1969, just three months after the raid, the Stonewall Inn was up for lease. In the 70s and 80s, a variety of establishments filled the space: a bagel sandwich shop, a Chinese restaurant, and a shoe store all occupied the building.

By the 1990s, gay bars began to repopulate Christopher Street. The western half of the original space opened as a bar in the early 90s, and in 2007 the entire space was renovated and renamed the Stonewall Inn. The historic significance of the Greenwich Village bar and its impact on the LGBTQ rights movement gained recognition, and the site was added to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places on June 28th, 1999, the 30th anniversary of the riots. On February 16, 2000, the Stonewall Inn became a National Historic Landmark.

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Stonewall Inn: Through the Years | American Experience | PBS

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Stonewall Uprising | Article A revered landmark for American gay rights activists, Greenwich Village's Stonewall Inn has undergone several transformations in the decades since it was the focal point of a three-day riot in 1969. Once a safe haven where the city's homosexuals could drink and dance free from harassment, the site fell into disrepair following the riots.

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https://www.boundless.com/blog/top-immigrant-podcasts/

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8 Podcasts About U.S. Immigration and the Immigrant Experience - Boundless

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From unique stories to immigration policy updates, these podcasts explore life in the United States for newcomers.

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8 Podcasts About U.S. Immigration and the Immigrant Experience

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https://www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/immigration/irish/adaptation-and-assimilation/

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Arrival of emigrants, Ellis Island

The Irish immigrants left a rural lifestyle in a nation lacking modern industry. Many immigrants found themselves unprepared for the industrialized, urban centers in the United States. Though these immigrants were not the poorest people in Ireland (the poorest were unable to raise the required sum for steerage passage on a ship to America), by American standards, they were destitute.

They often had no money beyond the fare for their passage, and, thus, settled in the ports of their debarkation. In time, the sum total of Irish-Americans exceeded the entire population of Ireland. New York City boasted more Irishmen than Dublin, Ireland.

The Irish established patterns that newcomers to the United States continue to follow today. Housing choices, occupations entered, financial support to families remaining in the homeland, and chain immigrations which brought additional relatives to America, are some of these patterns.

New York, NY, yard of tenement (between 1900 and 1910)

Impoverished Irish immigrants often crowded into subdivided homes that were intended for single families, living in tiny, cramped spaces. Cellars, attics and make-do spaces in alleys became home.

A lack of adequate sewage and running water in these places made cleanliness next to impossible. Disease of all kinds (including cholera, typhus, tuberculosis, and mental illness) resulted from these miserable living conditions. Irish immigrants sometimes faced hostility from other groups in the U.S., and were accused of spreading disease and blamed for the unsanitary conditions many lived in.

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Adaptation and Assimilation | Irish | Immigration and Relocation in U.S. History | Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress | Library of Congress

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Arrival of emigrants, Ellis Island The Irish immigrants left a rural lifestyle in a nation lacking modern industry. Many immigrants found themselves unprepared for the industrialized, urban centers in the United States. Though these immigrants were not the poorest people in Ireland (the poorest were unable to raise the required sum for steerage passage on a ship to America), by American standards, they were destitute.

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https://unwritten-record.blogs.archives.gov/2019/04/11/a-picture-is-worth-a-thousand-words/

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"A picture is worth a thousand words...."

Or so the saying goes. In reality, a photograph only documents a second in time, and as time goes on, it is easy to forget why a particular moment was so important to capture. However, well-captioned photographs can tell us stories; they can give us information about the subject in the photograph that cannot be ascertained simply by looking at the image. In some instances, photo captions give us information about a subject or an event that cannot be found in any other type of record. So, while a photograph itself may be worth a thousand words, those words can be lost with time, making real words - captions - of the utmost importance.

The following photographs are examples of images that, on the surface, may appear unremarkable or uninteresting. It is the caption information attached to the pictures that give the images substance and meaning.

Photo ID: 16-G-87-1-N5526
Original Caption 1: "Ten million men could live on the food Americans waste. Every man, woman, and child is wasting 100 pounds of edible food every year. We must stop this waste! On the farms - we must help harvest; fight blight, rot, disease; kill rodents and food-eating pests. In storage and in transit - we must prevent fires in storage houses; keep perishable food moving to consumer; pack food carefully. On sale - we must handle food gently; use all surpluses. In homes and restaurants - we must buy only what we can use; use it all; clean our plates. Starve the garbage can!

Here is an example of persuasion in action. In the United States we waste enough food to feed an army of ten million men. But little Francine Hayworth is not guilty of any part of this national crime. She cleans her plate, and she's trying her patriotic best to induce her twin sister, Donna Lou, to follow her example. "

Original Caption 2: "The average family in the United States throws away about 400 pounds of good food every year. Of all the food that goes into American kitchens, about one pound of seven is dumped out for the garbage man to carry away. Some of this comes from serving too much on the plate; and some from other causes. Little Francine Hayworth points with pride to her clean plate. Unless her sister, Donna Lou, can be convinced of the error of her ways, the food on her plate and the milk in her glass will become part of the 400 pounds of good food thrown away every year by the average American family. These twins are the children of Mr. and Mrs. Donald Hayworth, of Washington, D.C. "

USDA photograph by Knell. January 1944

Photo ID: 26-G-87-3807
Original Caption: "Brooklyn Coast Guardsman Combat Artist in Atlantic - Coast Guardsman Jacob Lawrence, Specialist Third Class, of 385 Decatur Street, Brooklyn, New York, exhibits one of his drawings to a group of soldiers aboard a coast guard-manned troop transport carrying reinforcements to battle areas across the Atlantic. Lawrence, a combat artist, is making a pictorial records of life aboard his ship. He and his mates are engaged in a vital task - helping to maintain a constant flow of supplies to American fighting men on far-flung fronts."

Official Coast Guard Photo

Note: Photographs of Jacob Lawrence and his artwork also appear in records from the Harmon Foundation.

Photo ID: 75-N-SACR-3
Original Caption: "Sacramento. Land, with access to the Pacific Ocean, is being considered by the Government for use of the Kashia Band of Pomo Indians in California. The Pomos, numbering about 140, are now living on a small tract of land called a rancheria, situated in the California hills several miles from the coast, and 150 miles north of San Francisco. Their present land is totally inadequate for their economic needs, having no water supply; but the land has a certain ceremonial and religious significance to these Indians. Many meetings are being held with all the Pomo Band in attendance, including children, and no steps will be taken until a majority of the group has agreed on one of the proposed sites. Under present-day policies, the Government is compelled to respect the wishes and views of the Indians, so the upshot of these meetings will probably mean that the Indians keeps their present land, while acquiring additional lands for productive purposes. These Indians are under the jurisdiction of the Sacramento Indian Agency, California. Here are shown some of the Indians who attended one of their tribal meetings." Photo by Werner. 1939.

General Photographs of Indians, 1900-1957

Photo ID: 111-SC-94124A
Original Caption: "Mickey Free, said to have been Irish-Mexican, also claimed his mother was captured by Apaches and taken for a wife of an Apache and Mickey was born thereof. His mother escaped and came to Tucson. From Tucson she went to Tubac where she had friends or relatives. Was employed in ranches, family named Ward, who lived near Sanita, Arizona. War came into Fort Crittenden one day in fall of '60s and reported that some of Cochise's people had stolen Mickey. Lt. Bascom, with company of soldiers, was sent to see Cochise and recover the missing boy. Cochise was camped at Apache Pass, afterwards the site of Fort Bowie. Lt. Bascom went to Cochise's camp. To that day Cochise was friendly with whites. Bascom demanded Cochise to produce Mickey. Cochise promised to try and locate him among his people. When Cochise returned later he was accompanied by one of his brothers and two sub chiefs. A meeting was held in Cochise's tent. Cochise informed Bascom his people did not have Mickey. Bascom gave a signal, the tent was surrounded, and Cochise and companions were informed they were prisoners until the boy was returned. Cochise cut a hole in back of the tent and escaped with bayonet wound in leg. He went to where some freighters were camped, captured four of them and brought them within sight of where Bascom was and sent a squaw to him saying he would exchange prisoners for prisoner. Bascom refused and hanged his prisoners in sight of Cochise, wherein Cochise tied up the teamsters and burned them in sight of Bascom. For 12 years thereafter Cochise fought with the military and the whites. Mickey was afterwards recovered from the Warm Spring Apaches. In 1871 a peace pact was effected by General O.O. Howard, that was kept up to the time of Cochise's death in 1874."

Photo ID: 111-SC-123751
Original Caption: "Pvt. Roberto Lopez, an Ecuadorian Indian, was born in Monta, Ecuador and lived there until he was nineteen, when he went to work on the ships of the United Fruit Line. Now he is in the United States Army and is stations at Camp Stewart, GA. He is learning English rapidly and is a good soldier and popular with the other men in his battery. The U.S. Army is "okay", Pvt. Lopez says. This photo shows Pvt. Lopez drilling with a rifle." Photographer: Lt. Bard. October 1941

Photo ID: 111-SC-275092
Original Caption: "Shown as they arrived at the Nuremberg railroad station on the night of 15th December are the four Polish women, who will be prosecution witnesses in the case of the twenty-three Nazi doctors on trial at Military Court #1, Palace of Justice, Nuremberg, Germany, for conducting experiments on human "guinea pigs." At the left are the consulting doctors of the trial. From left to right are: Dr. Leo Alexander, Boston psychiatrist, Neurologist Dr. Bell, a French captain, Miss Jadwiga Dzido, Miss Maria Broel-Plater, Maria Kusmierczuk, and Wladislava Karolewska. The women were all operated on while prisoners of the Gestapo at the Ravensbruck Concentration Camp."

Note: Additional information about this photograph is available on the U.S. Holocaust Memorial website here.

Photo ID: 111-SC-385031
Original Caption: "France. On the left is PFC. Boyd Horn, age 22, whose wife lives in Lexington, VA. He was a rifleman in the 26th Infantry Division before being captured near Metz. He was a prisoner for six months before being liberated by the 5th Armored Division. In the center is Pvt. James E. Gum, age 27, whose sister, Mrs. Grace Whitehair, lives in Industrial, West Virginia. A former machine gunner in the 1st Division, he was captured in Tunisia and was a prisoner of the Nazis for two years before being liberated by the 83rd Infantry Division. On the right is Pvt. Sherman B. Cox, age 29, of Honaker, Virginia. He was a rifleman in the 82nd Airborne Division before being captured in Italy. He was a prisoner for 20 months before being liberated by the 5th Armored Division." Photo taken at Camp Lucky Strike.

Photographs of American Military Activities

Photo ID: 238-NT-19
Original Caption: "Heinrich Hoffman is the only Nazi employed within the courthouse, and he is kept under constant guard while in the building. There are no conditions under which Nazis can be employed within the building. Hoffman owned one of the largest photo news agencies in Germany, and as early as 1922 tried to get pictures of Hitler but was seemingly not successful until the rise to power, and when they asked him to go on all their trips which started in 1933. This continued until some time in 1938, when Hoffman started with squabbling with Hitlerites and after that his employees made the trips with Hitler and he himself remained in the background. The file of negatives he is now classifying for us includes nearly 500,000 negatives."

Note: The negatives described in the above caption are now in the custody of the NARA Still Picture Branch. The series identifiers are 242-HAP, 242-HAR, 242-HB, 242-HKL, 242-HLB, 242-HLB, 242-HMA, 242-HMC, and 242-MNF.

Photo ID: 238-NT-99
Original Caption: "Lunch for Goering; in foreground is noon meal ready to be taken to the former chief of the Luftwaffe. It consists of three pieces of brown bread (about 150 grams), one cup (and only one) of coffee, about 200 grams of dehydrated eggs, and a goulash (stew) of about 200 grams. Dining equipment consists of a spoon, canteen cup without handle, and a GI meat can. In the background are the mess kits for other prisoners standing trial before the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg."

Photographs relating to Major Nuremberg Trials

Photo ID: 286-MP-IRE-510
Original Caption: "Dungenstown, Ireland - Distant cousins of John F. Kennedy still occupy the farm from which the new President's great-grandfather emigrated to the United States in 1848. Here James Kennedy and his sister Mrs. Mary Ryan are shown in front of the building which was constructed around the ruins of the original dwelling where Patrick Joseph Kennedy had been born and lived. When John Kennedy visited the home of his forebears in 1947, his cousins gave him a piece of stone from the building as a memento."

Photo ID: 286-MP-YUG-22
Original Caption: "Sergeant John Trypsis of the Alien Police Detachment of Salonika (right), the first Greek soldier to cross the Yugoslav border officially in more than 10 years, shakes hands with Koca Dzilas of the Yugoslav Army at Gevgelij, in Yugoslav Macedonia. Sgt. Trypsis accompanied a group of Greek and American officials who were invited to attend a ceremony marking the arrival of the first trainload of America aid flour shipped to Yugoslavia through Greece. The flour, which was discharged at the Greek Aegean port of Salonika, was shipped on the first regular freight train to traverse the newly-opened Salonika-Belgrade rail route."

286-MP-YUG-23
Original Caption: "Natives of the Yugoslav village of Gevgelif watching the arrival from Greece of the first trainload of American aid flour to be shipped via Greece....The flour is part of a 6,654 ton shipment which arrived in Salonika from Orange, Texas, 24 hours before. The air is part of an overall $69,000,000 program to drought-stricken Yugoslavia. The shipment will be followed immediately by another 10,000 tons."

Photographs of Marshall Plan Programs, Exhibits, and Personnel, 1948 - 1967

All of the photographs included in this blog post are held and maintained by the NARA Still Picture unit. The images presented within this blog post are free of copyright restrictions and as such, the photographs may be used without permission. Should you wish to use any of the photos included here, we simply ask that the images are cited using our photo ID numbers. The following are examples of preferred credit lines: National Archives photo no. 286-MP-YUG-23
Credit National Archives (photo no. 238-NT-99 )
National Archives (111-SC-202199)
Courtesy National Archives, photo no. 75-N-SACR-3

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"A picture is worth a thousand words...." Or so the saying goes. In reality, a photograph only documents a second in time, and as time goes on, it is easy to forget why a particular moment was so important to capture.

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https://www.loc.gov/item/webcast-8776/

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About this Item

Title

Stonewall 50: LGBTQ+ Research

Summary

A panel discussion on LBGTQ+ research on the eve of the 50th anniversary of the Stonewall Uprising (June 28, 1969), a landmark moment in the LGBTQ+ civil rights movement. One year after, the first pride march was organized to commemorate the events of Stonewall and to ensure people would not forget the need for urgency when it comes to securing the life, liberty and pursuit of happiness of LGBTQ+ peoples. Panelists discussed how Stonewall and LGBTQ+ history look through the lens of various collections.

Running Time

1 hours 30 minutes 9 seconds

Online Format

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While the Library of Congress created most of the videos in this collection, they include copyrighted materials that the Library has permission from rightsholders to present. Rights assessment is your responsibility. The written permission of the copyright owners in materials not in the public domain is required for distribution, reproduction, or other use of protected items beyond that allowed by fair use or other statutory exemptions. There may also be content that is protected under the copyright or neighboring-rights laws of other nations. Permissions may additionally be required from holders of other rights (such as publicity and/or privacy rights). Whenever possible, we provide information that we have about copyright owners and related matters in the catalog records, finding aids and other texts that accompany collections. However, the information we have may not be accurate or complete.

More about Copyright and other Restrictions

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Credit Line: Library of Congress

Cite This Item

Citations are generated automatically from bibliographic data as a convenience, and may not be complete or accurate.

Chicago citation style:

Stonewall 50: LGBTQ+ Research. 2019. Video. https://www.loc.gov/item/webcast-8776/.

APA citation style:

(2019) Stonewall 50: LGBTQ+ Research. [Video] Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/webcast-8776/.

MLA citation style:

Stonewall 50: LGBTQ+ Research. 2019. Video. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, <www.loc.gov/item/webcast-8776/>.

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A panel discussion on LBGTQ+ research on the eve of the 50th anniversary of the Stonewall Uprising (June 28, 1969), a landmark moment in the LGBTQ+ civil rights movement. One year after, the first pride march was organized to commemorate the events of Stonewall and to ensure people would not forget the need for urgency when it comes to securing the life, liberty and pursuit of happiness of LGBTQ+ peoples.

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https://www.archives.gov/?_ga=2.204342872.954542156.1679332689-58303926.1679332689

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Sunshine Week: 15 National Archives Stories About Making Access Happen

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https://www.jewfaq.org/jewish_names

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Learn about Jewish names and naming customs, including surnames, given (first) names and Hebrew names. Some material here may be of interest to Jewish genealogists.

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https://aish.com/jews-changing-their-surname-at-ellis-island/

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Jews Changing Their Surname at Ellis Island - Aish.com

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Why everything you’ve been told about the name changes at Ellis Island is a big, fat lie.

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https://www.loc.gov/collections/puerto-rico-books-and-pamphlets/articles-and-essays/nineteenth-century-puerto-rico/puerto-rico-and-united-states/

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Although Puerto Rico had just begun its experiment with self-government granted by the Spanish rulers in 1897, its citizens initially greeted the transfer of ultimate authority from Spain to the United States in 1898 with much enthusiasm because of the promise of the expansion of American democratic values and economic development. However, while the transfer led to dramatic socioeconomic transformation, Puerto Ricans' dreams of political and economic development faded during the first three decades of the twentieth century. The promises of self-government and better conditions for Puerto Rico had to wait almost fifty years.

In the first years of U.S. military occupation, political and economic power centered in San Juan and all former Spanish administrative bodies were dismantled. Most local landowners lost their economic power to North American companies which came to own the principal centers of sugarcane production. Following two years of U.S. military occupation (1898-1900), a civilian government was established in 1900 by the Foraker Law (April 12, 1900) imposing trade tariffs, denying American citizenship, and creating a local government led by a governor, an Executive Council, and a judiciary appointed by the president of the United States. Nevertheless, local politics flourished as Puerto Ricans were given the right to elect the lower chamber of the legislature. In that forum, the local elite continued their demands for a more open and democratic political arrangement between Puerto Rico and the United States. Thus began Puerto Rico's political struggle for a definition of its status, a struggle that has lasted into the twenty-first century. And thus the national political parties came to divide around three fundamental alternatives: statehood, self-government, and independence.

"The Star Spangled Banner - Puerto Rico's Flag." [Detail] A little journey to Puerto Rico; for intermediate and upper grades. General Collections, Library of Congress.

In 1917, the U.S. Congress passed the Jones Act, which brought Puerto Rico the first significant political changes under U.S. colonial rule. With this law, Congress established a popularly elected legislative branch (a Senate and a House of Representatives) and extended American citizenship to Puerto Rican citizens. At about the same time, the island's economy experienced its first radical change. Although it continued to have an agrarian base centered in sugar production, it changed from a mercantilist system under Spain to a capitalist system under the United States.

Increasing American investments in the sugar and tobacco industries led to unprecedented economic growth but failed to bring social change. Poverty, malnutrition, illiteracy, and disease permeated the population. Such social stresses induced a wave of low-income Puerto Rican workers to migrate to the United States, particularly during the 1930s when unemployment on the island was approximately 65 percent.

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Puerto Rico and the United States | In Search of a National Identity: Nineteeth and Early-Twentieth-Century Puerto Rico | Articles and Essays | Puerto Rico at the Dawn of the Modern Age: Nineteenth- and Early-Twentieth-Century Perspectives | Digital Collections | Library of Congress

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Although Puerto Rico had just begun its experiment with self-government granted by the Spanish rulers in 1897, its citizens initially greeted the transfer of ultimate authority from Spain to the United States in 1898 with much enthusiasm because of the promise of the expansion of American democratic values and economic development.

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This is about Irish history.

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We're wrapping up Irish American Heritage Month. Today's post comes from Chris Gushman, Archives Director, and Dorothy Dougherty, Programs Director, at the National Archives at New York City.

The National Archives and Records Administration's (NARA) Access to Archival Databases (AAD) launched nearly 20 years ago, providing free public access to several series of government records in the form of datafiles covering a range of subjects. Some of the more popular datafiles are the passenger list indexes that can help the amateur genealogist find an ancestor and scholars to conduct survey research on immigration trends in the covered periods.

One of the datasets is the Records for Passengers Who Arrived at the Port of New York During the Irish Famine, 1/12/1846-12/31/1851. We have highlighted this collection and other research resources on our page about Irish American Heritage Month on Archives.gov. The data includes information on over 600,000 individuals who arrived in New York in that period, about 70 percent of whom were Irish. The manifests vary, but the index entries can include name, age, town of last residence, destination, passenger arrival date, occupation, literacy, native country, transit status, travel compartment, and passenger port of embarkation. The Irish Famine database has two files:

Famine Irish Passenger Record Data File (FIPAS), 1/12/1846-12/31/1851

List of Ships that Arrived at the Port of New York During the Irish Famine, 1/12/1846-12/31/1851

AAD, and specifically the Irish Famine File Dataset, is searchable by name. For example, if you searched on the name Doherty, your search would look like this:

And if you click to view record, the details would list out like this:

The immigration series in AAD came to NARA from the Center for Immigration Studies (CIR), Balch Institute, formerly at Temple University and now affiliated with the Pennsylvania Historical Society. The CIR's former director, Dr. Ira Glazier (deceased, well remembered in New York City and genealogical circles), deserves tremendous credit for creating these datasets. Lesser known is that through this work, Dr. Glazier and colleagues effectively saved the original records-the customs manifests themselves-from which the data is drawn. For the Port of New York, this rescue entailed what we believe to be the vast majority of the manifests for the entire period they were created by the customs agency, roughly 1820-97.

The short version of the story is that in the 1940s the New York Customs office turned over the manifests to the National Archives in Washington, DC, to be filmed and indexed as a WPA project. In the 1970s, the originals were slated for disposal after the microfilming-a practice the Archives and other archival repositories no longer follow today. By the early 2000s, Dr. Glazier partnered again with the National Archives at New York City (at the office's former location at Varick Street in the West Village) to complete his immigration research work.

Even though NARA had the records captured on microfilm, this partnership brought the original manifests back to the Archives, where they were reaccessioned, reboxed, and reinventoried by ship with the assistance of the Italian Genealogical Group and German Genealogy Group of Long Island, NY. When the New York office relocated in 2012/13 to the Alexander Hamilton U.S. Custom House in Lower Manhattan, the manifests were moved to the (much larger) archival storage bays in the National Archives at Philadelphia, where they remain very much in NARA's permanent collection.

These days, researchers can access these records in several ways. The family historian can and probably will start from the most recent efforts by NARA digitization partners including Ancestry.com. Ancestry has put all the original NARA microfilm online, and they did their own indexing from it and some image enhancement and cleanup as well. If the researcher is fortunate, the individual she is seeking pulls right up in the index along with a link to the Ancestry scan (again, from the NARA microfilm) of the manifest itself.

Other electronic indexes, including those in AAD, were created in different ways from how Ancestry has done theirs, and we have certainly seen results that were simply not showing in the subscription sites. AAD also captured different data fields than what Ancestry was after. We note again the AAD datasets each covering different time periods and countries of origin:

AAD

Data Files Relating to the Immigration of Russians to the United States, 1834-1897

Records for Passengers Who Arrived at the Port of New York During the Irish Famine, 1/12/1846-12/31/1851

Data Files Relating to the Immigration of Germans to the United States, 1850-1897

Data Files Relating to the Immigration of Italians to the United States, 1855-1900

Another great index to the Port of New York customs lists is on the website CastleGarden.org, run by the Battery Conservancy. Dr. Glazier of the Balch Institute spent the latter years of his career at the Conservancy and continued the efforts to get this data out to the public. The Castle Garden database is more of a general index than the Irish Famine database, covering some 11 million immigrants, 1820-97. It launched in summer 2005, 150 years after the opening of Castle Garden itself. (Castle Garden was America's first formalized immigrant processing center, established to both help control who was coming to the new country and to protect the immigrants from the scam artists who would greet them at a myriad of other points of entry in the city.) We have also seen many instances where a researcher finds "their person" on the Castle Garden site when other avenues had failed.

Finally, NARA staff will retrieve an original manifest from archival storage if warranted. In a recent example, a researcher had information that his ancestor was on a specific ship on a specific date, yet the online scans he had access to indicated a clear scanning (or filming) error that we eventually found dated back to the original WPA filming-one page was duplicated, and another was missing. First, we went to the microfilm, which showed the same discrepancy. Then, because the manifest is still with us and on our shelves in Philadelphia, we were able to go to the original paper record. The researcher was proven to be absolutely correct. He found his people, and we applauded his persistence. And we once again thanked Dr. Glazier.

As a final note, continuing the theme of Irish history and immigration (though straying some decades beyond the data in AAD's Irish Famine database), we bring up the famous story of the 13-year-old Irish girl Annie Moore, the first immigrant to be processed at Ellis Island. Her arrival is recorded in one of these surviving original manifests, for the SS Nevada, arriving January 2, 1892, also among those rescued by Dr. Glazier and now in the National Archives. Annie immigrated along with her brothers Anthony, aged 11, and Philip, aged 9, to New York to live with their parents, who arrived a few years prior and were living in Manhattan's Lower East Side.

In 2011, in anticipation of moving our office from Varick Street to our new location at the Alexander Hamilton U.S Customs House at One Bowling Green, NY, staff sent select originals to our preservation labs for treatment and digitization. The Annie Moore record was in two pieces and scanned so you could see the full document (as in the picture above). As a result of the conservation treatment, the New York staff were able to display the top piece of the original document for the reopening of the National Archives at New York City, 2013. One view for a full year, in the Welcome Center's New York on the Record Gallery, it was the first time Annie Moore's record of arrival at Ellis Island was displayed to the public.

Learn more about Irish and other arrival records held by the National Archives at New York City at on our web page for Passenger Arrival Lists.

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Exploring Irish History Through the Famine Files and Other Arrival Records

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We're wrapping up Irish American Heritage Month. Today's post comes from Chris Gushman, Archives Director, and Dorothy Dougherty, Programs Director, at the National Archives at New York City. The National Archives and Records Administration's (NARA) Access to Archival Databases (AAD) launched nearly 20 years ago, providing free public access to several series of government records in the form of datafiles covering a range of subjects.

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This is an Irish myth.

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Iseult Gillespie: Love vs. Honor: The Irish myth of Diarmuid's betrayal

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Gráinne, princess of Tara and bride-to-be, was furious. She had thought she was betrothed to a young soldier, bold and brilliant enough to be her equal. Yet it soon became clear she was expected to marry Fionn, a warrior far past his prime.

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This is an Irish myth.

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Iseult Gillespie: The Irish myth of the Giant's Causeway

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On the coast of Northern Ireland, a vast plateau of basalt slabs and columns called the Giant's Causeway stretches into the ocean. The scientific explanation for this is that it's the result of molten lava contracting and fracturing as it cooled in the wake of a volcanic eruption.

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From Academic Kids

The Massacre of Glencoe was an incident at the village of Glencoe, Glen Coe, Scotland early in the morning on February 13, 1692, during the era of the Glorious Revolution and the Jacobite Risings. About 78 Macdonalds were killed by the guests who had accepted their hospitality, for not promptly pledging allegiance to the new king, William of Orange.

Background

In 1688, William took the thrones of England and Scotland from James VII (II of England). In 1689, John Graham of Claverhouse, Viscount Dundee, led Scottish Highlanders in the Jacobite uprisings in an attempt to return the throne to King James. Dundee was killed at the Battle of Killiecrankie, and the rising in Scotland ended in defeat at the Battle of Dunkeld. On their way home from this battle, the MacIains of Glencoe, a sept of Clan Macdonald, looted the lands of Robert Campbell and stole his livestock, leaving him heavily in debt and forcing him to take an army commission to provide for his family.

James was defeated at the Battle of the Boyne in Ireland in 1690. On August 27 1691, William offered all Highland clans a pardon for their part in the Jacobite Uprising, as long as they took an oath of allegiance before January 1 1692 in front of a magistrate, if they did not sign they were threatened with death. The Highland chiefs sent word to James, now in exile in France, asking for his permission to take this oath. James dithered over his decision, convinced that he was close to returning to Britain to reclaim his throne. When it became apparent that this was not going to happen before the deadline, James sent orders back to Scotland telling the chiefs to take the oath. This message reached its recipients in mid-December, only a few weeks before the deadline. Nearly all managed to comply promptly, but Alastair MacIain, 12th Chief of Glencoe, waited until the last day before setting out to take the oath.

On December 31, 1691, he travelled to Fort William and asked Colonel Hill, the governor, to administer the required oath. Colonel Hill, however, demurred on the grounds that he was not authorized to receive the necessary oath. He instructed MacIain to proceed quickly to Inveraray to make his oath before Sir Colin Campbell, sheriff of Argyll. Colonel Hill gave MacIain a letter of protection and a letter to Sir Colin asking that he receive MacIain's oath since MacIain had come to Colonel Hill within the allotted time. Colonel Hill also reassured MacIain that no action would be taken against him without his having the opportunity to make his case before the king or the king's privy council.

It took MacIain three days to reach Inverary, partly due to winter weather, partly due to him being detained for a day at Balcardine Castle by the 1st company of the Earl of Argyll's Regiment of Foot, at the command of Captain Drummond, ensuring his lateness. On arrival at Inverary, he was forced to wait for three days for the arrival of Sir Colin who was absent. Upon his return, Sir Colin reluctantly accepted MacIain's oath.

While MacIain was satisfied that he had satisfied the spirit of the required oath, and therefore did not anticipate any action against himself or his people, some elements within the government saw an opportunity to use his failure to fulfill the letter of the requirement (by missing the deadline) to at one stroke make an example of the Macdonalds and simultaneously eliminate some enemies.

The massacre

A plot was set in motion which apparently involved John Dalrymple, Master of Stair and Lord Advocate, John Campbell, Earl of Breadalbane, Sir Thomas Livingstone, commander of the forces in Scotland, and even King William, who signed and countersigned the orders.

In late January or early February, 1692, the first and second companies of the Earl of Argyll's Regiment of Foot, around 120 men, under the command of Captain Robert Campbell were billeted on the McDonalds in Glencoe, who received them in the hospitable tradition of the Highlands. Thirteen members of this force were Campbells, as was the Earl of Argyll (the Colonel-in-Chief of the regiment and chieftain of Clan Campbell). Captain Campbell was related by marriage to old MacIain himself and so it was natural that he should be billeted at the Chief's own house. Each morning for about two weeks, Captain Campbell visited the home of Alexander MacDonald, MacIain's youngest son, who was married to Campbell's niece, the sister of Rob Roy MacGregor. At this stage, it is not clear that Campbell knew the nature of their mission - ostensibly the purpose of collecting the Cess tax, instituted by the Scottish Parliament in 1690. The planning was meticulous enough that they were able to produce legitimate orders to this effect from the very Colonel Hill who had tried to help MacIain complete his oath in the first place, thus dispelling any suspicion the Macdonalds might have felt, although it was also Colonel Hill who issued the orders to begin the massacre two weeks later.

On February 12, Captain Drummond arrived. Due to his role in ensuring MacIain was late in giving his oath, Drummond would not have been welcomed. As Drummond was captain of the grenadiers, the 1st company of the regiment, he was the ranking officer, yet did not take command. Drummond was bearing the the following instructions for Robert Campbell, from his superior officer, a Major Duncanson.

Ballacholis
Feb. 12, 1692

He spent the evening playing cards with his unsuspecting victims and upon retiring, wished them goodnight and accepted an invitation to dine with MacIain, the chief, the following day.

Alastair MacIain was killed while trying to rise from his bed by Lt Lindsay and Ensign Lundie but his sons escaped as initially did his wife. In all, 38 men including were murdered either in their homes or as they tried to flee the glen. Another 40 women and children died of exposure after their homes were burned. Elsewhere, various members of the two companies found ways of warning their hosts. Some took insubordination further - two lieutenants, Lt Francis Farquhar and Lt Gilbert Kennedy broke their swords rather than carry out their orders. They were arrested and imprisoned, but were exonerated, released and later gave evidence for the prosecution against their superior officers.

In addition to the soldiers who were actually in Glencoe that night, two other detachments each of four hundred men were, according to the plan, to have converged on the escape routes. Both were late in taking up their positions, by design or incompetence. It is possible that the snowstorm made arrival on time quite difficult - especially for those approaching over the Devil's Staircase from Kinlochleven, while it is equally possible that they simply did not want to play any part in what they knew to be a heinous crime.

Inquiry

Under Scots law there was a special category of murder known as "murder under trust" which was considered to be even more heinous than ordinary murder. The Glencoe massacre was a clear example of such, and the results of the inquiry into it draws parallels with the Nuremburg Trials.

Though the command of superior officers be very absolute, yet no command against the laws of nature is binding; so that a soldier, retaining his commission, ought to refuse to execute any barbarity, as if a soldier should be commanded to shoot a man passing by inoffensively, upon the street, no such command would exempt him from the punishment of murder.

The challenge to the inquiry which had been established was to apportion blame on those responsible for the massacre, and yet the orders which lead to the massacre were signed by the King himself, who could not be seen to be responsible. By 1695, the Duke of Argyll's Regiment had surrendered to the French in Flanders, putting Campbell, Drummond and Duncanson beyond the reach of Scots law. The conclusion of the commission was to exonerate the King and to place the blame for the massacre upon Secretary Dalrymple. The Scottish Parliament, after reviewing the commission report, declared the execution of the MacDonald men to have been murder and delegated the "committee for the security of the kingdom" to prepare an address to the king which included recommendations for the punishment of the perpetrators of the plot and compensation to be paid to the surviving Macdonalds. As far as is known, these recommendations were never acted upon except for the imprisonment of Lord Breadalbane for a few days in Edinburgh castle because he had opened himself to a charge of high treason.

Aftermath

The Glencoe massacre became a propaganda piece for Jacobite sympathies which were to come to a head in the next generation in the Rising of 1745. In the Victorian era interest was revived and the massacre was romanticised in art and literature, such as Sir Walter Scott's "The Highland Widow". The massacre became translated from a government action to a clan fight in which - because of Argyll's regiment happening to be involved and with Glenlyon in command, the ancient MacDonald-Campbell rivalry was remembered.

Memory of this massacre has been kept alive by continued ill feeling between Macdonalds and Campbells - in the late 20th century the Clachaig Inn, a hotel and pub in Glencoe popular with climbers, had a sign on its door " No Hawkers or Campbells".

External links

sv:Glencoemassakern pl:RzeÅº_w_Glencoe

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The Massacre of Glencoe was an incident at the village of Glencoe, Glen Coe, Scotland early in the morning on February 13, 1692, during the era of the Glorious Revolution and the Jacobite Risings. About 78 Macdonalds were killed by the guests who had accepted their hospitality, for not promptly pledging allegiance to the new king, William of Orange.

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https://www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/harlem-renaissance/

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The resources in this primary source set are intended for classroom use. If your use will be beyond a single classroom, please review the copyright and fair use guidelines.

Teacher's Guide

To help your students analyze these primary sources, get a graphic organizer and guides: Analysis Tool and Guides

A tremendous explosion of creativity rocked the United States in the 1920s and 1930s, and it took the name of the New York City neighborhood of Harlem.

Historical Background

The Harlem Renaissance, also known as the New Negro Movement, was a period of great cultural activity and innovation among African American artists and writers, one that saw new artists and landmark works appear in the fields of literature, dance, art, and music. The participants were all fiercely individualistic talents, and not all of them saw themselves as being part of a movement. But in time writers such as Countee Cullen and Langston Hughes; painters like Jacob Lawrence and Romare Bearden; and musicians and composers such as Duke Ellington and Bessie Smith became widely known as members of the Harlem Renaissance.

Much of the foundation of the Harlem Renaissance was laid by earlier generations of African American educators, students, and intellectuals. In the decades following the Civil War, many racial barriers to education were removed, and African Americans took advantage of the new educational opportunities in great numbers. Dozens of African American colleges and universities were founded, and African American professors and other intellectuals took increasingly public roles. By the early 1900s, intellectual leaders like W.E.B. DuBois and James Weldon Johnson were writing, lecturing, and being published in journals such as Crisis and The Messenger.

At the same time, African Americans were moving in huge numbers from the South to northern industrial cities, like New York, where they could find work and escape some of the institutionalized discrimination and mistreatment caused by the South's Jim Crow laws. Innovative young African American writers, painters, and musicians began gathering in a number of neighborhoods in Manhattan, including Harlem and Greenwich Village, working together and developing new ideas, and in the years after World War I they gained national attention.

Some of the most prominent works created during the Harlem Renaissance were in the field of literature. Zora Neale Hurston, Claude McKay, Jean Toomer, and Langston Hughes produced novels, poetry, short stories and memoirs.

Hurston produced important work in a number of fields. An anthropologist and folklorist, she studied with the eminent anthropologist Franz Boaz at Columbia University, and used the music and stories that she collected as a folklorist to inform her novels, plays, and other books, including Mules and Men and Their Eyes Were Watching God. She also performed music based on her folkloric research, and has left a number of recordings along with her manuscripts.

Langston Hughes, best known as a poet, also wrote plays, a novel, short stories, and an autobiography. Many of his poems were set to music by African American composers, and he collaborated with Zora Neale Hurston on a play, Mule Bone. Another artist who achieved great things in a number of fields was the multitalented Paul Robeson. An honor student and All-American athlete while at Rutgers University, Robeson went on to graduate from Columbia University Law School, and soon after became a famed concert singer, recording artist, stage and film actor. He was an impassionedadvocate of political causes, and his performance tours and activism took him around the world.

Harlem was a center for musical and theatrical performance as well as literary work, as musicians drawn by the neighborhood's nightlife collaborated with writers, artists, and each other to create original works. Some of this work drew on musical forms that had grown from the African American experience-gospel, jazz, and blues. Other African American musicians worked in classical forms. Bessie Smith was a legendary blues singer, Marian Anderson broke ground as a classical contralto, and Louis Armstrong and Duke Ellington took jazz to new levels of innovation.

Eubie Blake was a prolific composer of the Harlem Renaissance, and was one of the creators of the musical revue Shuffle Along. This show was written and produced by African Americans, opened in New York in 1921 to great success, ran for one year in New York, and then toured for an additional two years. The visual arts also were part of the Harlem Renaissance. Among the best-known artists of the period were Aaron Douglas, Laura Wheeler Waring, Edward Harleston, and the painter and collage artist Jacob Lawrence.

Suggestions for Teachers

Ask students to examine the newspaper pages. How do they convey connections between the African American community in New York City-the principal setting of the Harlem Renaissance-and African Americans in other areas? What is the importance of these connections?

Multiple drafts of Langston Hughes' poem "The Ballad of Booker T" offer opportunities to explore not only the writing process, but also the poet's thinking process. Compare two drafts and consider the changes that Hughes made; compare an early draft to the final copy. How did the changes he made shape the effect of the poem? What do the changes and his other notations reveal about his thinking and writing processes? Students can apply what they learn about revisions to their own work: ask them to write a descriptive paragraph or a short poem and then revise it over several days, dating each version.

Read "The Whites Invade Harlem" and consider what point Levi Huber is making. After students read the entire document, direct them to focus on a single paragraph and analyze the techniques the writer uses to make his point. Why might he have taken that approach? Students may apply the techniques to their own writing about a current artistic or cultural phenomenon. Students may study the photographs taken by Carl Van Vechten and analyze his style and artistic choices. What qualities or characteristics of each subject was he emphasizing? How did he use poses, backgrounds, props and focus to create the overall impression? Students might search the Library of Congress digital collections to find photographs by other photographers of the people Van Vechten photographed, and compare the choices those photographers made with the choices Van Vechten made. Students might also select a few people in the school and experiment with portrait photography. They should be prepared to discuss the choices they made in setting up and taking the photographs.

Ask students to examine the documents related to Zora Neale Hurston, James Weldon Johnson, and Eubie Blake. Have students look for connections with African American culture in the years preceding the twentieth century. Ask students to consider subject matter and writing/musical style. What is the significance of these connections? Have students find more information about the music of the artists portrayed in photographs-Louis Armstrong, Bessie Smith, and Marian Anderson. How does their work compare to music composed or performed by African Americans in earlier eras?

Additional Resources

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The Harlem Renaissance | Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress | Library of Congress

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The resources in this primary source set are intended for classroom use. If your use will be beyond a single classroom, please review the copyright and fair use guidelines.

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Irish Immigration and relocation in US history

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Irish Immigration and relocation in US history

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Irish | Immigration and Relocation in U.S. History | Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress | Library of Congress

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Andrew Jackson In colonial times, the Irish population in America was second in number only to the English. Many early Irish immigrants were of Scottish or English descent and came from the northern province of Ulster.

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Hope you enjoy this article on Irish history.

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Today's post comes from Rebecca Brenner, an intern in the History Office at the National Archives in Washington, D.C.

Fifty years ago on October 3, 1965, at the base of the Statue of Liberty, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Immigration Act of 1965 into law.

The act was an important milestone in American immigration history. It was a significant improvement from the National Origins Act of 1924, which barred Asian immigrants, limited Latin American immigrants, and established rigid immigration quotas for European countries.

These quotas, established in an era of post-World War I isolationism and xenophobia, lasted from 1924 through 1965:

Armenia: 124

Australia: 121

Austria: 785

Belgium: 512

Czechoslovakia: 3,073

Estonia: 124

France: 3,954

Germany: 51,227

Great Britain and Northern Ireland: 34,007

Hungary: 473

Irish Free State: 28,567

Italy: 3,845

Latvia: 142

Lithuania: 344

Netherlands: 1,648

Norway: 6,453

Poland: 5,962

Russia: 2,248

Sweden: 9,561

Switzerland: 2,081

Yugoslavia: 671

Aliens needed to apply for spots on the quota in their country of birth, regardless of where they and their family lived. Some quota waiting lists were a dozen years long, while others were not filled.

The Immigration Act of 1965 abolished this quota system and eliminated the formally racial character of immigration to the United States.

The act aimed for immigration law to distinguish between hemispheres of origin, instead of discriminating on the basis of ethnicity or race.

It also prioritized keeping families together, and put a preference on skilled workers.

According to records in the Center for Legislative Archives, the net effect of the final bill was to admit 320,000 people to the United States each year. This number included 120,000 from the Western hemisphere and 170,000 from the rest of the world, as well as 30,000 immediate relatives of U.S. citizens.

On August 25, 1965, the U.S. House of Representatives passed the bill with a vote of 318-95.

On September 22, the U.S. Senate passed it with a vote of 76-18.

According to the Congressional Quarterly in October 1965, a combination of factors enabled its passage:

The Democratic majority in Congress supported the Johnson administration, which viewed quotas as discriminatory.

The general public was not as interested in the act as it was in civil rights or health care, and as a result, provided less opposition.

Special interest groups were willing to compromise with each other.

The National Archives holds many records related to the history of immigration. The Records of Rights exhibit at the National Archives in Washington, DC, includes a compelling section on American immigration.

And on September 17, Constitution Day, the annual naturalization ceremony for new American citizens will take place in front of the Constitution at the National Archives in Washington, DC.

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Fifty Year Later: A Brief History of the Immigration Act of 1965

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Today's post comes from Rebecca Brenner, an intern in the History Office at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. Fifty years ago on October 3, 1965, at the base of the Statue of Liberty, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Immigration Act of 1965 into law.

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https://wondrouspaths.com/history-otomi-embroidery-patterns/

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History of a trend: Otomi embroidery and patterns

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The Otomi textiles, also known as tenangos, take weeks or even years for the women to embroider and feature colorful and whimsical patterns of nature.

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Nearly all Jews in the United States and Israel say they are proud to be Jewish, and large majorities in both countries say they feel a strong sense of belonging to the Jewish people. But the two Jewish communities do not always agree about what it means to be Jewish, according to a new Pew Research Center survey of religion in Israel (compared with our 2013 survey of U.S. Jews).

Both surveys asked Jews about a list of eight possible behaviors and attributes that could potentially be "essential" or "important" to their personal Jewish identity. In both countries, majorities say remembering the Holocaust is essential to their Jewish identities (73% in U.S., 65% in Israel).

But far more American than Israeli Jews say "leading an ethical and moral life" (69% vs. 47%) and "working for justice and equality" (56% vs. 27%) are vital to being Jewish. American Jews also are more likely than those in Israel to see intellectual curiosity and a good sense of humor as key parts of their Jewish identity.

On the other hand, Israeli Jews are more likely than U.S. Jews to say that observing Jewish law is essential to what being Jewish means to them (35% vs. 19%).

The list of possible responses was originally designed for our survey of American Jews, which might help explain why Americans responded more affirmatively to these elements of Jewish identity.

Both groups also were asked about what being Jewish means to them in a different way, with an open-ended question that allowed them to give any answer. The vast majority of Israeli Jews cited connections with Jewish history, culture and community. In addition, 53% said passing Jewish traditions on to children is crucial to their Jewish identity. Most American Jews, by contrast, did not name an additional essential element of Jewish identity in the open-ended question, perhaps in part because they felt more satisfied with the list of possible responses that had already been offered (among other potential reasons).

U.S. and Israeli Jews offer more-similar perspectives on what disqualifies a person from being Jewish. Solid majorities in both countries say a person can be Jewish even if he or she works on the Sabbath, does not believe in God or is strongly critical of Israel. But relatively few Jews in both places say a person who believes Jesus was the Messiah can be Jewish (18% in Israel, 34% in the U.S.).

The notion that a person can be Jewish even without observing the Sabbath or believing in God may be tied to the idea held by many Jews that being Jewish is more about ancestry or culture than about religion. Indeed, a plurality of Jews in Israel (55%) and a majority in the U.S. (62%) say this is the case for them personally, although 23% in each country say their Jewish identity is about religion and ancestry/culture equally.

About one-in-five Israeli Jews (22%) and a slightly smaller share of American Jews (15%) say being Jewish, to them, is primarily about religion. Orthodox Jews in both countries are particularly likely to take this position.

Both surveys asked respondents how important "being Jewish" is in their lives. A slightly larger share of Israeli than American Jews (54% vs. 46%) say it is very important, while somewhat more Americans (20%) than Israelis (10%) say it is "not too" or "not at all" important.

A plurality of Israeli Jews (46%) say being Jewish comes before being Israeli for them, but about a third (35%) say they are Israeli first. Secular (Hiloni) Jews in Israel are particularly likely to feel this way: A majority (59%) say they think of themselves as being Israeli before being Jewish.

Jewish Americans were not asked whether they are American first or Jewish first.

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A closer look at Jewish identity in Israel and the U.S.

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Nearly all Jews in the United States and Israel say they are proud to be Jewish, and strong majorities in both countries say they feel a strong sense of belonging to the Jewish people. But the two Jewish communities do not always agree about what it means to be Jewish.

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Immigration of different peoples to the US.

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The history of the United States has always been shaped by peoples and communities who came to its shores or moved within its borders. Some sought a better life, some fled oppression, and some were moved against their will. This presentation uses Library of Congress primary sources to explore moments and experiences from several of these communities.

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Immigration and Relocation in U.S. History | Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress | Library of Congress

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The history of the United States has always been shaped by peoples and communities who came to its shores or moved within its borders. Some sought a better life, some fled oppression, and some were moved against their will. This presentation uses Library of Congress primary sources to explore moments and experiences from several of these communities.

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https://www.history.com/topics/immigration/irish-potato-famine#:~:text=The%20Irish%20Potato%20Famine%2C%20also,that%20spread%20rapidly%20throughout%20Ireland.

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The Irish Potato Famine, also known as the Great Hunger, began in 1845 when a mold known as Phytophthora infestans (or P. infestans) caused a destructive plant disease that spread rapidly throughout Ireland. The infestation ruined up to one-half of the potato crop that year, and about three-quarters of the crop over the next seven years. Because the tenant farmers of Ireland-then ruled as a colony of Great Britain-relied heavily on the potato as a source of food, the infestation had a catastrophic impact on Ireland and its population. Before it ended in 1852, the Potato Famine resulted in the death of roughly one million Irish from starvation and related causes, with at least another million forced to leave their homeland as refugees.

Ireland in the 1800s

With the ratification of the Act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801, Ireland was effectively governed as a colony of Great Britain (until the Irish War of Independence ended in 1921). Together, the combined nations were known as the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

As such, the British government appointed Ireland's executive heads of state, known respectively as the Lord Lieutenant and the Chief Secretary of Ireland, although residents of the Emerald Isle could elect representation to the British Parliament in London.

In all, Ireland sent 105 representatives to the House of Commons-the lower house of Parliament-and 28 "peers" (titled landowners) to the House of Lords, or the upper house.

Still, it's important to note that the bulk of these elected representatives were landowners of British origin and/or their sons. In addition, any Irish who practiced Catholicism-the majority of Ireland's native population-were initially prohibited from owning or leasing land, voting or holding elected office under the so-called Penal Laws.

Although the Penal Laws were largely repealed by 1829, their impact on Ireland's society and governance was still being felt at the time of the Potato Famine's onset. English and Anglo-Irish families owned most of the land, and most Irish Catholics were relegated to work as tenant farmers forced to pay rent to the landowners.

Ironically, less than 100 years before to the Famine's onset, the potato was introduced to Ireland by the landed gentry. However, despite the fact only one variety of the potato was grown in the country (the so-called "Irish Lumper"), it soon became a staple food of the poor, particularly during cold winter months.

Great Hunger Begins

When the crops began to fail in 1845, as a result of P. infestans infection, Irish leaders in Dublin petitioned Queen Victoria and Parliament to act-and, initially, they did, repealing the so-called " Corn Laws " and their tariffs on grain, which made food such as corn and bread prohibitively expensive.

Still, these changes failed to offset the growing problem of the potato blight. With many tenant farmers unable to produce sufficient food for their own consumption, and the costs of other supplies rising, thousands died from starvation, and hundreds of thousands more from disease caused by malnutrition.

Complicating matters further, historians have since concluded that Ireland continued to export large quantities of food, primarily to Great Britain, during the blight. In cases such as livestock and butter, research suggests that exports from Ireland may have actually increased during the Potato Famine.

In 1847 alone, records indicate that commodities such as peas, beans, rabbits, fish and honey continued to be exported from Ireland, even as the Great Hunger ravaged the countryside.

The potato crops didn't fully recover until 1852. By then, the damage was done. Although estimates vary, it is believed as many as 1 million Irish men, women and children perished during the Famine, and another 1 to 2 million emigrated from the island to escape poverty and starvation, with many landing in various cities throughout North America and Great Britain.

Legacy of the Potato Famine

With a population significant reduced by 2 to 3 million, and increased food imports after 1850, the Irish Potato Famine eventually ended around 1852. But for those who remained behind in a decimated Ireland, a renewed appreciation was ignited for Irish independence from British rule.

The exact role of the British government in the Potato Famine and its aftermath-whether it ignored the plight of Ireland's poor out of malice, or if their collective inaction and inadequate response could be attributed to incompetence-is still being debated.

However, the significance of the Potato Famine (in the Irish language, An Gorta Mor, or "the Great Hunger") in Irish history, and its contribution to the Irish diaspora of the 19th and 20th centuries, is beyond doubt.

Tony Blair, during his time as British Prime Minister, issued a statement in 1997 offering a formal apology to Ireland for the U.K. government's handling of the crisis at the time.

Irish Hunger Memorials

In recent years, cities to which the Irish ultimately emigrated during and in the decades after the event have offered various commemorations to the lives lost. Boston, New York City, Philadelphia and Phoenix in the United States, and Montreal and Toronto in Canada, have erected Irish hunger memorials, as have various cities in Ireland, Australia and Great Britain.

In addition, Glasgow Celtic FC, a soccer team based in Scotland that was founded by Irish immigrants, many of whom were brought to the country as a result of the effects of the Potato Famine, has included a commemorative patch on its uniform-most recently on September 30, 2017-to honor the victims of the Great Hunger.

A Great Hunger Museum was established at Quinnipiac University in Hamden, Connecticut as a resource for those seeking information on the Potato Famine and its impact, as well as for researchers hoping to explore the event and its aftermath.

Sources

"The Great Hunger: What was the Irish potato famine? How was Queen Victoria involved, how many people died and when did it happen?" TheSun.co.uk.
"Ireland's Representation in Parliament." North American Review (via JSTOR).
"Exports in Famine Times." Ireland's Great Hunger Museum.
"The Irish Famine." BBC.
"Blair issues apology for Irish Potato Famine." The Independent.
"Irish Famine Memorials." IrishFamineMemorials.com.
"Celtic to wear Irish Famine symbol on their Hoops to commemorate the Great Hunger." Irish Post.
"Mournful, Angry Views of Ireland's Famine: A Review of Ireland's Great Hunger Museum, in Hamden." New York Times.

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The Irish Potato Famine, also known as the Great Hunger, began in 1845 when a mold known as Phytophthora infestans (or P. infestans) caused a destructive plant disease that spread rapidly throughout Ireland. The infestation ruined up to one-half of the potato crop that year, and about three-quarters of the crop over the next seven years.

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Slavery and Remembrance - Maroon Communities 

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Slavery and Remembrance - Maroon Communities 

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Armed maroon, Surinam, 1770s. [John Gabriel Stedman, Narrative, of a Five Years' Expedition, against the revolted Negroes of Surinam ... from the year 1772, to 1777 (London, 1796), vol. 2, facing p. 88]

The institution of slavery was threatened when large groups of Africans escaped to geographically secluded regions to form runaway slave communities, often referred to as maroon communities. Such communities were established throughout the Americas, particularly in the Caribbean and Brazil. They developed their own culture, government, trade, and military defense against their European and American oppressors. In short, they attempted to live as free people, beyond the sight and control of the planters or colonial officials.

Major efforts were made by European militaries to track down and destroy maroon communities, but those attempts were normally rebuffed by the maroons. For example, the British were unable to defeat the maroons in Jamaica and therefore established a treaty with them. The black Caribs of St. Vincent and maroons in Suriname did the same.

Maroon communities also existed in Africa, from those who fled slave raiders or escaped from coffles along interior slave routes. Maroons also could be found in certain areas of North America, including the Great Dismal Swamp, straddling North Carolina and Virginia, and the Bas de Fleuve region of Louisiana.

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Through sites and objects from across the globe, Slavery and Remembrance aims to broaden our understandings of a shared and painful past, the ways in which we collectively remember and forget, and the power of legacies to shape our present and future.

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https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/14403/ES

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No profile text currently available. Profile submissions welcome.

Joshua Project suggests the following outline:

Introduction / History

Where are they located?

What are their lives like?

What are their beliefs?

What are their needs?

Prayer Items

Submit a profile

Scripture Prayers for the Pipil in El Salvador.

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No profile text currently available. Profile submissions welcome. Joshua Project suggests the following outline: Introduction / History Where are they located? What are their lives like? What are their beliefs? What are their needs? Prayer Items Submit a profile Scripture Prayers for the Pipil in El Salvador.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ecuadorian_Americans

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Ecuadorian Americans ( Spanish: ecuatorio-americanos, norteamericanos de origen ecuatoriano or estadounidenses de origen ecuatoriano) are Americans of full or partial Ecuadorian ancestry. Ecuadorian Americans are the 9th largest Latin American group in the United States. Ecuadorian Americans are usually of European (mainly Spanish), Mestizo, Amerindian or Afro-Ecuadorian background.

Until the 1960s, very few Ecuadorians migrated to the United States. Between the years of 1930 to 1959, 11,025 Ecuadorians received lawful permanent resident status in the United States. From here, slow trickles of emigration continued. Trade relations with and seasonal migration to New York became an avenue for emigration in the 1950s and 1960s. In the late 1960s, several waves of migration started. Most Ecuadorian immigration to the United States has occurred since the early 1970s. This emigration was because of several reasons: The first of them was that United States immigration law changed.

Before 1965, national quotas on immigrants favored more European immigration than Latin American immigration. After 1965, changes in immigration law made it easier for Latin Americans and other foreign groups to emigrate to United States. In addition, the price of air travel lowered making immigration more accessible to Latin Americans. They were drawn to the U.S. for economic opportunities and political freedoms.

Another factor in Ecuadorian emigration was the 1964 Ecuadorian land reform. This improved the lives of many Ecuadorian poor, but also had far-reaching and unpredictable consequences.[citation needed ] Many new small landowners were forced to sell their land.[citation needed ] Many landowners abandoned their land and migrated to countries like Spain, Venezuela, and the United States.

In the early 1980s, Ecuadorian emigration also saw a spike as oil prices fell due in part by the 1980s oil glut. The reduced demand for oil following the 1970s energy crisis caused for a surplus of crude oil. This resulted in Ecuador suffering an economic recession, as oil accounted for the country's largest and main source of revenue. Another cause of Ecuadorian emigration was the El Niño event during 1982-1983. Other resources existing within Ecuador were severely damaged due to the extreme climate conditions caused by El Niño, which included floods, landslides, and torrential rains. Their fishing industry, another source of revenue, especially suffered due to a failed anchovy harvest and sardines unexpectedly moving south toward Chilean waters.

The passage of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 also was a factor in Ecuadorian emigration. It provided legal status to undocumented immigrants who arrived prior to 1982. This provided nearly 17,000 Ecuadorian immigrants with legal residency status, which allowed for them to reside in the United States permanently. This became a major source of family-sponsored Ecuadorian migration to the country. Emigration again peaked in the political turmoil of 1996-97 and the national banking crisis of 1998-99. This turmoil placed seventy percent of Ecuadorians below the poverty line by 1997.

Most immigrants who live in the United States send money home. Many immigrants get U.S. citizenship, others simply are legalized, while other groups live illegally, crossing the border from Mexico or entering by boat from Puerto Rico. Ecuadorian Americans come from every part of Ecuador. During the 1970s, most of the Ecuadorians came from the northern and central highlands, including the area around Quito.

In the 1980s, many Ecuadorians came from the coast. In the 1990s, most of them came from the southern highlands, near the border with Peru. The majority of Ecuadorian immigrants emigrate into New York City and its surrounding suburbs. The 1990 census recorded that 60 percent of Ecuadorians living in the United States live in the New York City Metropolitan Area; while another 10% live in Miami.

In 2008, the Great World Recession made for a decline in Ecuadorian emigration. This event also hindered two of Ecuador's major cash flows: remittances and exports. To aid in the country's recovery, Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa implemented the Welcome Home Plan. The plan fights unemployment and serves to boost the economy by encouraging migrants to come home through various ways, including aiding returnees in their own business ventures.

Panama Hat Industry's role in Ecuadorian Emigration

Ecuadorians had been sewing straw hats ever since the 16th century with the introduction of the Spanish Elites, it was not until 1835 when Manuel Alfaro would start an exportation business that would increase Ecuador's GDP. The success of selling and trading goods relies heavily on a country's location and at the time Ecuador was not a busy stop for travelers. Business people realized that a few miles north, a very busy stop for travelers seeking to go west during the California Gold rush; Panama. One of the only few ways to go west from the east coast or Canada fast and safe was to travel by sea to Panama, cross Isthmus and continue your journey through boat again.

Panama became the location where manufactures from Ecuador, specially in the region of Cuenca would export their hats, making Cuenca a Hat industry. A fond importer and buyer of these Hat was the United States, specifically New York. Usually women were in charge of weaving the hats and men were in charge of the business side. Although the hats were very beautifully hand crafted and took months of manufacture, imitations at a cheaper price joined the competition and fashion trends started to change, decreasing the demand for them, thus leading to the decline of the Panama Hat Trade in 1950s, and 1960s. This heavily affected the working class that actually weaved the hats and the elites whom ran the exportation sites. Laborers had to migrate out of their isolated region in hopes to find job opportunities. A wave of Ecuadorians emigrated to New York City through the same connections established during the Hat trade, they were known as "pioneer migrants".

Migration to New York was very regionally focused in Ecuador, due to the Ecuadorians high economic reliance on the revenue that the exportation industry created, which was only in Cuenca and Azuay. Ecuador was so involved in this type of economic system because of the impact of pre and post Spanish colonial rule, and thus instead of exporting hats they started to export their own people. When the pioneer migrants reached NYC their families and friends joined as well, leading to a mass out migration in duding the 1980s, and 1990s after the 1980 economic crisis that left a majority of Ecuadorians, even those living in the urban areas unemployed.

The exportation of people was facilitated by the only way that Ecuadorians knew, with the help of intermediary guides, who would provide finical needs, foraged papers, and other necessary services in their host countries. These intermediaries, known as "tramitadores," would profit through high interests imposed on prices for the journey to the states typically ranging from $6-10,000 with 10-15% interest, and Ecuador as a whole benefited from remittances sent back. So far in 2019,[needs update ] 780 million of Ecuador's GDP is accounted through remittances which is the second highest source of revenue. Ecuadors regional migration industry is much like the Panama Hat industry in the sense that only a few members run the operation, where the tramitadores were members of one family in an Azyuan town and money lenders as well

In 2000, 400,000 Ecuadorians joined the other 1 million already residing in United States. Today stricter immigration policies are in effect forcing Ecuadorians that are already here to stay permanently. This transnational migration of Cuenca and New York City continues today. Ecuadorians are the third largest Latin American group in the New York City and New Jersey Area. Of all the Ecuadorians the migrate to the U.S., 62 percent of them reside in NYC as of 2005 research.

In 1964 Ecuador passed the Land Reform, Idle Lands, and Settlement Act. The law was an attempt to end the feudal system that had existed in the Sierra for centuries. It redistributed land from absentee landlords to the peasants who farmed it. The law set the minimum amount of land to be granted in the redistribution at 4.8 hectares. However, the land redistributed to the peasant farmers was of terrible quality. It was mountainous, unfertile land and often just barely larger than the minimum required amount of land. The large farm owners kept the fertile valley land for themselves. The peasant farmers who received these small plots of land, called minifundios, received little to no government assistance. In spite of these difficulties, however, by 1984 over 700,000 hectares had been distributed to 79,000 peasants. Distribution of the land remained highly unequal. In 1982, 80 percent of the farms consisted of less than ten hectares; yet these small farms accounted for only 15 percent of the farmland.

While the Land Reform Act improved the lives and working conditions of many poor Ecuadorian farmers, it shook the country and made it unstable. The system that had been in place for so long had been remodeled and forced many of these farmers to sell their land due to lack of credit and experience. The peasant farmers left the land their forefathers had farmed for generations and headed to Venezuela and the United States.[citation needed ]

Many Ecuadorians in the United States have settled in cities such as New York City (most residing in various areas of Queens, as well as in Bushwick, Brooklyn and Fordham, Bronx); Ossining, New York; Hudson, New York; Washington Heights, Manhattan; Danbury, Connecticut; Jersey City, New Jersey; Union City, New Jersey; Newark, New Jersey; Plainfield, New Jersey; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Chicago, Illinois; Orlando, Florida; Tampa, Florida; Fort Lauderdale, Florida; Miami, Florida; Houston, Texas; Dallas, Texas; San Antonio, Texas; Minneapolis, Minnesota; San Francisco, California; Los Angeles, California; and Cleveland, Ohio.

Queens County's percentage of Ecuadorians is about 4.7%, and it has the largest Ecuadorian community of any county in New York and in the United States, numbering just about 101,000 in 2010. Ecuadorians are the 2nd largest South American Latino group in New York City as well as in the State of New York.

Ecuadorians are the fifth largest Latino group in New York after Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, Colombians, and Mexicans. Ecuadorians also constitute Queens County's 2nd largest Latino group. Another New York group of Ecuadorians live in the Bronx, in the Morris Heights and Highbridge neighborhoods north of Yankee Stadium. Still other Ecuadorian neighborhoods are situated in Brooklyn; in New Jersey cities such as Newark and Jersey City; and in towns in Connecticut.

The 10 states with the largest Ecuadorian population were (Source: Census 2010):

The U.S. state with the smallest Ecuadorian population (as of 2010) was North Dakota with 55 Ecuadorians (less than 0.1% of state population).

The largest Ecuadorian populations are found within these areas (Source: Census 2010)

U.S. counties with largest Ecuadorian immigrant population

The total nationally is 438,500. All figures are taken from the 2015 - 2019 American Community Survey per the Migration Policy Institute website.

1) Queens County (Queens), NY -------------71,300

2) Essex County, NJ ---------------------------- 21,800

3) Hudson County, NJ --------------------------- 20,600

4) Kings County (Brooklyn), NY ---------------19,000

5) Bronx County (The Bronx), NY ------------ 17,500

6) Westchester County, NY -------------------- 17,000

7) Cook County, IL ------------------------------- 15,900

8) Miami-Dade County, FL --------------------- 15,700

9) Suffolk County, NY ---------------------------- 14,200

10) Fairfield County, CT ------------------------- 11,500

11) New York County (Manhattan), NY ------ 11,400

12) Los Angeles County, CA ------------------- 11,400

13) Broward County, FL ------------------------- 10,800

14) Bergen County, NJ ---------------------------- 9,800

15) Union County, NJ ------------------------------ 9,700

16) Nassau County, NY --------------------------- 7,600

17) New Haven County, CT ---------------------- 5,300

18) Orange County, FL ---------------------------- 4,700

19) Hennepin County, MN ------------------------ 4,500

20) Palm Beach County, FL ---------------------- 4,200

21) Rockland County, NY ------------------------- 4,100

22) Middlesex County, NJ ------------------------ 3,600

23) Montgomery County, MD -------------------- 3,000

24) Passaic County, NJ --------------------------- 2,900

25) Mecklenburg County, NC -------------------- 2,900

26) Harris County, TX ------------------------------ 2,800

27) Mercer County, NJ ----------------------------- 2,700

28) Morris County, NJ ------------------------------ 2,600

The top 25 U.S. communities with the highest percentage of people claiming Ecuadorian ancestry (as of the 2000 census, 2010 numbers in parenthesis) are:

The top 25 U.S. communities with the most residents born in Ecuador are:

Christina Aguilera - American singer-songwriter, actress, and television personality who is the daughter of a White mother and mestizo Ecuadorian father

Cecilia Alvear - Latina journalist in television news and the former President of the National Association of Hispanic Journalists

Adrienne Bailon - American actress, singer-songwriter, dancer, and television personality

Lourdes Baird - former United States federal judge

Nancy Bermeo - professor of political science who is the daughter of an Irish and Danish mother and an Ecuadorian father, Nuffield Chair of Comparative Politics at Oxford University

Chico Borja - retired U.S.-Ecuadorian soccer player and current soccer coach

Samantha Boscarino - American actress (How to Rock), Ecuadorian descent from her mother

F. Javier Cevallos - president of Framingham State University in Framingham, MA

Violet Chachki - American drag queen, singer and actress born in Atlanta, Georgia

Cree Cicchino - American actress from Game Shakers who has descendance from Italy and Ecuador

Carla Esparza - professional MMA artist, partial Ecuadorian heritage

Irina Falconi - professional American tennis player

Raul Fernandez (entrepreneur) - son of a Cuban father and an Ecuadorian mother.

Gabriela Barzallo - Ecuadorian born journalist

Alexandra von Fürstenberg - Director and businesswoman

Jose Garces - chef and restaurant owner

Pia Getty - independent filmmaker

Cork Graham - writer

George Gustines - journalist

Jaime Jarrín - Spanish language voice of the Los Angeles Dodgers

Mike Judge - American actor, animator, writer, producer, director, musician, and creator of King of the Hill and Beavis and Butthead who was born in Ecuador to parents working there

Xolo Maridueña - Cobra Kai actor, of Ecuadorian descent

Gerardo Mejía - Latin rapper and singer

Nadia Mejía - Miss California USA in 2016

Marie-Chantal, Crown Princess of Greece

Francisco Moya - New York City Councilmember; former New York Assemblymember, from Corona, Queens

Debbie Mucarsel-Powell - Congresswoman, first Ecuadorian American elected to the U.S. House of Representatives

John Paulson - American hedge fund manager

Lady Pink - graffiti artist

Fátima Ptacek - American child actress and model

Ernesto Quiñonez - American novelist

Diego Serrano - American actor

Nelson Serrano - former Ecuadorian businessman and a nationalized American citizen (since 1971) who was convicted for murder

Hugo Savinovich - former Ecuadorian professional wrestler

Pancho Segura - former leading tennis player

Jason and Kristopher Simmons - American actors

Nina G. Vaca - Chairman and CEO of PinnacleGroup

Carmen Velasquez - New York Supreme Court Justice, first to be elected in New York State Civil Court (2009-2014) and Supreme Court (2015-2028)

Roberto de Villacis - American Latino fashion designer and artist

Emanuel Xavier - American poet, spoken word artist, novelist, editor, and activist

Mumford, Jeremy. "Ecuadorian Americans." Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural America, edited by Thomas Riggs, (3rd ed., vol. 2, Gale, 2014), pp. 47-60. online

Pineo, Ronn F. Ecuador and the United States: Useful Strangers (University of Georgia Press, 2007).

Pribilsky, Jason. La Chulla Vida: Gender, Migration and the Family in Andean Ecuador and New York City (Syracuse University Press, 2007).

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Ecuadorian Americans ( Spanish: ecuatorio-americanos , norteamericanos de origen ecuatoriano or estadounidenses de origen ecuatoriano ) are Americans of full or partial Ecuadorian ancestry. Ecuadorian Americans are the 9th largest Latin American group in the United States. Ecuadorian Americans are usually of European (mainly Spanish), Mestizo, Amerindian or Afro-Ecuadorian background.

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Puerto Rico has transformed into a foodie paradise over the years, incorporating different influences and traditions to create exciting dishes and cocktails.

In Puerto Rico, we call ourselves Boricua, a unique name honoring our Island heritage and the vibrant spirit of our people. When you visit, you'll find that spirit in yourself, too.

Whether you want to play or get away, you'll find the perfect spot in Puerto Rico.

The historic lighthouse ruins at Punta Borinquen.

A Brief History of Puerto Rico

Few landmarks represent Puerto Rico's legacy within the Caribbean and the Americas better than Castillo San Felipe del Morro. Learn the history behind one of Spain's major military engineering marvels, from colonization to the Second World War.

Taíno Beginnings

Puerto Rico's first inhabitants were the Taínos, a group of indigenous people who lived on the island for hundreds of years before the Spanish arrival. Organized in small clans and villages led by caciques (chiefs), they survived by fishing, hunting, and basic agriculture. The Taínos were governed by Agüeybaná and called the island Borikén (Borinquen) - which means "Land of the Valiant and Noble Lord."

The arrival of the Spaniards in 1493 marked the beginning of the Taíno extinction. Already at war with the Caribs, another indigenous group migrating to the Antilles, the Taínos began to lose territory, and under Spanish rule, the original Boricuas ceased to exist.
Explore the Taína Route and Indigenous Culture in Puerto Rico

Garitas, or sentry boxes, line the forts of Old San Juan.

European Arrival

Christopher Columbus arrived in Puerto Rico in 1493 during his second voyage to the New World. Initially, Columbus christened the Island San Juan Bautista (St. John the Baptist). The name was soon changed to Puerto Rico, or "rich port," when the Spaniards realized the impressive amount of gold found in its rivers. When the capital city was established, it took the name of San Juan.

Under Spanish governance, the Island developed an even more sophisticated agriculture system than what the Taínos had founded. Sugar cane, coffee, and tobacco were among the Island's major exports. Due to the increasing demand for products and the decreasing number of local inhabitants to work the land, Spain brought African slaves to Puerto Rico.

Given its location and richness, Puerto Rico became an important military outpost for Spain and was attacked by the Dutch, French, and English in a series of failed attempts to conquer the Island. Forts and castles like El Morroand San Cristóbalwere originally built to protect the strategically significant Island. The impressive citadels were never defeated, and you can still visit them today.
Don't miss these landmarks in San Juan

The courtyard of the Museo de las Américasin the Cuartel de Ballajá.

Brief Puerto Rican Autonomy

In the late 1800s, the desire for independence from the Spanish crown boiled over in Puerto Rico. While the Spanish soldiers quickly suppressed the rebellion in San Juan, outbursts and uprisings erupted throughout the Island, which led the Spanish crown to grant autonomy to the government on the Island. This change opened trade channels with other European colonies and the United States.

Puerto Rican pride is on full display in Old San Juan.

Becoming a U.S. Territory

The autonomous government granted by Spain didn't last long. After the Spanish-American War ended in 1898, Puerto Rico and Guam were ceded to the United States as part of the terms of the Treaty of Paris, and Puerto Rico maintains its provincial status to this day.

With Puerto Rico's colonial state came several changes - mainly in currency, government, and education - with civil rights and political status being decided by U.S Congress, a power it still holds over a century later.

During the first three decades of its rule over Puerto Rico, the U.S. Congress approved a new Puerto Rican Constitution that made the Island an autonomous U.S. commonwealth while the islanders retained full American citizenship.

Even after becoming a U.S. territory, Puerto Ricans take pride in preserving much of the Island's indigenous traditions. Many of them can be appreciated in visits to the National Historic Site in San Juan, where you'll learn more about the history of the discovery of the Island; the Cruceta del Vigía, a giant cross built-in 1983 to recall the checkpoint that sat at the top of a hill in the town of Ponce and was used as a watch post by the Spaniards in 1801; and the Cabo Rojo lighthouse, a beautiful 1882 structure on the southwest of Puerto Rico that overlooks the whole nature reserve.

These are just a few of the many historical sites you'll discover while traveling around the Island.
Memorable Historic Sites in Puerto Rico

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Puerto Rico has transformed into a foodie paradise over the years, incorporating different influences and traditions to create exciting dishes and cocktails. In Puerto Rico, we call ourselves Boricua, a unique name honoring our Island heritage and the vibrant spirit of our people. When you visit, you'll find that spirit in yourself, too.

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Summary

A granite boulder traditionally associated with the Glencoe massacre of 1692.

Type and Period (1)

HISTORICAL SITE (17th Century - 1692 AD to 1692 AD)

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Clach Eanruig: Henry's Stone. A granite boulder c 3.5ft high, traditionally associated with the period of the Massacre of Glencoe in 1692.
Name Book 1875. <1><2>

The name "Henry's Stone" appears to be a mistranslation by the Ordnance Survey. <3> The stone has strong associations with Clan Henderson and is known locally as the Henderson Stone or "Henderson's Stone". <4>

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MHG36 - Henderson Stone (Clach Eanruig), Glencoe

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To ensure you get the best experience, this website uses cookies. A granite boulder traditionally associated with the Glencoe massacre of 1692. HISTORICAL SITE (17th Century - 1692 AD to 1692 AD) Clach Eanruig: Henry's Stone. A granite boulder c 3.5ft high, traditionally associated with the period of the Massacre of Glencoe in 1692.

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Sri Lankan Civil War
ශ්‍රී ලාංකික සිවිල් යුද්ධය
இலங்கை உள்நாட்டுப் போர்

The area of Sri Lanka claimed by the LTTE as Tamil Eelam, where the vast majority of the fighting took place

Date

23 July 1983 - 18 May 2009[1]
(25 years, 9 months, 3 weeks and 4 days)

Location

Result

Sri Lankan government victory

Territorial
changes

Government regains total control of former LTTE-controlled areas in the North and East of the country.

Belligerents

Sri Lanka

Indian Peace Keeping Force (1987-1990)

Tamil Tigers

Commanders and leaders

J. R. Jayawardene (1983-1989)
Ranasinghe Premadasa † (1989-1993)
D. B. Wijetunga (1993-1994)
Chandrika Kumaratunga (1994-2005)
Mahinda Rajapaksa (2005-2009)
R. Venkataraman (1987-1989)
Rajiv Gandhi † (1987-1989)
V. Prabhakaran †
Balraj
Karuna Amman (1983-2004)
KP
Mahattaya
Pottu Amman
Shankar †
Soosai †

Strength

Sri Lanka Armed Forces:
95,000 (2001)
118,000 (2002)
158,000 (2003)
151,000 (2004)
111,000 (2005)
150,900 (2006)[2]
210,000 (2008)[3]
Indian Peace Keeping Force:
100,000 (peak)
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
(excluding Auxiliary forces):
6,000 (2001)
7,000 (2003)
18,000 (2004)[2][4]
11,000 (2005)
8,000 (2006)
7,000 (2007)[2][5]
(including Auxiliary forces):
25,000 (2006)
30,000 (2008)[6]

Casualties and losses

28,708 killed 40,107 wounded[7]
1,165 killed,
3,009 wounded
(Indian Peace Keeping Force)[8][9]
27,000+ killed[10][11][12]
11,644 captured[13]

80,000-100,000 killed overall (estimate)[14]
800,000 displaced at peak in 2001[15]

16 May 2009: Sri Lankan Government declared a military defeat of LTTE.[16]
17 May 2009: LTTE admit defeat by Sri Lankan Government.[17]
19 May 2009: President Mahinda Rajapaksa officially declares end of civil war in parliament.

The Sri Lankan Civil War ( Sinhala: ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිවිල් යුද්ධය; Tamil: ஈழப் போர்) was a civil war fought in the island country of Sri Lanka from 1983 to 2009. Beginning on 23 July 1983, there was an intermittent insurgency against the government by the Velupillai Prabhakaran led Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE, also known as the Tamil Tigers), which fought to create an independent Tamil state called Tamil Eelam in the north and the east of the island due to the continuous discrimination against the Sri Lankan Tamils by the Sinhalese dominated Sri Lankan Government, as well as the 1956, 1958 and 1977 anti-Tamil pogroms and the 1981 burning of the Jaffna Public Library carried out by the majority Sinhalese mobs, in the years following Sri Lanka's independence from Britain in 1948. After a 26-year military campaign, the Sri Lankan military defeated the Tamil Tigers in May 2009, bringing the civil war to an end.

For over 25 years, the war caused significant hardships for the population, environment and the economy of the country, with an initial estimated 80,000-100,000 people killed during its course. In 2013, the UN panel estimated additional deaths during the last phase of the war: "Around 40,000 died while other independent reports estimated the number of civilians dead to exceed 100,000." During the early part of the conflict, the Sri Lankan forces attempted to retake the areas captured by the LTTE. The tactics employed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam against the actions of Government forces resulted in their listing as a terrorist organisation in 32 countries, including the United States, India, Canada and the member nations of the European Union. The Sri Lankan government forces have also been accused of human rights abuses, systematic impunity for serious human rights violations, lack of respect for habeas corpus in arbitrary detentions, and forced disappearances.

After two decades of fighting and four failed tries at peace talks, including the unsuccessful deployment of the Indian Army, the Indian Peace Keeping Force from 1987 to 1990, a lasting negotiated settlement to the conflict appeared possible when a cease-fire was declared in December 2001, and a ceasefire agreement signed with international mediation in 2002. However, limited hostilities renewed in late 2005 and the conflict began to escalate until the government launched a number of major military offensives against the LTTE beginning in July 2006, driving the LTTE out of the entire Eastern province of the island. The LTTE then declared they would "resume their freedom struggle to achieve statehood".

In 2007, the government shifted its offensive to the north of the country, and formally announced its withdrawal from the ceasefire agreement on 2 January 2008, alleging that the LTTE violated the agreement over 10,000 times. Since then, aided by the destruction of a number of large arms smuggling vessels that belonged to the LTTE, and an international crackdown on the funding for the Tamil Tigers, the government took control of the entire area previously controlled by the Tamil Tigers, including their de facto capital Kilinochchi, main military base Mullaitivu and the entire A9 highway, leading the LTTE to finally admit defeat on 17 May 2009. Following the LTTE's defeat, pro-LTTE Tamil National Alliance dropped its demand for a separate state, in favour of a federal solution. In May 2010, Mahinda Rajapaksa, the then president of Sri Lanka, appointed the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) to assess the conflict between the time of the ceasefire agreement in 2002 and the defeat of the LTTE in 2009.

Since the end of the civil war, the Sri Lankan state have been subject to much global criticism for violating human rights as a result of committing war crimes through the systematic genocide and ethnic cleansing of the Sri Lankan Tamils, abduction of the Sri Lankan Tamils and rapings of Sri Lankan Tamil girls and women. The LTTE gained notoriety for carrying out numerous heinous attacks, most notably suicide bombings. The Mullivaikkal Remembrance Day has been established as an annual remembrance day observed by Sri Lankan Tamils to remember those who died in the final stages of the civil war. It is held on 18 May, the date on which the civil war ended in 2009, and is named after Mullivaikkal, a village on the north-east coast of Sri Lanka where the final battle of the civil war occurred. In January 2020, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa said that the estimated 20,000+ abducted Sri Lankan Tamil civilians were dead.

The origins of the Sri Lankan Civil War lie in the continuous political rancor between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils. The roots of the modern conflict lie in the British colonial rule when the country was known as Ceylon. There was initially little tension among Sri Lanka's two largest ethnic groups, the Sinhalese and the Tamils, when Ponnambalam Arunachalam, a Tamil, was appointed representative of the Sinhalese as well the Tamils in the national legislative council. In 1919 major Sinhalese and Tamil political organizations united to form the Ceylon National Congress, under the leadership of Arunachalam, to press the colonial government for more constitutional reforms. However, British Gov. William Manning actively encouraged the concept of "communal representation" and created the Colombo town seat in 1920, which alternated between the Tamils and the Sinhalese.

After their election to the State Council in 1936, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) members N.M. Perera and Philip Gunawardena demanded the replacement of English as the official language by Sinhala and Tamil. In November 1936 a motion that "in the Municipal and Police Courts of the Island the proceedings should be in the vernacular" and that "entries in police stations should be recorded in the language in which they are originally stated" were passed by the State Council and referred to the Legal Secretary. However, in 1944 J.R. Jayawardene moved in the State Council that Sinhala should replace English as the official language.

In 1948, immediately after independence, a controversial law was passed by the Ceylon Parliament called the Ceylon Citizenship Act, which deliberately discriminated against the Indian Tamil ethnic minority by making it virtually impossible for them to obtain citizenship in the country. Approximately over 700,000 Indian Tamils were made stateless. Over the next three decades more than 300,000 Indian Tamils were deported back to India. It wasn't until 2003-55 years after independence-that all Indian Tamils living in Sri Lanka were granted citizenship, but by this time they only made up 5% of the island's population.

In 1956 Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike passed the " Sinhala Only Act", which replaced English with Sinhala as the only official language of the country. This was seen as a deliberate attempt to discourage the Sri Lankan Tamils from working in the Ceylon Civil Service and other public services. The Tamil-speaking minorities of Ceylon (Sri Lankan Tamils, Indian Tamils and Sri Lankan Moors) viewed the Act as linguistic, cultural and economic discrimination against them. Many Tamil-speaking civil servants/ public servants were forced to resign because they weren't fluent in Sinhala. This was a prelude to the 1956 Gal Oya riots and the 1958 widespread riots in which thousands of Tamil civilians perished. The civil war was a direct result of the escalation of the confrontational politics that followed.

In the late 1960s documents relating to a separate Tamil state of " Tamil Eelam" began to circulate. At this time Anton Balasingham, an employee of the British High Commission in Colombo, began to participate in separatist activities. He later migrated to Britain, where he became the chief theoretician of the LTTE. In the late 1960s several Tamil youth, among them Velupillai Prabhakaran, also became involved in these activities. They carried out several hit-and-run operations against pro-government Tamil politicians, Sri Lanka police and the civil administration.

During the 1970s the Policy of standardization was initiated. Under the policy, students were admitted to university in proportion to the number of applicants who sat for the examination in their language. Officially the policy was designed to increase the representation of students from rural areas. In practice the policy reduced the numbers of Sri Lankan Tamil students who had previously, based on their examination scores alone, gained admission in a higher proportion than their participation in the examination. They were now required to gain higher marks than Sinhalese students to gain admission to universities. For instance, the qualifying mark for admission to the medical faculties was 250 out of 400 for Tamil students, but only 229 for Sinhalese. The number of Sri Lankan Tamil students entering universities fell dramatically. The policy was abandoned in 1977.

Other forms of official discrimination against the Sri Lankan Tamils included the state-sponsored colonization of traditional Tamil areas by Sinhalese peasants, the banning of the import of Tamil-language media and the preference given by the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka to Buddhism, the main religion followed by the Sinhalese.

Prabhakaran-together with Chetti Thanabalasingam, a well known criminal from Kalviyankadu, Jaffna-formed the Tamil New Tigers (TNT) in 1972. This was formed around an ideology that looked back to the 1st Millennium Chola Empire -the Tiger was the emblem of that empire.

A further movement, the Eelam Revolutionary Organisation of Students (EROS), formed in Manchester and London; it became the backbone of the Eelamist movement in the diaspora, arranging passports and employment for immigrants and levying a heavy tax on them. It became the basis of the Eelamist logistical organization, later taken over entirely by the LTTE. The formation of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) with the Vaddukkodei (Vattukottai) resolution of 1976 led to a hardening of attitudes. The resolution called for the creation of a secular, socialist state of Tamil Eelam, based on the right of self-determination.

The TULF clandestinely supported the armed actions of the young militants who were dubbed "our boys". TULF leader Appapillai Amirthalingam even provided letters of reference to the LTTE and to other Tamil insurgent groups to raise funds. Amirthalingam introduced Prabhakaran to N.S. Krishnan, who later became the first international representative of LTTE. It was Krishnan who introduced Prabhakaran to Anton Balasingham, who later became the chief political strategist and chief negotiator of LTTE. The "boys" were the product of the post-war population explosion. Many partially educated, unemployed Tamil youth fell for revolutionary solutions to their problems. The leftist parties had remained "non-communal" for a long time, but the Federal Party (as well as its offshoot, the TULF), deeply conservative and dominated by Vellalar casteism, did not attempt to form a national alliance with the leftists in their fight for language rights.

Following the sweeping electoral victory of the United National Party (UNP) in July 1977, the TULF became the leading opposition party, with around one-sixth of the total electoral vote winning on a party platform of secession from Sri Lanka. After the 1977 riots the J.R. Jayewardene government made one concession to the Tamil population; it lifted the policy of standardization for university admission that had driven many Tamil youths into militancy. The concession was regarded by the militants as too little too late, and violent attacks continued. By this time TULF started losing its grip over the militant groups. LTTE ordered civilians to boycott the local government elections of 1983 in which even TULF contested. Voter turnout was as low as 10%. Thereafter, Tamil political parties were unable to represent the interests of the Tamil community.

Supported by the ongoing politics of conflict in Sri Lanka, politicised Tamil youth in the north and east started to form militant groups. These groups developed independently of the Colombo Tamil leadership, and in the end rejected and annihilated them. The most prominent of these groups was the TNT, which changed its name to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, or the LTTE, in 1976. The LTTE initially carried out a campaign of violence against the state, particularly targeting policemen and also moderate Tamil politicians who attempted a dialogue with the government. Their first major operation was the assassination of the mayor of Jaffna, Alfred Duraiappah, in 1975 by Prabhakaran.

The LTTE's modus operandi of the early war was based on assassinations, whereas the mode of operation for the UNP was through a series of checkpoints set up around the city. The attempted assassination in 1978 of a Tamil Member of Parliament, M. Canagaratnam, was carried out personally by Prabhakaran, the leader of the LTTE.

In May 1981 the burning of the Jaffna library, in the presence of two Sinhalese cabinet members, by what witnesses described as uniformed police and Sinhalese mobs, resulted in the destruction of more than 90,000 books, including palm leaf scrolls of immense historical value. This violent example of ethnic biblioclasm was a major turning point in convincing the Tamil people that the government could not protect them or their cultural heritage and persuaded many of them to back a separate state.

In July 1983 the LTTE launched a deadly ambush on Sri Lanka army patrol Four Four Bravo outside the town of Thirunelveli, killing an officer and 12 soldiers. Using nationalistic sentiments to their advantage, the Jayawardena organized massacres and pogroms in Colombo, the capital, and elsewhere (see Black July). Between 400-3,000 Tamils were estimated to have been killed, and many more fled Sinhalese-majority areas. This is considered the beginning of the civil war.

Apart from the LTTE, there initially was a plethora of militant groups (see list). The LTTE's position, adopted from that of the PLO, was that there should be only one. Initially, the LTTE gained prominence due to devastating attacks such as the Kent and Dollar Farm massacres of 1984, where hundreds of men, women and children were attacked during the night as they slept and were hacked to death with fatal blows to the head from axes; and the Anuradhapura massacre of 1985, where the LTTE indiscriminately opened fire, killing and wounding 146 civilians within Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi Buddhist shrine. The Anuradhapura massacre was apparently answered by government forces with the Kumudini boat massacre in which over 23 Tamil civilians died. Over time the LTTE merged with or largely exterminated almost all the other militant Tamil groups. As a result, many Tamil splinter groups ended up working with the Sri Lankan government as paramilitaries or denounced violence and joined mainstream politics; some legitimate Tamil-oriented political parties remained, all opposed to LTTE's vision of an independent state.

Peace talks between the LTTE and the government began in Thimphu in 1985, but they soon failed and the war continued. In 1986 many civilians were massacred as part of this conflict. In 1987 government troops pushed LTTE fighters to the northern city of Jaffna. In April 1987 the conflict exploded with ferocity, as both government forces and LTTE fighters engaged in a series of bloody operations.

The Sri Lankan military launched an offensive, called "Operation Liberation" or Vadamarachchi Operation, during May-June 1987 to regain control of the territory in the Jaffna peninsula from the LTTE. This marked the Sri Lankan military's first conventional warfare on Sri Lankan soil since independence. The offensive was successful, and LTTE leader Prabhakaran and Sea Tiger leader Thillaiyampalam Sivanesan alias Soosai narrowly escaped from advancing troops at Valvettithurai. Key military personnel involved in the operation were Lt Col. Vipul Boteju, Lt. Col. Sarath Jayawardane, Col. Vijaya Wimalaratne and Brig. Gen. Denzil Kobbekaduwa.

In July 1987 the LTTE carried out their first suicide attack. Captain Miller of the Black Tigers drove a small truck carrying explosives through the wall of a fortified Sri Lankan army camp, reportedly killing 40 soldiers. The LTTE carried out over 378 suicide attacks, one of the largest suicide campaigns in the world, and the suicide attack became a trademark of the LTTE and a characteristic of the civil war.

Involvement was particularly strong in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu, where ethnic kinship led to strong support for the independence of Sri Lankan Tamils. Throughout the conflict the Indian central and state governments supported both sides in different ways. From August 1983 until May 1987 the Indian government, through its intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), provided arms, training and monetary support to six Sri Lankan Tamil militant groups including LTTE, Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), Eelam Revolutionary Organisation of Students (EROS) Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) and Tamil Eelam Liberation Army (TELA). LTTE's rise is widely attributed to the initial backing it received from RAW. It is believed that by supporting different militant groups, the Indian government hoped to keep the Tamil independence movement divided and be able to exert overt control over it.

India became more actively involved in the late 1980s, and on 5 June 1987 the Indian Air Force airdropped food parcels to Jaffna while it was under siege by Sri Lankan forces. At a time when the Sri Lankan government stated it was close to defeating the LTTE, India dropped 25 tons of food and medicine by parachute into areas held by the LTTE in a direct move of support to the rebels. Negotiations were held, and the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord was signed on 29 July 1987 by Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Sri Lankan President Jayewardene. Under this accord the Sri Lankan government made a number of concessions to Tamil demands, including devolution of power to the provinces, a merger-subject to later referendum-of the northern and eastern provinces into a single province, and official status for the Tamil language (this was enacted as the 13th Amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka). India agreed to establish order in the north and east through the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) and to cease assisting Tamil insurgents. Militant groups including the LTTE, although initially reluctant, agreed to surrender their arms to the IPKF, which initially oversaw a cease-fire and a modest disarmament of the militant groups.

The signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord, so soon after J.R. Jayawardene's declaration that he would fight the Indians to the last bullet, led to unrest in the south. The arrival of the IPKF to take control of most areas in the north of the country enabled the Sri Lanka government to shift its forces to the south to quell the protests. This led to an uprising by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna in the south, which was put down bloodily over the next two years.

While most Tamil militant groups laid down their weapons and agreed to seek a peaceful solution to the conflict, the LTTE refused to disarm its fighters. Keen to ensure the success of the accord, the IPKF then tried to demobilize the LTTE by force and ended up in full-scale conflict with them. The three-year-long conflict was also marked by the IPKF being accused of committing various abuses by many human rights groups as well as some within the Indian media. The IPKF also soon met stiff opposition from the Tamils. Simultaneously, nationalist sentiment led many Sinhalese to oppose the continued Indian presence in Sri Lanka. These led to the Sri Lankan government's call for India to quit the island, and the government allegedly entered into a secret deal with the LTTE that culminated in a cease-fire. However, the LTTE and IPKF continued to have frequent clashes. In April 1989 the Ranasinghe Premadasa government ordered the Sri Lanka army to clandestinely hand over arms consignments to the LTTE to fight the IPKF and its proxy Tamil National Army (TNA). Although casualties among the IPKF mounted, and calls for the withdrawal of the IPKF from both sides of the Sri Lankan conflict grew, Gandhi refused to remove the IPKF from Sri Lanka. However, following his defeat in Indian parliamentary elections in December 1989, new Prime Minister V.P. Singh ordered the withdrawal of the IPKF, and their last ship left Sri Lanka on 24 March 1990. The 32-month presence of the IPKF in Sri Lanka resulted in the deaths of 1200 Indian soldiers and over 5000 Sri Lankans. The cost for the Indian government was estimated at over ₹10.3 billion.

Rajiv Gandhi's assassination

Support for the LTTE in India dropped considerably in 1991, after the assassination of ex-Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi by a female suicide bomber, Thenmozhi Rajaratnam. The Indian press subsequently reported that Prabhakaran decided to eliminate Gandhi, as he considered the ex-Prime Minister to be against the Tamil liberation struggle and feared that he might re-induct the IPKF, which Prabhakaran termed the "satanic force", if he won the 1991 Indian general election. In 1998 a court in India presided over by Special Judge V. Navaneetham found the LTTE and its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran responsible for the assassination. In a 2006 interview, LTTE ideologue Anton Balasingham expressed regret over the assassination, although he stopped short of outright acceptance of responsibility. India remained an outside observer of the conflict after the assassination.

The violence continued unabated despite the steps taken to appease Tamil sentiments, such as the 13th Amendment (enacted in November 1987). Meanwhile, the Chief Minister of the then North and East Provincial Council, Vartharaja Perumal, put forward a 19-point demand to resolve the ethnic crisis. He threatened if these demands were not met that the Provincial Council would go ahead with a unilateral declaration of independence of the northern and eastern provinces, as in the case of Rhodesia. President Premadasa moved to quickly dissolve the Council (March 1990). At the same time LTTE used terror tactics to scare Sinhalese and Muslim farmers away from the north and east of the island, and swiftly took control of a significant portion of the territory. When the Indian Peace-Keeping Force withdrew in 1989-90, the LTTE established many government-like functions in the areas under its control. A tentative cease-fire held in 1990 as the LTTE occupied itself with destroying rival Tamil groups while the government cracked down on the JVP uprising. When both major combatants had established their power bases, they turned on each other and the cease-fire broke down.The government launched an offensive to try to retake Jaffna.

This phase of the war soon acquired the name Eelam War II, and featured unprecedented brutality. On 11 June 1990 the LTTE massacred 600 policemen in the Eastern Province after they had surrendered on promises of safe-conduct. The government placed an embargo on food and medicine entering the Jaffna peninsula and the air force relentlessly bombed LTTE targets in the area. The LTTE responded by attacking Sinhalese and Muslim villages and massacring civilians. One of the largest civilian massacres of the war occurred when the LTTE massacred 166 Muslim civilians at Palliyagodella. The government trained and armed Home Guard Muslim units, then took revenge on Tamil villages. There was also a significant massacre of Tamil civilians attributed[by whom? ] to government forces, especially in the Eastern Province.[citation needed ]

Notable international jurist Neelan Thiruchelvam, in a speech at the ICES-Colombo, indicated that the appropriate investigations into massacres and disappearances of civilians including many children in the Sathurukondan, Eastern University, Mylanthanai and the mass murder and burial of school children at Sooriyakanda were hampered by the adoption of emergency regulations which contributed to a climate of impunity. Along roadsides in the north and east, burning bodies became a common sight. Throughout the country, government death squads hunted down, kidnapped or killed Sinhalese or Tamil youth suspected of sympathizing with the JVP or the LTTE, respectively. In October 1990 the LTTE expelled all the Muslims residing in Northern province. A total of 72,000 Muslims were forced to leave their homes, taking nothing but the clothes on their backs.

The largest battle of the war took place in July 1991, when 5,000 LTTE fighters surrounded the army's Elephant Pass base, which controlled access to the Jaffna Peninsula. More than 2,000 died on both sides in the month-long siege, before 10,000 government troops arrived to relieve the base. In February 1992 another series of government offensives failed to capture Jaffna. Lt. Gen. Denzil Kobbekaduwa together with Maj. Gen. Vijaya Wimalaratne and Rear Adm. Mohan Jayamaha, died on 8 August 1992 at Araly (Aeraella) point Jaffna due to a land mine blast. Their deaths badly affected military morale. The LTTE, for its part, scored a major victory when one of its suicide bombers killed Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa in May 1993. In November 1993 the LTTE defeated the army in the Battle of Pooneryn. This attack left 532 Sri Lankan soldiers and 135 sailors either dead or missing in action.

In the 1994 parliamentary elections the UNP was defeated and, amidst great hope, the People's Alliance, headed by Chandrika Kumaratunga, came to power on a peace platform. During the Presidential election campaign an LTTE bomb attack was carried out during a rally held at Thotalanga, Grandpass, eliminated the entire top brass of UNP leadership, including its presidential candidate, Gamini Dissanayake. Kumaratunga became the president with a 62% majority. A cease-fire was agreed to in January 1995, but the ensuing negotiations proved fruitless. The LTTE broke the cease-fire and blew up two gunboats, SLNS Sooraya and SLNS Ranasuru of the Sri Lanka Navy on 19 April, thereby beginning the next phase of the war, dubbed Eelam War III.

The new government then pursued a policy of "war for peace". Determined to retake the key rebel stronghold of Jaffna, which was occupied by 2,000 rebels, it poured troops into the peninsula in the successful Operation Riviresa. In one particular incident in August 1995, Air Force jets bombed St. Peter's church at Navali (Naavaella), killing at least 65 refugees and wounding 150 others. In another instance in the same year, over 40 people were massacred in Nagerkovil and more civilian massacres followed in subsequent years, such as the Kumarapuram massacre, Tampalakamam massacre, Puthukkudiyiruppu massacre, etc., all of them carried out by government forces. Government troops initially cut off the peninsula from the rest of the island, and then, after seven weeks of heavy fighting, succeeded in bringing Jaffna under government control for the first time in nearly a decade. In a high-profile ceremony, Sri Lankan Defense Minister Col. Anuruddha Ratwatte raised the national flag inside the Jaffna Fort on 5 December 1995. The government estimated that approximately 2500 soldiers and rebels were killed in the offensive, and an estimated 7,000 wounded. Many civilians were killed in this conflict, such as the Navaly church bombing in which over 125 civilians died. The LTTE and more than 350,000 civilians, compelled by LTTE pressure to leave Jaffna, fled to the Vanni region in the interior. Most of the refugees returned later the next year.

The LTTE responded by launching Operation Unceasing Waves and decisively won the Battle of Mullaitivu on 18 July 1996, leaving 1,173 army troops dead which included 207 officers and men executed after surrendering to the LTTE. The government launched another offensive in August 1996. Another 200,000 civilians fled the violence. The town of Kilinochchi was taken on 29 September. On 13 May 1997, 20,000 government troops tried to open a supply line through the LTTE-controlled Vanni, but failed.

As violence continued in the North, LTTE suicide and time bombs were exploded numerous times in populated city areas and public transport in the south of the country, killing hundreds of civilians. In January 1996 the LTTE carried out one of its deadliest suicide bomb attacks at the Central Bank in Colombo, killing 90 and injuring 1,400. In October 1997 it bombed the Sri Lankan World Trade Centre and, in January 1998, detonated a truck bomb in Kandy, damaging the Temple of the Tooth, one of the holiest Buddhist shrines in the world. In response to this bombing, the Sri Lankan government outlawed the LTTE and with some success pressed other governments around the world to do the same, significantly interfering with the group's fund-raising activities.

In January 1997 heavy fighting around Paranthan and the Elephant Pass complex took the lives of 223 Army troops. On 27 September 1998 the LTTE launched Operation Unceasing Waves II and, after heavy fighting, captured Kilinochchi, winning the Battle of Kilinochchi. Clashes around the Kilinochchi forward defense line claimed the lives of 1206 soldiers that year. In March 1999, in Operation Rana Gosa, the government tried invading the Vanni from the south.The army made some gains, taking control of Oddusuddan (Oththan-thuduva) and Madhu, but could not dislodge the LTTE from the region. In September 1999 the LTTE massacred 50 Sinhalese civilians at Gonagala.

The LTTE returned to the offensive with Operation Unceasing Waves III on 2 November 1999. Nearly all the Vanni rapidly fell back into LTTE hands. The group launched 17 successful attacks in the region, culminating in the overrunning of the Paranthan (Puranthaenna) Chemicals Factory base and the Kurrakkan Kaddukulam (kurakkan-kaela vaeva) base. The death toll amounted to 516 soldiers dead and over 4,000 injured. The rebels also advanced north towards Elephant Pass and Jaffna. The LTTE was successful in cutting all land and sea supply lines of the Sri Lankan armed forces to the south, west and north of the town of Kilinochchi. In December 1999 the LTTE attempted to assassinate President Chandrika Kumaratunga in a suicide attack at a pre-election rally. She lost her right-eye, among other injuries, but was able to defeat opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe in the Presidential election and was re-elected to her second term in office.

On 22 April 2000 the Elephant Pass military complex, which had separated the Jaffna peninsula from the Vanni mainland for 17 years, fell into the hands of the LTTE, leaving 1,008 soldiers dead. The army then launched Operation Agni Kheela to take back the southern Jaffna Peninsula, but sustained losses.

Exhaustion with the war was building as casualties mounted and there appeared to be no end in sight. By mid-2000 human rights groups estimated that more than one million people in Sri Lanka were internally displaced persons, living in camps, homeless and struggling for survival. As a result, a significant peace movement developed in the late 1990s, with many organizations holding peace camps, conferences, trainings and peace meditations, and many other efforts to bridge the two sides at all levels. As early as February 2000 Norway was asked to mediate by both sides, and initial international diplomatic moves began to find a negotiated settlement to the conflict.

Hopes for peace gained ground as the LTTE declared a unilateral cease-fire in December 2000, but they cancelled it on 24 April 2001 and launched another offensive against the government. After securing a vast area formerly controlled by the military, the LTTE further advanced northwards. This advancement posed a serious threat to the Elephant Pass military complex that housed 17,000 Sri Lankan troops.

In July 2001 the LTTE carried out a devastating suicide attack on Bandaranaike International Airport, destroying eight of the air force's planes (two IAI Kfirs, one Mil-17, one Mil-24, three K-8 trainers, one MiG-27) and four Sri Lankan Airlines planes (two Airbus A330s, one A340 and one A320), dampening the economy and causing tourism-a vital foreign exchange earner for the government-to plummet. The impact of the attack was such that that year the Sri Lankan economy recorded a negative growth for the first and only time since its independence.

Towards the end of 2001 however, the LTTE began to declare their willingness to explore measures for a peaceful settlement to the conflict. One reason for this action may have been the fear of international pressure and the direct US support of the Sri Lankan government as part of the "war on Terror". On the other hand, the covert operations of the Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol (LRRP) of Sri Lanka army had a profound impact on the Tiger command structure. During this period, Vaithilingam Sornalingam alias Shankar, who had been considered the right-hand man of LTTE leader Prabhakaran, and several other high-profile leaders were hunted down and killed by LRRP units.

In the south the government was facing increasing criticism over its "war for peace" strategy, with peace nowhere in sight and the economy in tatters. After losing a no-confidence motion, President Kumaratunga was forced to dissolve parliament and call for fresh elections. The elections, held on 5 December 2001, saw a sweeping victory for the United National Front, led by Ranil Wickremasinghe, who campaigned on a pro-peace platform and pledged to find a negotiated settlement to the conflict.

On 19 December, amidst efforts by Norway to bring the government and the Tamil Tigers to the negotiating table, the LTTE announced a 30-day cease-fire with the Sri Lankan government and pledged to halt all attacks against government forces. The new government welcomed the move, and reciprocated it two days later, announcing a month-long cease-fire and agreeing to lift a long-standing economic embargo on rebel-held territory.

The cease-fire was by no means acceptable to everyone. Buddhist monks started burning Norwegian flags and agitated against the cease-fire and eventually went to form a political party, Jathika Hela Urumaya, with extremist views.[citation needed ]

The two sides formalized a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on 22 February 2002, and signed a permanent cease-fire agreement (CFA). Norway was named mediator, and it was decided that they, together with the other Nordic countries, monitor the cease-fire through a committee of experts named the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission. In August the government agreed to lift the ban on the LTTE and paved the way for the resumption of direct negotiations with them.

Following the signing of the ceasefire agreement, commercial air flights to Jaffna began and the LTTE opened the key A9 highway, which linked the government-controlled area in the south with Jaffna and ran through LTTE territory, allowing civilian traffic through the Vanni region for the first time in many years (but only after paying a tax to the LTTE). Many foreign countries also offered substantial financial support if peace was achieved and optimism grew that an end to the decades-long conflict was in sight.

Following the elections of 2001, for the first time in Sri Lanka's history the President and Prime Minister were of two different parties. This co-habitation was uneasy, especially since Prime Minister Wickremasinghe and the UNP favored a federal solution to the conflict, while hard-line elements within President Kumaratunga's party and other Sinhala nationalist groups allied to her opposed one, as they did not trust the LTTE, which continued to levy taxes, strengthen itself by smuggling in arms and ammunition, recruit child soldiers and engage in killings of members of rival Tamil groups and government intelligence agents following the Millennium City incident. During this time the LTTE also succeeded in setting up a series of vital bases around the Trincomalee Harbour ( i.e., Manirasakulam camp) and the Eastern Province.

The talks broke down on 21 April 2003 when the Tamil Tigers announced they were suspending any further talks due to their "displeasure" at the handling of some "critical issues". Among the reasons the Tigers gave were their exclusion from reconstruction talks in Washington, DC, on 14 April and a more general insinuation that they were not receiving the full economic rewards of peace. They cited the failure, as they saw it, of peace dividends to transfer to security withdrawals on the ground and the disparity, as they saw it, between the relative calm of the government-held northeast and continuing violence in Tiger-held areas. However, the LTTE maintained it was committed to a settlement to the two-decade conflict, but stated that progress had to be made on the ground before the settlement proceeded.

On 31 October the LTTE issued its own peace proposal, calling for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA). The ISGA would be fully controlled by the LTTE and would have broad powers in the north and east (see the full text of the proposals) This provoked a strong backlash among the hard-line elements in the south, who accused Prime Minister Wickremasinghe of handing the north and east to the LTTE. Under pressure from within her own party to take action, Kumaratunga declared a state of emergency and took three key government ministries, the Ministry of Mass Media, the Interior Ministry and the crucial Defense Ministry. She then formed an alliance with the JVP, called the United People's Freedom Alliance, opposed to the ISGA and advocating a harder line on the LTTE, and called for fresh elections. The elections, held on 8 April 2004, resulted in victory for the UPFA with Mahinda Rajapakse appointed as Prime Minister.

Meanwhile, in March 2004 there had been a major split between the northern and eastern wings of the LTTE. Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Col. Karuna, the Eastern commander of the LTTE and one of Prabhakaran's trusted lieutenants, pulled 5,000 eastern cadres out of the LTTE, claiming insufficient resources and power were being given to Tamils of the eastern part of the island. It was the biggest expression of dissension in the history of the LTTE and a clash within the LTTE seemed imminent. After the parliamentary elections, brief fighting south of Trincomalee led to a rapid retreat and capitulation of Karuna's group, their leaders eventually going into hiding including Karuna himself, who was helped to escape by Seyed Ali Zahir Moulana, a politician from the ruling party. However, the "Karuna faction" maintained a significant presence in the east and continued to launch attacks against the LTTE. The LTTE accused the army of covertly backing the breakaway group, which subsequently formed a political party named the TamilEela Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) and hope to contest in future elections.

The cease-fire largely held through all this turmoil, with over 3000 infractions by the LTTE and some 300 by the SLA recorded by the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) by 2005. The situation was further complicated by allegations that both sides were carrying out covert operations against each other. The government claimed that the LTTE was killing political opponents, recruiting children, importing arms and killing government security and intelligence officers. The rebels accused the government of supporting paramilitary groups against them, especially the Karuna group.

On 26 December 2004, the Indian Ocean tsunami struck Sri Lanka, killing more than 35,000 people and leaving many more homeless. A great deal of aid arrived from around the world, but there was immediate disagreement over how it should be distributed to the Tamil regions under LTTE control. By 24 June the government and LTTE agreed on the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS), but it received sharp criticism from the JVP, who left the government in protest. The legality of P-TOMS was also challenged in the courts. President Kumaratunga eventually had to scrap P-TOMS, which led to widespread criticism that sufficient aid was not reaching the north and east of the country. However, immediately following the tsunami there was a marked decrease in violence in the north.[citation needed ]

Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, a Tamil who was highly respected by foreign diplomats and who had been sharply critical of the LTTE, was assassinated at his home on 12 August 2005, allegedly by an LTTE sniper. His assassination led to the marginalization of the LTTE from the international community, and is generally considered to be the moment when the LTTE lost much of its sympathy in the eyes of foreign nations. Hence the silence of the international community when the Sri Lankan government took military action against the LTTE in 2006, when the latter closed the Mavil aru sluice.[further explanation needed ]

Further political change occurred when the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka declared President Kumaratunga's second and final term over and ordered her to hold fresh presidential elections. The main candidates for the election, which was held in November, were UNF candidate former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe, who advocated the reopening of talks with the LTTE, and the UPFA candidate Prime Minister Rajapaksa, who called for a tougher line against the LTTE and a renegotiation of the cease-fire. The LTTE openly called for a boycott of the election by Tamils. Many of them were expected to vote for Wickremasinghe, and the loss of their votes proved fatal to his chances, as Rajapakse achieved a narrow victory. Following the election, LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran stated in his annual address that the Tigers would "renew their struggle" in 2006 if the government did not take serious moves toward peace.

Beginning in December 2005, there was increased guerrilla activity to the northeast, including Claymore mine attacks which killed 150 government troops, clashes between the Sea Tigers and the Sri Lanka navy and the killings of sympathizers on both sides including Taraki Sivaram, a pro-LTTE journalist, and Joseph Pararajasingham, a pro-LTTE MP, both killed allegedly by the government of Sri Lanka.

At the beginning of 2006 the focus of the civil war turned to civilian targets, with commuter bus and train bombings carried out in most parts of the country, including a series of attacks against commuters in and around Colombo.

In light of this violence, the co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor conference called on both parties to return to the negotiating table. US State Department officials gave warnings to the Tigers, stating that a return to hostilities would mean that the Tigers would face a "more capable and more determined" Sri Lankan military. While the talks were going on there was violence directed towards civilians, such as the killings of five Tamil students on 2 January 2006.

In a last-minute effort to salvage an agreement between the parties, Norwegian special envoy Erik Solheim and LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham arrived on the island. The parties strongly disagreed on the location of the talks; however, continued efforts produced a breakthrough when both parties agreed on 7 February 2006 that new talks could be held in Geneva, Switzerland, on 22 and 23 February. During the weeks after the talks there was a significant decrease in violence. However, the LTTE resumed attacks against the military in April.

In light of this violence, the LTTE called for a postponement of the Geneva talks until 24-25 April, and the government initially agreed to this. Following negotiations, both the government and the rebels agreed to have a civilian vessel transport regional LTTE leaders with international truce monitors on 16 April, which involved crossing government-controlled territory. However, the climate shifted drastically when the Tigers cancelled the meeting, claiming not to have agreed to a naval escort. According to the SLMM, the Tamil rebels had previously agreed to the escort.

On 20 April 2006 the LTTE officially pulled out of peace talks indefinitely. While they stated that transportation issues had prevented them from meeting their regional leaders, some analysts and the international community were strongly skeptical, seeing the transportation issue as a delaying tactic by the LTTE to avoid attending peace talks in Geneva. Violence continued to spiral and on 23 April 2006, six Sinhalese rice farmers were massacred in their paddy fields by suspected LTTE cadres, and on 13 May 2006 13 Tamil civilians were killed in the islet of Kayts. International condemnation against the LTTE skyrocketed following the attempted assassination of the commander of the Sri Lanka Army, Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, by a female LTTE Black Tiger suicide bomber named Anoja Kugenthirasah, who concealed the explosives by appearing to be pregnant and blew herself up at army headquarters in Colombo. For the first time since the 2001 cease-fire, the Sri Lanka Air Force carried out aerial assaults on rebel positions in the northeastern part of the island in retaliation for the attack.

This attack, along with the assassination of Lakshman Kadiragamar a year earlier and an unsuccessful attack against a naval vessel carrying 710 unarmed security force personnel on holiday, marked a turning point, as the European Union decided to proscribe the LTTE as a terrorist organisation on 19 May 2006. It resulted in the freezing of LTTE assets in its 27 member nations. In a statement, the European Parliament said that the LTTE did not represent all the Tamils and called on it to "allow for political pluralism and alternate democratic voices in the northern and eastern parts of Sri Lanka". As the north and east of the country continued to be rocked by attacks, new talks were scheduled in Oslo, Norway, between 8-9 June. Delegations from both sides arrived in Oslo, but the talks were cancelled when the LTTE refused to meet directly with the government delegation, claiming its fighters were not allowed safe passage to travel to the talks. Norwegian mediator Erik Solheim told journalists that the LTTE should take direct responsibility for the collapse of the talks.

Further violence followed, including the Vankalai massacre. The Sri Lankan army and Tamil Tiger rebels blamed each other for the killings. There was also the Kebithigollewa massacre in which the LTTE attacked a bus, killing at least 64 Sinhalese civilians and prompting more air strikes by the Air Force, and the assassination of Sri Lanka's third highest-ranking army officer and Deputy Chief of Staff General Parami Kulatunga on 26 June by an LTTE suicide bomber. These events led the SLMM to question whether a cease-fire could still be said to exist.

A new crisis leading to the first large-scale fighting since signing of the cease-fire occurred when the LTTE closed the sluice gates of the Mavil Aru reservoir on 21 July. Mavil Aru was the waterway that provided water to some regions of eastern Sri Lanka, like Trincomalee. After the cease-fire in 2002, the conflict over Mavil Aru was one of the biggest military confrontations between the Sri Lanka Armed Forces and the LTTE. Its relevance is for geo-strategic reasons: within the Mavil Aru area, Sinhala, Muslim and Tamil populations live side by side. It is also the entrance to Koddiyar Bay, the inlet for Trincomalee port and naval base, so the LTTE presence in the area seriously threatened the Sri Lankan security forces' presence and domination.

Closure of Mavil Aru affected the water supply to 15,000 families in government-controlled areas. After the initial negotiations and efforts by the SLMM to open the gates failed, the Sri Lanka military initiated an operation to achieve the re-opening of the sluice gates.

President Rajapaksa said that the supply of water was a non-negotiable fundamental human right. Additionally, a government spokesman said that " utilities could not be used as bargaining tools" by the rebels. The government deployed its army and air force for the offensive, attacking not only the region of Mavil Aru but also the LTTE positions in Batticaloa, and Vavuniya. Air Force planes attacked LTTE positions on 26 July, and ground troops began an operation to open the gate. The sluice gates were eventually reopened on 8 August, with conflicting reports as to who actually opened them. Initially, the SLMM claimed that they managed to persuade the LTTE to lift the waterway blockade conditionally. The LTTE claimed that it opened the sluice gates "on humanitarian grounds", although this was disputed by military correspondents, who stated the water began flowing immediately after security forces carried out a precise bombing of the Mavil Aru anicut. Eventually, following heavy fighting, government troops gained full control of the Mavil Aru reservoir on 15 August. The consequences of the "Operation Watershed" were about 150 civilians killed and more than 50,000 refugees from Mutur and the villages nearby. It was the precedent of the Eelam War IV.

As fierce fighting was ongoing in the vicinity of Mavil Aru, violence spread to Trincomalee, where the LTTE launched an attack on a crucial Sri Lanka Navy base, and to the strategic government-controlled coastal town of Muttur in early August, resulting in the deaths of at least 30 civilians and displacing 25,000 residents of the area. The clashes erupted on 2 August 2006 when the LTTE launched a heavy artillery attack on Muttur and then moved in, gaining control of some parts of the town. The military retaliated, and re-established full control over the town by 5 August, killing over 150 LTTE fighters in heavy clashes.

On the same day a convoy carrying the Pakistani High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, Bashir Wali Mohamed, was attacked when a claymore antipersonnel mine concealed within an auto rickshaw blew up as it passed by. The High Commissioner escaped unhurt, but seven people were killed and 17 injured in the blast. The High Commissioner claimed that India was believed to have carried it out, in order to intimidate Pakistan, which is one of the main suppliers of military equipment to the Sri Lankan government. Pakistan had promised one shipload of equipment every 10 days in coming months.

Since the resumption of violence, concerns were mounting among the military establishment that the strategically crucial Sri Lanka Navy base in Trincomalee was under severe threat from LTTE gun positions located in and around Sampur, which lies across the Koddiyar Bay from Trincomalee. Artillery fired from LTTE bases in the area could potentially cripple the naval base, bringing it to a complete standstill and cutting the only military supply chain to Jaffna. All movements of naval vessels were also under the constant surveillance of the LTTE. These fears were backed up by a US military advisory team which visited the island in 2005.

Following clashes in Mavil Aru and Muttur, the LTTE had intensified attacks targeting the naval base in Trincomalee, and in a speech on 21 August Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapakse made clear the government intentions were to neutralize the LTTE threat from Sampur. On 28 August the military launched an assault to retake the LTTE camps in Sampur and the adjoining Kaddaiparichchan and Thoppur areas. This led the LTTE to declare that if the offensive continued, the cease-fire would be officially over.

After steady progress, security forces led by Brigade Commander Sarath Wijesinghe recaptured Sampur from the LTTE on 4 September and began to establish military bases there, as the LTTE admitted defeat and stated their fighters "withdrew" from the strategically important town. It marked the first significant territorial change of hands since the signing of the cease-fire agreement in 2002. The Sri Lankan military estimated that 33 of its personnel were killed in the offensive, along with over 200 LTTE fighters.

The LTTE struck back in October. First, they killed nearly 130 soldiers in a fierce battle at Muhamalai, the crossing-point between government- and LTTE-controlled area in the north of the country. Just days later, a suspected LTTE suicide bomber struck a naval convoy in Habarana, in the center of the country, killing about 100 sailors who were returning home on leave. It was the deadliest suicide attack in the history of the conflict.

Two days later LTTE Sea Tiger forces launched an attack against the Dakshina naval base in the southern port city of Galle. It was the farthest south any major LTTE attack had taken place, and involved 15 LTTE fighters who arrived in five suicide boats. The attack was repulsed by the government, and the damage to the naval base was minimal. All 15 LTTE fighters were believed to have died in the attack, along with one Navy sailor.

Despite these incidents, both parties agreed to unconditionally attend peace talks in Geneva on 28-29 October. However, the peace talks broke down due to disagreements over the reopening of the key A9 highway, which is the link between Jaffna and government-controlled areas in the south. While the LTTE wanted the highway, which was closed following fierce battles in August, to be reopened, the government refused, stating the LTTE would use it to collect taxes from people passing through and would use it to launch further offensives against government troops.

In December 2006 Sri Lankan government officials announced their plans to drive the LTTE out of the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka, and then use the full strength of the military to defeat the LTTE in the north of the country. The government stated that LTTE was firing artillery towards civilian settlements in the east and were using 35,000 people as human shields. These claims were later backed up by civilians in the area, who told reporters that they were held by force by the Tamil Tigers. On 7 November 2006, amidst conflicting claims, over 45 Tamil civilians were killed in what is known as the Vaharai bombing.

Subsequently, the army began an offensive against the LTTE on 8 December 2006, in the Batticoloa district with the objective of taking Vakarai, the principal stronghold of the LTTE in the east; the operation was temporarily aborted after a week of fighting due to the large number of civilians in the area and the difficulty in conducting combat operations due to the ongoing monsoon rain. Over the next few weeks an estimated 20,000 civilians fled from to government-controlled areas, fearing the imminent assault. The army launched a new offensive in mid-January, and Vakarai fell to the advancing troops on 19 January. While the offensive in the East was ongoing, the LTTE and others accused the government of murdering 15 civilians in the Padahuthurai bombing on 2 January, when the air force bombed what they claimed to be an LTTE naval base in Illuppaikadavai in northern Sri Lanka. The loss of Vakarai had been predicted to cut off supply routes of the northern Tigers to their cadres in the east, thus weakening the Tigers' already diminishing grip on the east.

As the military offensive was ongoing, the LTTE continued to carry out attacks against civilians in government-held territory. On 1 April 2007 the military accused the LTTE of killing six Sinhalese tsunami aid workers in the eastern district of Batticaloa. The next day suspected LTTE fighters set off a bomb aboard a civilian bus in Ampara, which killed 17 people, including three children.

Troops mostly operating in small groups of Special Forces and Commando units began a new operation in February to clear the last remaining LTTE fighters from the Eastern Province. As part of the operation, troops captured the key LTTE base in Kokkadicholai on 28 March, and the strategic A5 highway on 12 April, bringing the entire highway under government control for the first time in 15 years. This meant the LTTE's presence in the east was reduced to a 140-square-kilometer pocket of jungle in the Thoppigala area northwest of Batticaloa. After the three-month-long Battle of Thoppigala, the army captured the Thoppigala peak on 11 July 2007, ending the LTTE's military capability in the Eastern Province and concluding Eelam War IV in the Eastern theatre.

Sporadic fighting in the North had been going on for months, but the intensity of the clashes increased after September 2007. During clashes in the Forward Defence Lines, separating their forces, both sides exchanged heavy artillery fire, after which military incursions followed. By December 2007, the LTTE defences at Uyilankulama, Parappakandal and Thampanai were lost to advancing troops of the Sri Lanka Army.

In an interview with the Sunday Observer the Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka said that the Army had occupied the LTTE's Forward Defence Lines and surrounded the Wanni LTTE bases from all directions. He also said that there were around 3,000 Tigers remaining and that the military intended to annihilate them within the first six months of the next year. A day later there were less optimistic statements by Army, Air Force and Navy Commanders. The Army was to face an estimated 5,000 Tiger cadres in the Wanni. The Commander of the Army intended to shift the current battles in the Forward Defence Lines to a decisive phase in August 2008. In the Commanders' view, it was quite possible to defeat the LTTE in 2008.

The military of Sri Lanka claimed that the leader of the LTTE, Velupillai Prabhakaran, was seriously injured during air strikes carried out by the Sri Lanka Air Force on a bunker complex in Jayanthinagar on 26 November 2007. Earlier, on 2 November 2007, S. P. Thamilselvan, the head of the LTTE political wing, was killed during another government air raid. The Sri Lanka Air Force openly vowed to destroy the entire leadership of the LTTE. On 5 January 2008, Colonel Charles, Head of LTTE Military Intelligence, was killed in a claymore mine ambush by a Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol (Sri Lanka) (LRRP).

Defense secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa urged the government to abandon the ceasefire agreement in December 2007, and on 2 January 2008, the Sri Lankan government officially did so. Between February 2002 to May 2007, Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission had documented 3,830 ceasefire violations by the LTTE versus 351 by the security forces. From May 2007, the SLMM ceased making determinations on ceasefire violations. Thus the government stated there was no need for a ceasefire any more. Several donor countries expressed their disappointment at the Sri Lankan government's withdrawal. The LTTE formally responded that since the government had unilaterally withdrawn from the ceasefire agreement without any justification and that they were prepared to continue to honour the agreement, the international community ought to immediately remove the bans it had placed on the LTTE.

The government then attempted to open a third front along the Muhamalai Forward Defence Line. After an initial setback on 23 April, the Sri Lankan Army advanced rapidly, capturing the town of Adampan on 9 May, Mannar "Rice Bowl" which consists of the island's most fertile paddy fields on 30 June, Vidattaltivu on 16 July, and Iluppaikkadavai on 20 July.

On 2 August 2008, Vellankulam town, the LTTE's last stronghold in Mannar District, fell to the advancing SLA troops, completing the eight-month effort to recapture the district. The Army followed this up by taking control of Mallavi on 2 September, following weeks of heavy military confrontation. The LTTE countered with a surprise attack on the Vavuniya air base on 9 September, in which both sides claimed victory.

From Mannar, the Army had entered Kilinochchi District, the last stronghold of the LTTE, at the end of July, with the intention of taking Kilinochchi before the end of the year. On 3 October 2008, a UN aid convoy managed to unload all its cargo in Kilinochchi District and described Kilinochchi town as having been nearly abandoned, but the LTTE were able to kill retired Major General Janaka Perera along with 26 other victims in a suicide blast on 6 October.

On 17 October 2008, SLA troops cut off the Mannar-Poonaryn A32 highway north of Nachchikuda, the main remaining Sea Tiger stronghold on the northwestern coast of the island, thus effectively encircling it. They began their assault on 28 October and captured it the next day. After that the Army Task Force 1 continued their advance towards Pooneryn and captured Kiranchchi, Palavi, Veravil, Valaipadu and Devil's Point. On 15 November 2008, troops of the Army Task Force 1 entered the strategically important Tiger stronghold of Pooneryn. Simultaneously, the newly created Army Task Force 3 was introduced into the area of Mankulam with the objective of engaging the LTTE cadres in a new battlefront towards the east of the Jaffna-Kandy A9 highway. SLA troops captured Mankulam and the surrounding area on 17 November 2008.

Meanwhile, the situation of more than 200,000 civilians who had been displaced in the latest round of fighting was turning into a humanitarian disaster; however, due to a number of reasons including doubts regarding the sincerity of the LTTE's negotiations, neither Western governments nor India intervened to broker a new ceasefire.

The Sri Lankan Army began the attack on Kilinochchi on 23 November 2008. Troops were attacking rebels' defences from three directions. However, the LTTE offered a stiff resistance, and the prolonged attack resulted in heavy casualties on both sides.

The Tigers quickly abandoned their positions on the Jaffna peninsula to make a last stand in the jungles of Mullaitivu, their last main base. The entire Jaffna peninsula was captured by the Sri Lanka Army by 14 January 2009. However, they were unable to hold out for long, and on 25 January, SLA troops captured Mullaitivu. The last Sea Tiger base in Chalai was next to fall on 5 February, reducing the territory under rebel control to less than some 200 km ².

On 20 February 2009, two LTTE planes on a suicide mission carried out a kamikaze style air attack on the Sri Lankan capital Colombo, killing 2 and wounding 45, but both planes were shot down by the Sri Lankan Air Force before they could damage the intended targets which were the Army Headquarters and the main Air Force base. By late March, the Tamil Tigers controlled only one square kilometre outside the no-fire zone, down from about 15,000 km ² a mere three years ago. Political pressure was placed on President Rajapaksa to find a political solution to the conflict and he called for a meeting with Tamil National Alliance, but they refused until the government resolved the humanitarian crisis faced by civilians trapped in the fighting.

The Battle of Aanandapuram, which was described by military analyst/journalist D. B. S. Jeyaraj as the "defining moment" of the 3 decade war, was fought on 5 April. This battle saw the demise of most of the battle-hardened ground commanders of the LTTE, including Velayuthapillai Baheerathakumar alias Theepan, the overall commander of the LTTE northern front fighting formations. SLA soldiers numbering more than 50,000 from 5 divisions participated in the battle encircling the LTTE cadres inside a small littoral strip of territory located between the Paranthan-Mullaitivu A35 highway, Nanthikadal and Chalai Lagoons on one side and the Indian Ocean on the other. Rebel casualties amounted to 625.

Fighting in the 'No-Fire Zone'

SLA troops were able to push the Tamil Tigers into the no-fire zone set up for civilians. The LTTE then built a 3-kilometre (2 mi) long bund in the no-fire zone, trapping over 30,000 civilians, but the SLA was able to destroy this.

On 21 April, Sri Lankan troops launched an assault, targeting LTTE leader, Vellupillai Prabhakaran. At the same time, a mass Tamil exodus from the 'no-fire zone' was underway. The next day, two senior LTTE members (LTTE media co-ordinator Velayuthan Thayanithi, alias Daya Master, and a top interpreter Kumar Pancharathnam, alias George) surrendered to the advancing Sri Lankan army. This came as "a rude shock" and a major setback for the rebel leadership. When asked why they had surrendered, both men stressed that rebels were shooting at the civilians and preventing them from escaping from the 'no-fire zone' to safety in government-controlled areas. They also alleged that the LTTE were still abducting and conscripting children as young as 14 years old, and would fire at anyone who tried to resist.

By 25 April, the area under the LTTE was reduced to 10 km ². While the Tamil exodus from the 'no-fire zone' continued, the UN estimated that around 6,500 civilians may have been killed and another 14,000 wounded between January 2009 and April 2009. The BBC reported that the land recaptured by the army from the rebels was totally depopulated and utterly devastated.

As fighting continued, a group of independent United Nations experts called on the Human Rights Council to urgently set up an international inquiry to address the "critical" situation in Sri Lanka amid fighting between the Army and Tamil rebels. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs ( OCHA), over 196,000 people fled the conflict zone, a shrinking pocket of land on the north-east coastline, where clashes continued between government troops and the LTTE, while at least 50,000 people were still trapped there. A UN spokesman in Colombo, Gordon Weiss, said more than 100 children died during the "large-scale killing of civilians" and described the situation in northern Sri Lanka as a "bloodbath". UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said he was appalled at the killing of hundreds of Sri Lankan civilians caught in the middle of hostilities between the army and separatist Tamil rebels over the weekend. He voiced deep concern over the continued use of heavy weapons in the conflict zone, but also stressed that the "reckless disrespect shown by the LTTE for the safety of civilians has led to thousands of people remaining trapped in the area".

On 16 May 2009, Sri Lankan troops broke through LTTE defences and captured the last section of coastline held by Tamil Tiger rebels. The army reported it was set to "clear" remaining rebel-held land within days. Later the military claimed, allegedly citing intercepted LTTE communication, that rebels were preparing for a mass suicide after being effectively cut off from escape routes. Some rebels were reported to have blown themselves up.

Addressing the G11 summit in Jordan, President Mahinda Rajapaksa stated "my government, with the total commitment of our armed forces, has in an unprecedented humanitarian operation finally defeated the LTTE militarily". Sri Lankan Commander of the Army Sarath Fonseka also declared victory over LTTE. Sri Lankan troops raced to clear the last LTTE pockets of resistance. As the last LTTE strongpoints crumbled, Sri Lankan troops killed 70 rebels attempting to escape by boat. The whereabouts of LTTE leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran and other major rebel leaders were not certain.

The Sri Lankan armed forces claimed that the leader of the LTTE, Velupillai Prabhakaran, was killed in the morning of 18 May 2009 while he was trying to flee the conflict zone in an ambulance. The announcement on state television came shortly after the military said it had surrounded Prabhakaran in a tiny patch of jungle in the north-east. The Daily Telegraph wrote that, according to Sri Lankan TV, Prabhakaran was "... killed in a rocket-propelled grenade attack as he tried to escape the war zone in an Ambulance with his closest aides. Colonel Soosai, the leader of his " Sea Tigers" navy, and Pottu Amman, his intelligence chief were also killed in the attack."

The head of the Sri Lankan army, General Sarath Fonseka, said the military had defeated the rebels and "liberated the entire country". Military spokesman Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara stated 250 Tamil Tigers, who were hiding and fighting from within the no fire zone, were killed overnight.

At 9:00 am on 19 May 2009 President Mahinda Rajapaksa delivered a victory address to the Parliament and declared that Sri Lanka is liberated from terrorism. Around 9:30 am troops attached to Task Force VIII of Sri Lanka Army, reported to its commander, Colonel G.V. Ravipriya that a body similar to Velupillai Prabhakaran has been found among the mangroves in Nandikadal lagoon. It was identified by the officer. At 12:15 pm Army Commander Sarath Fonseka officially announced Prabhakaran's death, through the State television ITN. At around 1:00 pm his body was shown in Swarnavahini for the first time. Prabakaran's identity was confirmed by Karuna Amman, his former confidant, and through DNA testing against his son's genetic material who had been killed earlier by the Sri Lanka Military. However, LTTE Chief of international relations, Selvarasa Pathmanathan on the same day claimed that "Our beloved leader is alive and safe." On 24 May 2009, he admitted the death of Prabhakaran, retracting the previous statement.

19 May 2009 - 3 LTTE cadre killed by the Sri Lankan Army at Kachikudichchiaru, Ampara.

20 May 2009 - 5 LTTE cadre killed by the Sri Lankan Army near Periyapillumalai area.

21 May 2009 - 10 LTTE cadre killed by the Sri Lankan Army in the Kadawana jungle area.

27 May 2009 - 11 LTTE cadre killed by the Sri Lankan Army at Kalavanchchikudi in the Batticaloa area. Five T-56 assault rifles, twenty claymore mines (15 kg each), two hand grenades, three anti-personnel mines and medical items were reported recovered by military sources.

5 June 2009 - Special Task Force (STF) personnel while conducting search and clear operation in Darampalawa area in Ampara confronted a group of LTTE cadre and recovered two bodies along with numerous military items.

5 August 2009 - Selvarasa Pathmanathan, the new leader of LTTE was arrested by a Sri Lankan military intelligence unit, with the collaboration of local authorities, in the Tune Hotel, Downtown Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia and brought back to Sri Lanka.

The general public of Sri Lanka took to streets to celebrate the end of the decades long war. Streets were filled with joyous scenes of jubilation. Opposition leader Ranil Wickremasinghe, through a telephone call, congratulated President Rajapaksa and the state security forces for their victory over the LTTE. Religious leaders too hailed the end of the bloodshed. International response to the end of the fighting was also positive and welcoming, while some countries expressed concern over the civilian casualties and the humanitarian impact. United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said, "I am relieved by the conclusion of the military operation, but I am deeply troubled by the loss of so many civilian lives. The task now facing the people of Sri Lanka is immense and requires all hands. It is most important that every effort be undertaken to begin a process of healing and national reconciliation". Time magazine named the end of the Sri Lankan Civil War as one of the top 10 news stories of 2009.

The Sri Lankan Civil War was very costly, killing more than 100,000 civilians and over 50,000 fighters from both sides of the conflict. Around 27,000+ LTTE cadres, 23,790+ Sri Lankan Army personnel, 1000+ Sri Lankan police, 1500 Indian soldiers were said to have died in the conflict. In 2008, the LTTE revealed that 22,390 fighters have lost their lives in the armed struggle since 27 November 1982, although it stopped keeping records in 2009. Minister of Defence Gotabhaya Rajapaksa said in an interview with state television that 23,790 Sri Lankan military personnel were killed since 1981 (it was not specified if police or other non armed forces personnel were included in this particular figure). The Uppsala Conflict Data Program, a university-based data collection program considered to be "one of the most accurate and well-used data-sources on global armed conflicts", provides free data to the public and has divided Sri Lanka's conflicts into groups based on the actors involved. It reported that, between 1990 and 2009, between 59,193-75,601 people were killed in Sri Lanka during various three types of organized armed conflict: "State-based" conflicts, those that involved the Government of Sri Lanka against rebel groups(LTTE and the JVP), "Non-state" conflicts, those conflicts that did not involve the government of Sri Lanka (e.g. LTTE vs. LTTE-Karuna Faction, and LTTE vs. PLOTE), as well as "One-sided" violence, that involved deliberate attacks against civilians perpetrated by either LTTE or the Government of Sri Lanka.

The "Tamil Centre for Human Rights" recorded that from 1983 to 2004, 47,556 Tamil civilians were murdered by both the Sri Lankan government and IPKF forces. Another organization called NESOHR published that from the beginning of the war to the 2002 ceasefire, 4000 to 5000 Tamil civilians were killed in large scale massacres, with a total civilian death of around 40,000. Civilian casualties that occurred on 2009 is of major controversy, as there were no organizations to record the events during the final months of the war. The Sri Lankan government revealed that 9,000 people were killed in the final months of the war, but it did not differentiate between LTTE cadres and civilians. The UN, based on credible witness evidence from aid agencies and civilians evacuated from the Safe Zone by sea, estimated that 6,500 civilians were killed and another 14,000 injured between mid-January 2009, when the Safe Zone was first declared, and mid-April 2009. There are no official casualty figures after this period but estimates of the death toll for the final four months of the civil war (mid-January to mid-May) range from 15,000 to 20,000. A US State Department report has suggested that the actual casualty figures were probably much higher than the UN's estimates and that significant numbers of casualties weren't recorded. A former UN official has claimed that up to 40,000 civilians may have been killed in the final stages of the civil war. Most of the details pertaining to the civilian casualties were reported by four doctors who worked in the no-fire zone. In a joint press conference after the war in July 2009 while still in CID custody, they recanted their initial reports, stating that the casualty figures were exaggerated and were handed to them by the LTTE. However, a leaked US diplomatic cable contains dispatches stating that the doctors upon their release in August 2009 are to have stated to US embassy personnel that they were heavily coached for the press conference and that they had not lied when giving their original statements. A US State Department report has suggested that the actual casualty figures were probably much higher than the UN estimates and that significant numbers of casualties were not recorded. Gordon Weiss, a former UN official has claimed that up to 40,000 civilians may have been killed in the final stages of the war. U.N Secretary General's experts panel report had said that as many as 40,000 Tamil civilians could have been killed in the final phases of the Sri Lankan civil war.

On the contrary, Rajiva Wijesinha the permanent secretary to the Sri Lanka's Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights, in June 2009 said that altogether 3,000 to 5,000 civilians may have been killed during the period. In November 2011, a Sri Lankan international terrorism expert, Rohan Gunaratna, estimated the number of civilian casualties to be 1,400 (1200 killed by army cross-fire and 200 by LTTE). His estimate is in part based on information obtained from captured LTTE cadres to which he had been granted access and from coroners working in and around the no-fire zone. In February 2012, the Sri Lankan government released an official estimate of civilian deaths in Northern Province, concluding that 8,649 people have died due to extraordinary circumstances (reasons other than ageing, diseases, natural disasters etc.), in 2009. It also listed 2,635 people as untraceable. However the report did not differentiate civilians from the slain LTTE cadres. Several human rights groups have even claimed that the death toll in the last months of the war could be 70,000. The Sri Lankan government has denied all claims of causing mass casualties against Tamils, arguing that it was "taking care not to harm civilians". Instead, it has blamed the LTTE for the high casualty numbers, stating that they used the civilians as human shields. Both the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE have been accused by the U.N for war crimes during the last phase of the war.

While the majority of civilian deaths were that of the Tamil minority, both Sinhalese and Moor civilians died in the war. The LTTE were estimated to be responsible for 3,700 to 4,100 civilian deaths in over 200 separate attacks. In response to these civilian deaths, LTTE leader Prabhakaran denied allegations of killing civilians, claiming to condemn such acts of violence; and claimed that LTTE had instead attacked armed home guards who were "death-squads let loose on Tamil civilians" and Sinhalese settlers who were "brought to the Tamil areas to forcibly occupy the land.

The total economic cost of the 25-year war is estimated at US$200 billion. This is approximately 5 times the GDP of Sri Lanka in 2009. Sri Lanka had spent US$5.5 billion only on Eelam War IV, which saw the end of LTTE. The government had spent US$2.25 billion to develop the Northern Province under the "Uthuru Wasanthaya" program after the end of war. Measuring the opportunity cost of war, a report by Strategic Foresight Group states that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) remained stagnant during periods of civil war and that net FDI increased during periods of ceasefire.

After the complete military defeat of the LTTE, President Mahinda Rajapaksa announced that the government is committed to a political solution, and for this purpose action would be taken based on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. Pro-LTTE political party Tamil National Alliance (TNA), also the largest political group representing Sri Lankan Tamil community, dropped its demand for a separate state, in favour of a federal solution. There are ongoing bilateral talks between President Rajapaksa's UPFA government and the TNA, on a viable political solution and devolution of power.

However, in an interview to Headlines Today, television channel from India, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, President of Sri Lanka (former Defence Secretary) and brother of current Prime minister (former President) Mahinda Rajapaksa binned "the political solution talk", asserting, among other things, that it was "simply irrelevant" because "we have ended this terrorism" in Sri Lanka.

Following the end of the war in May 2009, amid mounting international pressure for an inquiry into the final stages of the war, President Rajapaksa appointed the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) to look back at the Sri Lankan Civil War, and to provide recommendations for an era of healing and peace building. The commission concluded that the Sri Lankan military didn't deliberately target civilians in the No Fire Zones. The commission acknowledged that hospitals had been shelled, resulting in "considerable civilian casualties", but it did not say who was responsible for the shelling. The commission blamed Sinhalese and Tamil politicians for causing the civil war: the Sinhalese politicians failed to offer a solution acceptable to the Tamil people and the Tamil politicians fanned militant separatism. However the commission has been heavily criticised by human rights groups and UN Secretary-General's Panel of Experts on Accountability due its limited mandate, alleged lack of independence and its failure to meet minimum international standards or offer protection to witnesses.

In 2015 the Sri Lankan government decided to create a truth commission based on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa to probe allegations during the war. According to Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera a new constitution is expected solve issues related to the war and ensure non-recurrence. However the government criticized both Sinhala and Tamil extremists for obstructing transitional justice.

Towards the end of the war, as Sri Lankan government forces advanced deeper into Tamil Tiger controlled areas, international concern grew for the fate of the 350,000 civilians trapped. On 21 January 2009, the Sri Lankan military declared a 32 square kilometres (12.4 mi) Safe Zone located northwest of Puthukkudiviruppu, between the A35 Highway and the Chalai Lagoon. Sri Lankan Air Force aircraft dropped leaflets urging civilians to relocate to the safe zone and wait until the army could move them into safer locations. The Sri Lankan military promised not to fire into the area. However, only small numbers of civilians actually crossed into the Safe Zone, and the Sri Lankan government, the United Nations, and human rights organisations accused the LTTE of preventing civilians from leaving. The fighting eventually caused civilians to flee the safe zone to a narrow strip of land between Nanthi Kadal and the Indian Ocean. The Sri Lankan military declared a new 10-square-kilometre (3.9 sq mi) Safe Zone northwest of Mullaitivu on 12 February. Over the next three months, the Sri Lankan military repeatedly attacked the Safe Zone with aircraft and artillery to destroy the last remnants of the Tamil Tigers trapped there. The Sri Lankan government claimed that it was trying to hit Tamil Tiger positions, and claimed that these raids started on 15 February and ended on 19 April, the day before the Army breached Tamil Tiger defences, and civilians started to pour out. However, these attacks caused heavy damage. Thousands of civilians were killed or injured, and the Tamil Tigers reportedly held many as human shields.

The final stages of the war created 300,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) who were transferred to camps in Vavuniya District and detained there against their will. The camps were surrounded by barbed wire. This, together with the conditions inside the camps, attracted much criticism from inside and outside Sri Lanka. After the end of the civil war President Rajapaksa gave assurances to foreign diplomats that the bulk of the IDPs would be resettled in accordance with the 180-day plan. By January 2012, almost all the IDPs had been resettled, except 6,554 from the Divisional Secretariats of Mullaitivu district, where the de-mining work was yet to be finished.

Since 1983, the civil war caused mass outflow of Tamil civilians from Sri Lanka to South India. After the end of the war, nearly 5,000 of them returned to the country. As of July 2012, 68,152 Sri Lankans were living in South India as refugees.

The continuous defeats of the LTTE had made its cadres abandon the outfit in large numbers. With the end of the hostilities, 11,664 LTTE members, including over 500 child soldiers surrendered to the Sri Lankan military. Among them were 1,601 females. Government took action to rehabilitate these cadres under a "National Action Plan for the Re-integration of Ex-combatants". They were divided into 3 categories; hardcore, non-combatants, and those who were forcefully recruited (including child soldiers). 24 rehabilitation centres were set up in Jaffna, Batticaloa and Vavuniya. Among the apprehended cadres, there had been about 700 hardcore members. Some of these cadres were integrated into State Intelligence Services to tackle the internal and external networks of LTTE. By January 2012, government had released more than 11,000 cadres, and only 4 rehabilitation centres and 550 detainees remained.

The end of the war left past conflict zones of 2,061sq.km heavily contaminated with approximately 1.6 million land mines. By January 2012, deminers employed by the Sri Lankan army and 8 foreign funded agencies had cleared 1,934sq.km leaving about 127sq.km yet to be cleared.

Since the end of the war, more than 5,000 Tamil youths have been gathering at selected police stations in Eastern Province to join the police force as the government has called for interviews. The Sri Lankan government had planned to recruit 2,000 new police officers to the department, especially for the services in the northern region of the country.

In March 2014, the United Nations Human Rights Commission drafted a resolution on "Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka" and requested its High Commissioner Ms. Navi Pillay to undertake a comprehensive investigation into alleged serious violations and human rights abuses that have taken place during the war. Subsequently, the Human Rights Commissioner directed the setting up of OHCHR Investigation in Sri Lanka (OISL).

Allegations of war crimes have been made against the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (Tamil Tigers) and the Sri Lankan military with much attention given to the final months of the Civil War in 2009. The alleged war crimes include attacks on civilians and civilian buildings by both sides; executions of combatants and prisoners by both sides; enforced disappearances by the Sri Lankan military and paramilitary groups backed by them; acute shortages of food, medicine, and clean water for civilians trapped in the war zone; and child recruitment and attacks on targeting civilian including suicide bombings and attacks on civilian aircraft by the Tamil Tigers.

A panel of experts appointed by UN Secretary-General (UNSG) Ban Ki-moon to advise him on the issue of accountability with regard to any alleged violations of international human rights and humanitarian law during the final stages of the conflict in Sri Lanka found "credible allegations" which according to them, if proven, indicated that war crimes and crimes against humanity were committed by the Sri Lankan military and the Tamil Tigers. The panel has called on the UNSG to conduct an independent international inquiry into the alleged violations of international law. The Sri Lankan government has denied that its forces committed any war crimes and has strongly opposed any international investigation. It has condemned the UN report as "fundamentally flawed in many respects" and "based on patently biased material which is presented without any verification". The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, a formal commission of inquiry was appointed by the Sri Lankan President, to review the conflict from 1983 to 2009 and its report was tabled in the parliament.

On 27 July 2012, Sri Lanka brought out a road map fixing time lines for investigating alleged war crimes by its army during the final stages of the war with the LTTE in 2009. The cabinet has approved the action plan for the implementation of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said in September 2013 that there had been no comprehensive Sri Lankan effort to properly and independently investigate allegations of war crimes. The High Commissioner said she would recommend the Human Rights Council to set up its own probe if Sri Lanka does not show more "credible" progress by March 2014.

On 27 March 2014 the United Nations Human Rights Council voted for a resolution paving the way for an inquiry into rights abuses at the end of Sri Lanka's civil war. The United States and the United Kingdom were among the countries which sponsored the resolution, which for the first time called for an international probe.

The new government of President Maithripala Sirisena has requested the international community for support on a domestic probe into war crimes. As of March 2015, the UN have expressed their support for this. The Tamil National Alliance has asked for an international investigation into the alleged human rights abuses during the Sri Lankan civil war and has refused a domestic probe. A group of the TNA led by Wigneshwaran has asked for an investigation into the alleged genocide claims but the TNA as a whole was divided on the issue and MP Senathirajah said that the action was unauthorized by the party.

In January 2020, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa said that the estimated 20,000+ abducted Sri Lankan Tamil civilians were dead.

In January 2010, the Permanent People's Tribunal on Sri Lankan held its sessions in Dublin, Ireland. There were four findings:

1. That the Sri Lankan Government and its military are guilty of War Crimes;

2. That the Sri Lankan Government and its military are guilty of crimes against humanity;

3. That the charge of genocide requires further investigation;

4. That the international community, particularly the UK and USA, share responsibility for the breakdown of the peace process.(2)

It also found that member states of the United Nations had not "complied with their moral obligation to seek justice for the violations of human rights committed during the last period of the war".

In 22 September 2010, the UNROW Human Rights Impact Litigation Clinic, has advocated and litigated on behalf of victims of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka. UNROW Human Rights Impact Litigation Clinic released a report calling for the establishment of a new international tribunal to prosecute those most responsible for the crimes committed during the conflict. UNROW Human Rights Impact Litigation Clinic also submitted evidence of human rights violations committed during the armed conflict to the United Nations Panel of Experts on Sri Lanka, which U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon appointed in 2010.

In 27 March 2013, Tamil Nadu State Assembly has passed resolution to called on the Indian Government to stop considering Sri Lanka as a 'friendly country' and impose economic sanctions, as well as calling for an international inquiry in "genocide and war crimes" against Sri Lankan Tamils.

In 10 December 2013, Permanent People's Tribunal unanimously ruled Sri Lanka guilty of the crime of genocide against the Tamil people, while the US and UK were found to be guilty of complicity to this crime.

In January, 2015, UNROW Human Rights Impact Litigation Clinic filed a paper on "The Legal Case of the Tamil Genocide" based on the evidence, nature and extent of the violence committed by Government Forces against Tamils.

In September 2017 current president Maithripala Sirisena refused to let several human rights groups take Jagath Jayasuriya to court for war crimes. He reportedly said "I stated very clearly that I will not allow anyone in the world to touch Jagath Jayasuriya or any other military chief or any war hero in this country," in reference to the lawsuit. His comments are seen as an attempt to pander to the majority ethnic Sinhalese, most of whom oppose legal action against military personnel accused of crimes during the civil war.

Balasingham, Adele: The Will to Freedom - An Inside View of Tamil Resistance. Fairmax Publishing Ltd, 2nd ed. 2003, ISBN 1-903679-03-6.

Deegalle, Mahinda (ed.): Buddhism, Conflict and Violence in Modern Sri Lanka. Routledge, London, 2006, ISBN 0-415-35920-1.

Dissanayaka, T.D.S.A.: War or Peace in Sri Lanka, Volume II. Swastika (Pvt.) Ltd., Colombo 1998.

Dixit, J.N.: Assignment Colombo, ISBN 81-220-0499-7. (Dixit was the Indian High Commissioner during the 1980s negotiations that led to the IPKF presence.)

Gamage, S. and Watson, I.B.: Conflict and Community in Contemporary Sri Lanka. Sage, New Delhi 1999.

Gamage, S.: Ethnic Conflict, State Reform and Nation Building in Sri Lanka: Analysis of the Context and Suggestions for a Settlement, in: Neelsen, John P. and Malik, Dipak: "Crises of State and Nation: South Asian States between Nation Building and Fragmentation", Manohar, New Delhi (forthcoming).

Hoole, R., Somasundaram, D., Sritharan K., and Thiranagama, R. The Broken Palmyra - The Tamil Crisis in Sri Lanka: An Inside Account. The Sri Lanka Studies Institute, Claremont 1990. (Also available online.)The Broken Palmyra - The Tamil Crisis in Sri Lanka: An Inside Account.

Johnson, Robert: A Region in Turmoil. Reaktion, New York and London 2005. (Covers Sri Lanka and its regional context.)

Narayan Swamy, M. R.: Tigers of Lanka: from Boys to Guerrillas. Konark Publishers; 3rd ed. 2002, ISBN 81-220-0631-0.

Rajasinghan, K.T.: Sri Lanka: The Untold Story. 2001-2002. (Serialised in Asia Times Online).Sri Lanka: The Untold Story.

War and Peace in Sri Lanka: With a Post-Accord Report From Jaffna. ISBN 955-26-0001-4 /ISBN 978-955-26-0001-2, Institute of Fundamental Studies, Sri Lanka; 1 edition (1 October 1987), By Rohan Gunaratna.

Indian intervention in Sri Lanka: The role of India's intelligence agencies. ISBN 955-95199-0-5/ ISBN 978-955-95199-0-4, South Asian Network on Conflict Research (1993), By Rohan Gunaratna.

Bansal, Alok, Mayilvaganan. M and Podder, Sukanya, Sri Lanka: Search for Peace. Manas Publications, New Delhi, 2007. ISBN 81-7049-340-4

Weiss, Gordon. The cage: The fight for Sri Lanka and the last days of the Tamil Tigers. Random House, 2011. ISBN 1847921396

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Sri Lankan Civil Warශ්‍රී ලාංකික සිවිල් යුද්ධයஇலங்கை உள்நாட்டுப் போர் The area of Sri Lanka claimed by the LTTE as Tamil Eelam , where the vast majority of the fighting took place Date 23 July 1983 - 18 May 2009[1] (25 years, 9 months, 3 weeks and 4 days) Location Result Sri Lankan government victory Territorialchanges Government regains total control of former LTTE-controlled areas in the North and East of the country.

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Lithuanian cuisine features products suited to the cool and moist northern climate of Lithuania: barley, potatoes, rye, beets, greens, berries, and mushrooms are locally grown, and dairy products are one of its specialties. Various ways of pickling were used to preserve food for winter. Soups are extremely popular, and are widely regarded as the key to good health. Since it shares its climate and agricultural practices with Northern Europe, Lithuanian cuisine has much in common with its Baltic neighbors and, in general, northern countries.

Longlasting agricultural and foraging traditions along with a variety of influences during the country's history formed Lithuanian cuisine.

German traditions have had an influence on Lithuanian cuisine, introducing pork and potato dishes, such as potato pudding ( kugelis or kugel) and intestines stuffed with mashed potato (vėdarai), as well as the baroque tree cake known as . Lithuanian noblemen usually hired French chefs - French cuisine influence came to Lithuania in this way. The most exotic influence is Eastern ( Karaite) cuisine, and the dish which became popular in Lithuania. Lithuanians and other nations that lived in Grand Duchy of Lithuania also share some dishes and beverages. Lithuanian cuisine also influenced Ruthenian and Polish cuisines.

The earliest mentions of food and agriculture of the Baltic people ( Aestii) and related customs comes from Tacitus circa 98 AD: "they cultivate grain and other crops with a perseverance unusual among the indolent Germans."

The 9th-century traveler Wulfstan attested usage of mead among West Balts: "There is a great deal of honey and fishing. The king and the most powerful men drink mare's milk, the poor men and the slaves drink mead. ... There is no ale brewed among the Este but there is plenty of mead."

In the 14th century, Lithuania almost all today known cereals and legume were grown, but rye was the most popular, since it was easier to grow in the Northern European climate and the crop was more predictable. In the hillfort of Maišiagala in the layer of 13-14th century about 20 sorts of various cereals and legumes were found - winter and summer rye, wheat, barley, oat, millet, buckwheat, lentil, vetches, peas, broad beans.

In the Middle Ages, hunting was the main way to provide oneself with meat. It is known that Vytautas The Great before the Battle of Žalgiris organized a big hunting in the Baltvyžis forest and prepared barrels of salt-cured meat for the army. Game was also a staple of noblemen: wisents, aurochs, and deer were hunted. Lithuania had long-lasting wars (about 200 years) with Teutonic Order. It also kept diplomatic relationships with it, during which various presents were exchanged - it is known what Teutonic Order sent a rare wine to Anna, Grand Duchess of Lithuania, wife of Vytautas the Great, in 1416. At this time Lithuanian nobleman already imported saffron, cinnamon, rice, pepper, raisins for their needs. The Congress of Lutsk, hosted by Vytautas the Great, was another example of medieval Lithuanian cuisine. Chronicles report that seven hundred barrels of honey, wine, 700 oxen, 1,400 sheep, hundreds of elk, wild boar, and other dishes were consumed daily.

Traditional Lithuanian hunting and landscape, still existing conflicts between paganism and Christianity was described by Nicolaus Hussovianus in his Latin poem Carmen de statura, feritate ac venatione bisontis ( A Song about the Appearance, Savagery and Hunting of the Bison, 1523).

Many culinary innovations came from Italy with Bona Sforza, Grand Duchess consort of Lithuania. Bona Sforza introduced the fork and traditional Italian food - olives, olive oil; made wine and wheat flour more popular. Parsnips, cauliflowers, spinach, and even artichokes were introduced and grown. It is assumed that Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania had their own kitchen garden. Daughter of Bona Sforza, Catherine Jagiellon after marrying John III of Sweden introduced the fork and other cultural habits to Sweden. Son of Bona Sforza Sigismund II Augustus had an Italian chef Sigismondo Fanelli, living in Vilnius, Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania.

The court account books of Alexander Jagiellon mention court officials also associated with the kitchen: the titles Master of the Kitchen was the magnate Petras Aleknaitis, while the actual functions of the kitchen-master were carried by kitchen senior Raclovas, other Kitchen Master is also mentioned - Mikalojus Jundilaitis and the Carver Butrimas Jokūbaitis Nemiraitis. In the 16th century, a water pipe was built from Vingriai springs straight to the kitchen of Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania in Vilnius.

In the sale contract made in 1623 by Elisabeth Sophie von Brandenburg, wife of Jonušas Radvila and Jonušas Kiška, she sold a garden in Vilnius. The text of the treaty has very detailed mentionings of the garden plants such as grafted apple trees, pears, plums ( prunus domestica), cherries, wild cherries, vitis, hawthorns, dog roses. A garden for Italian vegetables (as they called back then) is also very detailed. That is potatoes, artichokes, asparagus, lamb's lettuce, rucola, garden cress, spinach, melons, beets, rushes, French parsley, Italian onions, lettuce, chicory. And spices and decorative shrubs: anise, peppermints, estragon, dill, true indigo and junipers. Wooden orangerie is also mentioned which was used to grow fig-trees and common walnuts. In XVI rulers and nobleman of Lithuania consumed grapes, oranges, melons, raspberries, strawberries, cherries, and plums, imported ginger, cinnamon, almonds and pepper.

The growing of potatoes in Lithuania is known from the 17th century, but it became more widespread only in the 18th century.

Archeological finds at the place of the Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania revealed a lot of information about the food eaten, cutlery and serving of the rulers of Lithuania.

First explorer of the Lithuanian flora, botanist Jurgis Pabrėža described spicery growing in Lithuania.

In 18th-century and 19th-century recipes à la Lithuanienne appeared in the French culinary books. The romantic image of Lithuania was associated with lush forests and game - no wonder the recipes à la Lithuanienne were mostly dishes prepared from moose, bear, or grey partridge. La Cuisine classique by Urbain Dubois and Émile Bernard, published in 1856 contained Lithuanian recipes of goose soup and sauce. A culinary book by Alphonse Petit La gastronomie en Russie, published in 1900 included eight Lithuanian recipes.

In the twentieth century in interwar Lithuania, many girls attended Amatų mokykla (The Trade School), where young women were trained to prepare various types of dishes and learned various recipes, proper table manners, economy and running the household. These schools led to spreading of similar recipes throughout the country.

During the past years, restaurants in Lithuania emerged which specialize in historic Lithuanian cuisine, culinary heritage and its interpretations.

Part of Olaus Magnus' map depicting Lithuania: Lithuanian type of crop trade ships (naves frumentarie) - vytinė is seen close to Vilnius, also beehives protection from the bears(on the right side)

One of the oldest and most fundamental Lithuanian food products was and is rye bread. Rye bread was eaten every day for breakfast, lunch and dinner. Bread played an important role in family rituals and agrarian ceremonies. Traditionally, the centerpiece of Lithuanian cuisine is dark rye bread ( ruginė duona) which is used more often than light wheat breads. The archeological finds reveal that bread in the 9th - 14th centuries in Lithuania was very similar to the current rye bread. The dough is usually based on a sourdough starter, and includes some wheat flour to lighten the finished product. Traditionally each home had its own sourdough yeast - raugas, which also had symbolical meaning of the home. Rye bread is often eaten as an open-faced sandwich, buttered or spread with cheese. It is sometimes flavored with caraway, or with some onion. Traditional bread is baked on sweet flag leaves. Bread baking was considered an important ritual. Bread was baked in a special oven for bread - duonkepė krosnis. Lithuanian proverb says - Be aukso apsieis, be duonos ne ( One can manage without gold, but not without bread).

Some varieties of Lithuanian bread contain whole seeds of rye and wheat; this type of bread is referred to as grūdėtoji, i.e. "seeded" bread.

The most commonly used vegetable in Lithuanian recipes is the potato; in its simplest forms, it is boiled, baked, or sauteed, often garnished with dill, but a tremendous variety of potato recipes exist. Potatoes were introduced into Lithuania in the late 18th century, were found to prosper in its climate, and soon became indispensable.

Cucumbers, dill pickles, radishes and greens are quite popular. Beets ( burokai) are grown more widely than in other areas of the world and are often used for making borscht and side dishes. Cabbage is another popular vegetable, used as a basis for soups, or wrapped around fillings ( balandėliai). Tomatoes are now available year-round in stores, but those home-grown in family greenhouses are still considered superior. Sorrel is grown in the gardens for soup and salad.

Lithuanian herbs and seasonings include mustard seed, horseradish ( krienai), dill ( krapai), caraway seed ( kmynai), garlic, coriander, oregano, bay leaf, juniper berries ( kadagio uogos), hemp seeds and fruit essences. Vanilla and pepper were scarce during the Soviet occupation, but were welcomed back again after restitution of the independence. The cuisine is relatively mild.

Pickling is a popular way to prepare vegetables for winter or just to give them a particular flavour. Cucumbers, beets, dills, homegrown tomatoes, onions, garlic is pickled and available all year round.

Linseed oil was moderately popular.

One of the prides of Lithuanian cuisine is its wide use of wild berries and mushrooms and this foraging tradition is still alive.

Mushrooming is a popular pastime from mid-summer to autumn. As a staple, mushrooms are usually harvested in the forest; occasionally they are purchased at roadside markets, especially on the road in the Dzūkija region from Druskininkai to Vilnius; the purchasing of mushrooms in shops is rare. Despite its status as a delicacy, mushrooms are thought of by many Lithuanians as hard to digest. Dried mushrooms are used as a seasoning. A number of mushroom species are harvested from the wild, including:

Baravykas is the most valued and sought-after species; the primary usages are drying and marinating. Dried baravykas has a strong pleasant scent and is used as a seasoning in soups and sauces. Voveraitė is often used fresh as a seasoning in soups or sauteed. The most common dish using this mushroom is voveraitė sauteed with chopped bulb onions and potatoes. Gudukas, arguably the most locally abundant of edible mushrooms due to its lower popularity, is usually marinated. Other edible mushrooms, such as lepšė ( Leccinum scabrum), raudonviršis or raudonikis (literally, "red-topped") ( Leccinum aurantiacum), makavykas ( Suillus variegatus), šilbaravykis ( Xerocomus badius), are more rare, but are also gathered and may be used in the same ways as baravykas.

Wild berries are also gathered or, even more frequently than mushrooms, purchased at roadside markets or shops. Bilberries ( mėlynės) and lingonberries ( bruknės) are the two most abundant species of wild berries. Cranberries ( spanguolės) are valued, but their cultivation is limited to certain boggy areas, such as those adjacent to Čepkeliai Marsh. Sour cranberry or lingonberry jam and sweet bilberry jam are all considered excellent sauces for pancakes ( blynai). Lingonberry jam is occasionally used as a dressing for fried chicken or turkey or as a sauce for other savory dishes. Fresh bilberries may be put into a cold milk soup. Wild strawberries ( žemuogės) are relatively scarce and are usually gathered for immediate consumption.

Apples, plums, and pears, which grow well in Lithuania, are the most commonly used fruit. Because they cannot tolerate frost, tropical fruit such as citrus, bananas and pineapples must be imported, and hence were used less often in the past; however, these fruits are now becoming more typical and are widely consumed. During the autumn harvest, fruit is often simmered and spiced to create fruit stews (kompots). Gooseberries ( agrastai) and currants ( serbentai) are widely cultivated; they are sweetened, made into jams and baked goods, and provide a piquant touch to desserts. Small local producers make fine fruit wines from raspberries, and especially blackcurrants; apple icewine is also produced. Apple cheese, which is considered a dessert, is very popular in autumn. Oldest apple cheese recipe in Lithuania was found in the book of Radvila family chef from the 17th century. Sea buckthorn is used for juice and as a garnish.

The most frequently used meat is pork, followed by beef, lamb, chicken, turkey, and duck; for immediate consumption it is often grilled, or dusted with breadcrumbs and sauteed, in a dish similar to schnitzel. For bigger gatherings, oven roasts are prepared. The need for meat preservation no longer presents the urgency that it did during the Soviet occupation or previous times of trouble, but many favorite techniques survive, include brining, salting, drying, and smoking. There are many varieties of smoked pork, including ham and a soft sausage with a large-grained filling; these are served as a main course or thinly sliced in sandwiches. Skilandis is a popular Lithuanian sausage and the original production form has been registered as an EU and UK Traditional Speciality Guaranteed under the name Lietuviškas skilandis. The art of meat smoking has long traditions in Lithuania - the right choice of woods, heat or distance from fire required a mastery. Skilandis was smoked for four weeks in a special room - kaminas - which was used for cooking. Smoking, curing and other meat preparation techniques differ in Lithuanian regions.

Freshwater fish with exception of herring was the most popular fish in Lithuania. Fish, such as pike, zander or perch, are often baked whole or stuffed. Herring is marinated, baked, fried, or served in aspic. Since the 19th century, herring was imported to Lithuania from Norway, Stavanger. Salmon is also a popular dish often served with a cream sauce, vegetables, and rice. Before building dams after Soviet occupation, salmon was quite abundant fish in Lithuanian rivers.

Smoked fish such as eel or bream are popular entrees and appetizers in areas near the Baltic Sea, especially in Neringa.

Crayfish are also popular and are usually eaten in the summertime as a delicacy and a side dish served with beer.

Lithuania is known for quality dairy products. Dairy products play an important role in Lithuanian cuisine; curd cheese (similar to cottage cheese) may be sweet, sour, seasoned with caraway, fresh, or cured until semi-soft. Lithuanian butter and cream are unusually rich. Sour cream is so prominent in Lithuanian cuisine, that it is eaten with everything - meat, fish, pancakes, soups, desserts, salads, and so on. The sour cream Žemaitiškas kastinys is registered in the EU and UK as a Traditional Speciality Guaranteed (TSG).

Lithuanian curd snacks called sūreliai are popular too. Also, a big variety of different soured milk products are available in the supermarkets, though some people still prefer making their own soured milk. A Milk road route was created which leads through important objects of milk production in Lithuania.

Variety of milk is large - milk, buttermilk, soured milk, kefir, cream, yogurt. Most traditional are buttermilk and soured milk, eaten with boiled potatoes.

The traditional Lithuanian curd cheese Lietuviškas varškės sūris has been registered as a Protected Geographical Indication (PGI) in the EU and UK. The most popular way of eating Lithuanian non-fermented white cheese is with fresh honey; it can also be cooked with spices and enjoyed with tea. Food historians estimate that the curd cheese was known for 4-6 thousands of years. Lithuanians started fermenting hard cheese around the 16th century in the region of Samogitia. Across Samogitian borders, this cheese was known as Lithuanian cheese. Historically there were not many varieties of cheese in Lithuania, due to low levels of lactose intolerance. Milk products were usually consumed fresh, or slightly fermented. Semi-hard cheese Liliputas in 2015 was registered as an EU Protected Geographical Indication (PGI). Hard cheese Džiugas ripens for at least 12 months, is popular among gourmets and being used as to flavour recipes. Džiugas in 2019 was registered as a Protected Geographical Indication. In the interwar period Šėta was famous for its cheese, which was made in sūrinė ( cheese house). Small family farms throughout Lithuania also producing various types of artisan cheeses being sold in eco and farmer markets, restaurants.

Lithuania consists of five regions: Lithuania Minor ( Mažoji Lietuva), Samogitia ( Žemaitija), Aukštaitija, Suvalkija, Dzūkija.

Lithuania minor was famous for its fish, mainly freshwater - it was smoked, salted, roasted, dried. The best fish-soup, in Lithuania, similar to Bouillabaisse is also prepared in Lithuania Minor. Samogitia is known for its abundant varieties of porridge, crayfish, kastinis and a herring-onion soup cibulinė. Aukštaitija is known for potato dishes and vėdarai; Northern Aukštaitija is best known as a beer region of Lithuania. Suvalkija is known for quality smoked meat produce - variety of woods being used to gain subtle taste, some produce being smoked up to one month. Dzūkija, the most forested region is famous for mushrooms, berries, buckwheat dishes such as buckwheat cake ( grikinė boba) and boletus soup. Meat curing by smoking is not practiced in Dzûkija. Instead, the salted cuts of meat remain in brine or are hung and air-dried.

Different types of woods were used for smoking the meat - in Samogitia and Aukštaitija alder tree with combination of juniper was used, in Suvalkija - only alder.

A structure of a Lithuanian meal in its full form, usually performed during festivities.

Slices of meat charcuterie, small types of salad, herring will be offered. The meal is usually cold, not warm. Several types of various cold dishes will be served to choose from. It could be accompanied with some appetizer such as bitter liquor.

Soup is very important part of Lithuania cuisine. Although it does not get much attention as the main dish its purpose to be pleasant and revitalizing.

Main dish is served hot. It could be roasted chicken, beef or a type of main dish which the host is the most proud to present to the guests. Beer or wine will be offered with the main dish.

Dessert is served after some time after the main dish. It could be some sort of cake or curd with berries or jam.

Coffee or tea could be served along with dessert or separately.

If guests are spending time at the table having interesting conversations digestive or more coffee or tea will be offered.

The meal structure of the day is also influenced by the ancient life in the farm or village. Usual workday was split into three parts - the work from the early morning till breakfast ( pusryčiai), work before breakfast and dinner ( pietūs) and work between dinner and evening meal (vakarienė). Breakfast was considered the most filling meal, dinner was considered a lighter meal and the evening meal was the lightest. In the summer then the workday was the longest, light meal before breakfast ( priešpusryčiai) and the meal before dinner and evening meal - pavakariai was provided. Up to this day Lithuanians eat quite filling breakfast and really light evening meals.

Kepta duona (garlic bread) - black bread fried in oil and rubbed with garlic, often served with beer or an alcoholic beverage of some sort. Is a distant cousin of French pain à l'ail.

Įdaryti kiaušiniai - hard-boiled eggs are split, stuffed and garnished; similar to deviled eggs.

Įdaryti pomidorai - tomatoes are cut in half and filled with a savory stuffing.

Piršteliai prie alaus - these "little fingers" are thin, rolled-up puff pastries served with beer.

Lašiniai (lard) - (smoked non-rendered pork underskin fat with a small layer of meat of or without it) is a popular appetizer in villages where it is produced locally, and is usually consumed in the form of a sandwich with unbuttered dark rye bread and bulb onions, horseradish or other vegetables and condiments. Spirgai (cracklings) are made from lard for various sauces similar to gravy. One can find various types of lašiniai in every butcher shop or shop mall in Lithuania.

Bulvinių kukulių sriuba - minced potatoes formed into small balls, and boiled in milk. These are usually made from the same potato mixture used in cepelinai.

Cabbage soup (kopūstienė) flavored with carrots, ham, onions, sauerkraut or all of these and boiled with lard.

Cucumber soup - the broth is pureed with cucumbers and sweet or sour cream, often garnished with dill.

Lapienė - greens such as sorrel or spinach are braised and added to a creamy broth.

Kankolienė, zacirka - milk soup with dough balls made from flour or potato.

Sauerkraut soup - often seasoned with pork, carrots, onions, and bay leaves.

Barščiai - hot borscht (beet soup); it is served uncreamed or blended with sour cream or buttermilk; sometimes chopped Boletus mushrooms are added.

Šaltibarščiai - cold summer soup based on beets and milk kefir or sour milk, colored a shocking pink. It is made with cooked or pickled shredded beets and various other chopped vegetables, such as cucumber, dill, or green onions. Hot boiled potatoes, cold sour cream, and diced hard-boiled eggs are often served alongside to add color, texture, and thermal contrast. The older traditional version of šaltibarščiai was simply white without beets.

Vištienos sultinys - chicken broth is always popular, especially for the elderly and ill.

Maltiniai or Frikadėlės (Frikadeller) - soft minced meat and onion patties, often served with potatoes, sliced cucumber, dill pickle and/or grated beats and a sauce.

Manų Putra/Košė - Semolina wheat porridge/pudding topped with butter, cinnamon, sugar and/or berries. It is common as a breakfast dish or as a dessert.

Šaltiena or košeliena ( or meat jelly) - many savory foodstuffs are presented in gelatin molds; horseradish is often served as a condiment.

or Lietiniai, Sklindžiai - although blynai is often translated as pancakes, they are usually more similar to crepes. They are either wafer-thin, as crepes are, or made from a yeast-risen batter, often mixed with grated apple or potato.

Kėdainių blynai - grated raw potato pancakes, similar to latkes.

Žemaičių blynai - similar to Kėdainių blynai, made from boiled potatoes and filled with chopped cooked meat

Lietiniai - large, usually square thin crepes filled with minced meat, curd with cinnamon, or minced sauteed mushrooms.

Buckwheat pancakes - traditional dish in Dzūkija

Balandėliai (little doves) - cabbage leaves stuffed with meat and braised.

Dešra - sausages are made in many different ways: they may be smoked or fresh, and include pork, beef, potatoes, or barley; in rural areas, blood may be added.

Didžkukuliai or - potato dumplings stuffed with meat, mushrooms, or cheese, often garnished with spirgai, fried minced onion and bacon or sour cream.

- pastry with mutton and onions, a Karaite dish.

Kukuliai - potato dumplings similar to gnocchi.

Koldūnai, virtiniai, Auselės - these are various kinds of dumplings, filled with minced meat, sausage, cottage cheese, or mushrooms, usually garnished with crumbled fried bacon. They are similar to Polish pierogi or kołduny, but are usually smaller. Koldūnai were introduced to Lithuania with Tatars, who were invited to settle by Vytautas the Great.

Šaltanosiai - literally "cold nose ones". Similar to koldūnai or virtiniai - they are being eaten lukewarm or cold with blueberry jam. Lithuanian name šaltanosiais was borrowed in Polish, German and Belarusian languages.

(also bulvių plokštainis, the lexically correct non-foreign name, literally "flat potato dish" or banda - this usage predominates in the Dzūkija region) - potato pudding made with grated potatoes and eggs. It is usually served with sour cream or spirgai. Also served with diced bacon and diced onion cooked in the bacon fat.

Šaltnosiukai (cold little noses) - dumplings filled with lingonberries, not found anywhere outside Lithuania.

or Kindziukas - pig stomach stuffed with meat and garlic and cold-smoked.

Suktiniai (beef birds) - beef or pork is pounded until very thin, filled and rolled up, and braised. An example of this is zrazai, which are Lithuanian beef rolls. See image at right.

Švilpikai - an oven-baked potato snaps.

Šiupinys (Hodge-Podge) - a stew made from a variety of ingredients - groats, peas, beans, potatoes, meat, rye flour. Various different combinations are preferred in different regions of Lithuania.

Troškinti rauginti kopūstai - a stew made with sauerkraut and the cook's choice of meats and vegetables.

Lithuanian-style cakes ( pyragas) are often baked in a rectangular pan and sometimes have an apple, plum, apricot, or other fruit baked in; they are less frequently iced than is customary in the United States. These cakes are cut into squares for serving. Poppy seed is sometimes used as a swirl filling in dessert bread ( Poppy seed roll and šimtalapis) and as a flavoring in other pastries.

For special occasions, torte may be prepared; they often consist of 10 to 20 layers, filled with jam and vanilla, chocolate, mocha, or rum buttercreams; they are lavishly decorated. Lithuanian coffeehouses ( kavinė) serve a variety of tortes and pastries to attract evening strollers.

Desserts include:

Žagarėliai (also known as krustai or chrustai) - Twisted, thin deep-fried pastries dusted with powdered sugar; identical to Scandinavian Klejner cookies, similar to Mexican buñuelo.

Kūčiukai or šližikai - very small rolls are baked and served with poppyseed milk; this is a traditional Kūčios' (Christmas Eve) dish.

Ledai - ice cream is served everywhere in the summer.

- a Lithuanian variant of doughnuts, sometimes filled with preserves. The main difference from doughnuts or berliners is that the Lithuanian version uses curd as a basis. Therefore, they often called varškės spurgos - curd doughnuts.

(also called raguotis) - is essentially a pound cake grilled layer by layer, with a very distinctive branching form. It is a Lithuanian variant of a spit cake which is a distant cousin of the German Baumkuchen, the French gâteau à la broche, the Swedish spättekaka. Some sources attribute its invention to Yotvingians - ancient, now extinct Baltic tribe. Šakotis is a frequent accent of Lithuanian weddings and bigger festivities.

Tinginys - prepared with biscuits or crackers, cocoa, butter, sugar and solidified milk

Skruzdėlynas (anthill) - consists of individual pastries stacked on top of one another, sprinkled with poppy seeds and glazed with honey and nuts.

Fresh cucumbers with honey - typical summer dessert, especially on the countryside.

is extremely popular throughout the country, especially again since the restoration of the Independence in 1990. Several Lithuanian beers have won international awards. Local breweries are enjoying a renaissance. Beer is the most common alcoholic beverage. Lithuania has a long farmhouse beer tradition, first mentioned in 11th-century chronicles. Beer was brewed for ancient Baltic festivities and rituals. Ancient Lithuanian god for brewing beer and mead was Ragutis or Rūgutis. 21 September was known as the festive Alutinis, Koštuvės or Ragautuvės - the first beer was made using the harvest of the running year. Lithuania is not very well known for its beer worldwide, but it is one of the few countries in Europe to have an independent beer tradition in which breweries do not simply brew beers in styles developed elsewhere. Traditional farmhouse brewing has survived into the present day in Lithuania, and during Soviet times such brewing started to be expanded to a larger scale. After independence, this process gathered speed and soon there were more than 200 breweries in the country. Many of these have since gone out of business, but Lithuania still has about 80 breweries, of which perhaps 60-70 produce beers in styles unknown in the rest of the world. Some of these are very close to the traditional brews made by farmers, while others have developed out of that tradition as a consequence of the growth of the traditional brewers into reasonably large regional breweries.

Farmhouse brewing survived to a greater extent in Lithuania than anywhere else, and through accidents of history the Lithuanians then developed a commercial brewing culture from their unique farmhouse traditions. Lithuania is top 5 by consumption of beer per capita in Europe in 2015, counting 75 active breweries, 32 of them are microbreweries.

The microbrewery scene in Lithuania has been growing in later years, with a number of bars focusing on these beers popping up in Vilnius and also in other parts of the country. Local beers have started to attract international attention after beer bloggers discovered the country, inspiring a major feature article in Beer Connoisseur magazine, prompting the New York Times to list Lithuania as one of the 42 places to visit in 2013 on the strength of the village beers. Beer routes are organized through the main breweries in northern Lithuania.

is said to be the most ancient Lithuanian alcoholic beverage; it is a variety of mead made from honey. Baltic people were making midus for thousands of years. One of the first mentionings of Balts and mead was by the 9th-century traveller Wulfstan of Hedeby, who visited Prussians. Old Lithuanian mead was made from a solution of honey and water simmered with various spices, such as thyme, lemon, cinnamon, cherries, linden blossoms, juniper berries, and hops. Oldest recipe of Lithuanian midus was recorded in a book by Olaus Magnus Historia de Gentibus Septentrionalibus, published in Rome in 1555. Midus was considered a drink of nobleman and gentry. Since 16th century midus started to compete with imported vine, but it was known and was still very popular in Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania. Today Midus is produced by several companies and is to be found in the majority of liquor shops. Craft mead producing is also becoming popular. Traditional Lithuanian midus Stakliškės, fermented up to 90 days has a Protected Geographical Indication (PGI) label.

Fruit and berry wines being made in Lithuania by several companies. Industrial production of fruit and berry wines was started by Balys Karazija in 1926 in Anykščiai. His wines have won international awards in 1938. Initiatives of B.Karazija made a fruit wine a traditional drink in Lithuania. Currently blueberry, apple, apple ice wine, black currant, aronia, cherry wines being produced by smaller and bigger companies.

- chamomile, rosehip, thyme and other herbal teas are popular as well as black tea if not more widespread. Many herbal infusions are used for medicinal purposes. Tea parties were popular in the interbellum Lithuania especially among high society.

is a non-alcoholic beverage made by the natural fermentation of wheat, rye, or barley bread, sometimes flavoured with fruit, berries, raisins or birch sap; it is similar to Russian or Ukrainian kvass. Those brewed from rye bread and from caraway seed are popular and distributed in glass bottles. There is also a carbonated soft drink known as gira, which is distributed in plastic bottles, but it shares neither taste nor production technology with the original beverage.

Sula (birch sap) is a traditional drink, popular in summer.

Kava (coffee) is brewed in espresso makers or moka pots at home, or with espresso machines in cafes. It is quite strong and usually sweetened. Coffeehouses (kavinė) can be found not only on every street corner in towns but at highway rest stops and at every point of interest. First traditionally Lithuanians roasted oak acorns and made gilių kava (acorn coffee) - a substitute for natural bean coffee which is still sold in a special shops as a delicacy. The first coffeehouses appeared in Lithuania in the 18th century and in 1814 there were 49 coffeehouses in Vilnius. Coffee culture was flourishing in 19th century in Lithuania. It was a prestige to have a special room for coffee drinking and a dedicated person who prepared coffee. First known caffes were established in Ribiškės and Lentvaris manors. Naturalist Georg Forster during his visit in Merkinė already tried coffee in local coffeehouse and wrote about it as of "good quality". Journalist Rapolas Mackonis was explorer of cafe life and wrote about culture of cafes in Vilnius and Kaunas in the 20th century.

, an aged vodka, as well as Krupnikas, a honey liqueur, are traditional drinks dating from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16th - 18th centuries.

(a bitter) is a strong herbal vodka; there are many varieties. It is also used as traditional medicine. Trejos devynerios ("999"), steeped with 27 different herbs, is one of the best known.

Vynas (wine) culture is firmly growing in Lithuania - wineries and specialised wine shops for Italian, French, New World wines operate in biggest cities. The wine exhibition Vyno dienos (Days of Wine) taking place in May, is the largest wine exhibition in Northern Europe. Lithuania historically is a wine importer, since its climate isn't very friendly for growing grapevines.

Easter and Christmas (Christmas Eve) are festives which have their own table presentations and type of dishes in Lithuania. Easter tables being decorated with juniper or sallow twigs.

Easter (Velykos) - The intricately painted Easter eggs that were prepared earlier in the week are eaten for breakfast. The diners touch their eggs together as a sort of toast (among the children, this custom sometimes devolves into a smashing contest). Dinner may be roast goose or ham and accompaniments. Dessert is often a cake made to resemble a birch log, or cookies shaped and decorated as mushrooms.

Birthdays (Gimtadieniai) - The family's favorite cake is served. Traditionally in Lithuania the day of the saint after whom one was named was celebrated by the family as well as one's own birth date; for instance, a John would celebrate his name day on St. John's Day (Joninės), June 23.

Christmas Eve (Kūčios) - Twelve dishes are presented on a table spread with hay and lit by candles. No animal products, including dairy products or eggs, can be consumed as part of this meal. However, fish is permitted and regularly forms part of the meal. This custom is widespread in Catholic Eastern Europe, but traditions vary to different families. It is supposed that rituals and servicing of the Christmas Eve table reflect the most ancient Lithuanian traditions.

Weddings (Vestuvės) - The widest possible variety of courses are served. A special bread is sometimes baked and adorned with flowers and bird-shaped decorations, or a šakotis is decorated. The ideal Lithuanian wedding lasts at least two days, so a great deal of cooking and baking goes on.

Funerals (Šermenys) - The bereaved family usually hosts a dinner for all the mourners called at a restaurant or other similar venue.

Informal gatherings and cocktail parties - The hosts often serve small open-face sandwiches, similar to those at a Scandinavian smorgasbord, topped with smoked fish, sausage, cucumbers, and so forth. Flavored vodkas, which may have been concocted with fruits and herbs according to the host's or hostess's own family recipe, may be served.

Currently, Lithuania is affected by modern cuisine trends - fusion, new Nordic, craft beer, craft food. Restaurant culture and the fine dining is most advanced in bigger cities - Vilnius, Kaunas, Klaipėda. Yearly 30 best Lithuanian restaurants being selected by Gero maisto akademija ( Good Food Academy).

(in Lithuanian) Rimvydas Laužikas. Istorinė Lietuvos virtuvė: maistas ir gėrimai Lietuvos Didžiojoje Kunigaikštystėje. Vilnius: Briedis, 2014. ISBN 978-9955-26-463-7

(in Lithuanian) Prie stalo visa Lietuva: mityba ir maisto kultūra nuo seniausių laikų iki iki šių dienų. Kaunas: Terra Publica,2015. ISBN 978-609-8090-89-5

(in Lithuanian) Lietuvos kulinarinis paveldas Lithuanian culinary heritage - R.Laužikas blog

(in Lithuanian) R. Daskevičius. Maisto ir fotografijos knyga "52 kartai" (52 times - the book of food and fotography ideas).

(in Lithuanian) A. Laužikienė, R. Laužikas. Senieji lietuviški receptai (Old Lithuanian Recipes). Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla, 2020, ISBN 978-609-07-0433-2

(in German) Rimvydas Laužikas, Antanas Astrauskas. Wie der gepökelte Stier nach Konstanz fuhr. Vilnius: Lietuvos kultūros institutas, 2017. ISBN 978-609-8015-52-2

(in Polish) Jarosław Dumanowski, Rimvydas Laužikas, Liutauras Čeprackas, Arvydas Pacevičius. W kuchni Ogińskich (eBook). Vilnius: VšI Akademine leidyba, 2016. ISBN 9789955336938

(in Polish) Wincenta Zawadzka. Kucharka litewska. Vilnius: 1913.

Josephine J. Daudzvardis. Treasures of Lithuanian Cooking. Lith. Cath. Press Society; 2nd edition, 1958. ASIN: B01MU3CED7.

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Lithuanian cuisine features products suited to the cool and moist northern climate of Lithuania: barley, potatoes, rye, beets, greens, berries, and mushrooms are locally grown, and dairy products are one of its specialties. Various ways of pickling were used to preserve food for winter.

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I thought that this is a good  article because this is through the national archives.

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Today's post comes from Rebecca Brenner, an intern in the History Office at the National Archives in Washington, D.C.

Fifty years ago on October 3, 1965, at the base of the Statue of Liberty, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Immigration Act of 1965 into law.

The act was an important milestone in American immigration history. It was a significant improvement from the National Origins Act of 1924, which barred Asian immigrants, limited Latin American immigrants, and established rigid immigration quotas for European countries.

These quotas, established in an era of post-World War I isolationism and xenophobia, lasted from 1924 through 1965:

Armenia: 124

Australia: 121

Austria: 785

Belgium: 512

Czechoslovakia: 3,073

Estonia: 124

France: 3,954

Germany: 51,227

Great Britain and Northern Ireland: 34,007

Hungary: 473

Irish Free State: 28,567

Italy: 3,845

Latvia: 142

Lithuania: 344

Netherlands: 1,648

Norway: 6,453

Poland: 5,962

Russia: 2,248

Sweden: 9,561

Switzerland: 2,081

Yugoslavia: 671

Aliens needed to apply for spots on the quota in their country of birth, regardless of where they and their family lived. Some quota waiting lists were a dozen years long, while others were not filled.

The Immigration Act of 1965 abolished this quota system and eliminated the formally racial character of immigration to the United States.

The act aimed for immigration law to distinguish between hemispheres of origin, instead of discriminating on the basis of ethnicity or race.

It also prioritized keeping families together, and put a preference on skilled workers.

According to records in the Center for Legislative Archives, the net effect of the final bill was to admit 320,000 people to the United States each year. This number included 120,000 from the Western hemisphere and 170,000 from the rest of the world, as well as 30,000 immediate relatives of U.S. citizens.

On August 25, 1965, the U.S. House of Representatives passed the bill with a vote of 318-95.

On September 22, the U.S. Senate passed it with a vote of 76-18.

According to the Congressional Quarterly in October 1965, a combination of factors enabled its passage:

The Democratic majority in Congress supported the Johnson administration, which viewed quotas as discriminatory.

The general public was not as interested in the act as it was in civil rights or health care, and as a result, provided less opposition.

Special interest groups were willing to compromise with each other.

The National Archives holds many records related to the history of immigration. The Records of Rights exhibit at the National Archives in Washington, DC, includes a compelling section on American immigration.

And on September 17, Constitution Day, the annual naturalization ceremony for new American citizens will take place in front of the Constitution at the National Archives in Washington, DC.

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Fifty Year Later: A Brief History of the Immigration Act of 1965

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Today's post comes from Rebecca Brenner, an intern in the History Office at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. Fifty years ago on October 3, 1965, at the base of the Statue of Liberty, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Immigration Act of 1965 into law.

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Hope you enjoy.

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Watch Did the Irish Discover America? Clip | HISTORY Channel

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Did Ireland's St. Brendan reach North America nearly 1,000 years before Columbus?

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Through sites and objects from across the globe, Slavery and Remembrance aims to broaden our understandings of a shared and painful past, the ways in which we collectively remember and forget, and the power of legacies to shape our present and future.

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Germany is a land full of culinary delights. Located in the middle of western Europe, it's at the same latitude as Newfoundland, which means the summer nights are long and inviting while wintertime is cold and snowy.

The Christian calendar is a map for German social events and there is always a celebration happening somewhere, with food specialties, presents, and homemade entertainment. Cozy gatherings with food and drink are the essence of German Gemütlichkeit (comfort and coziness).

German Food's Boring Reputation

German cuisine often has been labeled as stodgy and fatty, which can be attributed to the lack of variety in the rural German countryside until the last 200 years. Germany has benefited from a close association with Italy and France and adopted many of their spices and cooking methods, always with a German twist.

German Cuisine Varies by Region

Regional cuisines vary according to the geography (mountains, plains, and seas are all represented) and their proximity to waterways, where transportation and trade historically took place. Old World techniques of food preservation through salting, smoking, curing, or pickling is still a common way of preparing fish, meats, and vegetables. If you look at the popular dishes of matjes (pickled herring), sauerbraten (roast beef cured in vinegar and wine), or sauerkraut, you will find ancient cooking methods still in use today.

Oldest German Foods

In prehistoric times, German fare was likely bland. Unlike the Mediterranean countries, the growing season limited the people to early forms of wheat, barley, and pasture land for livestock. Sheep, cows, and goats were used for milk, butter, and cheese and occasionally meat products, which were served most often during feasts. The earliest spices in German cuisine were parsley, celery, and dill, which are still used today. The Romans introduced fruit tree cultivation and grapevines. Oats and rye were also added as agricultural methods became more sophisticated. The areas around Cologne were especially rich in fragrant spices and food due to its location and status as a trading city.

German Cuisine in Modern Times

Today, Germans still fall back on their rich heritage, serving wild game, lamb, pork, and beef with old and new ways of preparing them and their side dishes. Popular spices are mustard, horseradish, and juniper berries, which are found, for instance, in the Luneburg Heath. Still, modern German chefs have started to create newer, lighter fare, incorporating traditional foods into their menus.

Recipes for Traditional German Dishes

Germans love their meats, especially roasts. Some of the most common traditional meat dishes include roasted pork hocks ( Schweinshaxe), braised pork roast with cabbage ( Schweinebraten und Kohl), and Sauerbraten. Another well-known traditional dish is schnitzel, a German way of preparing meat, usually cutlets. There is a wide variety of preparation styles and sauces including Wienerschnitzel, Jagerschnitze l, and Zigeunerschnitzel.

It's pretty easy to make spaetzle (German dumplings) at home and if you're really feeling adventurous, you might try your hand at making German soft pretzels. Finish any German meal with common dessert recipes such as Alsatian apple cake, German rice pudding (Milchreis), or German streusel cake with cherries.

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Germany is a land full of culinary delights. Located in the middle of western Europe, it's at the same latitude as Newfoundland, which means the summer nights are long and inviting while wintertime is cold and snowy. The Christian calendar is a map for German social events and there is always a celebration happening somewhere, with food specialties, presents, and homemade entertainment.

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Overview

Poland, the seventh largest country in Europe, occupies an area of 120,727 square miles-some-what larger than the state of Nevada. Located in east-central Europe, it is bordered to the east by Russia and the Ukraine, the Czech Republic and Slovakia to the south, Germany to the west, and the Baltic Sea to the north. Drained by the Vistula and Oder Rivers, Poland is a land of varied land-scape-from the central lowlands, to the sand dunes and swamps of the Baltic coast, to the mountains of the Carpathians to the south. Its 1990 population of just over 38 million is largely homogeneous ethnically, religiously, and linguistically. Minority groups in the country include Germans, Ukrainians and Belarusans. Ninety-five percent of the population is Roman Catholic, and Polish is the national language. Warsaw, located in the central lowlands, is the nation's capital. Poland's national flag is bicolor: divided in half horizontally, it has a white stripe on the top half and a red one on the bottom. Polish Americans often display a flag similar to this with a crowned eagle at its center.

HISTORY

The very name of Poland harkens back to its origins in the Slavic tribes that inhabited the Vistula valley as early as the second millennium B.C. Migrations of these tribes resulted in three distinct subgroups: the West, East, and South Slavs. It was the West Slavs who became the ancestors of modern Poles, settling in and around the Oder and Vistula valleys. Highly clannish, these tribes were organized in tight kinship groups with commonly held property and a rough-and-ready sort of representative government regarding matters other than military. These West Slavs slowly joined in ever-larger units under the pressure of incursions by Avars and early Germans, ultimately being led by a tribe known as the Polanie. From that point on, these West Slavs, and increasingly the entire region, were referred to as Polania or later, Poland. Under the Polanian duke Mieszko and his Piast dynasty, further consolidation around what is modern Poznan created a true state; and in 966, Mieszko was converted to Christianity. It is this event that is commonly accepted as the founding date of Poland. It is doubly important because Mieszko's conversion to Christianity- Roman Catholicism-would link Poland's fortunes in the future to those of Western Europe. The East Slavs, centered at Kiev, were converted by missionaries from the Greek church, which in turn linked them to the Orthodox east.

Meanwhile, the South Slavs had been coalescing into larger units, forming what is known as Little Poland, as opposed to Great Poland of the Piasts. These South Slavs joined Great Poland under Casimir I and for several generations the new state thrived, checking the tide of German expansionism. But from the twelfth to thirteenth centuries, the new kingdom became fragmented by a duchy system that created political chaos and civil war among rival princes of the Piast lineage. Following devastations caused by Tatar invasions in the early thirteenth century, Poland was defenseless against a further tide of German settlement. One of the last Piasts, Casimir III, succeeded in reunifying the kingdom in 1338, and in 1386 it came under the rule of the Jagiellonian dynasty when the grand duke of Lithuania married the crown princess of the Piasts, Jadwiga. Known as Poland's Golden Age, the next two centuries of Jagiellonian rule enabled Poland-Lithuania to become the dominant power in central Europe, encompassing Hungary and Bohemia in its sphere of influence and producing a rich cultural heritage for the nation, including the achievements of such individuals as Copernicus (Mikołaj Kopernik, 1473-1543). At the same time, Poland enjoyed one of the most representative governments of its day as well as the most tolerant religious climate in Europe.

But with the end of the Jagiellonian dynasty in 1572, the kingdom once again fell apart as the landed gentry increasingly assumed local control, sapping the strength of the central government in Krakow. This state of affairs continued for two centuries until Poland was so weakened that it suffered three partitions: Austria took Galicia in 1772; Prussia acquired the northwestern section in 1793; and Tsarist Russia possessed the northeastern section in 1795). By the end of the three partitions, Poland had been completely wiped off the map of Europe. There would not be an independent Poland again for a century and a half, though a nominal Kingdom of Poland was established within the Russian Empire by the Congress of Vienna in 1815. In both Russia and Germany a strict policy of suppression of the Polish language and autonomous education was enforced.

After World War I, an independent Poland was once again re-established. With Josef Pilsudski (1867-1935) as its president and dictator from 1926 to 1935, Poland maintained an uneasy peace with the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. But with the onset of World War II, Poland was the first victim, and once again the nation was subsumed into other countries: Germany and the Soviet Union initially, and then solely under German rule. The Nazis used Poland as a killing ground to subdue and eradicate Polish culture by executing its intellectuals and nobles, and to "settle" the Jewish question once and for all by exterminating the Jews of Europe. In camps such as Auschwitz-Birkenau this gruesome strategy was put into effect, and by the end of the war in 1945, Poland had lost a fifth of its population, half of which-over three million-were Jews.

Liberation, however, did not mean freedom, for after the war Poland fell under the Soviet sphere; a communist state was set up and Poland once again had become a fiefdom to a foreign power. In 1956 Poland's workers went on a general strike in protest to Moscow's heavy-handed domination. Though brutally suppressed, the strike did force Poland's new leader Wladysław Gomułka to relax some of the totalitarian controls imposed by Warsaw and Moscow, and farms were decollectivized. Through successive leadership of Edward Gierek and General Wojciech Jaruzelski, however, the economic conditions worsened and the Poles struggled increasingly for more autonomy from Moscow. By 1980 three events had coincided that would be decisive for Poland's future: the Soviet Union was going bankrupt; Karol Cardinal Wojtyła became Pope John Paul II; and a new and illegal union, Solidarity, had been formed under Lech Wałesa. These last two especially brought Poland into international focus. By 1989, Solidarity won concessions from the government including participation in free elections. After their overwhelming victory, which brought to power their leader Lech Wałesa as President, Solidarity set up a coalition government with the communists; and with the fall of the Soviet Union, Poland along with all of central Europe, regained new breathing room in its heartland. The difficult task now confronting the country is a transformation from a centrally planned economy to a market economy, one that causes enormous dislocations including unemployment and runaway inflation.

THE FIRST POLES IN AMERICA

Poles numbered among the earliest colonists in the New World and today, as their numbers exceed ten million, they represent the largest of the Slavic groups in America. Though claims have been made for Poles sailing with Viking ships exploring the New World before 1600, there is no hard evidence to support them. By 1609, however, Polish immigrants do appear in the annals of Jamestown, having been recruited by the colony as skilled craftsmen to create products for export. These immigrants were integral in the establishment of both the glassmaking and woodworking industries in the new colonies. An early Polish explorer, Anthony Sadowski, set up a trading post along the Mississippi River which later became the city of Sandusky, Ohio. Two other names of note occur in the early history of what would become the American republic: the noblemen Tadeusz Kościuszko (1746-1817) and Casimir Pułaski (1747-1779) both fought on the rebel side in the Revolutionary War. Pulaski, killed in the battle of Savannah, is still honored by Polish Americans-Polonia as the ethnic community is referred to-by annual marches on October 11, Pulaski Day.

SIGNIFICANT IMMIGRATION WAVES

Since the times of those earliest Polish settlers- romantics, adventurers and men simply seeking a better economic life-there have been four distinct waves of immigration to the United States from Poland. The first and smallest, occasioned by the partitioning of Poland, lasted from roughly 1800 to 1860 and was largely made up of political dissidents and those who fled after the dissolution of their national homeland. The second wave was far more significant and took place between 1860 and World War I. Immigrants during this time were in search of a better economic life and tended to be of the rural class, so-called za chleben (for bread) emigrants. A third wave lasted from the end of World War I through the end of the Cold War and again comprised dissidents and political refugees. Since the fall of the Soviet Union and Poland's democratic reforms, there has been yet a fourth wave of a seemingly more temporary immigrant group, the wakacjusze, or those who come on tourists visas but find work and stay either illegally or legally. These economic immigrants generally plan to earn money and return to Poland.

The first wave of immigrants, from approximately 1800 to 1860, was largely made up of intellectuals and lesser nobility. Not only the partitioning of Poland, but insurrections in 1830 and 1863 also forced political dissidents from their Polish homeland. Many fled to London, Paris and Geneva, but at the same time New York and Chicago also received its share of such refugees from political oppression. Immigration figures are always a problematic issue, and those for Polish immigrants to the United States are no different. For much of the modern era there was no political entity such as Poland, so immigrants coming to America had an initial difficulty in describing their country of origin. Also, there was with Poles, more so than other ethnic immigrant groups, more back-and-forth travel between host country and home country. Poles have tended to save money and return to their native country in higher numbers than many other ethnic groups. Additionally, minorities within Poland who immigrated to the United States confuse the picture. Nonetheless, what numbers that exist from U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service records indicate that fewer than 2,000 Poles immigrated to the United States between 1800 and 1860.

The second wave of immigration was inaugurated in 1854 when about 800 Polish Catholics from Silesia founded Panna Maria, a farming colony in Texas. This symbolic opening of America to the Poles also opened the flood gates of immigration. The new arrivals tended to cluster in industrial cities and towns of the Midwest and Middle Atlantic States-New York, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Detroit, Milwaukee, Minneapolis, Chicago, and St. Louis-where they became steelworkers, meatpackers, miners, and later autoworkers. These cities still retain their large contingents of Polish Americans. A lasting legacy of these Poles in America is the vital role they played in the growth and development of the U.S. labor movement, Joseph Yablonski of the United Mine Workers only one case in point.

Confusion over exact numbers of Polish immigrants again becomes a problem during this period, with large under reporting, especially during the 1890s when immigration was highest. Most agree, however, that between mid-nineteenth century and World War I, some 2.5 million Poles immigrated to the United States. This wave of immigration can be further broken down to two successive movements of Poles from different regions of their partitioned

country. The first to come were the German Poles, who tended to be better educated and more skilled craftsmen than the Russian and Austrian Poles. High birthrates, overpopulation, and large-scale farming methods in Prussia, which forced small farmers off the land, all combined to send German Poles into emigration in the second half of the nineteenth century. German policy vis-a-vis restricting the power of the Catholic church also played a part in this exodus. Those arriving in the United States totalled roughly a half million during this period, with numbers dwindling by the end of the century.

However, just as German Polish immigration to the United States was diminishing, that of Russian and Austrian Poles was just getting underway. Again, overpopulation and land hunger drove this emigration, as well as the enthusiastic letters home that new arrivals in the United States sent to their relatives and loved ones. Many young men also fled from military conscription, especially in the years of military build-up just prior to and including the onset of World War I. Moreover, the journey to America itself had become less arduous, with shipping lines such as the North German Line and the Hamburg American Line now booking passage from point to point, combining overland as well as transatlantic passage and thereby simplifying border crossings. Numbers of Galician or Austrian Poles total approximately 800,000, and of Russian Poles-the last large immigration contingent- another 800,000. It has also been estimated that 30 percent of Galician and Russian Poles arriving between 1906 and 1914 returned to their homelands.

The influx of such large numbers of one ethnic group was sure to cause friction with the "established" Americans, and during the last half of the nineteenth century history witnesses intolerance toward many of the immigrants from divergent parts of Europe. That the Poles were strongly Catholic contributed to such friction, and thus Polonia or the Polish Americans formed even tighter links with each other, relying on ethnic cohesiveness not only for moral support, but financial, as well. Polish fraternal, national, and religious organizations such as the Polish National Alliance, the Polish Union, the Polish American Congress, and the Polish Roman Catholic Union have been instrumental in not only maintaining a Polish identity for immigrants, but also in obtaining insurance and home loans to set the new arrivals on their own feet in their new country. Such friction abated as Poles assimilated in their host country, to be supplanted by new waves of immigrants from other countries. Polish Americans have, however, continued to maintain a strong ethnic identity into the late twentieth century.

With the end of World War I and the re-establishment of an independent Polish state, it was believed that there would be a huge exodus of Polish immigrants returning to their homeland. Such an exodus did not materialize, though immigration over the next generation greatly dropped off. U.S. immigration quotas imposed in the 1920s had much to do with this, as did the Great Depression. But political oppression in Europe between the wars, displaced persons brought on by World War II, and the flight of dissidents from the communist regime did account for a further half million immigrants- many of them refugees-from Poland between 1918 and the late 1980s and the fall of communism.

The fourth wave of Polish immigration is now underway. This is comprised mostly of younger people who grew up under communism. Though not significant in numbers because of immigration quotas, this newest wave of post-Cold War immigrants, whether they be the short-term workers, wakacjusze, or long-term residents, continue to add new blood to Polish Americans, ensuring that the ethnic community continues to have foreign-born Poles among its contingent. Estimates from the 1970 census placed the number of either foreign born Poles or native born with at least one Polish parent at near three million. Over eight million claimed Polish ancestry in their background in the 1980 census and 9.5 million did so in the 1990 census, 90 percent of whom were concentrated in urban areas. A large part of such identity and cohesiveness was the result of outside conditions. It has been noted that initial friction between Polish immigrants and "established" Americans played some part in this inward looking stance. Additionally, such commonly held beliefs as folk culture and Catholicism provided further incentives for communalism. Newly arrived Poles generally had their closest contacts outside Polish Americans with their former European neighbors: Czechs, Germans, and Lithuanians. Over the years there has been a degree of friction specifically between the Polish American community and Jews and African Americans. However, during the years of partition, Polish Americans kept alive the belief in a free Poland. Such cohesiveness was further heightened in the Polish American community during the Cold War, when Poland was a satellite of the Soviet Union. But since the fall of the Soviet empire and with free elections in Poland, this outer threat to the homeland is no longer a factor in keeping Polish Americans together. The subsequent increase in immigration of the fourth wave of younger Poles escaping difficult transition times at home has added new numbers to immigrants in the United States, but it is yet to be seen what their effect will be on Polish Americans. As yet, these recent immigrants have played no part in the power structure-not being members of the fraternal organizations. What their effect in the future will be is unclear.

Acculturation and Assimilation

In a society so homogenized by the effects of mass media, such ethnic enclaves as the amorphous reaches of Polish Americans is clearly affected. Despite the recent emphasis on multiculturalism and a resurgent interest in ethnic roots, Polish Americans like other ethnic groups become assimilated more and more rapidly. Using language as a

"W e wanted to be Americans so quickly that we were embarrassed if our parents couldn't speak English. My father was reading a Polish paper. And somebody was supposed to come to the house. I remember sticking it under something. We were that ashamed of being foreign."

Louise Nagy in 1913, cited in Ellis Island: An Illustrated History of the Immigrant Experience, edited by Ivan Chermayeff et al. (New York: Macmillan, 1991).

measure, it can be seen how quickly such absorption occurs. In a 1960 survey of children of Polish ethnic leaders, 20 percent reported that they spoke Polish regularly. By 1990, however, the U.S. census reported that only 750,000 Polish Americans spoke Polish in the home.

As part of the European emigration, Polish immigrants have had an easier time racially than many other non-European groups in assimilating or blending into the American scene. But this is only a surface assimilation. Culturally, the Polish contingent has held tightly to its folk and national roots, making Polonia more than simply a name. It has been at times a country within a country, Poland in the New World. By and large, Poles have competed

well and succeeded in their new homeland; they have thrived and built homes and raised families, and in that respect have participated in and added to the American dream. Yet this process of assimilation has been far from smooth as witnessed by one fact: the Polish joke. Such jokes have at their core a negative representation of the Poles as backward and uneducated simpletons. It is perhaps this stereotype that is hardest for Polish Americans to combat, and is a legacy of the second wave of immigrants, the largest contingent between 1860 and 1914 made up of mostly people from Galicia and Russia. Though recent studies have shown Polish Americans to have high income levels as compared to British, German, Italian, and Irish immigrant groups, the same studies demonstrate that they come in last in terms of occupation and education. For many generations, Polish Americans in general did not value higher education, though such a stance has changed radically in the late twentieth century. The professions are now heavily represented with Polish Americans as well as the blue collar world. Yet the Polish joke persists and Polish Americans have been actively fighting it in the past two decades with not only educational programs but also law suits when necessary. The days of Polish Americans anglicizing their names seem to be over; along with other ethnic groups Polish Americans now talk of ethnic pride.

TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS

It had been noted that clans and kinship communities were extremely important in the early formation of Slavic tribes. This early form of communalism has been translated into today's world by the plethora of Polish American fraternal organizations. By the same token, other traditions out of the Polish rural and agrarian past still hold today.

Gospodarz may well be one of the prettiest sounding words in the Polish language-to a Pole. It means a landowner, and it is the land that has always been important in Poland. Ownership of land was one of the things that brought the huge influx of Poles to the United States, but less than ten percent achieved that dream, and these were mainly the German Poles who came first when there was still a frontier to carve out. The remaining Poles were stuck in the urban areas as wage-earners, though many of these managed to save the money to buy a small plot of land in the suburbs. Contrasted to this is the Górale, or mountaineer. To the lowlanders of Greater Poland, the stateless peoples of the southern Carpathians represented free human spirit, unbridled by convention and laws. Both of these impulses runs through the Polish peoples and informs their customs.

An agrarian people, many Poles have traditions and beliefs that revolve around the calendar year, the time for sowing and for reaping. And inextricably linked to this rhythm is that of the Catholic church whose saints' days mark the cycle of the year. A strong belief in good versus evil resulted in a corresponding belief in the devil: witches who could make milk cows go dry; the power of the evil eye, which both humans and animals could wield; the belief that if bees build a hive in one's house, the house will catch on fire; and the tradition that while goats are lucky animals, wolves, crows and pigeons all bring bad luck.

PROVERBS

Polish proverbs display the undercurrents of the Polish nature, its belief in simple pragmatism and honesty, and a cynical distrust of human nature: When misfortune knocks at the door, friends are asleep; the mistakes of the doctor are covered by the earth; the rich man has only two holes in his nose, the same as the poor man; listen much and speak little; he whose coach is drawn by hope has poverty for a coachman; if God wills, even a cock will lay an egg; he who lends to a friend makes an enemy; no fish without bones; no woman without a temper; where there is fire, a wind will soon be blowing.

CUISINE

The diet of Polish Americans has also changed over the years. One marked change from Poland is the increased consumption of meat. Polish sausages, especially the kielbasa -garlic-flavored pork sausage-have become all but synonymous with Polish cuisine. Other staples include cabbage in the form of sauerkraut or cabbage rolls, dark bread, potatoes, beets, barley, and oatmeal. Of course this traditional diet has been added to by usual American fare, but especially at festivities and celebrations such as Christmas and Easter, Polish Americans still serve their traditional food. Polish Americans have, in addition to the sausage, also contributed staples to American cuisine, including the breakfast roll, bialys, the babka coffeecake, and potato pancakes.

TRADITIONAL COSTUMES

Traditional clothing is worn less and less by Polish Americans, but such celebrations as Pulaski Day on October 11 of each year witness upwards of 100,000 Polish Americans parading between 26th Street and 52nd Street in New York, many of them wearing traditional dress. For women this means a combination blouse and petticoat covered by a full, brightly colored or embroidered skirt, an apron, and a jacket or bodice, also gaily decorated. Headdress ranges from a simple kerchief to more elaborate affairs made of feathers, flowers, beads, and ribbons decorating stiffened linen. Men also wear headdresses, though usually not as ornate as the women's-felt or straw hats or caps. Trousers are often white with red stripes, tucked into the boots or worn with mountaineering moccasins typical to the Carpathians. Vests or jackets cover white embroidered shirts, and the favorite colors replicate the flag: red and white.

HOLIDAYS

In addition to Pulaski Day, which President Harry Truman decreed an official remembrance day in 1946, Polish American celebrations consist mainly of the prominent liturgical holidays such as Christmas and Easter. The traditional Christmas Eve dinner, called wigilia, begins when the first star of the evening appears. The dinner, which is served upon a white tablecloth under which some straw has been placed, consists of 12 meatless courses-one for each of the apostles. There is also one empty chair kept at the table for a stranger who might chance by. This vigil supper begins with the breaking of a wafer, the oplatek, and the exchange of good wishes; it moves on to such traditional fare as apple pancakes, fish, pierogi or a type of filled dumpling, potato salad, sauerkraut and nut or poppy seed torte for dessert. To insure good luck in the coming year one must taste all courses, and there must also be an even number of people at the table to ensure good health. The singing of carols follows the supper. In Poland, between Christmas Eve and the Epiphany (January 6, or "Three Kings") "caroling with the manger" takes place in which carolers bearing a manger visit neighbors and are rewarded with money or treats. In Poland, the Christmas season comes to a close with Candelmas day on February 2, when the candles are taken to church to be blessed. It is believed that these blessed candles will protect the home from sickness or bad fortune.

The Tuesday before Ash Wednesday is celebrated by much feasting. Poles traditionally fried pą1451czki (fruit-filled doughnuts) in order to use the sugar and fat in the house before the long fast of Lent. In the United States, especially in Polish communities, the day before Ash Wednesday has become popularized as Pączki Day; Poles and non-Poles alike wait in line at Polish bakeries for this pastry. Easter is an especially important holiday for Polish Americans. Originally an agrarian people, the Poles focussed on Easter as the time of rebirth and regeneration not only religiously, but for their fields as well. It marked the beginning of a farmer's year. Consequently, it is still celebrated with feasts which include meats and traditional cakes, butter molded into the shape of a lamb, and elaborately decorated eggs ( pisanki ), and a good deal of drinking and dancing.

HEALTH ISSUES

There are no documented health problems specific to Polish Americans. Initially skeptical of modern medicine and more likely to try traditional home cures, Polish Americans soon were converted to the more modern practices. The creation of fraternal and insurance societies such as the Polish National Alliance in 1880, the Polish Roman Catholic Union in 1873, and the Polish Women's Alliance in 1898, helped to bring life insurance to a larger segment of Polonia. As with the majority of Americans, Polish Americans acquire health insurance at their own expense, or as part of a benefits package at their place of employment.

Language

Polish is a West Slavic language, part of the Lekhite subgroup, and is similar to Czech and Slovak. Modern Polish, written in the Roman alphabet, stems from the sixteenth century. It is still taught in Sunday schools and parochial schools for children. It is also taught in dozens of American universities and colleges. The first written examples of Polish are a list of names in a 1136 Papal Bull. Manuscripts in Polish exist from the fourteenth century. Its vocabulary is in part borrowed from Latin, German, Czech, Ukrainian, Belarusan, and English. Dialects include Great Polish, Pomeranian, Silesian and Mazovian. Spelling is phonetic with every letter pronounced. Consonants in particular have different pronunciation than in English. "Ch," for example is pronounced like "h" in horse; "j" is pronounced like "y" at the beginning of a word; "cz" is pronounced "ch" as in chair; "sz" is pronounced like "sh" as in shoe; "rz" and "z" are pronounced alike as the English "j" in jar; and "w" is pronounced like the English "v" in victory. Various diacriticals are also used in Polish: "ż," "ź," "ń," "ć," "ś," "ą," "ę," and "ł."

GREETINGS AND OTHER POPULAR EXPRESSIONS

Typical Polish greetings and other expressions include: Dzien dobry ("gyen dobry")-Good morning; Dobry wieczor ("dobry viechoor")-Good evening; Dowidzenia ("dovidzenyah")-Good-bye; Dozobaczenia ("dozobahchainya")-Till we meet again; Dziekuje ("gyen-kuyeh")-Thank you; Przepraszam ("psheprasham")-I beg your pardon; Nie ("nyeh")-No; Tak ("tahk")-Yes.

Family and Community Dynamics

Typically, the Polish family structure is strongly nuclear and patriarchal. However, as with other ethnic groups coming to America, Poles too have adapted to the American way of life, which means a stronger role for the woman in the family and in the working world, with a subsequent loosening of the strong family tie. Initially, single or married men were likely to immigrate alone, living in crowded quarters or rooming houses, saving their money and sending large amounts back to Poland. That immigration trend changed over the years, to be replaced by family units immigrating together. In the 1990s, however, the immigration pattern has come full circle, with many single men and women coming to the United States in search of work.

Until recently, Polish Americans have tended to marry within the community of Poles, but this too has changed over the years. A strong ethnic identity is maintained now not so much through shared traditions or folk culture, but through national pride. As with many European immigrant groups, male children were looked upon as the breadwinners and females as future wives and mothers. This held true through the second wave of immigrants, but with the third wave and with second and third generation families, women in general took a more important role in extra-familial life.

As with many other immigrant groups, the Poles maintain traditions most closely in those ceremonies for which the community holds great value: weddings, christenings and funerals. Weddings are no longer the hugely staged events of Polish heritage, but they are often long and heavy-drinking affairs, involving several of the customary seven steps: inquiry and proposal; betrothal; maiden evening and the symbolic unbraiding of the virgin's hair; baking the wedding cake; marriage ceremony; putting to bed; and removal to the groom's house. Traditional dances such as the krakowiak, oberek, mazur, and the zbo'jnicki will be enjoyed at such occasions, as well as the polka, a popular dance

among Polish Americans. (The polka, however, is not a Polish creation.) Also to be enjoyed at such gatherings are the national drink, vodka, and such traditional fare as roast pork, sausages, barszcs or beet soup, cabbage rolls and poppy seed cakes.

Christenings generally take place within two weeks of the birth on a Sunday or holiday; and for the devoutly Catholic Poles, it is a vital ceremony. Godparents are chosen who present the baby with gifts, more commonly money now than the traditional linens or caps of rural Poland. The christening feast, once a multi-day affair, has been toned down in modern times, but still involves the panoply of holiday foods. The ceremony itself may include a purification rite for the mother as well as baby, a tradition that goes back to the pre-Christian past.

Funerals also retain some of the old traditions. The word death in Polish (śmierċ) is a feminine noun, and is thought of as a tall woman draped in white. Once again, Catholic rites take over for the dead. Often the dead are accompanied in their coffins by strong shoes for the arduous journey ahead or by money as an entrance fee to heaven. The funeral itself is followed by a feast or stypa which may also include music and dancing.

EDUCATION

Education has also taken on more importance. Where a primary education was deemed sufficient for males in the early years of the twentieth century- much of it done in Catholic schools-the value of a university education for children of both sexes now mirrors the trend for American society as a whole. A 1972 study from U.S. Census statistics showed that almost 90 percent of Polish Americans between the ages of 25 and 34 had graduated from high school, as compared to only 45 percent of those over age 35. Additionally, a full quarter of the younger generation, those between the ages 25 and 34, had completed at least a four-year university education. In general, it appears that the higher socio-economic class of the Polish American, the more rapid is the transition from Polish identity to that of the dominant culture. Such rapid change has resulted in generational conflict, as it has throughout American society as a whole in the twentieth century.

Religion

Poland is a largely Catholic nation, a religion that survived even under the anti-clerical reign of the communists. It is a deeply ingrained part of the Polish life, and thus immigrants to the United States brought the religion with them, Initially, Polish American parishes were established from simple meetings of the local religious in stores or hotels. These meetings soon became societies, taking on the name of a saint, and later developed into the parish itself, with priests arriving from various areas of Poland. The members of the parish were responsible for everything: financial support of their clergy as well as construction of a church and any other buildings needed by the priest. Polish American Catholics were responsible for the creation of seven religious orders, including the Resurrectionists and the Felicians who in turn created schools and seminaries and brought nuns from Poland to help with orphanages and other social services.

Quickly the new arrivals turned their religious institution into both a parish and an okolica, a local area or neighborhood. There was rapid growth in the number of such ethnic parishes: from 17 in 1870 to 512 only 40 years later. The number peaked in 1935 at 800 and has tapered off since, with 760 in 1960. In the 1970s the level of church attendance was beginning to drop off sharply in the Polish American community, and the use of English in the mass was becoming commonplace. However, the newest contingent of Polish refugees has slowed this trend, raising attendance once again, and helping to restore masses in the Polish language at many churches.

All was not smooth for the Polish American Catholics. A largely Protestant nation in the nineteenth century, America proved somewhat intolerant of Catholics, a fact that only served to separate immigrant Poles from the mainstream even more. Also, within the church, there was dissension. Footing all the bills for the parish, still Polish American Catholics had little representation in the hierarchy. Such disputes ultimately led to the establishment of the Polish National Church in 1904. The founding bishop, Reverend Francis Hodur, built the institution to 34 churches and over 28,000 communicants in a dozen years' time.

Employment and Economic Traditions

As has been noted, the Polish immigrants were largely agrarian except for those intellectuals who fled political persecution, By and large they came the United States hoping to find a plot of land, but instead found the frontier closed and were forced instead into urban areas of the Midwest and Middle Atlantic states where they worked in steel mills, coal mines, meatpacking plants, oil refineries and the garment industry. The pay was low for such work: the average annual income for Polish immigrants in 1910 was only $325. The working day was long, as it was all across America at the time, averaging a ten-hour day. But still Polish Americans managed to save their money and by 1910 it is estimated that these immigrants had been able to send $40 million back to their relatives and loved ones in Russian and Austrian Poland. The amount was so large in fact, that a federal commission was set up to investigate the damages to the U.S. economy that such an outflow of funds might create.

Families pulled together in Polonia, with education coming second to the need for young boys to contribute to the annual income. The need for such economies began to decline after World War I, however, and by 1920 only ten percent of Polish Americans families derived income from the labor of children, and two-thirds were supported by the head of family. Over the years of the twentieth century- except for the years of the Great Depression-the economic situation of Polish Americans has steadily improved, with education taking on increasing importance, creating a parallel rise in Polish Americans in the white collar labor market. By 1970 only four percent were laborers; 23 percent were craftsmen.

Polish Americans have also been important in the formation of labor unions, not only swelling the membership, but also providing leaders such as David Dubinsky of the CIO and, as has been noted, Joseph Yablonski of the United Mine Workers.

Politics and Government

Though heavily concentrated in nine industrial states, Polish Americans did not, until the 1930s, begin to flex their political muscle. Language barriers played a part in this, but more important was the fact that earlier immigrants were too concerned with family and community issues to pay attention to the national political scene. Even in Chicago, where Polish Americans made up 12 percent of the population, they did not elect one of their own to the U.S. Congress until 1920. The first Polish American congressional representative was elected from Milwaukee in 1918.

Increasingly, however, Polish Americans have begun playing a more active role in domestic politics and have tended to vote in large numbers for the Democrats. Al Smith, a Democrat and Roman Catholic who was opposed to Prohibition, was one of the first beneficiaries of the Polish American block vote. Though he lost the election, Smith received an overwhelming majority of the Polish American vote. The Great Depression mobilized Polish Americans even more politically, organizing the Polish American Democratic Organization and supporting the New Deal policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt. By 1944 this organization could throw large numbers of Polish American votes Roosevelt's way and were correspondingly compensated by federal patronage. Prominent Polish American members of congress have been Representatives Dan Rostenkowski and Roman Pucinski, both Democrats from Illinois, and Senator Barbara Mikulski, a Democrat from Maryland. Maine's Senator Edmund Muskie was also of Polish American heritage.

RELATIONS WITH POLAND

Internationally Polish Americans have been more active politically than domestically. The Polish National Alliance, founded in 1880, was-in addition to being a mutual aid society-a fervent proponent of a free Poland. Such a goal manifested itself in very pragmatic terms: during World War I, Polish Americans not only sent their young to fight, but also the $250 million they subscribed in liberty bonds. Polish Americans also lobbied Washington with the objective of a free Poland in mind. The Polish American Congress (PAC) was created in 1944 to help secure independence for Poland, opposing the Yalta and Potsdam agreements, which established Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe. During this same time, Polish American socialists formed the Pro-Soviet Polish American Council, but its power waned in the early years of the Cold War. PAC, however, fought on into the 1980s, supporting Solidarity, the union movement in Poland largely responsible for the downfall of the communist government. Gifts of food, clothing and lobbying in Washington were all part of the PAC campaign for an independent Poland and the organization has been very active in the establishment of a free market system in Poland since the fall of the communist government.

Individual and Group Contributions

Polish Americans comprised only 2.5 percent of the U.S. population according to the 1990 census, but they have influenced the nation's sciences and popular culture in greater proportion.

ACADEMIA

Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942), a pioneer of cultural anthropology, emphasized the concept of culture in meeting humankind's basic needs; he taught at Yale late in his life, after writing such important books as Argonauts of the Western Pacific and The Sexual Life of Savages in Northwestern Melanesia. Linguist Alfred Korzybski (1879-1950), born in Warsaw, came to the United States in 1918; his work in linguistics focussed on the power of the different value and meaning of words in different languages in an effort to reduce misunderstanding; he founded the Institute of General Semantics in 1938 in Chicago, and his research and books- including Manhood and Humanity and Science and Sanity -have been incorporated in modern psychology and philosophy curricula as well as linguistics.

COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY

Oleg Cassini, Polish Italian, also made a name in fashion. Ruth Handler (1917- ), co-founder of Mattel toy company and creator of the Barbie doll, was born to Polish immigrant parents in Colorado. William Filene (1830-1901) was born in Posen and founded Boston's Filene department store. Iowa's largest department store, Younker's, was founded by three Polish immigrant brothers-Samuel, Marcus, and Lipma Younker-in 1850. The food industry in America has also had prominent Polish Americans among its ranks. Mrs. Paul's Fish is the creation of Polish American Edward J. Piszek (1917- ). Leo Gerstenzang (1923- ) was a Polish immigrant from Warsaw who invented the Q-Tip cotton swab.

ENTERTAINMENT

Hollywood has had its fair share of Polish-born men and women who have helped to shape that industry, including Harry and Jack Warner of Warner Bros. Entertainers and actors such as Sophie Tucker and Pola Negri also managed to hide their ethnic roots by changing their names. The pianist and performer Liberace (1919-1987), half-Polish and half-Italian, was born Władzie Valentino Liberace. More recently, the Polish-born Hollywood and international cinematographer Hubert Taczanowski has made outstanding contributions.

LITERATURE AND JOURNALISM

Jerzy Kosinski (1933-1991), the Polish-born novelist, came to the United States after World War II; his Painted Bird relates the experiences of a small boy in Nazi-occupied Poland and is one of the most stirring and troubling novels to come out of that time. The poet Czesław Miłosz (1911- ), naturalized in 1970, won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1980. Born in Lithuania of Polish parents, Miłosz studied law and served in the diplomatic corps as well as establishing a name for himself as a poet before immigrating in 1960; some of his best known works are The Captive Mind, The Issa Valley, and The Usurpers. The cartoonist Jules Feiffer (1929- ), known for his offbeat and biting wit, was born to Polish immigrant parents in the United States.

MUSIC

Leopold Stokowski (1882-1977), is just one of the musical luminaries to carry on the Ignacy Paderewski tradition; born in London of Polish and Irish parents; Stokowski, a renowned conductor, became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 1915; he was best known as conductor of the Philadelphia Orchestra for many years, and for popularizing classical music in America; his appearance in the 1940 Disney film, Fantasia, is an example of such popularizing efforts. The jazz drummer Gene Krupa (1909-1973), the measure for drummers long after, was also of Polish heritage; Krupa was born in Chicago and played with Benny Goodman's orchestra before forming his own band in 1943; he revolutionized the role of the drummer in a jazz band.

POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT

In addition to above-mentioned members of congress, two other recent Polish Americans have made their names in Washington. Leon Jaworski (1905-1982) was the prosecutor in the 1973 Watergate investigation of then President Richard Nixon; and Zbigniew Brzezinski, born in Warsaw in 1928 and naturalized in 1958, was an important advisor to President Carter from 1977 to 1980 on the National Security Council.

SCIENCE

The biochemist Casimir Funk (1884-1967) was, in 1912, the first to discover and use the term vitamin; his so-called vitamin hypothesis postulated that certain diseases such as scurvy and pellagra resulted from lack of crucial substance in the body; Funk also went on to do research in sex hormones and cancer; he lived in the United States from 1939 until his death. Dr. Stanley Dudrick developed the important new method of vein feeding termed IHV- intravenous hyperalimentation.

SPORTS

Many notable Polish Americans have made their names household words in baseball. Included among these are the pitcher Stan Coveleski (1888-1984) whose 17-year career from 1912-1928 earned him a place in the Hall of Fame in 1969; Stan Musial (1920- ), right field, another member of the Baseball Hall of Fame, who played for St. Louis from 1941 to 1963; Carl Yastrzemski (1939- ), left fielder for the Boston Red Sox, was voted to the Hall of Fame in 1989; and Al Simmons (1902-1956), born Aloysius Harry Szymanski, who played center field for the Philadelphia Athletics from 1924-1944. In football there have been numerous outstanding Polish American players and coaches, Chicago's Mike Ditka (1939- ) a stand-out among these, playing as a tight end for the Bears from 1961 to 1972 and later coaching the team to a Super Bowl championship in 1985; a Hall of Fame player, Ditka has most recently worked as a television sports commentator.

VISUAL ARTS

Korczak Ziolkowski (1909-1982), an assistant to Gutzon Borglum in the monumental Mount Rushmore project in South Dakota, continued that monumental style with a 500-foot by 640-foot statue of Chief Crazy Horse still being blasted out of solid rock in the Black Hills by his family.

PRINT

Dziennik Zwiazkowy/Polish Daily News.

Published in Polish, it covers national and international news with a special emphasis on matters effecting the Polish American community.

Contact: Wojciech Bialasiewicz, Editor.

Address: 5711 North Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60646-6215.

Telephone: (773) 763-3343.

Fax: (773) 763-3825.

E-mail: polish@popmailinsnet.com

Gazeta Polska.

Polish-language newspaper.

Address: 5242 West Diversey Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60639.

Telephone: (312) 685-1281.

Fax: (312) 283-1675.

Glos.

Polish-language newspaper.

Contact: Andrzej Dobrowolski, Editor.

Address: 140 Greenpoint Avenue, Brooklyn, New York 11222.

Glos Polek/Polish Women's Voice.

Biweekly publication of the Polish Women's Alliance of America.

Contact: Mary Mirecki-Piergies, Editor.

Address: 205 South Northwest Highway, Park Ridge, Illinois 60068.

Fax: (708) 692-2675.

Published weekly in Polish, it provides national and international news for the Polish American community as well as information about Polish activities and organizations domestically.

Contact: Malgorzata Terentiew-Cwiklinski, Editor.

Address: 2619 Post Road, Stevens Point, Wisconsin 54481.

Telephone: (715) 345-0744.

Fax: (715) 345-1913.

Narod Polski.

Publication of the Polish Roman Catholic Union of America.

Contact: Kathryn G. Rosypal, Editor.

Address: 984 Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60622-4101.

Telephone: (773) 278-3210 or (800) 772-8632.

Fax: (778) 278-4595.

Online: http://www.prcua.org/narod.htm .

New Horizon: Polish American Review.

Contains items of interest to the Polish community.

Contact: B. Wierzbianski, Editor.

Address: 333 West 38th Street, New York, New York 10018-2914.

Telephone: (212) 354-0490.

Nowy Dziennik/Polish Daily News.

Polish-language newspaper.

Contact: Boleslaw Wierzbianski, Editor.

Address: 333 West 38th Street, New York, New York 10018-2914.

Telephone: (212) 594-2266.

Fax: (212) 594-2383

E-mail: listy@dziennik.com or deptula@dziennik.com.

Perspectives.

A Polish American educational and cultural bimonthly.

Contact: Krystyna Kusielewicz, Editor.

Address: c/o Marta Korwin Rhodes, 7300 Connecticut Avenue, Bethesda, Maryland 20815-4930.

Telephone: (202) 554-4267.

Polish American Journal.

Official organ of the Polish Union of the United States. Published monthly, it covers national, international, and regional news of interest to Polish Americans.

Contact: Mark Kohan, Editor.

Address: 1275 Harlem Road, Buffalo, New York 14206-1960.

Telephone: (716) 893-5771.

Fax: (716) 893-5783.

Polish American Studies.

A journal of the Polish American Historical Association devoted to Polish American history and culture.

Contact: James S. Pula, Editor.

Address: 984 Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60622.

Polish American World.

Published weekly, it reports on activities and events in the Polish American community and on life in Poland.

Contact: Thomas Poskropski, Editor.

Address: 3100 Grand Boulevard, Baldwin, New York 11510.

Telephone: (516) 223-6514.

Polish Digest.

Covers history of Poland, news from Poland, and Polish culture.

Contact: Leszek Zielinski, Editor.

Address: c/o Horyzonty, 1924 North Seventh Street, Sheboygan, Wisconsin 53081-2724.

Telephone: (715) 341-6959.

Fax: (715) 346-7516.

Polish Fest News.

Contact: Ray Trzesniewski, Jr., Editor.

Address: Polish Festivals, Inc., 7128 West Rawson Avenue, Franklin, Wisconsin 53132.

Telephone: (414) 529-2140.

Polish Heritage.

A quarterly review of the American Council for Polish Culture.

Contact: Wallace M. West, Editor.

Address: 6507 107th Terrace, Pinellas Park, Florida 34666-2432.

Telephone: (813) 541-7875.

Polish Heritage Society Biuletyn.

Monthly newsletter of the Polish Heritage Society; encourages the preservation and understanding of Polish and Polish American culture and history.

Contact: Pat McBride, Editor.

Address: P.O. Box 1844, Grand Rapids, Michigan 49501-1844.

Telephone: (616) 456-5353.

Fax: (616) 456-8929.

Polish Review.

Scholarly journal of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences of America devoted to the study of Polish history and culture.

Contact: Joseph W. Wieczerzak, Editor.

Address: 208 East 30th Street, New York, New York 10016.

Telephone: (212) 686-4164.

Fax: (212) 545-1130.

Swiat Polski/Polish World.

Published weekly in Polish.

Contact: Ewa Matuszewski, Editor.

Address: 11903 Joseph Campau Street, Hamtramck, Michigan 48212.

Telephone: (313) 365-1990.

Fax: (313) 365-0850.

E-mail: sszcze4594@aol.com.

Zgoda.

Published by the Polish National Alliance of North America, contains fraternal, cultural, sports, and general news in Polish and English.

Contact: Wojciech A. Wierzewski, Editor.

Address: 6100 North Cicero Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60646-4385.

Telephone: (773) 286-0500.

Fax: (773) 286-0842.

E-mail: pnazgoda@ais.net.

RADIO

WBRK-AM.

Polish American Programming.

Contact: Tom Wotjkowski.

Address: 100 North Street, Pittsfield, Massachusetts 01201.

Telephone: (413) 442-1553.

WCSS-AM.

"Polka Party."

Contact: Dan Kielbasa.

Address: 6 Genessee Lane, Amsterdam, New York 12010.

Telephone: (518) 843-2500.

WEDC-AM.

"Polish Sunshine Hour."

Contact: Halina Gramza.

Address: 5475 North Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60630.

Telephone: (312) 631-0700.

TELEVISION

WCIU-TV.

"Polevision," a daily two-hour show airs between 7:00 p.m. and 9:00 p.m. with programs in both Polish and English.

Contact: Robert Lewandowski.

Address: Board of Trade Building, 141 West Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Illinois 60604.

Telephone: (312) 663-0260.

Organizations and Associations

American Council for Polish Culture (ACPC).

National federation of groups devoted to fostering and preserving Polish ethnic heritage in the United States.

Contact: Dr. Kaya Mirecka-Ploss, Executive Director.

Address: 2025 O Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036.

Telephone: (202) 785-2320.

American Institute of Polish Culture (AIPC).

Furthers knowledge of and appreciation for the history, science, art, and culture of Poland.

Contact: Blanka A. Rosenstiel, President.

Address: 1440 79th Street Causeway, Suite 117, Miami, Florida 33141.

Telephone: (305) 864-2349.

Fax: (305) 865-5150.

Polish American Congress (PAC).

Umbrella organization for local and national Polish organizations in the United States with more than three million combined members. Promotes improved quality of life for Polish Americans and people in Poland.

Contact: Eugene Rosypal, Executive Director.

Address: 5711 North Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60646-6215.

Telephone: (773) 763-9944.

Fax: (773) 763-7114.

E-mail: pacchgo@mindspring.com.

Online: http://www.polamcon.org .

Polish American Historical Association (PAHA).

Concerned with Polish Americana and the history of Poles in the United States.

Address: 984 North Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60622.

Telephone: (773) 384-3352.

Fax: (773) 384-3799.

Polish Falcons of America.

Founded in 1887, the Polish Falcons have a membership of 31,000 in 143 groups or "nests." Established as a fraternal benefit insurance society for people of Polish or Slavic descent, the Falcons also took on a strong nationalist sentiment, demanding a free Poland. The society promotes athletic and educational events and provides a scholarship fund for those majoring in physical education. The Falcons also publish a bi-monthly publication in Polish, Sokol Polski.

Contact: Wallace Zielinski, President.

Address: 615 Iron City Drive, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15205.

Telephone: (412) 922-2244.

Fax: (412) 922-5029.

Online: http://www.polishfalcons.org .

Polish Genealogical Society of America (PGSA).

Promotes Polish genealogical study and establishes communication among researchers.

Contact: Stanley R. Schmidt, President.

Address: 984 North Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60622.

E-mail: PGSAmerica@aol.com. Online: http://www.pgsa.org .

Polish National Alliance of the United States (PNA).

Founded in 1880, the PNA has a membership of 286,000 made up of nearly 1,000 regional groups. Originally founded as a fraternal life insurance society, PNA continues this original role while also sponsoring education and cultural affairs. It maintains a library of 14,000 volumes.

Contact: Edward Moskal, President.

Address: 6100 North Cicero, Chicago, Illinois 60646-4385.

Telephone: (773) 286-0500 or (800) 621-3723.

Fax: (773) 286-0842.

E-mail: pnazgoda@ais.net.

Online: http://www.pna-znp.org/index.html .

Polish Roman Catholic Union of America.

Founded in 1873, the Roman Catholic Union has a membership of 90,000 in 529 groups. Founded as a fraternal benefit life insurance society, the union sponsors sports and youth activities, and conducts language school as well as dance and children's programs. It also has a library of 25,000 volumes.

Contact: Josephine Szarowicz, Secretary General.

Address: 984 Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago Illinois 60622.

Telephone: (773) 278-3210.

Fax: (773) 278-4595.

Polish Surname Network (PSN).

Collects and disseminates genealogical information on surnames of Polish heritage. Provides fee-based research, research analysis, and translation services.

Contact: Mary S. Hartig, Executive Officer.

Address: 158 South Walter Avenue, Newbury Park, California 91320.

Polish Union of the United States.

Founded in 1890, the Polish Union has a membership of 12,000 in 100 groups. This fraternal benefit life insurance society bestows the Copernicus Award to a student excelling in astronomy. Publishes the monthly Polish American Journal.

Contact: Wallace S. Piotrowski, President.

Address: 4191 North Buffalo Street, Orchard Park, New York 14127-0684.

Telephone: (716) 667-9782.

Polish Women's Alliance of America.

Founded in 1898, the Polish Women's Alliance has a membership of 65,000 in 775 groups or chapters. It is a fraternal benefit life insurance society administered by women and maintains a library of 7,500 volumes on Polish and American culture and history.

Contact: Delphine Lytell, Pres.

Address: 205 South Northwest Highway, Park Ridge, Illinois 60068.

Telephone: (708) 384-1200.

Fax: (847) 384-1222.

E-mail: pres@pwaa.org.

Online: http://www.pwaa.org .

Museums and Research Centers

Many public libraries, including the Los Angeles Public Library, New York Public Library/Donnell Library Center, Boston Public Library, Denver Public Library, Miami/Dade Public Library, and the Detroit Public Library, have extensive Polish language collections to serve the Polish American communities.

American Institute for Polish Culture.

Founded in 1972 to promote the appreciation for history, culture, science and art of Poland, the American Institute for Polish Culture sponsors exhibits, lectures, and research and maintains a 1,200-volume library and publishes books on history and biography.

Contact: Blank A. Rosenstiel, President.

Address: 1440 79th Street, Causeway, Suite 403, Miami, Florida 33141.

Telephone: (305) 864-2349.

Center for Polish Studies and Culture.

Founded in 1970 at St. Mary's College, the Center for Polish Studies promotes research in the teaching of Polish and arranges educational exchanges. It also maintains a library, art gallery, and a museum of artifacts from Polish Americans.

Contact: Janusz Wrobel.

Address: St. Mary's College, Orchard Lake, Michigan 48034.

Telephone: (810) 682-1885.

Kosciuszko Foundation.

Founded in 1925, the Kosciuszko Foundation is named after the Polish nobleman who fought in the American revolution. The foundation is a clearing-house for information on Polish and American cultural affairs. Also known as the American Center for Polish Culture, the foundation has a reference library and arranges educational exchanges as well as administers scholarships and stipends.

Contact: Joseph E. Gore, President.

Address: 15 East 65th Street, New York, New York 10021.

Telephone: (212) 734-2130.

Polish Museum of America.

Founded in 1937, the Polish Museum preserves artifacts of the Polish American experience and mounts displays of costumes, religious artifacts and Polish art. It also maintains a 25,000-volume library for researchers and the Polish American Historical Association which is concerned with the history of Poles in America.

Contact: Dr. Christoph Kamyszew, Director and Curator.

Address: 984 North Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60622.

Sources for Additional Study

Bukowczyk, John. And My Children Did Not Know Me: A History of the Polish-Americans. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987.

Fox, Paul. The Poles in America. New York: Arno Press, 1970.

Lopata, Helena Znaniecka. Polish Americans: Status Competition in an Ethnic Community, second edition. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transactions Publishers, 1974; reprinted, 1994.

Morawska, Ewa. The Maintenance of Ethnicity: A Case Study of the Polish American Community in Greater Boston. San Francisco: R&E Associates 1977.

Renkiewicz, Frank. The Poles in America, 1608-1972: A Chronology and Fact Book. Dobbs Ferry, New York: Oceana Publications, Inc., 1973.

Wytrwal, Joseph. America's Polish Heritage: A Social History of the Poles in America. Detroit, Michigan: Endurance Press, 1961.

Zieleniewicz, Andrzej. Poland, translated, revised, and edited by Robert Strybel, Leonard Chrobot, Robert Geryk, Joseph Swastek, and Walter Ziemba. Orchard Lake, Michigan: Center for Polish Studies and Culture, 1971.

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Polish Americans - History, The first poles in america, Significant immigration waves

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Poland, the seventh largest country in Europe, occupies an area of 120,727 square miles-some-what larger than the state of Nevada. Located in east-central Europe, it is bordered to the east by Russia and the Ukraine, the Czech Republic and Slovakia to the south, Germany to the west, and the Baltic Sea to the north.

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Germany is a land full of culinary delights. Located in the middle of western Europe, it's at the same latitude as Newfoundland, which means the summer nights are long and inviting while wintertime is cold and snowy.

The Christian calendar is a map for German social events and there is always a celebration happening somewhere, with food specialties, presents, and homemade entertainment. Cozy gatherings with food and drink are the essence of German Gemütlichkeit (comfort and coziness).

German Food's Boring Reputation

German cuisine often has been labeled as stodgy and fatty, which can be attributed to the lack of variety in the rural German countryside until the last 200 years. Germany has benefited from a close association with Italy and France and adopted many of their spices and cooking methods, always with a German twist.

German Cuisine Varies by Region

Regional cuisines vary according to the geography (mountains, plains, and seas are all represented) and their proximity to waterways, where transportation and trade historically took place. Old World techniques of food preservation through salting, smoking, curing, or pickling is still a common way of preparing fish, meats, and vegetables. If you look at the popular dishes of matjes (pickled herring), sauerbraten (roast beef cured in vinegar and wine), or sauerkraut, you will find ancient cooking methods still in use today.

Oldest German Foods

In prehistoric times, German fare was likely bland. Unlike the Mediterranean countries, the growing season limited the people to early forms of wheat, barley, and pasture land for livestock. Sheep, cows, and goats were used for milk, butter, and cheese and occasionally meat products, which were served most often during feasts. The earliest spices in German cuisine were parsley, celery, and dill, which are still used today. The Romans introduced fruit tree cultivation and grapevines. Oats and rye were also added as agricultural methods became more sophisticated. The areas around Cologne were especially rich in fragrant spices and food due to its location and status as a trading city.

German Cuisine in Modern Times

Today, Germans still fall back on their rich heritage, serving wild game, lamb, pork, and beef with old and new ways of preparing them and their side dishes. Popular spices are mustard, horseradish, and juniper berries, which are found, for instance, in the Luneburg Heath. Still, modern German chefs have started to create newer, lighter fare, incorporating traditional foods into their menus.

Recipes for Traditional German Dishes

Germans love their meats, especially roasts. Some of the most common traditional meat dishes include roasted pork hocks ( Schweinshaxe), braised pork roast with cabbage ( Schweinebraten und Kohl), and Sauerbraten. Another well-known traditional dish is schnitzel, a German way of preparing meat, usually cutlets. There is a wide variety of preparation styles and sauces including Wienerschnitzel, Jagerschnitze l, and Zigeunerschnitzel.

It's pretty easy to make spaetzle (German dumplings) at home and if you're really feeling adventurous, you might try your hand at making German soft pretzels. Finish any German meal with common dessert recipes such as Alsatian apple cake, German rice pudding (Milchreis), or German streusel cake with cherries.

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Germany is a land full of culinary delights. Located in the middle of western Europe, it's at the same latitude as Newfoundland, which means the summer nights are long and inviting while wintertime is cold and snowy. The Christian calendar is a map for German social events and there is always a celebration happening somewhere, with food specialties, presents, and homemade entertainment.

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Clan Henderson (Clann Eanruig) is a Scottish clan.[3] The clan's historical seat is at Fordell Castle in Dalgety Bay, Fife. The current clan chief is Alistair Henderson of Fordell.

Origins

There are multiple origins for the Scottish patrynomic surname of Henderson, meaning "son of Henry" or "son of Hendry", with three being the most well-known.[3] The Hendersons who lived in the Scottish Borders were often found in the variant of Henryson.[3] Although these Hendersons were not a significant power in the Borders they were still classed as a riding clan.[3] Henryson was a common name in the 14th century and beyond.[4] Notable documented individuals include: 1373-1377, William Henryeson was chamberlain of Lochmaben Castle;[3][4] John Henryson was burgess of Edinburgh c. 1387-1395; James Henryson was burned as a heretic in Perth in 1407.[4]

There were also Hendersons who were septs of the Clan MacDonald of Glencoe and septs of the Clan Gunn in the far north of the country.[3] There is no known connection between the Hendersons of Clan Gunn and Clan MacDonald or the Hendersons of the Scottish Borders.[3]

16th century

The clan spread from Dumfrieshire to Liddesdale, however they do not appear in the list of border clans that were named by Parliament in 1594, when it was attempting to suppress the Border Reivers.[3] From the Dumfrieshire family of Hendersons descended James Henderson or Henryson who became Lord Advocate in about 1494.[3][4] He was later appointed to the Bench.[3] From 1510-1512, he acquired lands in Fordell, Fife including the original tower of Fordell Castle.[3] Fordell became the designation of the Lowland Henderson chiefs and it is from them that the present chiefs are descended.[3] He was killed at the Battle of Flodden in 1513.[3]

17th century and civil war

One of the most prominent of the Clan Henderson was Alexander Henderson of Fordell who was born in about 1583.[3] He was educated at the University of St Andrews where he became a Master of Arts and a Professor of Philosophy before 1611.[3] He later became the minister of the parish of Leuchars and was violently opposed to Charles I's attempts to reform the Church of Scotland.[3] He was especially opposed to the new prayer book and travelled to Edinburgh where he presented a petition to the Privy Council, stating that the book had not received the sanction of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland or the Parliament.[3] Henderson and Johnston of Warriston together drafted the National Covenant which was first sworn and subscribed in Greyfriars Kirk in Edinburgh.[3] Henderson was unanimously elected moderator of the General Assembly in Glasgow in 1638 and was therefore at the forefront of church politics during the troubled reign of Charles I.[3] Henderson was also responsible for drafting the Solemn League and Covenant in 1643.[3] When the king sundered himself to the Scottish army it was to Henderson that he sent to discuss with his disaffected subjects.[3] Henderson met with the king but failed in his attempts to make him accede to the Church's demands.[3] Henderson died due to ill health in August 1646 and was buried in Greyfriars church yard, the scene of his greatest triumph and where there is a monument to him.[3]

Meanwhile, John Henderson, 5th of Fordell fought as a staunch royalist for the king during the Scottish Civil War.[5][6]

The Hendersons of Glen Coe, in the Highlands, take the English version of their name from the Gaelic MacEanruig, claiming descent from a Pictish prince, Eanruig Mor Mac Righ Neachtain, or big Henry son of King Neachtain. Neachtain ( Nechtan mac Der-Ilei) is said to have reigned between 700 and 724.[3] It is not known when the Hendersons came to Glen Coe but it is said Dougall MacHenry, the last of their chiefs in the direct line, fathered an heiress, who according to tradition had a son by her lover Aonghus Óg of Islay, and that their son was Ian (John) Fraoch.[3][7] Ian Fraoch's son was Iain Abrach whose patronymic was MacIain and that became the designation of the chiefs of the MacDonalds of Glencoe.[3] The Hendersons were the hereditary pipers and armor-bearers of the chiefs of the Clan MacDonald of Glencoe.[3][8]

The Henderson Stone -- Clach Eanruig in Gaelic-is a granite boulder in a field a little south of Carnach in the Glencoe area.[9][10] Historic tradition in the area includes two separate stories involving the Henderson Stone and a warning from a Campbell soldier of the impending massacre of 1692. One version of the story involves a soldier speaking a warning to the stone, in the presence of a local resident: "Great stone in the Glen, though you have every right to be there, if you knew what was to happen tonight you would not stay there on any account."[11] The other version involves a Campbell piper playing a song at the stone, meant as a warning to the residents.[12] Tradition has it that the local who heard the cryptic message escaped, but was unable to warn many others.[13]

In 1692 when the Massacre of Glencoe took place, it is said that the chief's personal attendant and piper, Big Henderson of the Chanters, was among those killed.[3]

Another group of Hendersons originated in Caithness in the far north of the Scottish Highlands.[3] In the late 15th century, a family difference led Henry Gunn, youngest son of the Clan Gunn chief, to branch off, forming the Henderson family line in Caithness.[14]

The Chief of Clan Henderson is Alistair Donald Henderson of Fordell, an environmental engineer specialising in air pollution control who lives in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia. The Chief is recognised by Lord Lyon, King of Arms, and is a member of the Standing Council of Scottish Chiefs.[15]

Fordell Castle which is about one mile north of Inverkeithing in Fife was held by the Hendersons for over 300 years.[2] It is not known when the original castle structure was constructed, but the main entrance tower is believed to date from the 1400s. James Henderson, 3rd of Fordell, started to extend the castle in 1566.[16] The castle burned in 1568.[17] During the Civil War of the seventeenth century the castle was sacked by the forces of Oliver Cromwell after the Battle of Inverkeithing in 1651, after which troops were garrisoned at the castle and mill.[2][18] The castle later passed by marriage to the Duncans of Camperdown.[2]

Otterston Tower is close to Fordell, about two miles west of Aberdour.[2] It is an L-plan tower house although a mansion was later added and remodelled.[2] It was held by the Hendersons in the early sixteenth century and it was they who built the tower, however it had passed to the Mowbrays of Barnbougle by 1589.[2]

Broomhill House to the south of Edinburgh was held by the Hendersons between 1508 and 1648.[2] However a castle followed by a mansion have since been demolished.[2] The lands later passed to the Bairds of Newbyth and then to the Trotters of Mortonhall.[2]

The Henderson/MacKendrick tartan is found in modern, ancient, weathered, and muted colors, and there are also Henderson dress and dance tartans.

Septs and surname variations of the Clan Henderson include:

Gaelic variations:

MacEanrig / Eanrig

MacEnrig / Enrig

MacIanruig / Ianruig

MacIanrig / Ianrig

MacInrig / Inrig

MacCanruig / Canruig

MacCanrig / Canrig

Latin variations:

(filius) Henrici

Henrisoun / Henrisone

Anglicised variations:

(Mac) Anrig / Andrig / An(d)rigson

(Mac) Enrig / Endrig / Endrigson

(Mac) Henrig / Hendrig / Hendrigson

(Mac) Kenrig / Kendrig / Kendrigson

(Mac) Kanrig / Kandrig / Kandrigson

(Mac) Canrig / Candrig / Candrigson

(Mac) Anri(c)k / Andri(c)k / An(d)ri(c)kson

(Mac) Enri(c)k / Endri(c)k / En(d)ri(c)kson

(Mac) Henri(c)k / Hendri(c)k / Hen(d)ri(c)kson

(Mac) Kenri(c)k / Kendri(c)k / Ken(d)ri(c)kson

(Mac) Kanri(c)k / Kandri(c)k / Kan(d)ri(c)kson

(Mac) Canri(c)k / Candri(c)k / Can(d)ri(c)kson

(Mac) Anry / Andry / An(d)ryson

(Mac) Henry / Hendry / Hen(d)ryson / Hen(d)rysoun

(Mac) Kenry / Kendry / Ken(d)ryson

(Mac) Anrie / Andrie / An(d)rieson

(Mac) Henrie / Hendrie / Hen(d)rieson / Hen(d)riesoun

(Mac) Kenrie / Kendrie / Ken(d)rieson

(Mac) Anree / Andree / An(d)reeson

(Mac) Henree / Hendree / Hen(d)reeson

(Mac) Kenree / Kendree / Ken(d)reeson

End(h)erson

Henderson

Hendron

Hendren

Henders

Hendry

Henerson

The surname spelling variations arose from regional pronunciation differences, and sometimes perversely creative spelling.[19] Some individuals used multiple surname spellings, and sometimes different surname forms. For example, a traveling Henderson might use the surname MacEanruig in the Scottish Highlands, Henderson in the Lowlands, McHenry in Ulster, and Henry in England.

1. ^ Clan Henderson Profile scotclans.com. Retrieved 8 April 2014.

2. ^ Coventry, Martin. (2008). Castles of the Clans: The Strongholds and Seats of 750 Scottish Families and Clans. pp. 270. ISBN 978-1-899874-36-1.

3. ^ Way, George and Squire, Romily. (1994). Collins Scottish Clan & Family Encyclopedia. (Foreword by The Rt Hon. The Earl of Elgin KT, Convenor, The Standing Council of Scottish Chiefs). pp. 166 - 167.

4. ^ Laing, David (1865) The Poems and Fables of Robert Henryson at xlvi-xlvii, xxxvii-xl (Appendix No. 1: List of Persons of the Name of Henryson, from the Middle of the Fourteenth to the End of the Fifteenth Century).

5. ^ "English Civil War - Newark besieged". Historia - A collection of coins with their historical context. Archived from the original on 13 April 2014. Sir John Digby, the High Sheriff of Nottinghamshire, had seized Newark on behalf of Charles I in late 1642. He was assisted by Sir John Henderson, a Scottish soldier, who it was felt would bring military expertise to the Royalists cause. Henderson was appointed Governor of Newark.

6. ^ Bennett, Martyn (20 July 2008). "Structural - Standing buildings". The English Civil War. Nottingham: Thoroton Society of Nottinghamshire. The Governor's House, Newark: this building was where the governors of the town lived and worked Colonel Sir John Henderson 1642-3, Colonel Sir Richard Byron, 1643-4, Colonel Sir Richard Willys 1644-5 and Colonel John Lord Belasyse, 1645-6.

7. Donaldson, M.E.M. (2nd ed., 1923) ^ Wanderings in the Western Highlands and Islands p. 289 n.7 ("The Macdonalds of Glencoe were more usually called the MacIains, or Clan Iain Abrach (of Lachaber), their progenitor being Iain Og an Fhraoich, or young John of the Heather, hence his race became the 'Sons of John.' This 'young John' was a son of Angus, Lord of the Isles, by the daughter of one Dugald MacEanruig (hence Henderson) of Glencoe, which thus became a Macdonald possession . . . ."); Gregory, Donald (1836) History of the Western Highlands and Isles of Scotland pp. 66-67 ("The founder of this tribe was John, surname Fraoch, natural son of Angus Og of Isla, and brother of John, first Lord of the Isles. His mother is said to have been a daughter of Dougald MacHenry, then the leading man in Glencoe, where John Fraoch afterwards settled as a vassal, under his brother, the Lord of the Isles, and where his descendants yet remain."); Macdonald, Hugh (1847) "Fragment of a Manuscript History of the Macdonalds. Written in the Reign of Charles II." Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis pp. 282, 296 ("Angus Ogg of the Isles ... had a natural son, John, by Dougall MacHenry's daughter, she being her father's only child. This John by his mother enjoyed the lands of Glencoe, of whom descended the race of the Macdonalds.").

8. ^ Prebble, John (1966) Glencoe: The Story of the Massacre (ISBN 9780140028973) p. 39; Donaldson (1923) p. 298; McKean, Fred. G. (1906) McKean Historical Notes pp. 111, 224.

9. Ordnance Survey, Six-inch, Argyllshire, Sheet XXXI ( survey date 1870, published 1875), available at ^ https://maps.nls.uk/view/74427313; Argyll Ordnance Survey Name Book, Argyll vol. 49 p. 19 (1868-1878) (Clach Eanruig: "This well known name is applied to a granite boulder about 3 ½ feet in height, situated in a field a little south of Carnach, and deriving this appellation from the tradition that one of the soldiers named Henderson or Henry, billeted with a family in the above village, took one of its members to this stone, the night previous to the Massacre (of Glencoe (1692), and addressing it, gave warning of the approaching danger, his companion understanding, saved himself by instant flight. Sign 'Henry's Stone'").

10. "^ MHG36 - Henderson Stone (Clach Eanruig), Glencoe," Highland Historic Environment Record; Canmore ID 74223, Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland, available at canmore.org.uk/site/74223.

11. ^ Dorson, Richard "Sources for the Traditional History of the Scottish Highlands and Western Islands" in Journal of the Folklore Institute (Aug 1, 1971) vol 8(2), p 147, 156, 159 (quoting John Alexander Stewart Wilson (SA 1959/59 A2,3)); see also Wilson, Ginger "Saighdear a thug rabhadh do chlach ro Mhurt Ghleann Comhan"(1959) Track ID: 34418 - Original Tape ID: SA1959.059, www.tobarandualchais.co.uk/fullrecord/34418/1; Lang, Andrew (1907) History of Scotland vol. 4 pp. 44-45; Campbell, Duncan "Haidheachd mu shaighdear a dh'fheuch ri rabhadh a thoirt do..." (1953) Track ID: 5979 - Original Tape ID: SA1953.077, http://www.tobarandualchais.co.uk/fullrecord/5979/1; Livingstone, Sandy "Fiosrachadh mu Chlach Eanraig an Gleanna Comhan" (1958) Track ID: 38821 - Original Tape ID: SA1958.081, www.tobarandualchais.co.uk/fullrecord/38821/1; MacInnes, Duncan "Fiosrachadh mu Chlach Eanraig agus Mort Ghleanna Comhan" (1958) Track ID: 68111 - Original Tape ID: SA1958.082, www.tobarandualchais.co.uk/fullrecord/68111/1.

12. ^ Prebble at 208; MacDonald, Rev. Norman "A Mhnathan a' Ghlinne Seo" (1956) Track ID: 70433 - Original Tape ID: SA1956.054, www.tobarandualchais.co.uk/fullrecord/70433/1; Donaldson at 297.

13. ^ Argyll Ordnance Survey Name Book; Wilson (SA1959.059) ; MacInnes (SA1958.082); MacDonald (SA1959.24.B9) ; Lang at 45.

14. See Gunn, Robert R. (1925) ^ The Gunns p. 42, 52; Henderson, John (1884) Caithness Family History p. 283.

15. ^ "Chief or Representative List". The Standing Council of Scottish Chiefs. Archived from the original on 17 May 2020.

16. See ^ Laing (1865) p. xli; Gifford, John (1992) Buildings of Scotland: Fife p. 226.

17. "Diary of Robert Birrel" p. ^ 16 in Dalyell, John Graham (1798) Fragments of Scotish History ("The 3 day of Junii [1568], being Thursday, James Hendersone of Fordell has hes place of Fordell brunt by ane suddaine fyre, both the old worke and the new.").

18. Simpkins, John Ewart (1914) ^ County Folk-Lore, vol. VII p. 45 (citing Buckner, J.C.R. (1881) Rambles In and Around Aberdour and Burntisland p. 53).

19. See Chalmers, George, (1824) "Preface" to ^ Robene and Makyne, and the Testament of Cresseid, by Robert Henryson" p. xi n.12 ("In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the name was variously written, Henrison, Henrisoun, Henryson, Hendrison, and Henderson, which last became the established form").

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Toggle the table of contents From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia The Clan Henderson (Clann Eanruig ) is a Scottish clan.[3] The clan's historical seat is at Fordell Castle in Dalgety Bay, Fife. The current clan chief is Alistair Henderson of Fordell.

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Chicken and waffles

Soul food is the ethnic cuisine of African-Americans. It originated in the American South from the cuisines of enslaved Africans trafficked to the North American colonies through the Atlantic slave trade during the Antebellum period and is closely associated (but not to be confused with) with the cuisine of the American South. The expression "soul food" originated in the mid-1960s, when " soul" was a common word used to describe African-American culture. Soul food uses cooking techniques and ingredients from West African, Central African, Western European, and Indigenous cuisine of the Americas. Soul food came from the blending of what African Americans ate in their native countries in Africa and what was available to them as slaves. The cuisine had its share of negativity initially. Soul food was initially seen as low class food, and Northern African Americans looked down on their Black Southern counterparts who preferred soul food. The term evolved from being the diet of a slave in the South to being a primary pride in the African American community in the North such as New York City.

Soul food originated in the home cooking of the rural Southern United States or the "deep south" and has its origins in slavery, using locally gathered or raised foods and other inexpensive ingredients. Rabbits, squirrels, and deer were often hunted for meat. Fish, frogs, crawfish, turtles, shellfish, and crab were often collected from fresh waters, salt waters, and marshes. Soul food originated during the time of slavery, when Black American/ African American enslaved people were given only leftovers and the undesirable parts of animals, such as ham hocks, hog jowls, and pigs' feet, ears, skin and intestines, which white plantation slave owners did not eat. Pork and corn were two staple items in the Southern United States for both slave owners and slaves. The slave owners would have smoked ham and corn pudding while the enslaved were left with the offal.

The term soul food became popular in the 1960s and 1970s in the midst of the Black Power movement. One of the earliest written uses of the term is found in The Autobiography of Malcolm X, which was published in 1965. LeRoi Jones (later known as Amiri Baraka) published an article entitled "Soul Food" and was one of the key proponents for establishing the food as a part of the Black American identity. Those who had participated in the Great Migration found within soul food a reminder of the home and family they had left behind after moving to unfamiliar northern cities. Soul food restaurants were Black-owned businesses that served as neighborhood meeting places where people socialized and ate together.

Soul food recipes have pre-slavery influences, as West African and European foodways were adapted to the environment of the region. Many of the foods integral to the cuisine originated in the limited food stuffs that poor southern subsistence farmers had at hand. This in turn was reflected in the rations given to enslaved people by their masters. Enslaved people were typically given a peck of cornmeal and 3-4 pounds of pork per week, and those rations formed the basis of African American soul food.

Most enslaved people needed to consume a high-calorie diet to replenish the calories spent working long days in the fields or performing other physically arduous tasks. Eventually, given the proximity of the wealthy slave owners to their chattel slaves, this style of cooking was adopted into the larger Southern culture, as slaves were the primary cooks in plantation households, which, despite their wealth, often used what was available on a daily basis from either their agricultural holdings or from the share croppers who rented plantation land.[citation needed ]

Impoverished white and Black people in the South cooked many of the same dishes stemming from this tradition, but styles of preparation sometimes varied. Certain techniques popular in soul and other Southern cuisines (i.e., frying meat and using all parts of the animal for consumption) are shared with ancient cultures all over the world, including those of China, Egypt, and Rome.

Introduction of soul food to cities such as Washington, D.C. and Baltimore came during the Great Migration as African Americans moved to the North for work.

Ham hock and black-eyed peas

Scholars have noted the substantial African influence found in soul food recipes, especially from the West and Central regions of Africa. This influence can be seen through the heat level of many soul food dishes, as well as many ingredients found within them. Peppers used to add spice to food included malagueta pepper, as well as peppers native to the western hemisphere such as red (cayenne) peppers. Several foods that are essential in southern cuisine and soul food were domesticated or consumed in the African savanna and the tropical regions of West and Central Africa. These include pigeon peas, black-eyed peas, okra, and sorghum.

It has also been noted that a species of rice was domesticated in Africa, thus many Africans who were brought to the Americas kept their knowledge for rice cooking. Rice is a staple side dish in the Lowcountry region and in Southern Louisiana. Rice is the center of dishes such as jambalaya and red beans and rice which are popular in Southern Louisiana.

There are many documented parallels between the foodways of West Africans and soul food recipes. The consumption of sweet potatoes in the US is reminiscent of the consumption of yams in West Africa. The frequent consumption of cornbread by African-Americans is analogous to West Africans' use of fufu to soak up stews.

West Africans also cooked meat over open pits, and thus it is possible that enslaved Africans came to the Americas with knowledge of this cooking technique (it is also possible they learned it from Native Americans, since Native Americans barbecued as a cooking technique).

It was not uncommon to see food served out of an empty gourd. Many techniques to change the overall flavor of staple food items such as nuts, seeds, and rice contributed to added dimensions of evolving flavors. These techniques included roasting, frying with palm oil, baking in ashes, and steaming in leaves such as banana leaf.

Southeastern Native American culture is an important element of Southern cuisine. From their cultures came one of the main staples of the Southern diet: corn (maize), either ground into meal or limed with an alkaline salt to make hominy, in a Native American process known as nixtamalization. Corn was used to make all kinds of dishes, from the familiar cornbread and grits, to liquors such as moonshine and whiskey (which are still important to the Southern economy).

Many fruits are available in this region: blackberries, muscadines, raspberries, and many other wild berries were part of Southern Native Americans' diets, as well.

To a far greater degree than anyone realizes, several of the most important food dishes that the Native Americans of the southeastern U.S.A live on today is the "soul food" eaten by both Black and White Southerners. Hominy, for example, is still eaten: Sofkee lives on as grits; cornbread [is] used by Southern cooks; Indian fritters -- variously known as "hoe cake" or "Johnny cake"; Indian boiled cornbread is present in Southern cuisine as "corn meal dumplings" and "hush puppies"; Southerners cook their beans and field peas by boiling them, as did the Native tribes; and, like the Native Americans, Southerners cured their meats and smoked it over hickory coals...

African, European, and Native Americans of the American South supplemented their diets with meats derived from the hunting of native game. What meats people ate depended on seasonal availability and geographical region. Common game included opossums, rabbits, and squirrels. The practice of raising livestock such as cattle and hogs was adopted from white people of European descent.

When game or livestock was killed, the entire animal was used. Aside from the meat, it was common for them to eat organ meats such as brains, livers, and intestines. This tradition remains today in hallmark dishes like chitterlings (commonly called chit'lins), which are small intestines of hogs; livermush (a common dish in the Carolinas made from hog liver); and pork brains and eggs. The fat of the animals, particularly hogs, was rendered and used for cooking and frying. Many of the early European settlers in the South learned Native American cooking methods, and so cultural diffusion was set in motion for the Southern dish.

Because it was illegal in many states for slaves to learn to read or write, soul food recipes and cooking techniques tended to be passed along orally, until after emancipation.

The first soul food cookbook is attributed to Abby Fisher, entitled What Mrs. Fisher Knows About Old Southern Cooking and published in 1881. Good Things to Eat was published in 1911; the author, Rufus Estes, was a former slave who worked for the Pullman railway car service. Many other cookbooks were written by black Americans during that time, but as they were not widely distributed, most are now lost.[citation needed ]

Since the mid-20th century, many cookbooks highlighting soul food and African-American foodways have been compiled and published. One notable soul food chef is celebrated traditional Southern chef and author Edna Lewis, who released a series of books between 1972 and 2003, including A Taste of Country Cooking in which she weaves stories of her childhood in Freetown, Virginia into her recipes for "real Southern food".

Another early and influential soul food cookbook is Vertamae Grosvenor's Vibration Cooking, or the Travel Notes of a Geechee Girl, originally published in 1970, focused on South Carolina Lowcountry/ Geechee/ Gullah cooking. Its focus on spontaneity in the kitchen-cooking by "vibration" rather than precisely measuring ingredients, as well as " making do" with ingredients on hand-captured the essence of traditional African-American cooking techniques. The simple, healthful, basic ingredients of lowcountry cuisine, like shrimp, oysters, crab, fresh produce, rice and sweet potatoes, made it a bestseller.[citation needed ]

Usher boards and Women's Day committees of various religious congregations large and small, and even public service and social welfare organizations such as the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW) have produced cookbooks to fund their operations and charitable enterprises. The NCNW produced its first cookbook, The Historical Cookbook of the American Negro, in 1958, and revived the practice in 1993, producing a popular series of cookbooks featuring recipes by famous black Americans, among them: The Black Family Reunion Cookbook (1991), Celebrating Our Mothers' Kitchens: Treasured Memories and Tested Recipes (1994), and Mother Africa's Table: A Chronicle of Celebration (1998). The NCNW also recently reissued The Historical Cookbook.

Soul food restaurant in Texas

Soul food originated in the southern region of the US and is consumed by African-Americans across the nation. Traditional soul food cooking is seen as one of the ways enslaved Africans passed their traditions to their descendants once they were brought to the US, and is a cultural creation stemming from slavery and Native American and European influences.

Soul food recipes are popular in the South due to the accessibility and affordability of the ingredients.

Scholars have noted that while white Americans provided the material supplies for soul food dishes, the cooking techniques found in many of the dishes have been visibly influenced by the enslaved Africans themselves. Dishes derived by slaves consisted of many vegetables and grains because slave owners felt more meat would cause the slave to become lethargic with less energy to tend to the crops.

The bountiful vegetables that were found in Africa, were substituted in dishes down south with new leafy greens consisting of dandelion, turnip, and beet greens. Pork, more specifically hog, was introduced into several dishes in the form of cracklins from the skin, pig's feet, chitterlings, and lard used to increase the fat intake into vegetarian dishes. Spices such as thyme, and bay leaf blended with onion and garlic gave dishes their own characteristics.

Figures such as LeRoi Jones (Amiri Baraka), Elijah Muhammad, and Dick Gregory played notable roles in shaping the conversation around soul food. Muhammad and Gregory opposed soul food because they felt it was unhealthy food and was slowly killing African-Americans. They saw soul food as a remnant of oppression and felt it should be left behind. Many African-Americans were offended by the Nation of Islam's rejection of pork as it is a staple ingredient used to flavor many dishes.

Stokely Carmichael also spoke out against soul food, claiming that it was not true African food due to its colonial and European influence. Despite this, many voices in the Black Power Movement saw soul food as something African-Americans should take pride in, and used it to distinguish African-Americans from white Americans. Proponents of soul food embraced the concept of it, and used it as a counterclaim to the argument that African-Americans had no culture or cuisine.

The magazine Ebony Jr! was important in transmitting the cultural relevance of soul food dishes to middle-class African-American children who typically ate a more standard American diet.

Soul food is frequently found at religious rituals and social events such as funerals, fellowship, Thanksgiving, and Christmas in the black community.

Soul food spread throughout the United States when African Americans from the South moved to major cities across the country such as Chicago and New York City. They brought with them the foods and traditions of the Southern United States, where they were enslaved.

Soul food is culturally similar to Romani cuisine in Europe.

Soul food prepared traditionally and consumed in large amounts can be detrimental to one's health. Opponents to soul food have been vocal about health concerns surrounding the culinary traditions since the name was coined in the mid-20th century.

Soul food has been criticized for its high starch, fat, sodium, cholesterol, and caloric content, as well as the inexpensive and often low-quality nature of the ingredients such as salted pork and cornmeal. In light of this, soul food has been implicated by some in the disproportionately high rates of high blood pressure ( hypertension), type 2 diabetes, clogged arteries ( atherosclerosis), stroke, and heart attack suffered by African-Americans. Figures who led discussions surrounding the negative impacts of soul food include Dr. Alvenia Fulton, Dick Gregory, and Elijah Muhammad.

On the other hand, critics and traditionalists have argued that attempts to make soul food healthier also make it less tasty, as well as less culturally/ethnically authentic.

There is also often a foundational difference in how health is perceived; soul food may differ from normal understandings in American culture.

Fueled by federal subsidies, the agricultural system in the United States became industrialized as the nutritional value of most processed foods, and not just those implicated in a traditional perception of soul food, have degraded. This urges a consideration of how concepts of racial authenticity evolve alongside changes in the structures that make some foods more available and accessible than others.

An important aspect of the preparation of soul food was the reuse of cooking lard. Because many cooks could not afford to buy new shortening to replace what they used, they would pour the liquefied cooking grease into a container. After cooling completely, the grease re-solidified and could be used again the next time the cook required lard.

With changing fashions and perceptions of "healthy" eating, some cooks may use preparation methods that differ from those of cooks who came before them: using liquid oil like vegetable oil or canola oil for frying and cooking, and using smoked turkey instead of pork, for example. Changes in hog farming techniques have also resulted in drastically leaner pork, in the 21st and late 20th centuries. Some cooks have even adapted recipes to include vegetarian alternatives to traditional ingredients, including tofu and soy-based analogues.

Several of the ingredients included in soul food recipes have pronounced health benefits. Collard and other greens are rich sources of several vitamins (including vitamin A, , folic acid or vitamin B ₉, vitamin K, and C), minerals ( manganese, iron, and calcium), fiber, and small amounts of omega-3 fatty acids. They also contain a number of phytonutrients, which are thought to play a role in the prevention of ovarian and breast cancers.[dubious ]

The traditional preparation of soul food vegetables often consists of high temperatures or slow cooking methods, which can lead the water-soluble vitamins (e.g., Vitamin C and the B complex vitamins) to be destroyed or leached out into the water in which the greens cooked. This water is often consumed and is known as pot liquor. Because it contains micronutrients from the greens cooked in it, pot liquor contributes to the nutritional value of a meal when consumed.

Peas and legumes are inexpensive sources of protein, and they also contain important vitamins, minerals, and fiber.

1. ^ McKendrick, P.J. (15 December 2017). "The Diversity of Soul Food - Global Foodways". Archived from the original on 6 December 2019.

2. ^ Poe, Tracy N. (1999). "The Origins of Soul Food in Black Urban Identity: Chicago, 1915-1947". American Studies International. XXXVII No. 1 (February): 4-17.

3. Covey, Herbert. What the Slaves Ate: Recollections of African American Foods and Foodways from the Slave Narratives. pp. 105-110.

4. ^ Whit, William C.; Hall, Robert L. (2007). Bower, Anne L. (ed.). African American foodways : explorations of history and culture. University of Illinois Press. pp. 34, 48. ISBN 9780252031854. OCLC 76961285.

5. ^ Ann, Carney, Judith (2009-06-30). Black rice : the African origins of rice cultivation in the Americas. Cambridge, Massachusetts. ISBN 9780674029217. OCLC 657619002.

6. ^ Douglass, Opie, Frederick (2008-10-08). Hog & hominy : soul food from Africa to America. New York. ISBN 9780231517973. OCLC 648458580.

7. Arrington, Kathye Edwina (3 February 2013). "History of "Soul Food"" (Document). Binghamton, New York: Press & Sun-Bulletin. ProQuest 1283537628.

8. ^ X, Malcolm, and Alex Haley. The Autobiography of Malcolm X. Grove Press, 1966

9. ^ Glitner, Scott (2006). Glave, Dianne D.; Stoll, Mark (eds.). "To love the wind and the rain" : African Americans and environmental history. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press. pp. 21-36. ISBN 9780822972907. OCLC 878132911.

10. ^ Twitty, Michael (2017). The cooking gene : a journey through African American culinary history in the Old South (First ed.). New York, NY. ISBN 9780062379290. OCLC 971130586.

11. ^ Henderson, Laretta (Winter 2007). ""Ebony Jr!" and "Soul Food": The Construction of Middle-Class African American Identity through the Use of Traditional Southern Foodways". Society for the Study of the Multi-Ethnic Literature of the United States (MELUS). 32 (4): 81-97. JSTOR 30029833.

12. ^ "African Americans and the Gypsies: A cultural relationship formed through hardships". 27 September 2013.

13. ^ Belle, Genesis (Spring 2009). "Can the African-American Diet be Made Healthier Without Giving up Culture - York College / CUNY". www.york.cuny.edu. 5 (2).

14. ^ Jonsson, Patrick (February 6, 2006). "Backstory: Southern discomfort food". The Christian Science Monitor. The Christian Science Publishing Society.

15. ^ Joshanloo, Mohsen; Van De Vliert, Evert; Jose, Paul E. (2021). "Four Fundamental Distinctions in Conceptions of Wellbeing Across Cultures". The Palgrave Handbook of Positive Education. pp. 675-703. doi:10.1007/978-3-030-64537-3_26. ISBN 978-3-030-64536-6. S2CID 237932558.

16. ^ Shelf, Angela. "African Vegetarian Recipes : The Ethnic Vegetarian". Enotalone.com.

Huges, Marvalene H. Soul, Black Women, and Food. Ed. Carole Counihan and Penny van Esterik. New York: Routledge, 1997.

Bowser, Pearl and Jean Eckstein, A Pinch of Soul, Avon, New York, 1970

Counihan, Carol and Penny Van Esterik editors, Food and Culture, A Reader, Routledge, New York, 1997

Harris, Jessica, The Welcome Table - African American Heritage Cooking, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1996

Mitchell, Patricia (1998). Plantation Row slave cabin cooking: the roots of soul food. Patricia B. Mitchell foodways publications. Chatham, VA: P.B. Mitchell. ISBN 978-0925117892.

Root, Waverley and Richard de Rochemont, Eating in America, A History, William Morrow, New York, 1976

Glenn, Gwendolyn, "American Visions", Southern Secrets From Edna Lewis, February-March, 1997

Puckett, Susan, "Restaurant and Institutions", Soul Food Revival, February 1, 1997

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Soul food is the ethnic cuisine of African-Americans. It originated in the American South from the cuisines of enslaved Africans trafficked to the North American colonies through the Atlantic slave trade during the Antebellum period and is closely associated (but not to be confused with) with the cuisine of the American South.

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English: Uglai and cabbage. Ugali (also sometimes called sima or posho) is a cornmeal product and a staple starch component of many African meals, especially in Southern and East Africa. It is generally made from maize flour (or ground maize) and water, and varies in consistency from porridge to a dough-like substance.

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Immigrant laborers in the early 20th century. AUDIO RECORDING

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Immigrant laborers in the early 20th century. AUDIO RECORDING

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Immigrant laborers in the early 20th century.

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The Library of Congress is not aware of any U.S. copyright protection (see Title 17, U.S.C.) or any other restrictions in the material in this collection, except as noted below. Users should keep in mind that the Library of Congress is providing access to these materials strictly for educational and research purposes.

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Saint Lucia marks UNESCO International Day for Remembrance of the Slave Trade and Its Abolition - Writeups 24

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As the celebrations for Emancipation continue, Saint Lucia recently observed the UNESCO International Day for the Remembrance of the Slave Trade and Its Abolition.

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this is a pretty land

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Despite having vast amounts of arable land, nutritious indigenous crops and a booming agricultural sector, Africa still imports most of its grain.

The Russian army's blockade of Ukraine's Black Sea ports and the ripple effects of Western sanctions against Moscow have raised international food and fuel prices, leaving millions of Africans facing an "unprecedented food emergency" this year, the World Food Programme has said.

Kenya, Somalia and large parts of Ethiopia are at risk of acute food insecurity, the UN's Food & Agriculture Organization said this week. In Sahel and West Africa, more than 40 million people could go hungry in 2022, according to the FAO, up from 10.8 million people in 2019.

Even before the Russian invasion in late February, the pandemic and a long period of drought had already hit African economies hard. The war in Ukraine made things critically worse since the continent imported about a third of its wheat from Russia and Ukraine. With food prices skyrocketing in global markets, even those countries not reliant on imports from Russia and Ukraine are suffering.

Over the past decade, Africa's food import bill has nearly tripled, but its agricultural sector has also been growing steadily. The continent has immense potential for feeding itself, with vast amounts of arable lands. But why is it still dependent on imported grain?

Africans produce food, but not for themselves

A major part of African farmlands is used to grow crops such as coffee, cocoa, and cottonseed oil for export, while the staple crops of the African diet, wheat, and rice, mainly come from outside of the continent.

Much of this imported food could be produced locally, according to the World Bank, while African countries' self-sufficiency could also be boosted by replacing foreign cereal with regional crops such as fonio, teff, sorghum, amaranth, and millet. African countries could trade these crops between themselves, creating much-needed jobs for their youth and income for their farmers. The crops would also serve as the basis for a healthy diet.

"Indigenous crops could offer much healthier alternatives to the cereals currently in use," Pauline Chivenge, a researcher at the African Plant Nutrition Institute in Morocco, told DW. "They have benefits that go beyond sustaining food security. They are more nutritious, so in addition to the necessary callories, they contain higher amounts of protein and vitamins."

Yet indigenous crops have been neglected for decades, largely due to states and international companies pushing for the mass production of maize and wheat and promoting them as staples. "Research and development and mechanization have focused on maize, rice, and wheat, and producing them in large, mono-crop fields at the expense of the region's biodiversity," Chivenge said.

"But the fact is that grains like maize and wheat are not really suitable for growing in most regions of Africa, where water is in short supply," she added. "They are very much dependent on regular rainfall, which is becoming a real challenge in the wake of climate change."

Can smallholder farmers feed Africa with indigenous crops?

Wolfgang Bokelmann, food and agriculture economist at Humboldt University in Berlin, agrees that local crops are underutilized. Between 2015 to 2018 he oversaw a study on the local production and consumption of a group of indigenous vegetables in Kenya. "The vegetables we studied had previously fallen out of fashion and used to be known as the poor man's food, due to dominance of the foreign produce that colonialization brought to Kenya," he told DW.

That view changed once NGOs and the government began to support the local production of vegetables. "They first found their way to the local day markets, and soon after were introduced in chain supermarkets at a national level," he said.

In addition to their health benefits and ecological advantages, "indigenous crops can empower subaltern communities, especially female farmers," Bokelmann said. "There are many types of crops that can grow in home gardens in cities' margins within a short period of time."

With the continuous trend of migration from villages to cities in Africa, constellations of small plots of indigenous crop farms around the cities can count for vital food sources for the ever-expanding population of slums and marginal communities, he noted.

Dilemmas and challenges

But Chivenge is aware that boosting indigenous crop production faces many hurdles. The smallholder farmers who grow them have limited access to fertilizers, which keeps their productivity low. They also lack the means to process and market their harvests, and fresh, unprocessed food needs quick shipment, which is not an option in most intra-African markets.

Furthermore, African countries cannot simply switch to the production of indigenous crops when exporting cash crops to richer countries is more profitable.

"Most of these nations are faced with a dilemma," Bokelmann said. "They are forced to choose between the mass production of crops for exporting, which brings them more price value, or feeding the majority of their population by supporting small-scale farming of indigenous crops."

"Some say that larger, mono-crop farms are easier to manage and mechanize and therefore more productive," Chivenge pointed out." Another argument is that that bulk harvest is easier to market and transport."

The mass production of exportable crops, its proponents argue, helps Africa's agriculture develop and modernize and gives African nations economic sway in the global market.

But with the war in Ukraine threatening global food supplies, production and distribution will need to adapt.

The idea of having a globally integrated market used to be popular decades ago, with every country exporting what they it best produce themselves while importing what it needs from other countries, pointed out Bokelmann.

"But from the look of the post-pandemic world, it seems that food sovereignty, the ability of each country and community to grow its own food, is much more important," he said.
Edited by: Jane Paulick

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Why is Africa dependent on imported grain? - DW - 06/29/2022

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Despite having vast amounts of arable land, nutritious indigenous crops and a booming agricultural sector, Africa still imports most of its grain. The Russian army's blockade of Ukraine's Black Sea ports and the ripple effects of Western sanctions against Moscow have raised international food and fuel prices, leaving millions of Africans facing an "unprecedented food emergency" this year, the World Food Programme has said.

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Having a Jewish ancestry can be difficult to trace for a number of reasons. One of the challenges is finding the family surname(s). Traditionally, the Jewish people did not use fixed surnames and adopted them much later than some of their gentile neighbors. Historically, the Jews used patronymics (adopting the father's given name as a surname for the child). A child might be known as David ben Isaac (David son of Isaac) or Miriam bat Aaron (Miriam daughter of Aaron). These names, of course, changed with each generation.

Sephardic Jews (the Jews of Spain, Portugal, and Italy) began adopting fixed family surnames much earlier than the Ashkenazic Jews (Jews from Germany and Eastern Europe). Some Italian Jews adopted surnames as early as the 10th and 11th centuries. They often chose the name of their town of origin or translated their Hebrew name.

In Germany, Austria, Hungary, Poland, and Russia the adoption of surnames by Jews didn't take place until much later - in and around the 1800s - and was often forced upon the Jewish population by law. The earliest of these laws came from the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1788. All Jews in the Hapsburg Empire, including Galicia (Austrian Poland) were made to adopt a German surname. This was done to better keep track of the Jewish population for taxation and conscription purposes. If a family did not choose a name that was to the Austrian officials' liking, one would be assigned to them. No place names or Yiddish names were allowed. This is one reason why so many Jews today have German surnames.

Genealogist Barbara Krasner-Khait describes this surname selection process in Discovering Your Jewish Ancestors: "A group of officials - one cavalry captain, one lieutenant, one auditor, and two noncommissioned officers - traveled from community to community to enforce surname adoption. Their mission consisted of preventing adoption of common German surnames among Jews - their priority was selection of unusual family names, ensuring each family in the same locality received a different name. This has obvious implications for the genealogist: a married son not living with his parents would have had to select a different family name from his father. If he lived with his parents, he would have had to select the same family name - or not. These priorities were not always enforced."

There weren't many Jews in Russia prior to the annexation of the eastern Polish territories in 1772. Other annexations took place from 1793 through 1815. The territories annexed from 1793 through 1812 included Volhynia, Podolia, Kiev, Minsk, Lithuania, Courland, Grodno, Bialystok, and Bessarabia. In 1804, Russia passed the first edict to force Jews to adopt hereditary family names; this was backed up by a second law in 1835. However, under these laws the Jewish families were allowed to choose their own surnames, unlike the situation in Austria-Hungary.

In 1815, the Kingdom of Poland was ceded to Russia. In 1821, the governor of the Kingdom decreed that Jewish surnames had to be adopted and reported to Polish authorities. They had six months in which to complete this process. Every Jewish person had to carry a certificate with his/her surname on it. There were punishments for not using the new surname. There was much resistance to this and many Jews tried to keep the patronymical system in place. In 1824-5 any Jew who still had not chosen a fixed surname was assigned one.

Next week will continue with more information on Jewish surnames.

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GENEALOGY: Jewish ancestry can be difficult to trace

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Having a Jewish ancestry can be difficult to trace for a number of reasons. One of the challenges is finding the family surname(s). Traditionally, the Jewish people did not use fixed surnames and adopted them much later than some of their gentile neighbors.

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Although Jewish name-changing was widespread throughout the United States and Canada throughout much of the 20th century, no one has studied this interesting phenomenon at book length until now.

Kirsten Fermaglich based her study on thousands of name-change petitions that she found in the records of the New York City Civil Court, dating from 1887 to 2012. The documents include statements listing petitioners' ages, residential addresses, occupations, nationalities and other details.

In New York state, one did not have to file legal papers in order to change one's name: all you had to do was use a new name consistently and without any intent to commit fraud and one's new name was legal. Still, many people sought to petition for official registration of their new names.

Fermaglich quickly debunks one of the most persistent myths of Jewish genealogy - that Ellis Island border agents capriciously changed the names of arriving immigrants. "Ellis Island officials were explicitly prohibited from changing immigrants' names, and there is almost no evidence of official Ellis Island name changing," she writes.

Most of the countless immigrants who changed their names in America were Jews. In New York in 1942, the proportion was about 66 per cent, followed by Slavic immigrants at 11 per cent and Italians at 8 per cent. The high proportion of Jewish name changers persisted until the 1980s.

Fermaglich cited a Canadian sociologist, Erving Goffman, who observed that Jewish name changers sought to avoid drawing attention to themselves; many faced repeated episodes of confusion, embarrassment and inconvenience because of their names. She found that most of the Jewish petitioners "darkly hinted" at the discreet anti-Semitism that often prevented them from advancing in the work world.

One applicant, Dora Sarietzky, a stenographer and typist, testified, "My name proved to be a great handicap in securing a position ... In order to facilitate securing work, I assumed the name Doris Watson."

The frustratingly long search for work before a name change was typically the most significant factor that applicants cited. Melvin Applebaum finally obtained a position, but only after he changed his name to Edmund Cronin. Bertram Levy became Bertram Leslie because his name "had been a hindrance to him in his efforts to gain an entrance to various firms and to secure business from them." Lawrence Lipschitz, a traveling salesman, became Lawrence Lipson because "people out west" found it hard to pronounce or spell his name, leading to embarrassment and ridicule.

For Eli Simonovitz, who already had a position, it was his employer's requirement that he post his name on a wooden plaque on his desk that motivated him to become Eli Simmons. "A name change allowed petitioners to go about their daily business without having their stigmatized names present troubles in every social and work interaction."

Even after anti-discrimination laws came into effect, private institutions such as hospitals, universities, employment agencies and professional boards used application forms, which asked extensive questions about nationality and ancestry, in a covert attempt to identify Jews.

Questions may have included "What denomination are you?" and "Of what clubs, social or church organizations are you a member?" But less blatant questions, about the applicants' place of birth and his parents' full original names, also did the trick.

In the early 1950s a Jewish woman filed and won a lawsuit purporting she was passed over for a position as a direct result of such a questionnaire. The court astutely observed that discriminators "will not openly announce their intentions but will instead employ discriminatory practices in ways that are devious, by methods small and elusive." The case, Holland v. Edward, set an important precedent and was subsequently quoted in many legal cases involving incidents of discrimination.
READ: MATTI FRIEDMAN IS A NATURAL-BORN STORYTELLER
Fermaglich presents numerous obscure and interesting articles, such as "I Changed My Name" ( Atlantic Monthly, 1948) written anonymously by a New York Jew who jettisoned his name in favour of another that sounded less Jewish. The article struck a deep chord, sparked a provocative debate, and was republished in Reader's Digest. Some respondents accused the anonymous author of abandoning, even betraying, the Jewish people.

For the article "Name Changing and What It Gets You" ( Commentary, 1952) Alvin Kugelmass interviewed 25 subjects and was surprised to observe that none of them had any intent to pass as Gentile. "In no case could I sense even the remotest inkling of a wish to abandon their Jewishness," he reported. Although there was some effort toward concealment of their Jewish background, the interviewees generally went to some lengths - outside of the workplace - to demonstrate that they were still Jews.

The author also unearthed a list of 106 distinctive Jewish names that psychologist Samuel Calmin Kohn developed in 1942 to help the Jewish Welfare Board conduct a census of Jews in the armed forces. Her survey on the subject even included Jewish name-changers in the fiction of American authors such as Philip Roth and Herman Wouk.

Ironically, while the Steinbergs became Stantons and the Greenbergs became Grants, these and many other name-changers overlooked the obvious fact that first names can also sound "too Jewish." The comedian Lenny Bruce - formerly Leonard Alfred Schneider -once lampooned American presidential candidate Barry Goldwater (of the family Goldwasser) by observing, "Where is there a goy with the first name Barry?" But Bruce should have realized he could easily have been made the butt of the same joke. It was left to the American comic Rodney Dangerfield - formerly Jacob Cohen - to turn the tables by observing, "What kinda goy has a first name Lenny?"

Both entertaining and enlightening, A Rosenberg By Any Other Name comes up smelling, well, like a rose.

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An intriguing look at the history of Jewish name changing

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Although Jewish name-changing was widespread throughout the United States and Canada throughout much of the 20th century, no one has studied this interesting phenomenon at book length until now. Kirsten Fermaglich based her study on thousands of name-change petitions that she found in the records of the New York City Civil Court, dating from 1887 to 2012.

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Port Cities Bristol - The Maroons of Jamaica

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Port Cities Bristol - The Maroons of Jamaica

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The Maroons were escaped slaves. They ran away from their Spanish-owned plantations when the British took the Caribbean island of Jamaica from Spain in 1655. The word maroon comes from the Spanish word 'cimarrones ', which meant 'mountaineers'. They fled to the mountainous areas of Jamaica, where it was difficult for their owners to follow and catch them, and formed independent communities as free men and women.

As more slaves were imported from Africa to work on the developing sugar plantations, and the population of enslaved Africans grew on Jamaica, there were more rebellions by the slaves. Some of the rebel slaves disappeared into the mountains and joined the Maroon communities. As the Maroon population grew, the Jamaican government decided to defeat the Maroons once and for all. They were seen as a constant threat by the government. The First Maroon War began in 1728. The campaign against them made the Maroons more determined than ever. Under their leader called Cudjoe, the Maroons fought back. In 1739, the British and the Maroons made peace. The freedom of the Maroons was recognised and their land was given to them. The Maroons were to govern themselves. In return they would support the British government in Jamaica against foreign invasion and would help capture rebel slaves and runaways from the plantations and return them to their owners. Although this agreement might seem strange now, it was one way for the Maroons to live in peace with the island's government.

Pictured here is a drawing entitled Pacification with the Maroon Negroes, dated 1801. It is an imaginary view of a meeting between British soldiers and Maroons. It is not clear whether it is meant to be of the 1739 or the 1795 peace agreement. The leaders of the Maroons did meet British officers to accept a peace agreement offered to them.

There were many years of peace between the Maroons and the British in Jamaica. But, in 1795, the new Governor of Jamaica, Balcarres, decided to deal with some minor breaches of the peace treaty by a community of Maroons called the Trelawney Town Maroons. The plantation owners asked the governor not to take action. They felt that an agreement should be reached with the Maroons to maintain the peace of the town. The governor went ahead against this advice, arresting several of the leaders of Trelawney Town. This started the Second Maroon War. 300 Maroons in Trelawney Town held out against 1500 troops and 3000 local volunteer troops. After five months of fighting, the undefeated Maroons were offered an agreement for peace. When they surrendered their arms, the Governor cheated on the peace agreement offered. The Maroons were arrested and, against the agreement they had accepted, were transported off the island to Nova Scotia, on the east coast of north America, and later went to Sierra Leone, West Africa. Leonard Parkinson was one of the leaders of the Maroons, he was active in the Second Maroon War. The local authorities put a price on his head of Â£50, (about Â£2,500 today), wanted dead or alive. Parkinson, pictured here, was known as the Captain of the Maroons.

Trelawney Town was the largest of the Maroon settlements on the island of Jamaica. The image pictured here of Trelawney Town shows the British soldiers riding in to attack the town. The Maroons are surrounding them, ready to resist, and would beat them back. Maroons were known for their skilful tactics in combat, whereby they relied on their knowledge of the surrounding environment to outwit the attackers.

With acknowledgment to Richard Hart for his work on the history of the Maroon community of Jamaica.

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The Maroons were escaped slaves. They ran away from their Spanish-owned plantations when the British took the Caribbean island of Jamaica from Spain in 1655. The word maroon comes from the Spanish word 'cimarrones ', which meant 'mountaineers'.

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Massacre of Glencoe, (February 13, 1692), in Scottish history, the treacherous slaughter of members of the MacDonald clan of Glencoe by soldiers under Archibald Campbell, 10th earl of Argyll. Many Scottish clans had remained loyal to King James II after he was replaced on the English and Scottish t…

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Pho, Com tom, Egg rolls

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w3__uoyaU1g

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_qGirOX5JrY

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MDN-DtJMs4Y

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A Brief History Of Ukraine (And Why Russia Wants To Control It)

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https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/whp-origins/era-5-the-first-global-age/52-old-world-webs-betaa/v/pre-colonial-caribbean

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WATCH: Pre-Colonial Caribbean (video) | Khan Academy

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Learn for free about math, art, computer programming, economics, physics, chemistry, biology, medicine, finance, history, and more. Khan Academy is a nonprofit with the mission of providing a free, world-class education for anyone, anywhere.

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https://www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/immigration/polish-russian/the-nation-of-polonia/

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Poles first came to prominence in American life during the Revolutionary War. The colonies' battle for independence from Britain fired the imagination of adventurers and freedom fighters from around the world, and more than 100 Poles came to fight on the side of the rebels. Two of them- Count Kazimierz Pulaski and Tadeusz Kósciuszko-had experience in the independence struggles of their homeland and were recruited by Benjamin Franklin to help lead the fledgling American army. Both played pivotal roles in the colonists' victory and were hailed as heroes of the new republic. Towns and counties throughout the U.S. now bear their names, and Pulaski Day celebrations are held every year in Polish American cities.

The Polish people's own fight for independence was less successful, and their national identity came under harsh attack. By the 19th century, the ancient state of Poland had been conquered and divided up by three imperial powers-the Russian, Prussian, and Austro-Hungarian empires. Although they were separated by distance and political barriers, Poles were unified by a belief in their own independence, in their freedom to worship as Roman Catholics, and in their distinct identity as a people. The difficulty of maintaining this identity under hostile imperial regimes led many Poles to seek freedom overseas.

One of the earliest permanent settlements of Poles in U.S. sprang up on the Texas plains, where a few hundred men, women, and children from Silesia founded the town of Panna Maria in 1854. The small farm community grew and thrived, and soon more and more Poles were making their way to the shores of America.

At the turn of the 20 th century, Polish immigration exploded. Imperial repression, land shortages, and chronic unemployment made life more and more untenable for the Poles of Europe, and as the 19 th century waned they left for America by the thousands, then by the hundreds of thousands. Exact numbers are difficult to come by, given the many different routes Poles took to the U.S., but the 1910 census found more than 900,000 new immigrants who spoke Polish. After World War I, Poland regained its independence, and immigration began to slow. Even so, it is estimated that more than 2 million Poles had immigrated by the 1920s.

Not all intended to stay. Many of the earlier Poles were known as za chlebem, or "for-bread" immigrants, who came planning to earn a nest egg and return home. Whatever their intentions, most Polish immigrants ended up remaining in the United States. However, they still kept one eye on their homeland and passionately guarded their language, faith, and sense of themselves as Poles.

Life in Polonia

As Poles poured into the country, they came together in communities that preserved many aspects of the Polish way of life.

Most Polish immigrants had come in search of a decent livelihood, and so were drawn to the areas of the country where good work was available. In Poland, owning land had been a great source of pride, and many Poles struck out for farm country, founding agricultural towns in the mid-Atlantic states and New England. The Great Lakes region reminded some recent immigrants of home, and Polish names soon dotted the maps of Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Michigan.

America's cities were the destination of most Poles, however. Heavy industry had played an aggressive role in recruiting throughout Europe, and new Polish immigrants were drawn to jobs in the factories, steel mills, slaughterhouses, and foundries of the U.S. industrial belt. Chicago, Pittsburgh, Buffalo, Milwaukee, Detroit, New York, and Cleveland became anchor cities of the new Polish communities, and Polish was spoken in the mines of Appalachia and the Alleghenies.

Wherever they settled, Polish immigrants went about building communities that were fiercely committed to the preservation of their national heritage and culture. A national network of Polish-language newspapers, social clubs, and, eventually, radio and television stations helped keep the Polish language alive. Parochial schools were built within walking distance of every Polish neighborhood, and more than 900 Polish Catholic churches were founded. Polish music, dance, literature, and folklore were all kept alive through many decades in an English-speaking land. Polish American communities might be widely scattered, from Krakow, Wisconsin, and Wilno, Minnesota, to Bucktown in Chicago and Cleveland's Fleet Avenue. However, Polish Americans always made it clear that, while they were citizens of the United States, they were also loyal to Polonia-the community of Poles worldwide.

That loyalty was galvanized by the dark decades of the Second World War and by the Cold War tensions that followed it. Millions of Poles in Europe perished or lost their homes during World War II, and thousands fled the Soviet takeover of Poland that followed it. Polish Americans opened their homes to any refugees who were able to escape, and they once more agitated for their country's freedom. When that freedom finally came with the fall of the Soviet Union, countless family reunions took place, as European Poles met long-lost relatives and Polish Americans set foot on Polish soil for the first time.

Today, Poles are moving to the United States again, as a generation newly freed from foreign domination seeks its fortune overseas. They find a country shaped by the achievements of the Polish Americans that came before them, such as the poet Czeslaw Milosz, the conductor Leopold Stokowski, the baseball player Stan Musial, and the politicians Barbara Mikulski and Edmund Muskie. New Polish American communities are now rising up in New York, Detroit, and Chicago, sometimes occupying the same city blocks as their predecessors did a century before, and keeping the spirit of Polonia alive.

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The Nation of Polonia | Polish/Russian | Immigration and Relocation in U.S. History | Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress | Library of Congress

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Thaddeus Kósciuszko Poles first came to prominence in American life during the Revolutionary War. The colonies’ battle for independence from Britain fired the imagination of adventurers and freedom fighters from around the world, and more than 100 Poles came to fight on the side of the rebels.

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https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/places-of-memory-and-living-traditions-of-the-otom-chichimecas-people-of-tolimn-the-pea-de-bernal-guardian-of-a-sacred-territory-00174

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Mexico

Inscribed in 2009 ( 4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity

© 2008 by Government of the state of Querétaro

Living in the semi-desert zone of the state of Querétaro in central Mexico, the Otomí-Chichimeca people have developed a range of traditions that express a unique relationship with their local topography and ecology. Their cultural environment is dominated by a symbolic triangle formed by the Zamorano and Frontón hills and the Bernal rock. It is to these sacred hills that people make annual pilgrimages bearing miraculous crosses to pray for water and divine protection, venerate their ancestors and celebrate their communal identity and continuity. Other community festivities throughout the year make up a calendar of rituals centred on water, a dangerously scarce element in this climate, and dedicated to the endurance of the Otomí-Chichimeca people. The rituals often occur in intimate family chapels dedicated to ancestors or in chimales, temporary but impressive reed structures with leaf roofs built as an offering, an emblem of endurance and a symbol of vitality and belonging. The relationship between spiritual culture and physical space is influential on the art of the region - including religious images, murals, dance and music - and the traditions that embody it are central components of the cultural identity of the community.

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UNESCO - Places of memory and living traditions of the Otomí-Chichimecas people of Tolimán: the Peña de Bernal, guardian of a sacred territory

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Living in the semi-desert zone of the state of Querétaro in central Mexico, the Otomí-Chichimeca people have developed a range of traditions that express a unique relationship with their local topography and ecology. Their cultural environment is dominated by a symbolic triangle formed by the Zamorano and Frontón hills and the Bernal rock.

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In Lithuania, so much of our food comes from the land - we catch it in our clear lakes and lagoons, hunt it in our forests, harvest it in our fields, and ripen it in our gardens. Then the talented hands of our cooks prepare it all and put it on the table. Lithuanian cuisine is known for its naturalness, for ancient cooking traditions served up in new ways, and for aesthetics, without which no breakfast, lunch or dinner is imaginable. Don't be surprised if instead of an avocado, you're served a kohlrabi, or if instead of tuna, you get a piece of local zander. And if for dessert you're offered a piece of curd cheese pie with nettle filling or red beet jelly! All you have to do is sit down and taste everything in front of you.

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Lithuanian cuisine is known for its naturalness, for ancient cooking traditions served up in new ways, and for aesthetics. In Lithuania, so much of our food comes from the land - from our lakes, lagoons, forests, fields and gardens. It's time to start culinary experiences and get to know Lithuanian cuisine!

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Anti-Jewish sentiment was present in the ancient world, including Greco-Roman persecutions, but evolved and gained steam with the deicide charge that Jews killed Jesus. Antisemitism evolved to fit historical circumstances. In the medieval era, Jews were blamed for the kidnapping and murder of Christian children and for spreading disease. As Jews began to assimilate in Europe, conspiracies about Jewish power began to proliferate. And since the creation of the State of Israel, antisemitism has come to target the modern Jewish collective, or the Jewish state.

These expressions of antisemitism have been recycled or appropriated for modern times: in societies with and without Jews, online and in textbooks across the Arab world, in both the fringes of society and in mainstream discourse. Here's a look back at the historical progression of the world's most ancient hatred.

Christian Roots

Antisemitism finds its most sustained roots in Christianity.

The claim that Jews will forever be held responsible for the death of Jesus Christ, a charge known as deicide, comes from a verse in the New Testament, Matthew 27: 25: "His blood be on us, and on our children," also known as the blood curse. Interpretations of the Gospel of John contributed to the demonization. In several places, it associates the Jews with darkness and the devil.

In 1517, Martin Luther launched the Protestant Reformation. But when he failed to convert many Jews, his agitation morphed into hatred, and he turned against them. "Their synagogues... should be set on fire, and what does not burn must be covered over with earth so that no man will ever see stone or cinder of them again," he said. "Their houses also should be razed and destroyed.... All their prayer books... should be taken from them."

The deicide source of antisemitism among Christians was only renounced by the Roman Catholic Church's Second Vatican Council in 1965, with Nostra Aetate, the landmark document that rejected collective Jewish responsibility for Jesus's death. Protestant churches have also repudiated the deicide charge, though there is still work to be done to rid the world of the notion, as it continues to be revived.

For example, the accusation of Jews as Christ killers has been recycled by anti-Zionists who compare the murder of Jesus to Palestinians who they falsely claim are "crucified" by the Israel Defense Forces or the Israeli government.

From Medieval Times to the Enlightenment

Throughout the Medieval Era, Christians continued to persecute Jews.

When Pope Urban II called for the liberation of Jerusalem in 1095, the biblical tropes of Jews as Christ killers and devils inspired Christian crusaders to slaughter thousands of Jews.

In the centuries that followed, Jews were denied citizenship, barred from holding posts in government and the military, and excluded from most occupations, forcing them into pursuits like money lending, trade, and commerce.

Artwork depicted Jews with horns and cloven feet and showed them using the blood of Christian children in ritual sacrifices, a charge known as blood libel.

In many parts of Europe, Jews were forced to wear yellow badges. France, Spain, Portugal, and many German states expelled scores of Jews, and many secular and religious states forced Jews into segregated districts called ghettos.

The high Jewish survival rate during Europe's Bubonic Plague spawned the conspiracy theory that Jews had poisoned the wells of Europe. In fact, their relative isolation in the ghettos and their rituals of cleanliness such as removing grains from their homes that would have drawn flea-infested rats, have been posited as shielding many Jews from the Black Death.

Roman Jewry was not liberated from the ghetto and its Catholic restrictions until the fall of the papal states in 1870. But for most Jews after the 18th century Enlightenment, the church no longer dictated the rights of many Jews. Still, at a time when emphasis was placed on evidence-based, rational thought, some condemned Judaism's belief in God as the source of irrational religious faith, including Christianity.

The Protocols of the Elders of Zion

As Jews began to assimilate into European society, conspiracies about Jewish power began to spread, including through the falsified document Protocols of the Elders of Zion, parts of which originally appeared in 1903 as a serial in a Russian newspaper.

The two dozen "protocols," claiming to be minutes from a secret conclave of Jewish leaders, outline a sinister plot for Jews to rule the world by controlling the media, rigging the economy, and stirring religious discord. Translated into dozens of languages, the Protocols made their way across Europe, the U.S., South America, Japan, and the Middle East.

In 1920, Henry Ford's newspaper, The Dearborn Independent, published a series based on the Protocols, which later became a book titled The International Jew.

The following year, the London Times exposed the Protocols as not only a work of fiction, but brazen plagiarism. The Protocols had been lifted, the Times reported, from Maurice Joly's 1864 French political satire, Dialogue in Hell Between Machiavelli and Montesquieu.

But the revelation did not dilute its influence. Protocols became a playbook for Adolf Hitler, who cited it in many of his early speeches and Nazi propaganda.

Nazis Rise to Power

As eugenics became popular in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, anti-Jewish sentiment was expressed more through a racial lens. An ideology that purported the superiority of the white, Aryan race over other races inspired a new, racial antisemitism that viewed Jews as an inferior race.

Rooted in the evolutionary theory of Social Darwinism that classified human beings by different races, this ideology took it one step further, preaching that only the superior race would win the battle to survive, and that allowing Jews to socialize and intermarry enabled them to pollute pure Aryan blood, weaken European societies, and eventually position them to achieve world domination. Referring to Jews as a race, not a religion, made conversions to Christianity moot. In the eyes of the Nazi, once a Jew, always a Jew.

Geneticists, doctors, and other scientists helped the Nazis seize on Germans' post-World War I vulnerability and sell this ideology. Racial "health policies" sold as legitimate remedies for the nation's ills sought to cleanse Germany of such biological threats, leading to the murder of six million Jews in the Holocaust.

Antisemitism promoted by the USSR

While the Nazis referred to Jews as a race, the USSR reduced Jews to one of many Soviet nationalities. Following the Bolshevik Revolution, religious Jewish identity was suppressed by the atheist state. Instead, Jews were recognized as a nationality with a distinctly secular Soviet Yiddish culture that had nothing in common with the rest of world Jewry, which Soviets generally disparaged as "religious, Zionist, bourgeois Jews in capitalist countries."

After World War II and the creation of Israel, Josef Stalin took it one step further and ordered all Jewish cultural institutions destroyed. He launched a campaign against Jews, vilifying them as "rootless Jewish cosmopolitans," and promulgated the "Doctor's Plot," a conspiracy theory that Jews had tried to poison Kremlin leadership.

After Israel's victory in the Six-Day War, anti-Western ideals and a bid for Arab support led Soviet media to further target Jews and "Zionists." The USSR severed ties with Israel, denied Jews entry into universities and certain professions, and blocked them from emigrating. Jews who were refused exit visas were referred to as "Refuseniks."

A decades-long international human rights movement based largely in the U.S. and the Fall of Communism led to the emigration of nearly 2 million Soviet Jews. Though the party line in modern-day Russia is that antisemitism is not tolerated, anti-Western ideals still fuel Jew-hatred there.

White Nationalism and Anti-Zionism

Today, Jews remain a primary target of the far-right white supremacist movement. In fact, antisemitism is the most enduring component of the white supremacist worldview. In the eyes of a white supremacist, a deadly attack like the one at Pittsburgh's Tree of Life Synagogue in October 2018 serves a dual purpose: it seeks to kill Jews and serves as a call to arms for the inevitable race war that Social Darwinism predicted.

As humanitarian crises increase and shift populations around the world, a fear of being outnumbered and governed by nonwhites has spawned a rise of white supremacist and white nationalist movements around the world. In Europe, the U.S. and elsewhere, white supremacists are organizing and recruiting across borders and appropriating the symbols and tropes of the Nazis, such as those seen during the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021.

The COVID-19 pandemic was fertile ground for a climate of hate. As people spent more time online during lockdowns, white supremacists used social media platforms to exploit people's anxiety, disseminate propaganda, and spread fear. Holocaust denial and distortion experienced a resurgence. In some countries, neo-Nazi ideology, much of it rooted in conspiracy theories and misinformation, has emerged in debates between mainstream political parties. In other places, neo-Nazis have infiltrated the police and armed forces.

Not coincidentally, hate crimes against refugees, immigrants, Muslims, and Jews have increased in recent years. Of the hate crimes motivated by religious bias in the U.S., annual reports year after year show well over half are anti-Jewish.

And since the creation of the State of Israel, the Jewish state and Jews collectively have become targets of anti-Zionist extremists on the far-left and in parts of the Muslim world, which in some places has led to a mainstreaming of antisemitism.

For example, in the United Kingdom, former Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn's contempt for Israel had a clear trickle-down effect. In a matter of just five years-his tenure at the party's helm-Zionist became a code word for Jew and antisemitism permeated the party. A number of British Jews renounced their longtime Labour Party allegiance. In 2021, Corbyn was suspended from the party when an independent government report corroborated widespread allegations of antisemitism within its ranks.

Corbyn's "friends," which is what he once called Hamas and Hezbollah in 2009, echo his anti-Zionism, and use it to justify their militant religious extremism.

Bringing an end to the Jewish state and creating an Islamic state from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea are the primary goals of groups like Hamas and Hezbollah whose views are rooted in Islamist ideology.

Some have warned that America's Democratic Party is headed down the same trajectory as the Labour Party. Here in the U.S., regardless of the issue-gay rights, climate change, foreign policy with another nation-far-left activists often find a way to incriminate Israel. Anti-Israel activists even blamed Israel for American police brutality, by claiming that Israeli police train American police to promote and extend discriminatory and repressive policing practices, including racial profiling. This antisemitic and false claim, known as Deadly Exchange, argues Israeli and U.S. law enforcement exchange security practices and ideologies to purposely target people of color.

In actuality, the exchanges hosted by the Israel National Police focus on effective counterterrorism techniques. There is no field training involved, no training on chokeholds, and no instruction on racial profiling.

For Jews to participate in progressive causes today, many are first asked to renounce their Zionism, completely disregarding the fact that the majority of Jews in the U.S. and around the world have historical, religious, or cultural connections to Israel. Asking only Jews - and no other group-to renounce part of their identity and/or take a position on a foreign conflict is a double standard and a form of anti-Jewish discrimination.

Similarly, during a conflict between Israel and Gaza in May 2021, American Jews were attacked on the streets under the presumption that they were on Israel's side. To make the conflict more relatable to Americans engaged in the Black Lives Matter movement, some activists have racialized the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, viewing it through a neo-Marxist binary lens of oppressor vs. oppressed. In reality, it is a political conflict between two peoples with competing national goals-and should be addressed as such.

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Understanding the Origins of Antisemitism

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Anti-Jewish sentiment was present in the ancient world, including Greco-Roman persecutions, but evolved and gained steam with the deicide charge that Jews killed Jesus. Antisemitism evolved to fit historical circumstances. In the medieval era, Jews were blamed for the kidnapping and murder of Christian children and for spreading disease.

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how african food and american food are the same 

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how african food and american food are the same 

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African Americans' deep roots to the cultural foodways of America * Slow Food USA

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The legacy of America is entrenched with deep and abiding cultural that unite and bind us as a country. Many of those legacies are linked to African American cultural histories and food practices. Our culturally American dishes such as macaroni and cheese, collard greens, black eyed peas, collard greens and more are directly linked to our African foodways that are a part of our cultural history.

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Advanced search - The National Archives of Ireland

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Started in 1778-1798

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Learn more about how the American Revolution inspired the United Irishmen to fight for an Irish republic with political equality for all Irishmen.

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The Great Immigration (1870-1920) – Hungarian Americans and Their Communities of Cleveland

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The Great Immigration (1870-1920) – Hungarian Americans and Their Communities of Cleveland

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1686-1855 Ansiedlerakten, 1686-1855 To Hungary. Card file and documents relating to settlers from Germany, Switzerland, Austria, Böhmen, Moravia to the Banat (mostly) and other regions of Hungary during the 17th-19th century.

1750-1943 Zentrale Sippenkartei, 1750-1943 Index cards, arranged alphabetically by surname, which provide information on date and place of birth, death, and marriage; names of spouse, parents, children (with their birth and death dates); and occupation for Germans who settled abroad, chiefly in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

1750-1943 Auswandererkartei mit Familienangehörigen, 1750-1943 Index cards, arranged alphabetically by surname, for German emigrants and their family members. Provides information on nicknames, given names, and variant forms of surnames; ancestral home, earlier and later lands of allegiance, places and dates of birth and death, religious persuasion, date of emigration, earlier and later places of settlement, original occupation and later activity, name of spouse, places and dates of birth and death, place of marriage, occupation and later activity; names, places and dates of birth and death for children, places of residence, names of spouses. Places of settlement include the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia, Poland and Italy.

1782-1805 Ansiedlerakten, 1782-1805 Card file and documents relating to settlers from Germany, Bohemia and Moravia to Galicia and Bukovina during the 18th-19th century.

1850-1934 Auswandererlisten, 1850-1934 (Hamburg passenger lists) at FamilySearch, images.

1850-1934 Hamburg Passenger Lists, 1850-1934 at Ancestry ($) index and images.

1855-1924 Hamburg Passenger Lists, Handwritten Indexes, 1855-1934 at Ancestry ($) images.

Hamburg, Germany Emigrants at Findmypast ($) index.

1892-1924 New York Passenger Arrival Lists (Ellis Island), 1892-1924 Search results for Austria

1904-1914 Germany, Bremen Passenger Departure Lists, 1904-1914 index & images. Also at MyHeritage index & images ($); includes those with Destination of Austria

1938-1945 Germans, Swiss and Austrians Deported from France,ca. 1938-1945. Index. Incomplete.

1940-1941 Stammblätter der Umsiedler aus Wartheland-Polen, und Litauen Pedigrees of immigrants recorded by the EWZ (Einwandererzentralstelle) (Immigrant Control Office) of migrants from Wartheland-Poland and Lithuania who were resettled in Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Austria. Includes names, dates and birthplaces of the emigrant, his parents, grandparents, and children; residence, occupation, and religion. Often includes a photograph of the immigrant.

1945 Ebensee, Austria, Records of Displaced Persons, 1945 (USHMM) at Ancestry - index ($)

1946-1971 Free Access: Africa, Asia and Europe, Passenger Lists of Displaced Persons, 1946-1971 Ancestry, free. Index and images. Passenger lists of immigrants leaving Germany and other European ports and airports between 1946-1971. The majority of the immigrants listed in this collection are displaced persons - Holocaust survivors, former concentration camp inmates and Nazi forced laborers, as well as refugees from Central and Eastern European countries and some non-European countries.

Georgia (United States) Salzburger and allied families

United States Immigration Online Genealogy Records

If you are using emigration/immigration records to find the name of your ancestors' town in Austria, see Austria Finding Town of Origin for additional research strategies.

"Emigration" means moving out of a country. "Immigration" means moving into a country.
Emigration and immigration sources list the names of people leaving (emigrating) or arriving (immigrating) in the country. These sources may be passenger lists, permissions to emigrate, or records of passports issued. The information in these records may include the emigrants' names, ages, occupations, destinations, and places of origin or birthplaces. Sometimes they also show family groups.

Emigration from Austria

Austrian emigration patterns have been difficult to determine. There was no official country known as Austria until 1918. Prior to that time the sprawling Habsburg Empire, an amalgam of a dozen nationalities, encompassed the idea of Austria.

Between 1860 and 1974 Austria provided 4.3 million emigrants to the United States. These included ethnic German, Polish, Czech, Slovak, Hungarian, Slovene, Romanian, Italian, Croatian and Serbian peoples. During many of these years Latin America also received many Austrian emigrants.

According to the 2000 U.S. census, there were 735,128 Americans of full or partial Austrian descent, accounting for 0.3% of the population. The states with the largest Austrian American populations are New York (93,083), California (84,959), Pennsylvania (58,002) (most of them in the Lehigh Valley), Florida (54,214), New Jersey (45,154), and Ohio (27,017). This may be an undercount, as many German Americans, Czech Americans, Polish Americans, Slovak Americans, and Ukrainian Americans, and other Americans with Central European ancestry can trace their roots from the Habsburg territories of Austria, the Austrian Empire, or Cisleithania.

The Austrian migration to the USA probably started in 1734, when a group of 50 families from the city of Salzburg, Austria, migrated to the newly founded Georgia. Having a Protestant background, they migrated because of Catholic repression in their country.

In the first fifty years of the 19th century, many more Austrians emigrated to the United States, although the number of Austrian emigrants did not exceed a thousand people. Prior to the year 1918, the precise number of Austrians who emigrated to the USA is unknown since Austria was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, so the U.S. Census recorded the number of people from all over the empire in the same group (the Austro-Hungarian group).

In this period, most of the emigrants were Tyroleans who lacked of lands or that fled the Metternich regime.

The immigration of Austrians increased during the second half of 19th century, and in 1900 had 275,000 Austrians living in the USA. Many Austrians settled in New York City, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.

Since 1880, when a great wave of emigration started from all over Europe, Austrians also emigrated massively to the United States, looking for new agricultural land on which to work because as the Austrian Empire was undergoing industrialization, fields were being replaced by cities.

From 1901 to 1910 alone, Austrians were one of the ten most significant immigrant groups in the United States, with more than 2.1 million Austrians.

Many of them, more than 35 percent, returned to Austria with the savings that they had made by their employment.

In 1914-1938, Austrian immigration was low, until it slowed to a trickle during the years of the Depression. Between 1919 and 1924, fewer than 20,000 Austrians emigrated to the North American country, mainly from Burgenland.

However, since the late 1930s, many other Austrians migrated to the United States. Most of them were Jews fleeing the Nazi persecution which started with the Annexation of Austria in 1938. In 1941, some 29,000 Jewish Austrians had emigrated to the United States. Most of them were doctors, lawyers, architects and artists (such as composers, writers, and stage and film directors).

Much later, between 1945 and 1960, some 40,000 Austrians emigrated to the United States. Since the 1960s, however, Austrian immigration has been very small, mostly because Austria is now a developed nation, where poverty and political oppression are scarce. According to the 1990 U.S. census, 948,558 people identified their origins in Austria.

Austrian immigrants who came to Argentina did during the two great migratory waves, i.e., about the First and Second World War.

The main settlement sites were Buenos Aires, Córdoba and Misiones; in the south, cities like San Carlos de Bariloche and San Martin de los Andes were among the main destinations for Austrians.

In the early thirties, approximately 9,000 people of Austrian descent resided in Buenos Aires. These figures are similar to those recorded in the Austrian Embassy, approximately 7,000 people of Austrian descent in Buenos Aires, considering the probability of being greater.

Since the mid-nineteenth century there had been established a German-speaking colony in the neighbourhood of Belgrano, Buenos Aires. The Austrian and Swiss residents in Buenos Aires were integrated into this colony by the language and cultural affinity in general.

According to the 2016 Census there were 207,050 Canadians who claimed either full or partial Austrian ancestry. Austrian Canadian communities can be found throughout the country but with a higher concentration mainly in Western Canada.

In the 17th century, soldiers from the Austro Hungarian Empire settled in New France. Numbers increased following the passing of the Staatsgrundgesetz (constitutional law) in 1867 which allowed free migration from the empire for civilians. Emigration to Canada increased throughout the late 19th century and into the early 20th, until this was tightened in 1914 at the onset of World War I.

Austrian Canadian largest populations by provincein Canada in 2011:

One option is to look for records about the ancestor in the country of destination, the country they immigrated into. See links to Wiki articles about immigration records for major destination countries below. Additional Wiki articles for other destinations can be found at Category:Emigration and Immigration Records.

There are additional sources listed in the FamilySearch Catalog:

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1686-1855 Ansiedlerakten, 1686-1855 To Hungary. Card file and documents relating to settlers from Germany, Switzerland, Austria, Böhmen, Moravia to the Banat (mostly) and other regions of Hungary during the 17th-19th century.

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As a result of the economic crisis at the end of the 19th century, until the outbreak of World War I, more than 3 million people emigrated from the territory of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy to America, hundreds of thousands of whom were Hungarians. In fact, the emigration-fever reached Hungary as e…

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Food Business Africa TV interview with Dr. Paul Demo, CIP Director for Africa

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(Some is Plagiarized, but whatever)

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From curries and soup to bread and pudding, there is a lot to explore in the world's second-largest continent.

Many people think of Africa as a country, but the fact is that Africa is a huge continent with hundreds of nations. While some foods are indigenous to Africa and can be found in several of the continent's regional cuisines, there are some unique dishes, and we have grouped them accordingly.

With 54 countries that all have their own unique culture and food, you're bound to find something you will love on this list of African food.

Traditional African dishes typically has fish, meat, starchy foods, and a wide variety of herbs and spices.

Many of the most popular African meals are centered around beef, curry dishes, and broths.

Because the cooking styles and recipe ingredients can vary vastly by region, we have broken down our list of African food into four regions: North African recipes, South African recipes, West African recipes, and East African recipes.

Listed below are the top five North African food dishes.

Source: toriavey.com

In some parts of the Mediterranean and Africa, it's customary to begin a meal with cold salads like Matbucha.

This classic Moroccan salad is made from bell pepper, jalapeno, tomato, chili pepper flakes, smoked paprika, and garlic.

Source: onceuponachef.com

Tagine is a classic Moroccan chicken dish. The secret to this dish is a fragrant pepper paste called Harrisa.

You can serve this chicken recipe with pita bread, rice, or couscous.

Source: themediterraneandish.com

This classic Moroccan recipe is gluten free and vegetarian.

Harira is made with chickpeas, chicken broth, and lentils and it's full of warm spices like cinnamon, cilantro, ginger, cumin, and turmeric.

Source: themediterraneandish.com

Sometimes you will see this Egyptian dish called foul mudammas. This hearty stew is made with creamy fava beans and herbs like ground cumin.

This hearty recipe gets tons of flavor from hot peppers and garlic.

Source: downshiftology.com

If you're looking for a unique and easy breakfast recipe, try shakshuka.

This dish is made from simmering onions, tomatoes, gently poached eggs, spices (cumin, chili powder, and smoked paprika), and garlic.

If you're looking for food specific to East Africa, you will love these seven African food and recipe ideas.

Source: eatwellabi.com

If you like curry, you will love this popular dish from Uganda. You need green matoke, which is also called the East African Highland banana.

Vegetable stock is used to make this vegetarian dish, and it's loaded with beans and tomatoes.

Source: linsfood.com

Traditionally, this classic flatbread from Ethiopian cuisine is made from teff flour. Teff is the tiniest grain in the world.

You can use your Injera as a plate or a utensil and it's usually served with stews.

Source: aspicyperspective.com

Also known as Ethiopian steak tartare, Kitfo is a high-quality beef steak that is seasoned with loads of delicious spices.

Cayenne pepper, anchovy paste, ground cardamom, and garlic powder give beef this dish its flavor.

Source: africanbites.com

All you need to make Ugali is water and cornmeal, and this simple porridge goes wonderfully with soup, stew, and curries.

By itself, this dish is very bland, but it's perfect for soaking up all of the juice and flavors of soup.

Source: whats4eats.com

Every special gathering in Kenya will have a pot of Nyama Choma somewhere, it seems.

This classic dish is goat meat that is smothered in spices and grilled until it's perfect.

Source: justonegursha.com

Every culture seems to have a hand pie of some sort, and in Ethiopia, these little lentil sambusas are incredibly popular.

You can also make them with beef or chicken.

Source: veganricha.com

With just six ingredients, Kik Alicha is a simple stew that looks similar to the familiar split pea soup made in the U.S.

However, in terms of taste, it's very different. Cumin, ginger, and turmeric flavor this classic stew.

Looking for West African food ideas? The nine West African cuisine recipes below will light up your table.

Source: thecanadianafrican.com

If you love rice and beans, you will adore Waakye. But this isn't a dinner dish necessarily.

Traditionally, Waakye is served for breakfast. This dish is made with black-eyed peas and white rice.

Source: cheflolaskitchen.com

A staple dish in both Central Africa and West Africa, fufu is also very popular in the Caribbean.

Fufu is dense and starchy. You can serve fufu with stew, soup, or sauce.

Source: preciouscore.com

This recipe for African chicken stew has a tomato sauce base that is flavorful and aromatic.

You can serve this dish with warm fried plantains for a truly authentic experience.

Source: saveur.com

Thieboudienne (fish and rice) is Senegal's national dish, and it has layers of smoked fish and vegetables.

The secret to Thieboudienne is the spice called Netetou. You can make this recipe with any veggies or fish.

Source: elleyajoku.com

If you want delicious one-pot African food, Jollof rice is perfect.

Jollof rice is made with rice, pimento peppers, tomatoes, scotch bonnet peppers, tomato paste, onions, and tons of delicious spices. Serve with your favorite African food sauce.

Source: lowcarbafrica.com

This one-pot dish is bursting with authentic African flavors and tons of nutritious spinach.

Ingredients include chicken stock, lemon juice, cayenne pepper, tomatoes, and goat meat if you have it.

Source: allnigerianrecipes.com

Garri is made from pan-fried cassava flakes, and it's a must-try if you want to experience Nigerian food.

You can add Garri to a mixture of sugar, cold water, milk, and peanuts and drink it.

Source: cookstr.com

If you ever travel to Cape Verde, you will surely enjoy a steaming bowl of Cachupa.

This rich stew is made with hominy, veggies, and seasoned meat. Chicken stock and pork belly add tons of flavor.

Source: cheflolaskitchen.com

Egusi soup is another one-pot food that is popular in many West African homes.

You can serve Egusi over rice, or you can eat it with plantain, pounded yams, collard greens, Fufu, Semovita, Eba, or Alama.

No list of African food would be complete without a list of recipes from South Africa. Below, we have listed the 11 most popular South African food recipes.

Source: africanbites.com

You know you're going to want dessert after feasting on this yummy African food, so get ready for melktert.

Every bite is so creamy, and it's perfect with a cup of hot tea.

Source: globaltableadventure.com

Cornmeal pap is a traditional dish from Botswana and it's made from beef broth and cornmeal.

To turn pap into a full meal, just add some of your favorite veggies.

Source: biltongmakers.com

A traditional South African snack, this recipe is made with beef mince that is stuffed into lamb casings.

The spices are key in this recipe, and you will need black pepper, cloves, nutmeg, salt, and coriander seeds.

Source: biggerbolderbaking.com

It seems like every cuisine has its own version of bread pudding, and this cake from South Africa is perfect.

The texture is spongy and it's soaked in a butter sauce. Serve this cake with ice cream.

Source: ethnicfoodsrus.com

In South Africa, the Braai is similar to the classic American BBQ, but it's a celebration of traditional African culture and cuisine.

The Braai refers to the spice blend that is used on tender steaks.

Source: venturists.net

This lamb curry recipe brings South African historical influences into the pot.

Veggies are potatoes, carrots, and onions. The spices used are cumin, garam masala, ground coriander, turmeric, cinnamon, and curry powder.

Beef stock and creme fraiche make this dish saucy.

Source: africanbites.com

Cornbread is delicious all over the world, and this Mealie bread has fresh corn and spices.

With sugar, smoked paprika, and fresh basil, this cornbread is loaded with flavor.

Source: curiouscuisiniere.com

Don't worry. You're not eating a cute little bunny. Bunny Chow is a traditional South African treat that is almost like a sandwich.

Chickpeas, potatoes, meat, and spices are cooked and served in a loaf of bread.

Source: thehomesteadinghippy.com

These tasty sausages are made from fatty pork meat and beef.

The dark malt vinegar and spices like coriander seeds, nutmeg, ground cloves, and allspice make this African recipe unique.

Source: tasteoftheplace.com

If you're craving a dish with South African flavors, Bobotie may be what you're dreaming of.

This recipe is made with curried meat, then topped with a milk and egg mixture and baked. Spices are bay leaf, garlic, turmeric, and cumin.

Source: africanbites.com

Chakalaka is a traditional vegetable relish that originated in South African cuisine.

This dish is full of veggies like baked beans, cabbage, tomato, and carrots.

Do you want to learn about a totally unique African cuisine? Check out this video about food from Somalia, Africa's mystery cuisine.

30+ Traditional African Food Recipes (+Cornmeal Pap)

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From curries and soup to bread and pudding, there is a lot to explore in the world's second-largest continent. Many people think of Africa as a country, but the fact is that Africa is a huge continent with hundreds of nations.

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This is about the  Irish Civil War.

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How civil war erupted at the Irish Four Courts 100 years ago

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On 28 June 1922 an attack on Dublin’s Four Courts marked the beginning of the Irish civil war.

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Must-Try Foods
International food magazine Saveur hails Puerto Rico as the land of "plantains, pork, and sofrito." If you're not yet familiar with Puerto Rican dishes and curious to try Puerto Rican food at your next event, consider this a primer for menu navigation.

What do Puerto Ricans eat?

Locals at Welcome to Puerto Rico describe the cuisine as a créole that blends culinary traditions from around the world. European, African, American, and Taíno ( Caribbean) influences are a product of Puerto Rico's historical roots, first as a Spanish colony and then, after the Spanish-American War, a U.S. territory. Popular ingredients that grow natively in the region include coriander, papaya, cacao, and plantains which are large, banana-like fruits with either savory green flesh or sweet yellow. Europeans brought beef, pork, rice, wheat, and olive oil to the island. While Spanish traders brought African slaves who prepared meals with sugarcane, taro, and yucca.

Puerto Rico is still recovering after devastating hurricanes ripped through the Caribbean. Many continental Americans are supporting family back home with extra love and attention. Consider Puerto Rican catering businesses for your next holiday event, or even for an ordinary weekly meeting. Here's a list of the traditional Puerto Rican dishes to inspire your order.

1. Empanadillas

These little half-moon shaped turnovers are filled with a savory mix of ground beef and potatoes. Whether fried or baked, the filling is seasoned with two Puerto Rican staples: sofrito, and achiote. Sofrito, browned onions, garlic, and peppers, is seasoned with olive oil and coriander. Achiote is a nutty, sweet, and earthy spice that comes in both powder and oil form.

After filling and frying, a top-notch empanadilla will have a slightly crunchy crust that yields to a richly seasoned, hearty filling. Popular filling options on the island are lobster, conch, and shrimp, but the possibilities and seasonings for this Puerto Rican dish are endless.

2. Rellenos de papa (or papas rellenas)

Another popular appetizer, rellenos de papa, combines a mashed potato croquette with picadillo or ground beef or pork seasoned with sofrito. Onions and cheese might make their way into the mix, too. No matter the preparation, rellenos de papa are savory little bites of snacking joy.

3. Tostones and Maduros

Plantains are a Puerto Rican staple, and for a good reason. Unripe, starchy green plantains twice fried are called tostones. These crunchy snacks are best prepared simply with a sprinkle of salt and then dipped in garlic sauce. Consider them the Puerto Rican equivalent to the french fry. Maduros are their ripe, sweet counterparts. Lightly fried or griddled, maduros make for a deliciously sweet side that are perfect for balancing salty dishes.
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4. Pasteles

Pasteles combine soft vegetable dough and meat filling, steamed in banana leaves for a flavorful little pack of delicious food. The dough is a seasoned mixture of grated green plantains, green bananas, malanga/yutía (a root vegetable similar to yuca), and potato or pumpkin with milk. Meat fillings include pork, tropical vegetables, and pumpkin. Both filling and dough is often seasoned with achiote and/or sofrito.

5. Mofongo

Mofongo, a standard Puerto Rican dish, is a mash of fried plantains, crunchy pork skin, and garlic. The variations of meat and spice used to make this warm, rich dish are endless, and it can be served either as a side or a full entree. On American menus, mofongo is usually made with chunks of grilled chicken breast or cubes of pork, and is often topped with stewed shrimp.

6. Pernil

This classic slow roasted pork shoulder can take almost a full day to prepare but this Puerto Rican dish is well worth it. Seasoned with oregano, garlic, and pepper, the fat-topped cut of meat roasts slowly, yielding crunchy skin and tender meat. Meat so tender, that it falls apart with the touch of a knife, making it perfect for pulling onto piles or rice or bread.

7. Pollo Guisado

A one-pot chicken stew, pollo guisado combines many comforting flavors and ingredients of Puerto Rico. Dark meat chicken is browned and cooked down with Adobo, sofrito, achiote, garlic, cilantro, oregano, and other seasonings. Vegetables are left up to the discretion of the maker, so it might taste a little different dependent on the restaurant.

8. Arroz con habichuelas / Arroz con gandules

Bacon fat and sofrito give these rice and beans extra oomph. Fresh pigeon peas, herbs, and additional seasonings turn this hearty side dish into a sturdy base for an entrée.
Are you ready try one of these Puerto Rican dishes? Check out some of the caterers below, or search for Puerto Rican catering near you.
Give your office a taste of delicious Puerto Rican foods.

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8 Puerto Rican Dishes You Shouldn't Miss - Lunch Rush

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Must-Try Foods International food magazine Saveur hails Puerto Rico as the land of "plantains, pork, and sofrito." If you're not yet familiar with Puerto Rican dishes and curious to try Puerto Rican food at your next event, consider this a primer for menu navigation.

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An estimated 3 million Poles left their country between 1850 and 1914. The most common direction of their emigration was Chicago in the United States. As a result, the second biggest population of Polish people still lives in this city today, outside Poland! How did it happen that people from Polish lands started to migrate to America in the 19th century? Łukasz Kożuchowski: The fact that the biggest Polish city is Warsaw is quite obvious. But the fact that the second biggest population of Polish people (ca. 1,5 million) lives outside Poland - in Chicago - may come as a surprise to many. How did it happen that people from Polish lands started to migrate to America in the 19th Century?
Dominic Pacyga: After 1840 the Polish lands went through several changes that transformed all three of the partitions. This included peasant emancipation and the granting of land to peasants, the cutting off of traditional markets for Polish agricultural products in Western Europe, the expansion of the capitalist and industrial market system to Central and Eastern Europe. Comparably important was the growth of the vast transportation networks, especially railroads. After 1850 they opened up the interior of Europe east of the Elbe River. In addition, transatlantic travel was greatly improved in speed and safety. All of these provided Polish peasants with a great deal of mobility. Many left Polish villages for American, German, French cities and Brazilian farms creating a vast diaspora. In turn they often planned to return after making their fortunes, and helping their families expand their land holdings. They also sent a good deal of money back to their villages to help their relatives.
As I have mentioned, many migrants chose Chicago as their destination. Why exactly this city?
Chicago was the fastest growing city in the United States in the 19 th century. After the American Civil War, it developed as an industrial and railroad centre. Large mass production industries such as garment manufacturing, meat packing and steel settled in the city. In addition, a wide variety of other industries developed in Chicago. All of these needed both skilled and unskilled labour and attracted wave after wave of immigrants. The opportunities afforded in Chicago and other U.S. industrial centres powered this Polish economic migration.
When did the first significant wave of Polish immigration occur?
The first wave of Polish immigration to the United States began in the 1850s. These first immigrants tended to come from the Prussian Partition. This migration reached its greatest height in the 1870s. At the end of the decade, Wielkopolska suffered a population loss of 41,000. By the end of the next decade this migration to the United States began to lessen and the emigration of Poles from the Russian partition increased. Between 1890 and 1892 approximately 70,000 left the Congress Kingdom. After 1900, the Galician emigration gained momentum and supplied the greatest numbers going to the United States. In the period 1899 to 1910 some half a million Poles left Galicia for the United States. The greatest single year of outgoing migration from the area was 1910, when over 60,000 people departed.

Many immigrants first came to other settlements including the Polish Silesian colony in Panna Maria ("Our Lady"), Texas. In the history of American immigration, those from the Polish lands are included in the second wave of European immigration from Eastern and Southern Europe. Besides this large "za chlebem" ("after bread") migration, there have been at least two other major periods of Polish immigration to the United States and Chicago. The second large immigration took place after World War II when many Poles joined other people displaced by the war. In the late 1980s another migration, a result of the years of struggle between the Solidarity labour union and the Communist regime occurred. Smaller immigrations took place in the interwar period and during the Cold War.
When did the number of migrants coming from Poland to America reach its peak? Were there some kind of waves of migrant influx to the US?
In the last half of the nineteenth century, changes in economic and social conditions in Poland motivated large numbers of people to emigrate. An estimated 3 million Poles left between 1850 and 1914. The American migration, which was the largest, was only part of the greater movement of Poles to areas in Europe, Asia, and the Western Hemisphere. Polish migration to America peaked between the years 1890 and 1914. The largest numbers came in 1912, just before the outbreak of World War I, when roughly 175,000 people entered the country from all parts of Poland. Perhaps the most reliable estimate states that between 1,148,649 and 1,780,151 Poles entered America between 1899 and 1932. In 1920 it was calculated that there were approximately 3 million inhabitants of Polish heritage in the United States. By 1930 the U.S. Census counted 4,227,734 Poles.
What did a journey to America look like for such a late 19th and early 20th century migrant? What difficulties awaited those who decided to take up such a journey?
By the time immigrants reached Chicago they had a long and tiresome journey behind them. The immediate problem for Polish emigrants from areas outside the German Empire was to cross the imperial frontiers so as to reach the great ports of Northern and Western Europe. As Polish emigration reached its peak, the German ports of Hamburg and Bremen had the most embarkations for the United States. After 1892, the German government involved itself more in immigrant traffic by setting up control stations at its eastern borders. Germany instituted these checkpoints out of fear that immigrants would carry cholera from the interior to the ports. The increased complexity of American health regulations made it more important to deal effectively with illness and other physical or mental deficiencies at the ports, or even earlier at the frontiers. In 1907 authorities rejected almost 12,000 people at the German border and nearly 40,000 at the various ports, leaving 13,000 for American inspectors to turn back at Ellis Island in New York.

One of the border control stations was located at Mysłowice at the junction of the German, Russian, and Austrian empires in Poland. Both Austrian and Russian Poles passed through that station to reach the German ports. At the control stations emigrants walked through a narrow corridor where they met three men: an agent of the steamship lines, a Russian policeman, and a German officer. The emigrant gave his or her tickets to the agent and then entered a large hall. The Germans kept Austrian and Russian Poles separate. In addition, Polish Jews were segregated on the trains. These trains took emigrants to Berlin and they then boarded another train to Bremen or Hamburg. Port cities could be very expensive and offered various temptations to young emigrants. Once they left the ports it took roughly ten days to two weeks to cross the Atlantic to New York City where they were processed and then another two-day trip by train to Chicago. At New York, barges brought immigrants from the ships to Ellis Island, where attendants guided them into the inspection lanes. Immigration authorities required immigrants to pass another physical and mental examination at the point of disembarkation. Compare this to today's more comfortable process of boarding a jet in Warszawa or Kraków and landing in Chicago in ten hours.
The migrants must have been bewildered by the tiresome journey and specific realities of their new home country. How would immigrants start to settle, once they arrived in Chicago?
That's true, the arrival in Chicago could be a bewildering experience. The train station itself was a source of confusion. Other kinds of rail traffic often sidetracked the immigrant trains. It was hard to meet those that arrived behind schedule. Furthermore, the great crowds in Chicago made it difficult to find waiting friends and relatives. Some of the immigrants discovered on arrival that they did not have the full or proper address. The trip from the train station to the various Polish neighborhoods took place on the city's vast and confusing public transportation system. The newcomer had to find food, shelter, and employment. In order to deal with these problems, different groups created an informal system connecting the various settlements in Europe and America.

Often the immigrant who came to the United States arrived on a prepaid ticket. Polish immigrants sent money back to their villages in order to have their family, friends, or fiancés join them. After the first migration had been made from a village, a system of information and mutual aid quickly emerged. Although the village could not be exactly duplicated in the new environment, the would-be immigrant knew that he could find compatriots, or rodacy, in the new settlement who would help him or her to establish themselves in Chicago.
You have mentioned that the migrants wanted to establish relations with other Poles in America. Were there some specific neighbourhoods were Poles gathered? Or did they rather scatter around the city?
Most Poles settled in one of five original Polish neighbourhoods. The first was in West Town now called Wicker Park. In Polish it became known as Stanisławowo and Trójcowo. It was here that the first Polish parish (there would eventually be more than 60 Polish Catholic parishes or parishes that came to be dominated by Poles in Chicago), St. Stanislaus Kostka, was founded in 1867. Holy Trinity parish was organized shortly afterward. The second Polish neighbourhood appeared by the 1870s near 18 th and Ashland Avenue in a working-class district known for railroads, lumber yards, and the McCormick Reaper Works. A third neighbourhood appeared in Bridgeport south of Archer Avenue. Two other South Side neighborhoods soon developed in the Back of the Yards just west of the Union Stock Yard and meat packinghouses and another near the steel mills in South Chicago. These original settlements grew quickly and Polish Chicagoans moved to other areas including Avondale, Brighton Park, South Lawndale, Hegewisch among others.
Many migrants took menial jobs in factories. But were there maybe some cases of social advancement?
There was some upward mobility by the original immigrant community. While Polish clergy played important roles in the early intellectual life of the diaspora, Polish American politicians played a central role in the city from the late 19 th century onward. Polish intellectuals also migrated to Chicago and organized newspapers and other media. Polish actors and media personnel played in Chicago theaters and later radio and television. Many Polish immigrants proved to be successful businessmen. In the years after World War II, the Polonia witnessed a good deal of upward mobility as more and more Polish Chicagoans went to high schools and universities.
Did the migrants prefer to integrate into the English-speaking society and culture, or did they prefer to stay together with the people from their motherland?
Polish immigrants generally settled in multi-ethnic residential districts, but created insulated communities. They revolved around Catholic parishes, but included a lively business community as well as taverns, newspapers, bookstores, Polish language libraries, theatrical groups, parochial schools, hospitals, funeral parlors and cemeteries. These communities attempted to create a safety net that protected residents from cradle to grave. Of course, they could not be totally self-sufficient since they largely relied on American industry for their economic base. There were several conflicts with other ethnic groups, but also alliances especially with the Czechs. Polish and Lithuanian immigrant communities often fought. So did Poles and Jews. The largest clash with another immigrant group, however, came during World War I when Poles and other Slavic groups, especially the Czechs battled with what was then Chicago's largest ethnic group, the Germans. Poles would later clash with African Americans and Mexicans.
You have mentioned conflicts between Poles and other migrants. As we know, relations between migrants, e.g. Irish or Italian, and the local Anglo-Saxons, could also be harsh. Was it also the case with the Polish migrants?
Despite a very diverse diaspora, Polish immigrants were generally stereotyped as unskilled workers. They often took unskilled positions in factories, mills, and sweatshops. These Polish immigrants felt a good deal of prejudice both as immigrants and as Catholics in what was then a largely Protestant country. Books such as Madison Grant's The Passing of the Great Race, projected a negative image of Polish immigrants as well as other immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe.
So how did the migrants cope with such a difficult social situation? Did they organize somehow? Societies, parishes?
Poles organized parishes, and a variety of institutions such as fraternal groups including the Polish National Alliance, the Polish Roman Catholic Union of America, the Polish Women's Alliance, the Sokol Gymnastic Association, the Polish Highlanders' Alliance of North America, as well as the Polish Veterans Association among others. Later immigrants would organize the Polish Scouts ( Harcerstwo), Polish Veterans of World War II, and the Polish Saturday Schools. Various professional organizations also appeared including the Advocates Society, a Polish American lawyers' group. Polish doctors, dentists, teachers, and librarians have also created associations. Polish Chicagoans organized banks, savings and loan association, and the Polish Association, a welfare association that provided social services to the community.
Do Poles in Chicago have their own festivals, such as the Pulaski Parade in New York? How is their culture visible in the cultural mosaic of the city?
For over 100 years the Polish May 3 Constitution Day Parade, reportedly the largest Polish parade in the world, has been held in Chicago. Every year approximately 100,000 Polish Americans march to commemorate the first European constitution. Various other celebrations are held including the Taste of Polonia at the Copernicus Center and Pulaski Day at the Polish Museum of America. Religious holidays are also marked including Corpus Christi, the Feast of the Assumption, and of course Easter and Christmas. In the 19 th century Poles often marked the anniversaries of the 1830-31 Polish Russian War and the anniversary of the 1863 Insurrection.
What does the position of the Polish people in Chicago look like nowadays?
The vast majority of both Polish nationals and Polish Americans today live in the suburbs of the city. The old Polish settlements today contain largely Hispanic communities. Although their numbers are largely diminished, many still live in the city.
Is Polish culture, represented by the descendants of the migrants, present in Chicago also today? Or do the younger generations rather blend with the local culture and society?
Over the generations Polish Americans have largely assimilated, although many maintain a sense of "Polishness". Much of this is seen during the holidays and during the various Polish festivals in Chicago and the suburbs. Ethnicity in Chicago often revolves around food, music, and famous people, but also religious rituals. Polish Chicagoans bless baskets before Easter, although the contents may not always be traditional, share opłatki (traditional Christmas bread) at Christmas, and often display examples of Polish folk art. Unfortunately, by the third generation, the overwhelming number of Polish Chicagoans have largely lost the ability to speak Polish, although many know a few words. Those who do speak Polish often speak a particular dialect that mixes Polish and English words with Polish endings.
Interviewer: Łukasz Kożuchowski

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Chicago, the Polish city - Polish History

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An estimated 3 million Poles left their country between 1850 and 1914. The most common direction of their emigration was Chicago in the United States. As a result, the second biggest population of Polish people still lives in this city today, outside Poland!

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Rooted in Polish heritage for over a century, Polish American Association advances today’s diverse immigrant communities.

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interview with the author of how the irish became white

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interview with the author of how the irish became white

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war of independence | the irish history podcast

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Today's show focuses on the First World War and how it destablised Irish society, following the lives of several people in one Irish town - Castlecomer, Co Kilkenny (where I grew up). It includes never before published letters from soldiers at the Front and accounts from life back in Ireland at the time.

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Castles and battlefields, gardens and glens, islands and wildlife ... enjoyed and protected.

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The troubles: religious conflict in ireland

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The troubles: religious conflict in ireland

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the Troubles, also called Northern Ireland conflict, violent sectarian conflict from about 1968 to 1998 in Northern Ireland between the overwhelmingly Protestant unionists (loyalists), who desired the province to remain part of the United Kingdom, and the overwhelmingly Roman Catholic nationalists (republicans), who wanted Northern Ireland to become part of the republic of Ireland. The other major players in the conflict were the British army, Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), and Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR; from 1992 called the Royal Irish Regiment), and their avowed purpose was to play a peacekeeping role, most prominently between the nationalist Irish Republican Army (IRA), which viewed the conflict as a guerrilla war for national independence, and the unionist paramilitary forces, which characterized the IRA's aggression as terrorism. Marked by street fighting, sensational bombings, sniper attacks, roadblocks, and internment without trial, the confrontation had the characteristics of a civil war, notwithstanding its textbook categorization as a " low-intensity conflict." Some 3,600 people were killed and more than 30,000 more were wounded before a peaceful solution, which involved the governments of both the United Kingdom and Ireland, was effectively reached in 1998, leading to a power-sharing arrangement in the Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont.

Deep origins

The story of the Troubles is inextricably entwined with the history of Ireland as whole and, as such, can be seen as stemming from the first British incursion on the island, the Anglo-Norman invasion of the late 12th century, which left a wave of settlers whose descendants became known as the "Old English." Thereafter, for nearly eight centuries, England and then Great Britain as a whole would dominate affairs in Ireland. Colonizing British landlords widely displaced Irish landholders. The most successful of these "plantations" began taking hold in the early 17th century in Ulster, the northernmost of Ireland's four traditional provinces, previously a centre of rebellion, where the planters included English and Scottish tenants as well as British landlords. Because of the plantation of Ulster, as Irish history unfolded-with the struggle for the emancipation of the island's Catholic majority under the supremacy of the Protestant ascendancy, along with the Irish nationalist pursuit of Home Rule and then independence after the island's formal union with Great Britain in 1801-Ulster developed as a region where the Protestant settlers outnumbered the indigenous Irish. Unlike earlier English settlers, most of the 17th-century English and Scottish settlers and their descendants did not assimilate with the Irish. Instead, they held on tightly to British identity and remained steadfastly loyal to the British crown.

The formation of Northern Ireland, Catholic grievances, and the leadership of Terence O'Neill

Of the nine modern counties that constituted Ulster in the early 20th century, four- Antrim, Down, Armagh, and Londonderry (Derry)-had significant Protestant loyalist majorities; two- Fermanagh and Tyrone-had small Catholic nationalist majorities; and three- Donegal, Cavan, and Monaghan-had significant Catholic nationalist majorities. In 1920, during the Irish War of Independence (1919-21), the British Parliament, responding largely to the wishes of Ulster loyalists, enacted the Government of Ireland Act , which divided the island into two self-governing areas with devolved Home Rule-like powers. What would come to be known as Northern Ireland was formed by Ulster's four majority loyalist counties along with Fermanagh and Tyrone. Donegal, Cavan, and Monaghan were combined with the island's remaining 23 counties to form southern Ireland. The Anglo-Irish Treaty that ended the War of Independence then created the Irish Free State in the south, giving it dominion status within the British Empire. It also allowed Northern Ireland the option of remaining outside of the Free State, which it unsurprisingly chose to do.

Thus, in 1922 Northern Ireland began functioning as a self-governing region of the United Kingdom. Two-thirds of its population (about one million people) was Protestant and about one-third (roughly 500,000 people) was Catholic. Well before partition, Northern Ireland, particularly Belfast, had attracted economic migrants from elsewhere in Ireland seeking employment in its flourishing linen-making and shipbuilding industries. The best jobs had gone to Protestants, but the humming local economy still provided work for Catholics. Over and above the long-standing dominance of Northern Ireland politics that resulted for the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) by virtue of the Protestants' sheer numerical advantage, loyalist control of local politics was ensured by the gerrymandering of electoral districts that concentrated and minimized Catholic representation. Moreover, by restricting the franchise to ratepayers (the taxpaying heads of households) and their spouses, representation was further limited for Catholic households, which tended to be larger (and more likely to include unemployed adult children) than their Protestant counterparts. Those who paid rates for more than one residence (more likely to be Protestants) were granted an additional vote for each ward in which they held property (up to six votes). Catholics argued that they were discriminated against when it came to the allocation of public housing, appointments to public service jobs, and government investment in neighbourhoods. They were also more likely to be the subjects of police harassment by the almost exclusively Protestant RUC and Ulster Special Constabulary (B Specials).

The divide between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland had little to do with theological differences but instead was grounded in culture and politics. Neither Irish history nor the Irish language was taught in schools in Northern Ireland, it was illegal to fly the flag of the Irish republic, and from 1956 to 1974 Sinn Féin, the party of Irish republicanism, also was banned in Northern Ireland. Catholics by and large identified as Irish and sought the incorporation of Northern Ireland into the Irish state. The great bulk of Protestants saw themselves as British and feared that they would lose their culture and privilege if Northern Ireland were subsumed by the republic. They expressed their partisan solidarity through involvement with Protestant unionist fraternal organizations such as the Orange Order, which found its inspiration in the victory of King William III (William of Orange) at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690 over his deposed Catholic predecessor, James II, whose siege of the Protestant community of Londonderry had earlier been broken by William. Despite these tensions, for 40 or so years after partition the status of unionist-dominated Northern Ireland was relatively stable.

Recognizing that any attempt to reinvigorate Northern Ireland's declining industrial economy in the early 1960s would also need to address the province's percolating political and social tensions, the newly elected prime minister of Northern Ireland, Terence O'Neill, not only reached out to the nationalist community but also, in early 1965, exchanged visits with Irish Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Seán Lemass-a radical step, given that the republic's constitution included an assertion of sovereignty over the whole island. Nevertheless, O'Neill's efforts were seen as inadequate by nationalists and as too conciliatory by loyalists, including the Rev. Ian Paisley, who became one of the most vehement and influential representatives of unionist reaction.

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The Troubles, violent conflict from about 1968 to 1998 in Northern Ireland between the overwhelmingly Protestant unionists (loyalists), who desired the province to remain part of the U.K., and the overwhelmingly Roman Catholic nationalists (republicans), who wanted Northern Ireland to become part of Ireland.

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What They Don't Say About the Massacre of Glencoe

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Polish Migrant Memoirs and Letters: Documenting the World War II Diaspora ' https://polishamericanstudies.org/text/179/passport-.html
With the outbreak of World War II on September 1, 1939, the Polish nation faced an overwhelming experience of displacement and dislocation. As a consequence, close to six million Poles found themselves outside Poland's new borders; at the end of the war, nearly 500,000 Poles remained in exile, scattered over many countries on all continents. About 140,000 Polish immigrants -- political exiles, civilian refugees, displaced persons, former soldiers, slave laborers, and prisoners of concentration camps -- settled permanently in the United States.

With this war generation passing, it becomes ever more urgent to tell their story, to preserve the record of their experience and make it available to the next generations. The Polish American Historical Association (PAHA) is a professional organization international in scope and in existence since 1943 (for more information please see www.polishamericanstudies.org ) whose goal is scholarly research and promotion of the study of the history and culture of the Polish American diaspora. PAHA is alarmed by the disappearance of documentation on the history of the World War II and immediate postwar wave of Polish migration to the United States. Recognizing the contributions of Polish migrants to Polish American as well as American history, PAHA appeals to the members of the exile generation, their families, and their organizations to deposit their existing records in archival and research institutions.

' https://polishamericanstudies.org/text/179/passport-.html

To facilitate the preservation effort, the Polish American Historical Association is inaugurating a new project titled "Polish Migrant Memoirs and Letters: Documenting the World War II Diaspora." In collaboration with the Central Connecticut State University's Library (Polish Heritage Collection) and Stanislaus A. Blejwas Chair in Polish and Polish American History, the Polish American Librarians' Association, PAHA is announcing search in the United States for the following documents among members of the WWII Diaspora in North America: memoirs (published and unpublished); diaries; letters; interviews and photos. The war and immediate post-war period is the main focus of the search, however, we are interested in the entire life of these migrants, not just the war years.

https://polishamericanstudies.org/text/181/wajszczuk-gold.html
The documents, along with the deed of gift, should be sent to:
Central Connecticut State University Elihu Burritt Library Attention: Ewa Wolynska, Head, Special Collections PAHA Memoirs Project 1615 Stanley St. New Britain, CT 06050
To open the page with the Deed of Gift, please look in the upper left corner of the current page to the link in red and click on the link. It will take you to the page you need. You can also download the image below, print it on a whole page of 8.5x11, and fill by hand to mail with your documents.

If you are interested in donating to this project and are seeking more information please contact: Dr. Ewa Barczyk, or bpy phone, tel. 414-412-6456.

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Polish Migrant Memoirs and Letters: Documenting the World War II Diaspora ' https://polishamericanstudies.org/text/179/passport-.html With the outbreak of World War II on September 1, 1939, the Polish nation faced an overwhelming experience of displacement and dislocation.

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The Army Austria Hungary in its entirity

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The Army Austria Hungary in its entirity

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The Army: Austria-Hungary in its entirety

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The famous words ‘In deinem Lager ist Österreich’ from the poet Franz Grillparzer’s eulogy to Field Marshal Radetzky celebrate the Imperial and Royal Army as the supreme embodiment of the Habsburg Monarchy: ‘There in your encampments, behold her: Austria!’. Nor did the uniformly white-coated soldier…

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Don't let the fancy name fool you, Pörkölt is an easy and flavorful Hungarian beef stew (often refered to as goulash in the united states) made with simple ingredients.
Serve pörkölt with homemade egg noddles and a side of roasted vegetables and you'll feel like your in a 5 star restaurant.

Hungarian Pörkölt vs Goulash

Pörkölt (Peur-keult) is Hungarian for beef stew and is a popular Hungarian recipe made by braising meat and simmering it with onions in a tomato based sauce. It's served warm, over noodles and it's absolutely delicious.

My brother lived in Hungary for some time and came home with a new found love of Hungarian food. He even brought my mom a Hungarian cookbook (translated to English of course) so she could test out some native recipes.

This recipe is often confused with Hungarian goulash and in fact is often called Hungarian goulash by mistake. Authentic goulash is a meat and vegetable soup where Pörkölt is thicker, similar in consistency to beef stroganoff, and is served over noodles.

What I LOVE about this recipe:

Easy- It requires very little prep, simple ingredients, and is super easy to throw together and let it simmer while making your house smell amazing.

Sweet paprika- this is the ingredient that really shines in this dish. Sweet paprika is Hungarian paprika you can find at the grocery store (or on ). If you must substitute regular (hot) paprika, the flavor will change slightly, and you will only need a few teaspoons, rather than Tablespoons. Adjust to taste.

Purchasing Beef for Stew (what to know):

1. Save your money! Don't buy expensive cuts of meat for stew! Cheap, tough cuts of meat are perfect. That's right, I said tough cuts of meat! The best thing about stew is that it simmers for long periods of time, causing the connective tissue in tougher meat to break down, turning the meat into soft, tender pieces. In contrast, nice tender and marbled meat with become tougher the longer it simmers because the fat will melt into the soup.

2. Avoid pre-cut stew meat. This type of packaged meat is put together by the butcher from the odds and ends of different cuts of beef. This means they won't cook as evenly.

3. Choose the right cut of meat. Hit the sale section and look for cuts of meat that come from the shoulder or rear of the cow. My first choice is always chuck: chuck shoulder, chuck roast, top chuck. Or choose a round roast, tump roast, or top top round roast.

How to Make Pörkölt:

1. Sear meat. Season with salt and pepper and place meat pieces in a skillet of hot oil, browning on all sides. *Don't crowd the meat in the pan or it will steam instead of sear. Set aside.

2. Make Sauce. Cook onions in oil until golden. Return the meat back to the pot, along with tomato sauce, bouillon cubes, water, paprika and vinegar.

3. Simmer. Cover pot, reduce heat to low and simmer for 2 hours, until meat is fall apart tender. Remove from heat and allow to cool for 10 minutes.

4. Serve. Stir in the sour cream and serve over egg noodles or mashed potatoes.

Variations:

Substitute meat- any kind of meat can be used. Substitute chicken, pork, or other game meat.

Add vegetables- feel free to add your favorite vegetables during step 2.

Paprikás - Add additional sour cream and this dish becomes a new hungarian favorite, paprikás!

Recipe

Did You Make This Recipe?

Tag @TastesBetterFromScratch on Instagram with #TastesBetterFromScratch!

HAVE YOU TRIED THIS RECIPE?!

RATE and COMMENT below! I would love to hear your experience.
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Don't let the fancy name fool you, Pörkölt is an easy and flavorful Hungarian beef stew (often refered to as goulash in the united states) made with simple ingredients. Serve pörkölt with homemade egg noddles and a side of roasted vegetables and you'll feel like your in a 5 star restaurant.

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The Massacre of Glencoe took place on 13 February 1692, when government troops slaughtered 38 members of the Clan MacDonald in their homes. Some survivors managed to avoid the attack, as shown in the painting, and attempted to escape through the snow. This is a typical Scottish Victorian 'costume piece', or historical painting, of a shameful incident from national history.

Painted nearly 200 years after the event, the painting is not an accurate record of what happened. Nevertheless, it has been used frequently to illustrate this notorious act of treachery; no other depiction has greater impact.

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Art UK has updated its cookies policy. By using this website you are agreeing to the use of cookies. To find out more read our updated Use of Cookies policy and our updated Privacy policy. Close This image is available to be shared and re-used under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives licence (CC BY-NC-ND).