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According to the HOLC map and report, the Dilworth neighborhood in Charlotte NC was considered "one of the most desirable residential areas in Charlotte." Its positive characteristics included that the neighborhood was inhabited by "business" and "professional men," residents had access to transportation, and there were no "detrimental influences" like people of color or industrial areas. But the HOLC appraiser noted "Area D-3 (a predominantly black neighborhood) threatened to expand further southward and that could present "problems" for Dilworth's home owners later in time.

Location

Dilworth, Charlotte, NC

Citation: https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/map/NC/Charlotte/area_descriptions/A3#mapview=full&loc=14/35.214/-80.8509

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According to the HOLC map, Syracuse NY was 85 percent native-born white, followed by 13 percent foreign born white and just 1 percent African American in the 1930s. Charlotte was 68 percent native born white, followed by 38 percent African American and 1 percent foreign born white. While redlining in Charlotte focused on keeping the black population out of majority white areas, redlining in Syracuse focused on keeping immigrants, black people, and people of indigenous descent out of American white areas. In both cities, "red" areas were inhabited by non-white residents and/or immigrants. The maps shows areas that were graded as "yellow" were in close proximity to places where non-white/immigrant people lived and were considered as declining in the quality of homes in those areas. Blue areas of Syracuse graded lower due to population slowly shifting from native born white to Italian immigrants. Green areas were almost entirely native born white as well as high income. Another interesting find, low income workers lived near railroads in both areas, which resulted in those areas becoming redlined because low income workers were typically people of color or ethnic minorities.

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According to the HOLC map, the Myers Park area was a wealthy, predominantly white neighborhood, characterized by racial exclusivity and systematic discrimination in real estate practices. Myers Park was classified as "strongly restricted," excluding people of color through the use of restrictive covenants, an indication of the racism that dominated this era. Executives, business, and professional men dominated this area, making it more desirable. The report also noted that the Adjoining Area D4 is a "negro section", but the reports clarify that the population in D4 is not increasing and that there is no infiltration of negroes into Area A2, and therefore no concern for the safety of Myers Park.

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Portland, Oregon is portrayed as one of the most progressive cities in the US. Due to Portland's systematic exclusion of people of color, many people refer to Portland as "the whitest city in America." The Albina district became the only neighborhood where people of color could live after 1948. According to the HOLC reports, the Lower Albina area is the city's melting pot and is the closest thing to a "slum district". The HOLC's Redlining practices continued to solidify segregation by shutting out Lower Albina from mortgage availability while granting lucrative financial support to white-dominant neighborhoods.

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After exploring the HOLC map, Los Angeles California show racial and socioeconomic segregation in the Los Angeles area. Neighborhoods in South Los Angeles, like Watts and Compton, were rated as "hazardous" or "undesirable" because of their high concentrations of African American and Latino residents, as well as their limited access to resources. On the other hand, neighborhoods in North Los Angeles, like Pasadena and Beverly Hills, were rated as "desirable" or "best" because of their predominantly white populations and high levels of economic investment. A distinguishing characteristic of Los Angeles's HOLC ratings is the use of racial and ethnic stereotypes to justify the ratings. An example of this would be the neighborhoods with high concentrations of Mexican American residents being described as "undesirable" due to their perceived "lack of stability" and "poor living conditions." A key difference between the HOLC ratings in South and North Los Angeles is the level of economic investment in each region.

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After reading through the HOLC maps and explanations, I was surprised to see a city that is known today as being a beacon of progress come from racially motivated beginnings. At its inception, Native Americans were, by law, not allowed to live within city limits. Chinese immigrants and descendants were the next to be targeted in this fashion, though discrimination later grew to include all Asian ethnicity.

Discrimination against African Americans followed in a similar pattern as what was seen in Charlotte, North Carolina. However, African Americans still make up only 1% of the population, while the other 80% is white. As such, efforts targeting African Americans ultimately had a lesser effect on the city's overall development and how zones were drawn out.

- Biggins

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The Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) map for Chicago, IL reveals distinct grading of neighborhoods according to positive and negative influences. The green and blue sections of the map received the most favorable influence notations. Lincoln Park neighborhoods received an "excellent" residential rating due to their preserved homes combined with a large homeowner base and a consistent "business and professional" resident demographic. The availability of nearby parks and public transportation increased the neighborhood's desirability. Lakeview received a "desirable" classification because of its quality housing stock, diverse residential structures including single-family homes and small apartment buildings along with good schools and low crime rates. The map used yellow and red colors to indicate areas that suffered from Detrimental Influences. Despite its decline status the Near West Side maintained positive characteristics through its closeness to industrial and transport facilities. The presence of lower-income residents generated widespread concerns. Bronzeville and similar South Side neighborhoods earned "hazardous" labels because they had high populations of African American residents. Appraisers identified that these residents rendered the area unattractive to investors because of high crime rates combined with decaying infrastructure. The comparison of HOLC maps between Chicago and Charlotte reveals multiple Similarities and Differences. The grading system in both cities showed explicit racial bias since predominantly white neighborhoods received positive ratings while predominantly Black neighborhoods were labeled as hazardous. The socioeconomic background of residents played a crucial role in neighborhood desirability ratings because professional areas received higher evaluations in both cities. However, notable differences also existed. The Chicago map displayed stronger racial divisions between neighborhoods which mirrored the city's segregation history and migration trends. Industrial zones in Chicago affected neighborhood evaluations differently compared to Charlotte where proximity to industrial areas played a minor role in assessments. The HOLC map of Chicago exemplifies how neighborhood desirability during this time was determined by intertwined racial, socioeconomic, and geographical elements. Assessments from that period still affect current urban development patterns and housing discrimination. (Bianca Wettel)

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According to the HOLC map report, San Jose, CA has an area called "Italian town" which was the largest "D" grade neighborhood. It was labeled as "hazardous" due to immigrant populations and poor housing conditions. Public transportation avoided these areas to serve higher-rated neighborhoods. In southern cities the black populations were targeted, in San Jose, it affected immigrant and Asian American communities.

Urban renewal programs in the 1950s-70s, like the San Jose Redevelopment Agency, displaced low-income communities for commercial development.

Location: San Jose,CA

Citation:

https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/map/CA/SanJose/context#mapview=full&loc=13/37.328/-121.8767

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1. For the map of Charlotte, most of the north half is labeled as either "Defidently Declining" or "Hazardous'". Some common detriments I saw in the Charlotte area was being near a "negro populated area"

The section C5 in Charlotte said a determent was "negro sections on two sides".

For C10, it states, "Negro university adjoining section - also box factory. Adjoining section on the north is negro section."

D3 states, "negro section almost entirely. Many detriments are related to the black population in Charlotte. Favorable influences in Charlotte were typically related to the proximity of churches or schools. If it was an area with those things, it was a favorable influence. If not, that would be included in the detriments.

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I decided to look at Seattle as my second city. The area descriptions were set up very differently than Charlotte's area descriptions. D4 and D5 were the only ones I saw mentioning race as a detriment to the area. D5 mentioned that *This district is composed of various mixed nationalities.". While D4 just stated that it was the negro area. Other than that, they had hazardous areas and a lack of transportation.

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My name is Liam Gent, and I chose Cleveland as my second city. The first thing that I noticed is that only 10% of the population in Cleveland is African-Americans and a majority of them are native born white Americans. Looking into Cleveland and its sections of the city, the hazardous areas are all around industrial areas, which is the thing that made this different from Charlotte, was that people living in this area were predominantly white Americans. The one thing that stood out was that the most common group in the house areas were Russians and Jews. Even though there wasn't a separation between braces like black and white, or Hispanic that were still a separation between ethnicities, how certain demographics live in certain areas

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Brooklyn in Charlotte, NC, was one of the oldest African American neighborhoods, located close to the main business district. The HOLC gave it a "hazardous" rating because it was mostly Black (98%) and had a lot of families on relief. People living there worked mainly as laborers and domestic servants, with incomes ranging from $600 to $1,200 a year. Even though the area had good transportation, schools, and churches, it was still seen as undesirable because of the old, cheap properties and the fact that it was almost entirely a "Negro section." The terrain was rolling and hilly, which probably affected how the neighborhood developed. This situation in Brooklyn is similar to neighborhoods in NYC, where Black communities were also redlined. Both the South and North experienced redlining, but in New York City, the Black population was often larger due to the Great Migration, making these neighborhoods more crowded. The long-term impact of redlining in both places led to a lot of economic struggles that still affect these communities today.

https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/map/NC/Charlotte/area_descriptions/D3#mapview=full&loc=13/35.2174/-80.8358

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Riverside Drive in Manhattan, New York, was considered a "B9" area on the HOLC map, meaning it was still desirable. The neighborhood had a mix of older apartment buildings, some 20 to 40 years old, but also had new developments happening. Rents ranged from $8 to $14 per room for walk-ups and up to $22 for newer elevator apartments. The area was mainly made up of white-collar workers, with an estimated family income between $2,000 and $25,000. There were no foreign-born families or people on relief, and the neighborhood wasn’t segregated—it wasn’t a "Negro" section. My grandpa worked as a maintenance worker in one of the buildings on Riverside Drive and was given a free apartment, which I think is really cool considering the area’s high desirability. My grandma still lives in that building today, which makes Riverside Drive even more meaningful to our family. The area had great city facilities, including good transportation, and it was located along Riverside Drive with a fairly high, level terrain, which made it a perfect spot for development. Looking back, it’s amazing how this neighborhood became a stable and thriving area, and it’s even more special knowing my family has a piece of its history.

https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/map/NY/Manhattan/area_descriptions/B9#mapview=full&loc=15/40.8412/-73.9404

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In Detroit, green areas were mostly white and affluent, often located near downtown and in residential neighborhoods that kept high property values. Red zones, mainly located in poorer, mostly black neighborhoods on the West side is recognized through poverty, deteriorating infrastructure, and poor housing conditions. These neighborhoods were systematically denied mortgages and investment. Yellow and Blue zones are kind off in the middle marked as in transition. They have a mix of races and economic decline, including areas near industrial sites that were starting to lose value. In comparison to Charlotte, Detroit's redlining was tied more to industrial decline and economic factors like job losses in manufacturing. Charlotte's redlining was more directly influenced by racial segregation. In both cities, presence of black residents was a key factor in determining which areas were redlined, but Detroit's map shows more of the city's industrial decline impacting its neighborhoods.

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According to the HOLC Map, green graded areas (A-2) were seen as highly desirable due to modern homes, city conveniences, and proximity to certain community environments. The area was home to higher income professionals and was "strongly restricted" as there were no Black residents, immigrants, or families receiving financial assistance were present here. Mortgage funds were easily available with new construction and the desirability of this area was expected to rise. In contrast, red graded areas (D-4) were labeled as undesirable mainly because there were entirely Black neighborhoods as mentioned in the maps. Despite being close to schools and businesses, they were still considered high-risk. Residents, mostly laborers and domestics with lower incomes, had very limited mortgage options, and no new construction was occurring. Unlike the green graded area, this neighborhood was not expected to grow or become more desirable. (Isabel Hong)

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According to the HOLC Map, the green graded area (A-3) was rated as highly desirable because it was a newer neighborhood with well maintained brick homes along with a great transportation system. Most residents were born there and homeownership was high. Housing demand was strong and mortgage funds were available. This area's value was expected to grow. In contrasts, the red graded area (D-7) was marked undesirable becuase it was entirely Black residents as mentioned in the map. Residents were mostly packing house workers that were considered to be living in "old" and poorly maintained shacks. No mortgage funds or HOLC loans were available, and no new construction was taking place. The area was seen as high risk with little chance for improvement. This shows how redlining kept Black communities from better homes and financial opportunities. (Isabel Hong)

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According to the HOLC map, in the 1930s, Charlotte had 68 percent native-born white residents, 38 percent African Americans, and 1 percent foreign-born white. Redlining in Charlotte was largely intended to keep Black people out of majority-white neighborhoods. Areas marked "red" were largely populated by African Americans, and these zones were deemed "hazardous" owing to their racial makeup. "Yellow" areas were near to redlined zones and considered to have poor housing quality due to their proximity to Black populations. Meanwhile, "green" regions were virtually entirely native-born white and high-income, keeping their economic and racial exclusivity with time.

These areas were redlined because they were connected with poor property values and racial minorities. The legacy of redlining in Charlotte is still visible today, with previously redlined areas being low-to-moderate income and majority-minority.

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Idaho cities, such as Boise, did not have HOLC maps due to their smaller populations during the 1930s. However, discriminatory tactics like as racial covenants (CC&Rs) had the same aim as redlining. These covenants expressly prohibited non-white residents from owning land unless they worked as domestic servants. Ada County subdivisions, for example, enforced these limits in order to keep white areas racially uniform. While Idaho cities lacked the institutionalized HOLC grading system found in bigger urban centers, their exclusionary tactics were similar to those of northern cities where immigrant populations were targeted. Unlike Charlotte's focus on Black residents, prejudice in Idaho was more widespread, affecting a variety of racial and ethnic groups. Low-income laborers frequently lived near railroads or industrial districts here, but these places were barred from high-value residential construction due to racial and economic biases.

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In Charlotte, green areas were predominantly white and affluent, located in suburban neighborhoods with stable property values. Blue zones included middle-class white neighborhoods, considered still desirable but slightly less stable. Yellow areas were marked as "declining", often consisting of working-class residents, including some black families. Red zones were primarily African American neighborhoods, concentrated near industrial sites and older housing stock. These areas faced disinvestment, mortgage denials, and were labeled "hazardous". Charlotte's segregation was more directly tied to race, in contrast to Detroit. Both cities' redlining practices reinforced economic and racial divides, limiting opportunities for black residents.

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After looking at the HOLC map of University City, Charlotte, NC, the areas rated as "desirable" were characterized by a mixture of single family homes and apartments with a very high percentage of rental properties. The areas were also marked by a higher concentration of African American residents. The northern sections, which were closer to the city center, were more likely to be rated as non desirable indicating a higher perceived risk of investment. These areas were also more densely populated and had a higher number of low-income and minority residents. The southern sections, which were farther from the city center, were more likely to be rated as desirable, showing a lower perceived risk of investment. These areas were characterized by more suburban, single-family homes and a higher percentage of middle-class residents.

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Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) Neighborhood Redlining Grade

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Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) Neighborhood Redlining Grade

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Charlotte, North Carolina, has had a long history with racism and discrimination that unfortunately continues to plague the city to this day. Much of the northern side of the city has negative labels, such as "Hazardous" and "Definitely Declining". This is largely due to the percentage of African Americans who populate those parts of the city, with Charlotte's history of redlining as visible as many places in the South.

- Biggins

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In Charlotte, the neighborhoods that seemed to have thrived the most were predominantly white and located in suburban areas marked in green. Blue zones represented the middle-class white communities that still were seen as good areas. Areas labeled in yellow were considered to be going less desirable, these areas mainly were the home to working-class families. Red-designated neighborhoods were primarily low income families. There was also a greater population of African American families in this area. These areas were seen dangerous and hazardous. Charlotte has deep history when it comes to segregation and discrimination. These areas being so divided caused more segregation. The white upper class families lived in the valuable and safe areas while lower class families lived in the more dangerous and less valuable areas of charlotte.