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Theme one
1. The outcomes of institutionally racist policy choices that exclude the needs of low-income minorities in the health care system results in more deaths within the communities. Doctors and other health institutions seem to offer little to no medical aid when it comes to minorities.
2. The intersectionality of the unconscious bias, distrust in the healthcare system, lack of health insurance and lack of health education affects the African American community since the health care system specifically have seemed to fail and push asides minorities. According to the video it is shown that Latino adults are 45% more likely to die from diabetes and African American adults are at least 50% more likely to die from strokes or heart diseases.
3. Three strategies that I feel can address the issues raised in questions one and two is by teaming up with non profit organizations to provide basic health essentials for those I need. As well as educating minorities on health care systems  so they are able to understand what is actually is and how important it is. Lastly communities can come together and have work shops talking about the importance of maintaining a healthy life and teach the children that running and playing is better than sitting on the couch.
4. https://tcf.org/content/report/racism-inequality-health-care-african-americans/
This source specifically helped me understand the dramatic difference between African American health over the years and how it compares to a white persons. It had also discussed that social factors have a lot to do with health.
5. One thing that I learned in this unit was the different theories; theory of planed behavior and self- efficacy theory.

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What You Should Know

Of the more than 20 million people who have gained coverage under the ACA, 2.8 million of them are African-American-and yet, this population is still more likely to be uninsured than white Americans.

The average American family spends around 11 percent of household income on health care premiums and out-of-pocket costs, but that amount approaches 20 percent for African American households.

Because African Americans tend to be poorer than other demographic groups on average, public health insurance programs such as Medicaid are vital to ensure affordable health care and healthier outcomes-yet fourteen states have resisted Medicaid expansion, mostly in the South.

Even with improved access to medical care under the ACA, the disparities in health outcomes between African Americans and whites are stark. African-American women are three times more likely to die of pregnancy-related causes than white women, for example, and the African-American infant mortality rate is twice the rate for white infants.

Certain social determinants of health, such as poverty, income inequality, wealth inequality, food insecurity, and the lack of safe, affordable housing have important implications for health risk and the ability to attain health insurance coverage for African Americans.

Another important social factor leading to poor health outcomes and economic disadvantage among African Americans is racism, because not only is it a stressor, leading to wear and tear on the body, but it also impacts who gets what in America, particularly health care.

The nation is at a moment when more progressive health care reform might be possible; any health care reform needs to take these inequities into account in recreating a health care system that will serve all Americans.

The American health care system is beset with inequalities that have a disproportionate impact on people of color and other marginalized groups. These inequalities contribute to gaps in health insurance coverage, uneven access to services, and poorer health outcomes among certain populations. African Americans bear the brunt of these health care challenges.

African Americans comprise 13.4 percent of the U.S. population. Over the span of several decades, namely since the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1968, they have been able to make notable strides in American society. According to the Economic Policy Institute, educational attainment has greatly increased, with more than 90 percent of African Americans aged 25-29 having graduated from high school. College graduation rates have also improved among African Americans. When it comes to income, gains have been made as well, but African Americans are still paid less than white Americans for the same jobs and lag significantly behind when it comes to accumulating wealth. And as for home ownership, just over 40 percent of African Americans own a home-a rate virtually unchanged since 1968.

African Americans are also living longer, and the majority of them have some form of health insurance coverage. However, African Americans still experience illness and infirmity at extremely high rates and have lower life expectancy than other racial and ethnic groups. They are also one of the most economically disadvantaged demographics in this country.

This report will examine the state of health care coverage for African Americans and shed a light on important social factors that uniquely impact their health outcomes. In an effort to draw implications from leading health care reform plans, recommendations are made for the way forward in ensuring that the physiological and social impacts of racism are not omitted in efforts to secure truly universal health care coverage in America. African Americans are one of the most politically engaged demographics in this country. Addressing their unique challenges and perspectives, including the pervasive impacts of racism, must be included in health reform efforts.

Coverage Gains-and Obstacles-for African Americans Under the ACA

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) has helped to ensure health care coverage for millions of Americans. The uninsured rate among African Americans declined after the law was implemented: of the more than 20 million people who have gained coverage under the ACA, 2.8 million of them are African-American. Yet, this population is still more likely to be uninsured than white Americans: as of 2018, the uninsured rate among African Americans was 9.7 percent, while it was just 5.4 percent among whites. African Americans were more likely to be covered through employer-sponsored or private health insurance: 55 percent of African Americans used private health insurance in 2018, while 41.2 percent were enrolled in Medicaid or some other type of public health insurance.

While coverage expansions under the ACA have hastened the progress toward universal coverage, the continued high cost of many coverage options means that access to affordable health care is still a challenge for many Americans-particularly African Americans.

The average family spends $8,200 (or 11 percent of family income) per year on health care premiums, and out-of-pocket costs for things such as office visit copays, prescription drugs, and surprise or out of plan medical bills continue to wreak havoc on the financial security of families. For African Americans, the average annual cost for health care premiums is almost 20 percent of the average household income-a major cost to bear, when taking into account income inequality and other economic challenges for this demographic.

The high cost of coverage has kept the number of uninsured and underinsured unacceptably high: of the 27.5 million people that still lack health insurance coverage, 45 percent cite cost as the reason for being uninsured. Furthermore, the Commonwealth Fund estimates that an additional 87 million people (adults aged 19 to 64) are underinsured; that is, they have coverage, but their plan leads to unusually high out-of-pocket costs relative to income that can lead to a strain on personal finances or even debt. Of these underinsured adults, 18 percent are African-American.

Systemic Health Care Challenges That Reform Must Address

Despite coverage gains, remaining health care challenges exist that have a disproportionate impact on African Americans. The lack of Medicaid expansion in key states, health disparities, and health care provider shortages make it incredibly hard to address America's health care needs in a comprehensive way. And while these challenges are factors that touch many Americans in various parts of the country, the gravity of them is uniquely seen in the South, and among the African-American population.

The South's Stubborn Approach to Medicaid Expansion

The Medicaid program has been a lifeline for low-income Americans, pregnant people, the elderly, and people with disabilities. It is jointly funded by states and the federal government, and has been operating for fifty-four years. As of August 2019, the program covered 68 million people, with African Americans making up about 20 percent of Medicaid enrollees. Because African Americans tend to be poorer than other demographic groups on average, public health insurance programs such as Medicaid are vital to ensure affordable health care and healthier outcomes. In states that have not expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), African Americans and other people of color are most likely to fall within a coverage gap -meaning they earn too much to qualify for the traditional Medicaid program, yet not enough to be eligible for premium tax credits under marketplace plans.

The states that have not expanded Medicaid are largely concentrated in the southern region of the United States.

Under the ACA, Medicaid eligibility was expanded for adults with incomes up to 138 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL). This expansion was originally written into the ACA as a requirement for all states, but due to a 2012 Supreme Court ruling in National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius, it is now just an option for states. To date, thirty-seven states (including the District of Columbia) have expanded Medicaid, either through traditional means or the Section 1115 waiver process. The states that have not expanded Medicaid are largely concentrated in the southern region of the United States. (See Map 1.)

Map 1

In the South, African Americans are disproportionately represented. According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Minority Health, 58 percent of the African-American population lived in the South as of 2017. They are also more likely to be uninsured, with Texas, Florida, and Georgia being home to the largest shares of uninsured African Americans. Some states have also proposed draconian work requirements as a condition for the participation in the Medicaid program. These requirements can only serve to stigmatize enrollees, deny coverage, and discourage low-income people from the support they desperately need. In Arkansas-one of nine states to date with 1115 waivers approved by the Trump administration allowing fully implemented work requirements- 18,000 low-income people lost health care coverage as a result. This coverage loss comes as no surprise, because the use of work requirements for other safety-net programs, including Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), has proven them to be ineffective in their stated goal-promoting employment-yet highly effective in reducing program eligibility. Medicaid work requirements for three states have been struck down by the courts. Due to the failure to expand Medicaid, the South is now home to the nation's sickest people, and is where health disparities between whites and people of color are the most pronounced.

Disparities in Health Outcomes

Increases in health insurance coverage under the ACA have improved access to medical care and have been linked to better outcomes for African Americans, such as earlier diagnosis and treatment of certain cancers. However, disparities still exist across health conditions when comparing African Americans and whites, including maternal mortality, infant mortality, heart disease, diabetes, cancer, and other health issues. Social factors, including economic disadvantage, inequities in education, and lack of access to health care, impact a person's ability to lead a healthy and productive life. For people in American society that experience racism and inequality in their daily lives, and throughout the lifespan, the impact of social factors on health are the most grave.

Even with improved access to medical care under the ACA, the disparities in health outcomes between African Americans and whites are stark. African-American women are three times more likely to die of pregnancy-related causes than white women (see Figure 1). The African-American infant mortality rate is twice the rate for white infants (see Figure 2). African Americans are more likely to die from cancer and heart disease than whites, and are at greater risk for the onset of diabetes. However, death rates for African Americans with cancer and heart disease did drop over a fifteen year period. Across many chronic illnesses, however, African Americans are still more likely to die compared to other racial and ethnic groups. Homicides are also a leading cause of death for African Americans. In fact, African American children are ten times more likely to die by gun violence than white children (see Figure 3).

Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3

Health Care Provider Shortages

Due to residential segregation, majority African-American and Hispanic areas are more likely to lack hospitals and other health care providers. Therefore, place matters. When health care providers are located within majority African-American and Hispanic neighborhoods, they tend to offer lower-quality care. Often, people of color find themselves relying heavily on community health centers, emergency rooms or outpatient care, and community-based providers due to the lack of available primary care and mental health providers in a given geographic area. Traveling outside of the immediate geographic area to access health care may be an option for some people, yet this can be a challenge due to lack of access to transportation for those with limited incomes or for those living in rural areas.

It is not difficult to locate where-and for whom-provider shortages are a serious concern. The Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) defines Health Professional Shortage Areas (HPSAs) as geographic, population, or facility-based designations that are indicative of health care provider shortages. Designations are made by the following health disciplines: primary care, dental health, and mental health. Federal regulations dictate the threshold for shortages by calculating the ratio of population to provider in order to identify high need areas. In 2018, there were 17,657 geographic areas, populations, and facilities identified by HRSA as not having enough health care providers. Mental health and primary care were the disciplines in the shortest supply.

Medically Underserved Areas and Populations (MUA/Ps) are another designation by HRSA. They are geographic areas and populations that lack adequate access to primary care providers. MUA/Ps identify specific populations that are likely to experience barriers to health care including the homeless, low-income people, people eligible for Medicaid, Native Americans, and migrant farmworkers. Designations are made by calculating the population-to-provider ratio, percent of population below the federal poverty level, percent of population over the age of 65, and the infant mortality rate.

Important Considerations for Health Care Specific to African Americans

Certain social factors, also referred to as social determinants of health, have important implications for health risk and the ability to attain health insurance coverage. Poverty, income inequality, wealth inequality, food insecurity, and the lack of safe, affordable housing are just a few. Another important social factor leading to poor health outcomes and economic disadvantage among African Americans is racism, because not only is it a stressor, but it impacts who gets what in America, particularly health care.

Racism's Wear and Tear on African Americans

African Americans have endured racism within American society for hundreds of years. Studies conducted over time have been consistent in proving that racism not only impacts social stratification, but also the ability of African Americans to be healthy-both mentally and physically. This burden-a burden that is indeed inescapable for black and brown people in this country-causes African Americans to die prematurely and experience chronic illnesses and mental health challenges at higher rates than white Americans.

According to a study published in the journal of Psychoneuroendocrinology, racist experiences bring on an increase in inflammation in African Americans. This increase in inflammation raises the risk of becoming chronically ill. The researchers of the study assert that, because the body's response to stressors-such as the adversity of racism-results in compromising systems that are critical in fending off disease, exposure to racism over long periods of time caused the health of African Americans to suffer greatly with chronic illness as the body's defenses were down due to inflammation. Chronic illnesses associated with experiencing racism include heart attack, neurodegenerative disease, and metastatic cancer. The study participants had similar socioeconomic backgrounds, which eliminated poverty as a stressor-a social factor that has also been linked to the onset of illness.

Similar findings were yielded in some of the earliest studies looking at the impact of racism on the health of African Americans by University of Michigan public health researcher Arline Geronimous. After looking at biological factors associated with exposure to stressors, Geronimous hypothesized, in what is also referred to as the weathering hypothesis, that African Americans experienced health deterioration because of those stressors. Geronimous examined the allostatic load scores-that is, the cumulative wear and tear on the body's system brought on by the repeated adaptation to stressors-for adults aged 18-64. African Americans were found to have higher scores than white Americans. Once again, poverty was ruled out as a factor, due to the fact that the higher allostatic loads existed among African Americans of various socioeconomic backgrounds. Geronimous concluded that racism, and the burden of coping with it across the lifespan, leads to differences in health among African Americans and white Americans-including the onset of chronic illness and premature death.

In addition to instigating poor health outcomes among African Americans, racism also creates barriers to economic opportunity and uneven access to health care. Even the health care system itself perpetuates racism and bias toward African Americans. This has been well documented with examples, including differences in pain management and treatment of African Americans when compared to whites experiencing the same health conditions, use of African Americans' bodies in medical experimentation, and racial bias in health algorithms for the purpose of guiding health decisions and assessing health care costs. Actions like these have led to a general distrust of the health care system within the African American community. Racism cannot be divorced from the other social factors outlined in this report, which give reason to the fact that African Americans are disproportionately affected by them.

Poverty

Across economic indicators, vast disparities exist between African Americans and whites that mirror the proportions seen in health disparities. Due to structural barriers, African Americans are more likely to be poor than white Americans and are less likely to have a full-time worker in the household. The poverty rate among African Americans was 20.8 percent in 2018, higher than for any other racial or ethnic group in the United States, and more than twice the poverty rate of white Americans. Growing up in poverty is also associated with toxic stress, of which the impact can reach crisis levels when a person is also grappling with the toxic stress brought on by racism. When African Americans are able to attain work, they are more likely to work in low-paying jobs that lack important benefits, including health insurance and paid leave. The African-American poverty rate also shows how critical public programs such as Medicaid are to helping ensure access to health care for this population. Because of these factors, Medicaid expansion helps more African Americans gain coverage than any other group.

Household Income Inequality

African-American households have significantly lower household income than white households. The average household income for African Americans in 2018 was $41,361, while it was $70,642 for white households. (See Figure 4.) African Americans tend to make less than whites for the same jobs, pointing to unequal pay as a contributing factor in the gap in household income. Even when taking into account similar education levels, workers of color are consistently paid less than white workers.

Income is a major factor in a family's ability to access health care, which can make up a significant share of household spending in terms of insurance premium costs and out-of-pocket costs.

Figure 4

The Wealth Gap

When it comes to accumulating wealth, the numbers are even more grim-white families now have approximately ten times the wealth of African-American families, on average. (See Figure 5.) Research shows that the wealth gap impacts African Americans across the income and education spectrum, making it harder for them to own homes or build retirement savings. And while African Americans on average have less total debt than whites, the wealth gap means they are more likely to have costly, high-interest debt obligations. High health care costs and surprise medical bills can negatively affect an African-American family's ability to reduce or eliminate debt, and ultimately the ability to create wealth-which could impact a family for generations.

Figure 5

Food Insecurity

Food insecurity is also an issue affecting many African Americans and has important implications for health outcomes and economic well-being. Food insecurity occurs when a household or family lacks access to adequate nutritious food. This happens due to the lack of financial means to purchase healthy food or by living in impoverished geographic areas void of grocery stores with whole, fresh foods. Neighborhoods that lack access to nutritious foods are also referred to as food deserts. The ten U.S. counties with the highest food insecurity rates are all at least 60 percent African-American. African Americans experience hunger at twice the rate of white Americans, including one in four African-American children. Hunger can also lead to chronic illness and has been associated with low-birth weight, diabetes, cancer, pregnancy complications, and mental distress.

The Lack of Safe and Affordable Housing

Housing and neighborhood safety are also important economic indicators that can impact health. Unfortunately, far too many African Americans have to grapple with neighborhood violence and environmental factors (such as a lack of clean water, exposure to lead paint, and pollution) that can negatively impact both their mental and physical health. Additionally, a relative lack of affordable housing options and home ownership continues to plague the African-American community, largely due to longstanding racist practices such as redlining and subprime mortgages. The lack of affordable housing puts a financial strain on families and can pull resources away from necessities like food and medical care. For homeless and transient communities, it can be almost impossible to access health care or maintain adequate health regimens. Despite comprising just 13.4 percent of the total U.S. population, African Americans make up 40 percent of the homeless population, and are an overrepresented part of this group in every state.

Overview of Health Care Reform Plans

Several health care reform proposals have been introduced by members of U.S. Congress and by 2020 presidential candidates. In this section, the most widely known and promising plans that have gained traction and media coverage in recent months are highlighted.

Medicare for All

Medicare for All is a signature single-payer plan originally authored by Senator Bernie Sanders, setting forth a vision for major structural change of the health insurance system. It has since been endorsed and supported by Representative Pramila Jayapal (who introduced the House version of the legislation), Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Senator Elizabeth Warren, Senator Kamala Harris, Senator Cory Booker, and a host of other progressive policymakers. It calls for a single federal program with comprehensive benefits for all U.S. residents that would replace all private insurance, Medicaid, Medicare, and the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP). The plan would be financed by taxes and eliminate premiums and cost-sharing or out-of-pocket costs, leading to major cost-savings for consumers in the long run. Taking into account the vast economic challenges for African Americans, savings in health care costs could help lead to better economic outcomes. In turn, health outcomes could also improve due to more comprehensive coverage available to all.

Comprehensive health benefits under Medicare for All include medically necessary services in thirteen benefit categories, including home and community-based long-term care, dental care, hearing, vision care, comprehensive reproductive health care (including abortion services), and transportation to health care appointments for people with disabilities and low-income people. Drug prices would be negotiated annually and a formulary would be established. Medicare for All would also prohibit balance billing, also known as surprise billing, which happens when health providers bill patients for the difference in the total cost of a health care service and the amount paid by an insurer.

Public Insurance Option

Public option plans call for a federal insurance option. These plans essentially build upon the ACA by adding a new option available to those seeking coverage. Former vice president Joe Biden has been an advocate for this plan and has included it in his platform as a 2020 presidential candidate. There are several versions of the public option-some that would leave the marketplace subsidy structure unchanged, and others that would enhance it for all plan participants. Some public option proposals even go so far as to eliminate individual heath insurance plans created by the ACA. A key difference in the Biden plan, when compared with Medicare for All, is that it retains current public and private insurance sources. For people who like or prefer their private insurance, they can maintain it under the Biden plan.

The Biden plan would retain major components of the ACA including protections for people with pre-existing conditions, premium subsidies, and Medicaid expansion, along with offering public insurance as an option to anyone who wants it. A public insurance option was initially part of the ACA as introduced in Congress but was taken out of the legislation later in the negotiations process. Biden's public option plan also aims to reduce the cost of prescription drugs by allowing importation of them from other countries, empowering Medicare to negotiate drug prices, and supporting the development of generic drugs. It would also offer tax credits to middle class families to help lower the cost of health insurance and eliminate the 400 percent federal poverty level income cap. The plan would eliminate balanced billing and be financed through capital gains taxes on rich individuals. Biden's plan also includes protecting access to contraception and abortion rights, as well as the promise to adopt California's strategy of public-private partnerships nationwide in addressing the U.S. maternal mortality crisis as major steps in building upon the ACA. Various versions of public insurance option legislation have also been introduced in Congress by Senator Ben Cardin, Representative Cedric Richmond, Senator Tim Kaine, Representative Jan Schakowsky, and others.

Sixty-one percent of white respondents in a November 2019 Gallup poll prefer the private health insurance system, whereas 57 percent of nonwhite respondents prefer government-run insurance. The cost of health care is still of major concern for those people with private health insurance, more so than for those with public insurance sources.

Ensuring Health Care Access and Affordable Coverage for African Americans

The single payer and public option insurance plans outlined in this report were developed in a way to help fill coverage gaps and get as many people insured as possible. The plans aim to do this by emphasizing affordability-addressing the high cost of insurance premiums and limiting out-of-pocket costs, including surprise medical bills, prescription drugs, and fees for direct health care services. Unfortunately, current health reform plans fall short in adequately addressing racism in the health care system. This stands in the way of ensuring health equity, namely full insurance coverage and quality health care access for African Americans.

Cost to the individual is certainly an important factor in the conversation about health coverage and ensuring that people can access the health care services they need. However, in order for African Americans to attain meaningful insurance coverage and access to quality health care, the health care system must be transformed to better address the unique social factors that cause African Americans to remain in the coverage gap and how racism plays a role in their health outcomes. Furthermore, the economic challenges African Americans face serve as barriers to sustaining comprehensive coverage which can lead to poor health outcomes. It is simply not enough for insurance coverage to be affordable or even "free"-it must also serve as a tool in progress toward systemic change and equity that will help African Americans get ahead.

To do this, getting to universal health care coverage will require that the following steps be taken:

Promote health equity by adequately addressing racism, bias, discrimination, and other systemic barriers within the health care system. To do this, policymakers must acknowledge the historical foundations of racism and ensure that health care providers, personnel and staff are substantively trained to recognize and eliminate all forms of bias in the health care system. Accountability measures at both the individual and systems levels should be in place, including measures that link payment, professional certification, and licensure to quality of care.

Incorporate evidence-based tools to adequately address health disparities that focus on quality of care that extend beyond health insurance coverage, including the impact of racism on the health of African Americans throughout the life course. In health reform efforts, policymakers must take into account the social determinants and address how they impact health by working across sectors, including social support agencies and community-based providers with patient-centered approaches to care. Racist practices, such as those in the treatment and pain management of African Americans, should be eliminated.

Protect and expanding access to insurance coverage and comprehensive benefits and bolstering the ACA benefit provisions and nondiscrimination guarantees. These efforts should include preserving coverage for people with pre-existing conditions by further codifying protections that ensure benefit inclusion and design decisions that do not result in limiting access to care. Policymakers should also build on the essential health benefits package to include important health care services currently omitted, such as long-term care and dental care.

Protect the integrity of Medicaid, an important health insurance source for African Americans, by denying state efforts to impose draconian stipulations on coverage for enrollees such as work requirements. In order to close the coverage gap among African Americans, policymakers must also implement targeted strategies to incentivize and ensure Medicaid expansion in all southern states.

Ensure access to quality providers and addressing provider shortages and hospital closures by anticipating increases in demand and working with HRSA to implement concrete strategies to close gaps in health care access for medically underserved areas/populations and health professional shortage areas. Strategies should include plans to not only increase the health care workforce, but also diversify it and offer technical support and training to minority-serving hospitals.

Support the development of a robust, diverse, and culturally competent health care workforce by encouraging and facilitating diversity throughout the health care system and care teams, and adequately training all staff to be culturally sensitive. Payment rates and coverage guidelines for health care coverage should be developed in a way that supports fair, living wages and pay equity in the health care professions and jobs.

Limit the cost of premiums and out-of-pocket costs, helping to make health insurance more affordable for individuals and families across the income spectrum. This should include limiting deductibles, prescription drug costs and other point-of-service charges, and completely eliminating surprise medical bills. All of these costs are major barriers to health care access, particularly for individuals and families with limited incomes.

Strengthen access to trusted community-based providers currently available through safety-net programs, such as Medicaid, Medicare, and the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP). These programs are often lifelines for marginalized communities and they disproportionately serve people of color. Policymakers should develop health reform plans that are intentional in ensuring continued access to these vital sources of care, as well as seamless coordination with health insurance payers for people with coverage seeking care from community-based providers.

African Americans stand to make significant gains if health reform is done right. The statistics outlined in this report paint a grim picture. Regardless of the progress made in recent decades, far too many African Americans still struggle to lead healthy and economically secure lives. This is due to the long-standing effects of racism, which touches all African Americans, regardless of socioeconomic status. These effects can be reversed, but it will take real commitment and systemic change. Health care reform must be part of the effort.

Tags: health care, income inequality, wealth inequality, racism, racial inequality, African americans

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Racism, Inequality, and Health Care for African Americans

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The American health care system is beset with inequalities that have a disproportionate impact on people of color and other marginalized groups. These

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Copy of 13.5 Film Analysis Outline Template (Samantha Saucedo)-2

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Padlet One:
1.

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Theme two
1. The significance of the Yoruba Orisha faith is that it gives people a deep path as well as giving people a feeling of cultural belonging.
2. This faith provides  a connection back to Africa for those African Americans choosing to join the faith since the tradition is linked to the African American culture. It gives them comfort and a connections that allows them to trust this way of life and faith.
3. The Yoruba faith treats health and healing in their religion by trusting the gods to heal them.
4. https://www.learnreligions.com/yoruba-religion-4777660
This source gave me an in-depth detail of the Yoruba religion as well as explaining their practices and celebrations.
5. One thing that I found interesting this unit was learning about how religion ties down to the black community and how important it is for the community.

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The Yorùbá people, who inhabit a significant part of Western Africa, including Nigeria, have been practicing their unique set of religious customs for centuries. Yoruba religion is a blend of indigenous beliefs, myths and legends, proverbs, and songs, all influenced by the cultural and social contexts of the western portion of Africa.

Key Takeaways: Yoruba Religion

Basic Beliefs

Traditional Yoruba beliefs hold that all people experience Ayanmo, which is destiny or fate. As a part of this, there is an expectation that everyone will eventually achieve the state of Olodumare, which is becoming one with the divine creator who is the source of all energy. In the Yoruba religion belief system, live and death is an ongoing cycle of existence in various bodies, in Ayé -the physical realm-as the spirit gradually moves towards transcendence.

In addition to being a spiritual state, Olodumare is the name of the divine, supreme being who is the creator of all things. Olodumare, also known as Olorun, is an all-powerful figure, and isn't limited by gender constraints. Usually the pronoun "they" is used when describing Olodumare, who doesn't typically meddle in the everyday affairs of mortals. If someone wishes to communicate with Olodumare, they do so by asking the orishas to intercede on their behalf.

Creation Story

The Yoruba religion has its own unique creation story, in which Olorun lived in the sky with the orishas, and the goddess Olokun was the ruler of all of the water below. Another being, Obatala, asked Olorun for permission to create dry land for other creatures to live upon. Obatala took a bag, and filled it with a sand-filled snail shell, a white hen, a black cat, and a palm nut. He threw the bag over his shoulder, and began to climb down from the heavens on a long gold chain. When he ran out of chain, he poured the sand out beneath him, and released the hen, who began pecking at the sand and began spreading it around to create the hills and valleys.

He then planted the palm nut, which grew into a tree and multiplied, and Obatala even made wine from the nuts. One day, after drinking a bit of palm wine, Obatala got bored and lonely and fashioned creatures out of clay, many of which were flawed and imperfect. In his drunken stupor, he called out to Olorun to breathe life into the figures, and thus mankind was created.

Finally, the Yoruba religion also has Ashe, a powerful life force possessed by humans and divine beings alike. Ashe is the energy found in all natural things-rain, thunder, blood, and so on. It is similar to the concept of the Chi in Asian spirituality, or that of the chakras in the Hindu belief system.

Deities and Orisha

Much like the saints of Catholicism, the Yoruba orishas work as the intermediaries between man and the supreme creator, and the rest of the divine world. While they often act on behalf of mortals, the orishas sometimes work against humans and cause problems for them.

There are a number of different kinds of orishas in the Yoruba religion. Many of them are said to have been present when the world was created, and others were once human, but transcended into a state of semi-divine existence. Some orishas appear in the form of a natural feature-rivers, mountains, trees, or other environmental markers. The orishas exist in a way much like human beings-they party, eat and drink, love and marry, and enjoy music. In a way, the orishas serve as a reflection of mankind itself.

In addition to the orishas, there are also the Ajogun; these represent negative forces in the universe. An Ajogun might cause illness or accidents, as well as other calamities; they are responsible for the sorts of problems typically attributed to demons in the Christian faith. Most people try to avoid the Ajogun; anyone who is afflicted by one might be sent to an Ifa, or priest, to perform a divination and determine how to get rid of the Ajogun.

Typically, in the Yoruba religion, most issues can be explained by either the work of an Ajogun, or the failure to pay proper respects to an orisha who must then be placated.

Practices and Celebrations

It is estimated that some 20% of Yoruba practice the traditional religion of their ancestors. In addition to honoring the creator god, Olorun, and the orishas, followers of Yoruban religion often participate in celebrations during which sacrifices are offered to the different gods that control things like rain, sunshine, and the harvest. During Yoruba religious festivals, participants are intensely involved in the ritualistic-re-enactment of folktales, myths, and other events that help explain mankind's place in the cosmos.

For a Yoruban to avoid participation in these ceremonies would be to essentially turn his back on his ancestors, spirits, and gods. Festivals are a time in which family life, dress, language, music, and dance are celebrated and expressed side by side with spiritual belief; it's a time of building community and making sure that everyone has enough of what they need. A religious festival may include ceremonies to mark births, marriages, or deaths, as well as initiations and other rites of passage.

During the annual Ifa celebration, which falls at the time of the yam harvest, there is a sacrifice made to Ifa, as well as a ritualized cutting of the new yam. There is a great feast, with dancing, drumming, and other forms of music all folded into the ritual celebration. Prayers are said to ward off premature deaths, and to offer protection and blessings to the entire village for the coming year.

The festival of Ogun, which also takes place on an annual basis, involves sacrifices as well. Prior to the ritual and celebration, priests take a vow to abstain from cursing, fighting, sex, and eating certain foods, so they can be seen as worthy of Ogun. When it's time for the festival, they make offerings of snails, kola nuts, palm oil, pigeons, and dogs to soothe Ogun's destructive wrath.

Yoruba religious celebrations have a social purpose; they promote cultural values and help to preserve the rich heritage of the people who follow them. Although many Yoruba people have become Christian and Muslim since colonization, those who practice the traditional religious beliefs of their ancestors have managed to coexist peacefully with their non-traditional neighbors. The Christian church has compromised by blending their annual programming into the indigenous celebrations of the harvest; while traditional Yoruba are celebrating their gods, for instance, their Christian friends and family members are offering thanks to their own God. People come together for this dual-faith celebration to offer prayer for the mercy, protection, and blessings of two very different types of deities, all for the good of the entire community.

Reincarnation

Unlike many western religious beliefs, Yoruba spirituality emphasizes living a good life; reincarnation is part of the process and is something to be looked forward to. Only those who live a virtuous and good existence earn the privilege of reincarnation; those who are unkind or deceitful don't get to be reborn. Children are often seen as the reincarnated spirit of ancestors who have crossed over; this concept of familial reincarnation is known as Atunwa. Even Yoruba names like Babatunde, which means "father returns," and Yetunde, "mother returns," reflect the idea of reincarnation within one's own family.

In the Yoruba religion, gender is not an issue when it comes to reincarnation, and it is believe to change with each new rebirth. When a new child is born as a reincarnated being, they carry not only the wisdom of the ancestor soul they possessed before, but also the accumulated knowledge of all of their lifetimes.

Influence on Modern Traditions

Although it's most commonly found in the western part of Africa, in countries like Nigeria, Benin, and Togo, for the past several decades, Yoruba religion has also been making its way to the United States, where it is resonating with many Black Americans. Many people find themselves drawn to Yoruba because it offers them a chance to connect to a spiritual heritage that predates colonization and the Transatlantic slave trade.

In addition, Yoruba has had significant influence on other belief systems that are considered a part of the African diaspora. African traditional religions like Santeria, Candomble, and Trinidad Orisha all can trace many of their roots back to the beliefs and practices of Yorubaland. In Brazil, enslaved Yoruba brought their traditions with them, syncretized them with the Catholicism of their owners, and formed the Umbanda religion, which blends African orishas and beings with Catholic saints and indigenous concepts of ancestral spirits.

Anderson, David A. Sankofa, 1991, The Origin of Life on Earth: An African Creation Myth: Mt. Airy, Maryland, Sights Productions, 31 p. (Folio PZ8.1.A543 Or 1991), http://www.gly.uga.edu/railsback/CS/CSGoldenChain.html

Bewaji, John A. "Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief and the Theistic Problem of Evil." African Studies Quarterly, Vol. 2, Issue 1, 1998. http://asq.africa.ufl.edu/files/ASQ-Vol-2-Issue-1-Bewaji.pdf

Fandrich, Ina J. "Yorùbá Influences on Haitian Vodou and New Orleans Voodoo." Journal of Black Studies, vol. 37, no. 5, May 2007, pp. 775-791, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0021934705280410.

Johnson, Christopher. "Ancient African Religion Finds Roots In America." NPR, NPR, 25 Aug. 2013, https://www.npr.org/2013/08/25/215298340/ancient-african-religion-finds-roots-in-america.

Oderinde, Olatundun. "The Lore of Religious Festivals Among the Yoruba and its Social Relevance." Lumina, Vol. 22, No.2, ISSN 2094-1188

Olupọna, Jacob K. "The Study of Yoruba Religious Tradition in Historical Perspective." Numen, vol. 40, no. 3, 1993, pp. 240-273., www.jstor.org/stable/3270151.

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The Yoruba religion is a rich blend of folklore, songs, and other cultural concepts of Western Africa, and strongly influences many religions today.

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Theme One
1. Code switch is when someone that knows two or more languages alternate in the same phrase or sentence. It can also mean when someone changes themselves the way they've expressed themselves. It affects African American success in life since it doesn't allow them to be their true self and express themselves the way they want to.
2. Expecting code switching can threaten diversity since it has people; specifically African Americans to learn how to leave behind their ''roots'' to be able to fit in with everyone else. It takes away from the way they were raised and has them feeling like they need to change the way they speak, dress, and interest.
3. The effects of code switching intersects with a person mental health since they might not feel good enough or even have an identity crisis. Constantly changing the way you act and speak towards a certain group of people can have some feeling confused or conflicted on which side is their true self.
4. https://www.intelek.com.my/linguistic-code-switching-pros-cons/#:~:text=Disadvantages%20of%20Code%2DSwitching&text=People%20who%20code%2Dswitch%20are,loss%20when%20practiced%20a%20lot.
This source helped me better understand code switching and how it could be beneficial at times for certain moments. It also went on explaining cons of this and how it affects people.
5. A strategy that can be successful to address the misconceptions of code switching is to be open minded people shouldn't judge how someone talks and how they look. No one should jump into conclusions and assumptions about some level of education as well as they're up bringing. 6. One thing that I learned was the word code switching. I never knew there was an actual term for it. Growing up I did feel like I had to change the way I dress and spoke when I would hang out with my white friends, so I never really knew that there was an actual term for doing that. So I found it interesting.

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Linguistic Code Switching: Pros & Cons - Intelek Talent Solutions

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Have you ever tried to communicate with people in English and ended up switching to your mother tongue language because you could not find the correct words in English? If you do, then you are not alone in this. The use of language is crucial in all social groups, whether cultural, racial, or gender-related, because [...]

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10.6 Preliminary Critical Analysis Project

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10.6 Preliminary Critical Analysis Project

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The most important thing Ive learned this unit that helped me deepened my understanding of Black male and female interpersonal and close relationships is that colorism plays a major role on the beauty standers and how darker colored people are viewed compared to lighter colored people in relationships. Not only does it affect relationships but it affects the work environment. As someone who is darker I feel that this was an eye opener for myself and allowed me to better understand the affects that might come into play because of this. The long standing stereotypes plays a big role on how they're viewed in relationships since it puts a negative image on the type of person they are seen and viewed without actually getting to know the person. These harmful stereotypes are the reason that these women don't get approached and allow the men or women to have a negative or expectation when meeting these women. The factors of the rising numbers of single black women are colorism. Colorism has shown that men prefer lighter people as a wife. Another factor is  the fact that successful black women are least likely to marry than someone without an education. Since they're against a clock with trying to balance their education and their personal life. There a stigma in the African American community against the LGBTQ+ community since being African American is already a challenge to many people with the amount of racism and discrimination they feel so adding onto that and being part of the LGBTQ+ community can add more to the hate that they already received.They struggle for civil rights being an African American and now being part of that community adds on.
https://www.pewresearch.org/race-ethnicity/2023/02/16/black-americans-firmly-support-gender-equality-but-are-split-on-transgender-and-nonbinary-issues/
This source went into explaining the issue of how families aren't supportive of the LGBTQ+ relatives and how it affects them. This source helped me understand the struggle that LGBTQ+ black members face and how their families might feel with this.

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Black Americans Firmly Support Gender Equality but Are Split on Transgender and Nonbinary Issues

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Most Black adults support women’s equality and think feminism has been a positive force for women. But their views on transgender people and gender identity are more divided.

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9.6 Thesis, Direction and Resources for Critical Analysis Project

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9.6 Thesis, Direction and Resources for Critical Analysis Project

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Copy of _Psych 110_ Resources and Questions for Critical Analysis Project -2

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The strengths of black communities is that they protect one another.They come together when times are rough and are there for reassurance that things will get better with time. They manifested this over time by always focusing on their morals and not letting the hardships affect the way they view themselves and their community. The weakness of black neighborhoods and communities is that they're constantly seen as a neighborhood of poverty and seen as ghetto. One solution to this problem is trying to have fundraiser for the family in need in these communities and have events that bring them all together. Three ways that black neighbors and communities could play a role in the progressive movement is that they provided a safe a mental space for their community, a structured home environment and provides opportunities for people to get jobs. Three ways that black neighborhoods and communities could have a detrimental effect on the progressive movement of black communities is the black on black violence that sometimes occurs within these communities as well as showing the lack of education some members of the community might have. The opportunities tend to be limited compared to white communities.
https://www.pewresearch.org/race-ethnicity/2022/04/14/black-americans-place-and-community/
This source gave me visual and graphs on the affects of living in a black community and showed how many black people live in rural or urban areas. Which can help me understand the topic of this unit better. One thing that stood out this unit was reading about the redlining, gentrification, and house discrimination.

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Black Americans live in different types of communities across the country. For about half of Black adults (52%), the location where they currently live is important to how they think about themselves. But overall, their ratings of the places where they live are mixed. Across communities, the same concerns are cited as the most important to address - violence or crime and economic issues such as poverty and homelessness. When asked who is responsible for addressing these issues, nearly half of Black adults (48%) say local leaders should address them.

For many Black adults, where they live shapes how they think about themselves

About half (52%) of Black adults say the location where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves. Roughly three-in-ten (29%) say where they currently live is somewhat important to their personal identity. And about one-in-five Black adults say where they live is a little or not at all important (19%) to how they think of themselves.

There are differences on this issue across some demographic subgroups. Roughly half of non-Hispanic Black adults (52%) say where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves - making them more likely to say so than multiracial Black adults (38%). Black immigrants and U.S.-born Black adults are about equally likely to say the place where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they see their personal identity (55% and 51%, respectively).

Among Black adults who say being Black is extremely or very important to their identity, 57% say the place where they live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves. This is significantly higher than among those who say being Black is less important to them (33%).

There are other demographic differences, too. Black women are more likely than Black men to say where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves (56% vs. 46%). When it comes to age, adults 50 and older are more likely than those under 50 to say that where they currently live is extremely or very important to their identity (61% vs. 44%). In addition, Black Democrats and Democratic leaners (53%) are more likely than Black Republicans and Republican leaners (41%) to say the place where they live is extremely or very important to their personal identity.

The general public's responses differ from the Black population on this measure. While about half (52%) of the Black adult population say that the location where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves, 45% of all U.S. adults share the same view. And among the public overall, 31% say that where they currently live is somewhat important to how they think about themselves, while 23% say this is a little or not at all important.

Black adults are more likely to live in urban and suburban areas

The U.S. Black population is dispersed across the country, though over half lives in the nation's Southern region. And within each region of the United States, the Black population is spread across various types of communities.

Roughly equal shares of Black adults describe the community where they live as urban (41%) or suburban (40%), while almost two-in-ten (18%) describe their community as rural, according to the new Pew Research Center survey.

Though similar shares of the Black population say they live in suburban and urban areas, there are differences in community type among demographic groups. Non-Hispanic Black adults are similar in their distribution to the Black adult population overall: They are about as likely to say they live in suburban (39%) and urban areas (40%), while 19% say they live in rural areas.

But the distribution of community type is different for multiracial Black adults - 45% say they live in suburban communities, while 41% say they live in urban areas and 18% say they live in rural areas. And among Black Hispanics, 52% say they are in suburban places, 40% say they are in urban areas and 14% say they live in rural areas.

A slightly higher share of U.S.-born Black adults say they live in rural areas (19%) than the share of immigrant Black adults (15%) who say the same. Both groups are about as likely to be in urban and suburban areas.

Among Black adults, men are more likely than women to describe the community they live in as urban (46% vs. 37%, respectively), while women (43%) are more likely than men (35%) to live in a suburban community.

There are differences by region as well. Black adults in the South are more likely than those in the Northeast, Midwest and West to live in a community they describe as rural. Accordingly, Black people in the Northeast, Midwest and West are more likely than those in the South to live in communities they describe as urban.

Around four-in-ten Republican or Republican-leaning and Democratic or Democratic-leaning Black adults (38% and 39%, respectively) describe the community where they live as urban. A similar pattern emerges among Democrats (39%) and Republicans (38%) who describe their community as suburban. Equal shares of Black Democrats and Republicans describe their community as rural (19% each).

There are significant differences in self-described community type by education across the Black population. Adults with a college degree or higher are more likely to live in communities they describe as suburban. Over half (56%) of Black adults with a college degree or higher say they live in a suburban community, while 34% of those who attended some college or less say the same.

There are similar differences by income level as well. Black adults with lower incomes are more likely to live in a self-described urban area than those in with upper incomes (48% vs. 25%). They are also more likely to live in rural communities than those with upper incomes (23% vs. 12%). Black adults with lower incomes are less likely than their those with upper incomes to describe their community as suburban (27% vs. 62%, respectively).

The Black population's self-described community type differs from that of the general public. Half of U.S. adults overall describe their current community as suburban, while roughly a quarter each of that population describe their current communities as urban (23%) or rural (27%).

Most Black adults rate the quality of their community as good or better

About four-in-ten Black Americans (41%) rate their community as an excellent or very good place to live, according to the new survey. About one-third (34%) rate their community as a good place to live, while about a quarter (24%) rate their community as fair or poor. Within the Black population, community ratings vary by demographic characteristics.

Black Hispanic adults (54%) are significantly more likely than non-Hispanic Black adults (40%) to rate their community as excellent or very good. Some 47% of multiracial Black adults say the same about their community. And while roughly half (52%) of immigrant Black adults say their community is an excellent or very good place to live, four-in-ten U.S.-born Black adults say the same.

Similar shares of Black women, Black men, Black Democrats and Black Republicans rate their communities positively - about four-in-ten for each group rate the communities where they live as excellent or very good.

Community ratings also differ by education and income. Black adults with a college degree or higher are significantly more likely than Black adults without a college degree to rate their community as an excellent or very good place to live, (56% vs. 36%, respectively).

Black adults with higher incomes are 34 points more likely than those who earn lower incomes to say their community is an excellent or very good place to live (64% vs. 30%), while about half (49%) of those who are middle income share the same opinion.

Black adults who live in self-described urban areas are significantly more likely than their suburban and rural counterparts to rate the community where they live as fair or poor (35% vs. 11% and 27%, respectively). Roughly half (53%) of those in suburban communities rate their community as an excellent or very good place to live - significantly higher than the 29% who say the same in urban communities and the 42% in rural communities.

In general, Black adults rate their communities less positively than all U.S. adults. While roughly four-in-ten Black adults (41%) rate their community as excellent or very good, 58% of all U.S. adults say the same. Roughly three-in-ten U.S. adults (29%) rate their community as good, while 13% say their community is fair or poor.

Violence, the economy and housing top the list of important community issues for Black Americans

When asked in an open-ended question to identify the most important issue in the community they live in, the top issue was violence or crime (17%). This includes Black Americans who listed specific issues such as drug activity, shootings, or theft; but also those who simply listed "violence" or "crime" as the most pressing issues in their communities. Another 11% of Black adults said economic issues such homelessness, poverty and taxes were most important.

Other top issues include housing (7%), COVID-19 and public health (6%), infrastructure (5%), neighbors (4%), the availability of public safety and emergency services (3%), differences among neighbors due to racism, diversity or culture (3%), and employment and wages (3%). Some 4% did not name an issue.

The most important local issue named across demographic subgroups of Black Americans does vary. But notably, the same issues are often among the top three local issues mentioned for most groups - violence and crime, economic issues, and housing issues - even if their rankings may not be the same.

Violence or crime is the top issue for both non-Hispanic and Hispanic Black adults, but second for those who identify as multiracial. Meanwhile, multiracial Black adults mention an economy-related concern as the top issue in their community, while this ranks second among non-Hispanic and Hispanic Black adults. Housing was the third-most important community issue named by non-Hispanic and multiracial Black adults, but fifth among the Hispanic Black population.

Both U.S.-born and immigrant Black adults name violence or crime as the most important issue facing their community (17% and 15%, respectively), but the ranking of issues does not significantly differ between these two groups. Besides violence or crime, the other top issues among the U.S.-born Black population are economic issues (10%) and housing (7%). For the Black foreign-born population, the second-most mentioned issue is economic issues (11%), while COVID-19 and public health (7%) is the third-most mentioned issue.

Violence or crime is the most mentioned issue among both those who say being Black is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves (18%) and those who say being Black is not as important to how they think about themselves (13%). Economic issues are the second-most mentioned community issue for those who say being Black is very or extremely important to them (11%), but among those for whom being Black is less important, housing is the second-most mentioned issue (11%) and economic issues rank third (9%).

Views about the most important issue in their community varies by age among Black adults. Economic issues are the most mentioned among Black 18- to 29-year-old adults (15%), with violence or crime (12%) coming in second. However, those ages 18 to 29 (12%) are more likely than those ages 30 to 49 (5%) or 50 to 64 (6%) to say housing is the most important issue facing their community. The top issue for Black adults between the ages of 30 to 49, 50 to 64 and 65 and older is violence or crime (20%, 18% and 16%, respectively).

Black adults vary only slightly on this question by education and income. The top issue named by Black adults with and without a bachelor's degree is violence or crime (14% and 18% in each respective group name this), while the issue mentioned second-most often by both groups is economic issues (12% and 10%, respectively). Black adults with a college degree or higher are less likely (14%) than those with lower educational attainment (18%) to say violence or crime is the most important issue in their community. Meanwhile, the top community issue mentioned among Black adults with lower or middle incomes is violence or crime (20% among lower income, 16% among middle income). COVID-19 and public health, violence or crime, and economic issues are tied as the issues mentioned most by Black adults with upper incomes (11% each).

There are differences by region as well. The top issue named by Black adults living in the Midwest, Northeast and South is violence or crime (24%, 20% and 15%, respectively), while economic issues and housing are the top two concerns cited by those in the West (20% and 18%, respectively). Black people in the South are also more likely than those in the other three regions to report infrastructure as the most important issue in their community.

The Black population's rating of the most important issue facing the community they live in is only slightly different from that of the general public. Americans overall name economic issues (15%), violence or crime (12%), and COVID-19 and public health (7%) as the most important issues in their community.

Nearly half of Black Americans who name an issue important to their community say local leaders are most responsible for addressing it

When asked who is most responsible for addressing their community's most important issue, almost half of Black adults who name such an issue say local community leaders (48%) are most responsible for addressing that issue. Smaller shares say individual people like themselves (17%), the U.S. Congress (12%), someone else (10%) or the U.S. president (5%) are responsible for solving pressing local issues.

Half of non-Hispanic Black adults (49%) point to local community leaders as the most responsible for solving the most important issue facing their community, with multiracial and Black Hispanic adults being about as likely to say the same. And roughly half (49%) of U.S.-born Black adults and four-in-ten Black immigrants who named a local issue say local leaders should be most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community.

Answers did not vary much, if at all, based on how important Blackness was to each respondent. Of the adults who named a local issue, those who say being Black is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves are about as likely as those who say being Black is less important to how they think about themselves to say local community leaders are most responsible for addressing the most important issue in the community they live in (50% and 44%, respectively).

While four-in-ten or more of both Black Republicans and Republican leaners (40%) and Black Democrats and Democratic leaners (50%) say local community leaders should be most responsible, there are differences by party when it comes to naming civil rights organizations. Black Republicans are significantly more likely than Black Democrats to say civil rights organizations are most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community (8% vs. 1%).

Somewhat similar shares of Black adults in self-described urban, suburban and rural communities name local community leaders as most responsible (46%, 50% and 52%, respectively). Black adults in rural communities are less likely than those in urban communities to name Congress as most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community (8% vs. 14%).

Black adults in the South are more likely than those in the Midwest and West to say that local community leaders are most responsible for addressing this community issue (53% vs. 42% and 40%, respectively). Around half (49%) in the Northeast point to community leaders as most responsible as well. Black adults in the West and Northeast (23% and 16%, respectively) are more likely than those in the Midwest (8%) and South (9%) to say Congress is most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community.

Answers to this question differ by education and income among the Black population. Black adults with a bachelor's degree or higher are more likely than those without a degree to say local community leaders are most responsible (54% vs. 46%). About half or more of Black adults in middle- and upper-income tiers say local community leaders should be most responsible for addressing this issue (52% and 56%, respectively), significantly more than those in the lower-income tier (44%).

Black Americans who named violence or crime, economic issues, or housing as the most important issue in their neighborhoods are still most likely to say that local leaders should be responsible for addressing those issues. However, among those who name economic issues as most important, almost three-in-ten (29%) say Congress is most responsible. And among those who name housing as the most important issue in their neighborhoods, roughly one-in-five say Congress (21%) should be responsible.

The general public and Black population's responses to this question are somewhat similar. Half of U.S. adults overall say that local community leaders should be most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community, while 16% point to individual people, 13% point to Congress and 10% point to someone else as most responsible.

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Black Americans live in different types of communities across the country. For about half of Black adults (52%), the location where they currently live is important to how they think about themselves. But overall, their ratings of the places where they live are mixed.

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8.2 Final Four Page Racial Autobiography Pape

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8.2 Final Four Page Racial Autobiography Pape

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7.6 Intersectionality, Bias and Microaggressions

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7.6 Intersectionality, Bias and Microaggressions

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I believe that the consequences of experiencing subconscious racial sights as a POC can affect the way they view themselves as well as their mental health all together. The stereotypes that are perpetuated when racial micro-agression are thrown around is that society tends to set limits and expectations right out the bat due to the color of their skin and stereotypes. They have a certain view on what they can and can't due and this can affect their mental health and their ability to preform 100%. Other issues that this can affect the African American community is that it can cause problems when getting chosen for a job and can also affect the amount of wage they received compared to a white person. These theories of intersectionality, racial microaggressions, bias or white privilege can affect one's understanding of "sense of self" or ethnic identity since African American people can often compare themselves to white people and question their self worth. They could feel unappreciated compared to their white co-workers and can affect the way the perform at work. https://www.mckinsey.com/featured-insights/diversity-and-inclusion/the-black-experience-at-work-in-charts
This source gave more in-depth details of the type of bias and racism black people face in the work place and it gave me more information to better understand this perspective as someone who isn't black. One strategy that they can use is to stay calm and respectfully let them know what they said was offensive and educate them so they can understand. One thing that stood out this unit was listening to the podcast.

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A research-driven look at Black Americans at work reveals profound inequities. Companies that redouble efforts to address this will improve their culture for all employees.

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Theme two

Imposter syndrome is the condition of feeling anxious and not experiencing success internally, despite being high-performing in external/ objective ways. It leaves people feeling like a fraud and doubting their ability to achieve overall. Imposter syndrome can affect a students academic and career journey by second guessing themselves and not giving themselves the opportunity to strive for better. Self doubt is one of the main problem that people have when wanting to try something new and the fear of failing can ultimently affect someone academic and career journey. Not only that but being discourage by peers around you can also affect ones outcome. African American women specifically suffer from imposter syndrome due to the fact of constantly being discouraged and having to feel like they need to prove themselves ten times as much as other people do. They might feel doubt in their ability to work with the constant pressure that they need to be better than their peers to even been see or appreciated. Race alone in the work place can make someone feel timid and feel like they need to prove themselves twice as hard compared to someone white but gender as well can put pressure on proving themselves. Especially in a job that has a white male dominate workers. African American women can sometimes feel uncomfortable with their work environment due to their race and gender and this can overall affect their outcome in their job. In order to improve the work place for women of color there should be an equal field of play for not only women of color but women in general. This alone can improve the work space. One thing that stood out to me this unit was learning about imposter syndrome. I really felt like ive been through similar situations playing sports with a dominate amount of white girls. I had always felt like I had to prove a point especially from being a person of color, softball was more of white sport.

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https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/how-do-race-and-ethnicity-affect-identity.html

https://www.chla.org/blog/research-blog/how-racial-discrimination-impacts-child-health

https://psychcentral.com/lib/racial-trauma-adolescents

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 Template_ Racial Autobiography Outline (Samantha Saucedo)

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1.6 Who am I, First Experience With Race & Sense of Self Brainstorm 

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1.6 Who am I, First Experience With Race & Sense of Self Brainstorm 

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Theme One:
I am 17 year old Hispanic girl living in Compton California. I like to pretend that Im a much more confident person when in reality I'm very insecure and think low of myself. I like to pretend that Im fearless when in reality I'm very anxious. People see me as a timid person. I wish I was confident in myself and had the ability to push myself for greater achievements. I tend to settle for the bare minimum. I grew up in a community surrounded by people of my race and people that have gone through the same struggle as I have. Society media nowadays plays a big role in how I responded to these questions.

Theme two:
The first experience I had with race was when I was 10 years old. I grew up in a community that was primary Hispanics and African Americans so when I was very comfortable. When I joined a softball team in a different city then mine I was surrounded with people that weren't Hispanic or black. When we would do team bonding I did see the difference between my parents and the other parents. As well as how they were treated. Since I was so young I really didn't think much of it but being around the other parents was a different experience and I hadn't fully grasped how it changed my perspective of the world.

Theme Three:
Well after experiencing this I felt rather happy and confident of how I lived my life and the different culture I had experience. I didn't feel uncomfortable or ashamed, I just knew people grew up differently and had a different way to life. Since I grew up with people around me the same as I, I really didn't think much of anything. Thanks to being put into a new environment at such early age it really did help me get a feel of the different races.
Someone who tends to have a negative view on themselves can't have a positive view on their ethnicity. I feel that ethnicity has a big thing on people our viewed and thought of and not having a good image of themselves gives it a hard time for them to have a good self esteem on their ethnicity. I also believe that someone who positively identifies with with African American Phycology could have a stronger sense of their self/ ethnic identity. It acknowledge the struggles of black people and people who go through similar struggles and allows them to feel heard and have a voice. That they aren't alone in what they're going through

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 2.4 Ubuntu, Afrocentricity and Nguzo Saba 

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 2.4 Ubuntu, Afrocentricity and Nguzo Saba 

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Theory One:
After watching the short film I do believe that Ubuntu spirit is still alive and well till this day. One movement that helped me realize this is the Black Lives Matter movement. The reason for this since the movement is to fight against the unjust and violence against the African American community. When the community came together when the George Floyd incident occurred it reminded me of Ubuntu since one of its beliefs that people should come together. I believe that the spirit of Ubuntu is still alive and that the BLM movement is a perfect example on how it's still alive. The walks and protest of the BLM movement embodies Ubuntu. Some similarities between African cultures and African American culture would be the connection they have with their family. The connection they have with their community is something very similar in how they have such strong bond with each other. The Ubuntu has changed has changed my perspective as it gives me a different view of the world and shows me that we are all tied together as a community/humans.

Theory two:
The word I chose was Sankofa which means the ''spirit of Sankofa encompasses taking from the past what is good and bringing it into the present to make progress in the future.'' I felt as this showed how the community takes what has happen in the past and made the most out of the outcome. One example of this could be the Martin Luther King as he was a symbol of hope and advocated for this community. Till this day his legacy is still alive and people learn about him.I feel as people like Martin Luther King doesn't get the type of regonziation and love that someone a different ethnicity might receive. The concept that is least presented in the African American community would be maafa. Maafa is a word that means “great tragedy” or “horrific tragedy”, referring to the period called the Middle Passage or TransAtlantic Slave Trade. The reason I believe it is the least presented is because despite being targets of slurs and racial hate the African American community continued to strive and beat the ''odd'' of their past by starting podcast, businesses, and many more great things.

Theory Three:
The word I chose was Kujichagulia, it means self determination. This resonates with me as I feel like I need to prove myself more then other do considering the background I grew up in. I needed alot of self determination to keep going and pushing through so I felt as this word really resonated with me. Like mentioned before the Black Lives Matter movement really expresses the self determination from everyone in that community so they can get their point across world wide.

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3.4 Three Self-Assessments, Racial Identity Development and Identity Resource.

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3.4 Three Self-Assessments, Racial Identity Development and Identity Resource.

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3.1
Within the category of Natal measures , I chose  siblings, natural parents, grandparents, and extended family. Since they've been there for me thick and thin, without my family I don't think I'll be the person I am today. Not only that they've helped me in the right directions. Within the category of behavior measurement I chose friendship and acquaintance affiliative patterns. The reason being is since my friends are what keeps my life joyful. Within the category of Subjective Measures I chose the real and aspired self-concept. I feel that this measurement is special within me since I do struggle with my self confidence and I try to work on this everyday. Under the category of Situation-contextual Measures I chose Home-Family, Work, and  Education. I picked this since my education is very important to me as it's my top priority at the moment and my family is as well.

3.2
My Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure score is 35.  I feel that my score is a reflection of how connected I am with my culture/roots I feel that it means I have a strong bond with my culture. I take pride in my ethnicity and the way I was raised. It not only shaped the person I am today but it gave me somewhat of my identity. Many people might have a higher or a lower score but I feel that this test is personal and should be seen the way that person wants it to be seen.

Honestly the score didn't really surprise me since I knew I had a strong connection to my culture and ethnicity.

3.3
My RosenBurg’s self esteem test score was a 28. 28 was ranked as a normal self esteem, but answering those questions was very difficult for me. I realized I had little to no self love for myself and saw how hard I was on myself. Compared to the ethnic identity measurement I felt that this assessment showed me the downside of how I truly see myself regardless of how high my ethnic measurement was. Many things play into effect on this but one thing for sure is that it's certainly not my ethnicity.

3.4
I feel that I am in stage 4 of the Racial Identity Development.The reason I believe this is since I tend to blame my issues and problems on white people based on personal experiences and things i've seen on the news. Due to some experiences with white people I would basely go off of that when encountering others in the future. Which I know isn't right.I know that i've passed the other stages because I know from personal experience that I have grown as a person and that i've accepted things.

3.5
When reading this article it really had informed me on how other hispanics felt towards their race. As well as certain situations I have been in regarding of the question if I am considered white. I really enjoyed the visual of the graph and made me realize that other Hispanics had been questioning their racial identity. This source is something I would refer to for the final essay.

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Pew Research Center's Social & Demographic Trends Project

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For Hispanics living in the United States, Hispanic identity is multidimensional and multifaceted. For some, it is defined most by their family's country of origin, such as Mexican, Cuban or Dominican. For others, it is defined by pan-ethnic terms like Hispanic or Latino, emphasizing the commonalities of a diverse community.

At 54 million, Hispanics make up 17% of the nation's population, and they are projected to grow to be 29% of the U.S. population in 2060, according to the Census Bureau. Between 1990 and 2013, the nation's Hispanic population grew faster than any other racial or ethnic group.

Measuring racial identity among Hispanics has proved challenging for the Census Bureau. Currently, the Hispanic category is described on census survey forms as an ethnic origin and not a race. It is asked about separately from the race question, a practice also followed by many other surveys.

But when it comes to their racial identity, Latinos stand out from other Americans in their responses to race questions. For example, when asked about their race on Census Bureau decennial census and survey forms, many Latinos do not choose one of the standard racial classifications offered. Instead, more than any other group, Latinos say their race is "some other race," mostly writing in responses such as "Mexican," "Hispanic" or "Latin American." Some 37% of Latinos did this in the 2010 census, as did 42% in the 2000 census. This is also the case on Pew Research Center surveys of Latinos. In the 2014 National Survey of Latinos, 25% of Latinos volunteered that their race is "Hispanic" or "Latino" and not one of the standard racial classification groups.

Hispanics' responses to the 2010 and 2000 census raise an important question: Do Hispanics consider their Hispanic background to be part of their racial background, their ethnic background or both? According to the Pew Research survey, 11% of Hispanic adults say that their Hispanic background is part of their racial background, 19% consider it part of their ethnic background and 56% consider it part of both their racial and ethnic backgrounds. Taken together, two-thirds (67%) of Hispanic adults describe their Hispanic background as a part of their racial background.

This finding has implications for how multiracial Latinos are identified. For example, Latinos who identify themselves as one race (such as white or black) when asked to fit themselves into the country's current standard racial categorization, but then say they consider being Latino as part of their racial background as well, have effectively indicated a multiracial background. That makes this group of Latinos potentially part of the mixed-race population. Taking this broader view of the multiracial population, including Latinos who give one census race and also consider their Latino background part of their race would raise the U.S. multiracial population share to 8.9% from 6.9%.

This chapter incorporates this broader approach to Hispanic racial identity, exploring two possible ways to define and view definitions of mixed-race background among Hispanics: (1) those who say they are two census races (i.e., white and black) and are also Hispanic, a group consistently treated as multiracial throughout the report; and (2) those who name only one race (other than Hispanic), but also say they consider their Hispanic background to be part of their racial background. The chapter also explores other Hispanic racial identities, such as an Afro-Latino background and a background that includes roots among the indigenous peoples of the Americas, such as Native American, Maya, Taino or Quechua. These latter findings come from the Pew Research Center's 2014 National Survey of Latinos.

I've never identified as a single race. I think partly that would be insulting to my parents because it would be leaving one or the other out. White and Hispanic woman, age 23

Who Considers Being Hispanic a Race?

Across age groups, educational levels and language preference, most U.S. Hispanics consider their Hispanic background a part of their racial makeup. For example, 69% of Latinos ages 18 to 29 say their Hispanic background is part of their racial background, as do 68% of those ages 30 to 49, 63% of those ages 50 to 64 and 66% of those ages 65 or older.

Similarly, Hispanics who are Spanish-dominant (67%) are about as likely as bilingual (71%) and English-dominant (66%) Hispanics to consider their Hispanic background part of their racial background. Shares are similar by gender, and across educational attainment levels: Most Hispanics in each group consider their Hispanic background as part of their racial background.

Identifying Multiracial Hispanics

As noted, multiracial identity among Hispanics can be defined in two ways. The first definition matches that used throughout this report-multiracial adults are those who say the racial background of themselves, their parents or their grandparents includes two or more census races, regardless of whether they see their Hispanic background as a race. By this definition, 4.6% of adults who are Hispanic (or have a Hispanic parent or grandparent) have a multiracial background.

The second multiracial definition includes those who say their Hispanic background is a part of their racial background and who indicate that their background also includes one other census race (such as white or black or Asian). Some 12.1% of Hispanic adults are multiracial by this addition. Adding in those who qualify as multiracial under the first definition, some 16.7% of all Hispanic adults in total would then be identified as having a multiracial background. Among the Hispanic multiracial group that is one census race and considers their Hispanic background to be their race, a large majority (79%) say their racial background is white and Hispanic.

The Multiracial Experience and Latinos

Multiracial identity is not only a reflection of the racial background on one's family tree, but also a reflection of the social and cultural factors shaping how you were raised, how you see yourself and how the world sees you. For many mixed-race Hispanics, these factors may be as important as racial background in shaping their racial identity.

Do Hispanics with Multiple-Race Backgrounds Consider Themselves to Be Mixed Race?

Even though many Hispanics report having a multiracial background, many may not consider themselves to be mixed race. For example, among Hispanic adults who have a multiracial background based on reporting two or more census races, 35% say they do not consider themselves mixed race. And among Hispanic adults who consider their Hispanic background part of their racial background and who also indicate one census race in their background, 50% say they do not consider themselves mixed race. By comparison, a greater share of non-Hispanic multiracial adults, 64%, says they do not consider themselves mixed race.

How Multiracial Hispanics Think Others See Them

How do mixed-race Hispanic adults believe strangers passing them on the street see their racial background? As noted earlier, this is one of the many ways the views of one's racial identity might be shaped. For Hispanic multiracial adults, the answer depends on how their multiracial background is defined. However, no matter how it is defined, few mixed-race Hispanics say they are viewed as multiracial.

For example, among multiracial Hispanics who indicate their background includes two or more census races, 30% say most people would think they are white if they passed them on the street. An additional 24% say most people would see them as Hispanic, 17% as mixed race, 10% as black only and 4% as American Indian only.

However, for multiracial Hispanics who choose one census race but say they consider their Hispanic background to also be part of their racial background, the survey's findings are very different. About half of these multiracial Hispanics (48%) say most people would think they are Hispanic if they passed them on the street. An additional 38% say they would be seen as white by most people, and just 8% say they would be seen as mixed race. About half of this group (48%) chooses white when asked about their own race, so it's not surprising that about four-in-ten believe others see them as white.

By comparison, 55% of non-Hispanic multiracial adults say most people would think they are white if they passed them on the street, 26% say they would be seen as black by most people, 8% as mixed race and just 3% as Hispanic. But these findings vary among non-Hispanic multiracial adults. For example, among non-Hispanic biracial adults who are white and black, 61% say most people would think they are single-race black if they passed them on the street. By contrast, among non-Hispanic biracial adults who are white and American Indian, 88% say most people would think they are white.

Is a Multiracial Background an Advantage or a Disadvantage?

Like other multiracial adults, Hispanic multiracial adults are far more likely to say that having a racial background that includes more than one race has been an advantage in their lives than to say it has been a disadvantage. However, about half or more say it has not made a difference.

About a third (32%) of Hispanic adults who are multiracial because their background has two or more census races say their racial background has mainly been an advantage. A similar share (33%) says the same among Hispanics who consider their Hispanic background part of their racial background and also name one other census race in their background. This is nearly twice as large as the share (18%) of non-Hispanic multiracial adults who say the same.

By contrast, about one-in-six (15%) Hispanic adults who are multiracial by two or more census races say their multiracial background has mainly been a disadvantage. Among Hispanic adults who consider their Hispanic background part of their racial background and also name one other census race in their background, 5% say it has been a disadvantage in their life. By contrast, among multiracial non-Hispanic adults, just 3% say their multiracial background has mainly been a disadvantage.

Most Hispanic Multiracial Adults Have Felt Pride in Their Background

Compared with other mixed-race adults, Hispanic multiracial adults who are two or more races are more likely to say they have "often" or "sometimes" felt pride in their mixed-race background-76% say this. This is a higher share than that among Hispanic adults who consider their Hispanic background a race and also report one other race (62%). Among non-Hispanic multiracial adults, 58% say they have felt proud of their mixed-race background.

And across the two different groups of multiracial Hispanic adults, few say they have ever felt ashamed of their mixed-race background. Just 13% of Hispanics whose backgrounds includes two or more census races say this, as do 10% of Hispanics who consider their Hispanic background a race and also indicate one census race, and 8% of non-Hispanic multiracial adults.

Asking Hispanics About Racial Identities Beyond Census Classifications

In the sections above, we looked at what it would mean to consider a Hispanic background a racial one. This reflects what many Hispanics themselves write in on the decennial census form and other surveys when they enter "Hispanic" or "Latino" or a Hispanic origin (such as Mexican) when asked to provide their race. It also leads to about one-in-six Hispanics being identified as mixed race, even though many would not adopt that term to describe themselves.

But other recent Pew Research Center work suggests that even this broader approach to race doesn't capture the full depth and wide spectrum of views that Hispanics have of their own racial identity. This is in part because grouping together diverse communities and nationalities into a single group masks many of the differences among them.

In the 2014 National Survey of Latinos (NSL), we approached Latinos' views of race with an eye toward the specific ways that national and regional origin affects this view. Specifically, in that fall 2014 survey of 1,520 Latino adults, we asked about racial background in three ways by asking respondents if they consider themselves Afro-Latino or Afro-Caribbean or, for example, Afro-Mexican. Similarly, we asked Latinos if their background includes roots among the indigenous peoples of the Americas, such as Native American, Mayan, Quechua or Taino. Finally, we also explored mixed-race identity among Latinos using mixed-race terms such as mestizo or mulatto, terms that are used in countries like Mexico to capture a mixed indigenous and European heritage. We asked respondents these questions about their own background and that of their parents and grandparents.

How the 2014 National Survey of Latinos asked about other racial identities

Do you consider yourself to be mixed race, that is, belonging to more than one racial group, such as mestizo, mulatto or some other mixed race, or not?

Do you consider yourself to be Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean, or Afro-'COUNTRY OF ORIGIN,' or not? [INTEVIEWER READ AS NEEDED: "An Afro-Latino or Afro-Hispanic is Latino or Hispanic with black African ancestry"]

Do you consider yourself to be indigenous or Native American, such as (Maya, Nahua, Taino, Quiche, Aymara, Quechua*) or some other indigenous or Native American origin, or not?

*Examples provided varied according to the respondent's country or region of origin
Note: For more detail on these questions and the exact phrasing, see 2014 National Survey of Latinos topline in Appendix D.

When asked directly about their mixed-race background, about one-in-three (34%) Latino adults say they consider themselves to be mixed race-defined as belonging to more than one racial group, such as mestizo, mulatto or some other mixed race. This is more than five times the share of Latinos (6%) who indicate two or more races or volunteer that they are "mixed race" when they are just asked to describe their race and told that they can select as many races as apply. Looked at another way, among the 34% of Latinos who self-identify as mixed race, mestizo or mulatto, only 13% also indicate a racial background with two or more races or volunteer that they were "mixed race" on the standard race question. About half (46%) of this group indicates their race or one of their races is white, and 24% volunteer that their race or one of their races is Hispanic or Latino. Fully 42% choose white as their only race, and 20% choose Hispanic as their only race.

The NSL also finds that one-in-four (25%) Latino adults say they consider themselves indigenous or Native American, such as Maya, Nahua, Taino, Quiche, Aymara or Quechua, among others. But here, too, this share is higher than the 2% of Latinos who volunteer their race (or one of their races) as indigenous or Native American in the NSL's standard race question. And looked at a different way, among Latinos who say they consider themselves indigenous or Native American when asked directly, just 5% volunteer their race or one of their races as Native American on the standard race question, while 41% indicate white as their race or one of their races and 30% volunteer their race as Hispanic or Latino alone or in combination. Again, a relatively high share of this group (36%) chooses white alone in describing their race, and about a quarter (27%) chooses Hispanic alone.

Finally, the survey found that about one-in-four (24%) Latino adults say they consider themselves to be Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean or another Afro-Latino origin, such as Afro-Colombian or Afro-Mexican. By comparison, just 8% of Latino adults indicated that their race or one of their races was black on the standard NSL race question. And here too, Latinos who say they are Afro-Latino do not necessarily also indicate they are black on the standard race question. For example, among this group, 18% say their race or one of their races is black on the standard NSL race question, but 39% say their race is white alone or in combination and 24% volunteer Hispanic or Latino as their race or one of their races.

When considering these racial identities through grandparents, the share of Latino adults with these backgrounds increases. Four-in-ten Latino adults (40%) consider themselves mixed race or have a parent or grandparent who is mixed race, up from 34% when considering only the background of the respondent. One-third (33%) consider themselves indigenous or have an indigenous parent or grandparent, up from 25% when considering only the respondent's background. And 29% consider themselves Afro-Latino or have an Afro-Latino parent or grandparent, up from 24% when based on the respondent only.

These results shed light onto the multidimensionality of racial identity among Latinos and the challenges in capturing Hispanic racial identity through a standard race question.

The 2014 National Survey of Latinos (NSL) identified mixed-race Hispanics in two ways. On the one hand, the NSL directly asked Hispanic adults whether they considered themselves to be mixed race, as mentioned in the chapter and in the box in this chapter. On the other hand, the NSL included the Pew Research Center's standard race question for telephone interviews, which allowed for multiple responses to race and also allowed respondents to volunteer their race as Hispanic/Latino or mixed-race. It also captured any other race responses given by the interviewee.

Based on the standard Pew Research race question, Hispanics identified as mixed-race includes Latinos who volunteered that they were "mixed race," "mestizo," "mulatto" or some other mixed race or gave any two responses (including "Some other race" without specifying which race that was or volunteering "Hispanic or Latino" or a Hispanic origin as their race) to the standard NSL race question.
Which of the following describes your race? You can select as many as apply... White, Black or African American, Asian or Asian American or some other race.

1

White (e.g., Caucasian, European, Irish, Italian, Arab, Middle Eastern)

2

Black or African-American (e.g., Negro, Kenyan, Nigerian, Haitian)

3

Asian or Asian-American (e.g., Asian Indian, Chinese, Filipino, Vietnamese or other Asian origin groups)

4

Some other race (SPECIFY __________ IF NEEDED: What race or races is that?)

6

(DO NOT READ) Hispanic/Latino (SPECIFY __________)

7

(DO NOT READ) Native American/American Indian/Alaska Native

8

(DO NOT READ) Pacific Islander/Native Hawaiian

R

(DO NOT READ) Refused (e.g., non-race answers like American, Human, purple)

Interviewers accepted up to four responses. They coded them in the respective categories following Pew Research instructions and recorded verbatim responses for "Some other race" and "Hispanic or Latino" mentions. The survey provider (SSRS) and Pew Research Center reviewed and verified these classifications and corrected some responses to the race question as needed.

Using this procedure, mixed-race Hispanics identified in the NSL race question may include people who said they were "white and Mexican" or "black and Latino and Dominican" or "Irish and Mexican." Hispanic origin combinations such as "Puerto Rican and Cuban" are not counted as mixed race. In a few cases, when a verbatim response captured by interviewers was not clear, Pew Research used other survey questions, such as whether people considered themselves to be mixed race (Q54) and whether the respondent had a mixed Hispanic and non-Hispanic background through their parents and grandparents (Q52a, Q52b and Q53) to classify them as mixed-race or not.

For more on the survey's methodology, see https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2014/10/29/appendix-b-national-survey-of-latinos-methodology/

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Chapter 7: The Many Dimensions of Hispanic Racial Identity

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For Hispanics living in the United States, Hispanic identity is multidimensional and multifaceted. For some, it is defined most by their family's country of origin, such as Mexican, Cuban or Dominican. For others, it is defined by pan-ethnic terms like Hispanic or Latino, emphasizing the commonalities of a diverse community.

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Theme One:
I feel as Ive seen all four of those types of racism I've seen in the world but currently I feel as I've seen symbolic racism the most. When hearing podcast or arguments against the Black Live Matter movement I feel as the argument that Black people aren't grateful for what they have is something that comes up very frequently to prove a point. Taking that into consideration from slide three structural racism is what i've seen in the world today.After reading the chapter I strongly believe that we don't live in a post racial society as we still see many crimes and incidents on the news that have to do a lot with ones race. The definition of race to me  a set of physical, cultural, and social attributes that people use to categorize themselves and others. I feel as race is a social contruct that allows people to feel divided and not unified. I found that this article in particular was very helpful as it gave me additional links to other sources and explained why they though race was a social contruct https://libraryguides.saic.edu/learn_unlearn/foundations5

One thing that stood out to me this unit was the part were internalized racism was explained as I felt that sadly it is a very common thing that people of color go through. Especially the children, it was heart breaking seeing the black children pick the white doll over the black doll as they might have not been exposed to things like that. It helped me understand that racism is still alive and well and it might not be shown in a ''dramatic way'' currently but it is still very much alive in today time.

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Foundation: Social Construction of Race

What does it mean that race is a social construct?

It's important to distinguish between Race & Ethnicity: (Ethnicity: group of people sharing tradition, common ancestry, language).
Race: A system of classification not rooted in accurate biological or scientific truth that supports dividing and empowering some social groups over others.
The construction of race reinforces a social hierarchy based on the following: This is reinforced by:

Some religious assumptions (some races are 'divine' and 'pure,' / others are unholy, or soulless)
Scientific theory (natural order aka survival of the fittest - being 'unfit' or 'weak' is a result of being an inferior race versus it being a result of genocide)
Pseudo-scientific views (groups based on visible characteristics need to be 'civilized')
Eugenics, medical practices (reproducing 'good' genes and restricting reproduction of 'bad' genes)

Just because race is socially constructed, doesn't mean that it fundamentally doesn't affect our daily lived experiences. It means that its construction can be analyzed, critiqued, and through movement: redefined.

Quote

"We want to be clear that when we talk about what it means to 'do the work' of anti-racism, reading lists aren't 'the work.' Reading lists are for catching yourself up to speed, for educating yourself so that when you go into spaces (professionally, personally, politically) to do the work, you understand the context of your own actions and of the broader history of racism. Reading lists are like the required summer reading before school starts." - Nina Berman

To Read

A Note for Getting Library Books - Fall 2020
This fall you can request circulating Flaxman & I-Share books for pickup. Full details for the pickup process are available on this page. Alternatively, you can schedule a library visit to browse, pull items, or use non-circulating materials.
Flaxman Library Materials - May take up to 3 days from request to pickup. Instructions are available here.
I-Share Books - May take up to 10 days from request to pickup. Instructions are available here.

To Research

To Listen

To Watch

To Follow

To Reflect

What does a multiracial society look like? What needs to change to get here?
Can you tell the difference between race and ethnicity?

To Act

Fractured Atlas in 2016 began race-based caucuses as a way to recognize the unique role we must take in our-anti-racism work. Read Racial Identity Caucuses. Do you have caucuses in your institution?
If you're not a part of an affinity group, find one or form one
If you are a part of an affinity group, invite someone else to join
If you want support in finding a group, DM or email Multicultural Affairs: saicdei@saic.edu.

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Research Guides: Learn & Unlearn: Anti-racism Resource Guide: Race/Culture as a Social Construct

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Research Guides: Learn & Unlearn: Anti-racism Resource Guide: Race/Culture as a Social Construct

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4.4 Race and Racism: Racial Microagressions

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4.4 Race and Racism: Racial Microagressions

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The type of ims I could identify from the audio above was classism, racism, and sexism. The types of racism I heard was when they had questioned the lady for speaking so well as they would have probably assumed she wasn't educated due to her race and didn't seem like she was capable. They had questioned if she was Lesbian as well due to her not fitting the common stereotype of a lesbian women.

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What I think makes a black family unique is how welcoming they are to their family. Their hospitality is like no other. From person experience Im friends with black people and when going over to their family cook outs/ dinner I tend to feel like I'm intruding their family time. I felt as they knew I felt out of place and treated me like if I was one of their own despite not being their blood.Black families have the ability to create a bond with someone despite not having the same background or ethnicity. The strengths of the black family was that they didn't let the hardships get to them and was able to push forwards and over come it. The black family had struggled with money and wealth but knew they had to keep pushing forward. Racial socialization affects black parents a children allows them to feel a sense of pride and helps them feel proud of themselves. Showing how strong minded and resilient they are it could benefit the black families in seeing that they are stronger than they think. It helps shape them. Gang violence is something that has impacted the black families the most since slavery since young black adults fall under the voilence of gangs and not only do they get killed but they get killed by black people
.https://www.brookings.edu/articles/an-american-tragedy-the-legacy-of-slavery-lingers-in-our-cities-ghettos/

This source helped me since it gave back round history on slavery so it provided me extra knowledge on that topic. As well as transitioning to the present and how that is still reverent to the black families today. It goes on to say how people tend to ignore these problems but they are very much still there. It also explains how skin color is still relevant today and cannot be ignored. Something that did stand out this unit was the strongest bonds the black family have for one another. That they had that sense of comfy for one another. Which ulimitaltity allows them to push themselves.

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The United States of America, "a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal," began as a slave society. What can rightly be called the "original sin" slavery has left an indelible imprint on our nationa's soul. A terrible price had to be paid, in a tragic, calamitous civil war, before this new democracy could be rid of that most undemocratic institution. But for black Americans the end of slavery was just the beginning of our quest for democratic equality; another century would pass before the nation came fully to embrace that goal. Even now millions of Americans recognizably of African descent languish in societal backwaters. What does this say about our civic culture as we enter a new century?

The eminent Negro man of letters W. E. B. Du Bois predicted in 1903 that the issue of the 20th century would be "the problem of the color line." He has been proven right. At mid-century the astute Swedish observer of American affairs, Gunnar Myrdal, reiterated the point, declaring the race problem to be our great national dilemma and fretting about the threat it posed to the success of our democratic experiment. Du Bois must have relished the irony of having a statue named Liberty oversee the arrival in New York's harbor of millions of foreigners, "tempest tossed" and "yearning to breathe free," even as black Southern peasants-not alien, just profoundly alienated-were kept unfree at the social margins. And Myrdal observed a racist ideology that openly questioned the Negro's human worth survive our defeat of the Nazis and abate only when the Cold War rivalry made it intolerable that the "leader of the free world" should be seen to preside over a regime of racial subordination.

This sharp contrast between America's lofty ideals, on the one hand, and the seemingly permanent second-class status of the Negroes, on the other, put the onus on the nation's political elite to choose the nobility of their civic creed over the comfort of longstanding social arrangements. Ultimately they did so. Viewed in historic and cross-national perspective, the legal and political transformation of American race relations since World War II represents a remarkable achievement, powerfully confirming the virtue of our political institutions. Official segregation, which some southerners as late as 1960 were saying would live forever, is dead. The caste system of social domination enforced with open violence has been eradicated. Whereas two generations ago most Americans were indifferent or hostile to blacks' demands for equal citizenship rights, now the ideal of equal opportunity is upheld by our laws and universally embraced in our politics. A large and stable black middle class has emerged, and black participation in the economic, political, and cultural life of this country, at every level and in every venue, has expanded impressively. This is good news. In the final years of this traumatic, exhilarating century, it deserves to be celebrated.
Today's Race Problem
Nevertheless, as anyone even vaguely aware of the social conditions in contemporary America knows, we still face a "problem of the color line." The dream that race might some day become an insignificant category in our civic life now seems naively utopian. In cities across the country, and in rural areas of the Old South, the situation of the black underclass and, increasingly, of the black lower working classes is bad and getting worse. No well-informed person denies this, though there is debate over what can and should be done about it. Nor do serious people deny that the crime, drug addiction, family breakdown, unemployment, poor school performance, welfare dependency, and general decay in these communities constitute a blight on our society virtually unrivaled in scale and severity by anything to be found elsewhere in the industrial West.

What is sometimes denied, but what must be recognized is that this is, indeed, a race problem. The plight of the underclass is not rightly seen as another (albeit severe) instance of economic inequality, American style. These black ghetto dwellers are a people apart, susceptible to stereotyping, stigmatized for their cultural styles, isolated socially, experiencing an internalized sense of helplessness and despair, with limited access to communal networks of mutual assistance. Their purported criminality, sexual profligacy, and intellectual inadequacy are the frequent objects of public derision. In a word, they suffer a pariah status. It should not require enormous powers of perception to see how this degradation relates to the shameful history of black-white race relations in this country.

Moreover, there is a widening rift between blacks and whites who are not poor-a conflict of visions about the continuing importance of race in American life. Most blacks see race as still of fundamental importance; most whites (and also many Asians and Hispanics) think blacks are obsessed with race. This rift impedes the attainment of commonly shared, enthusiastically expressed civic ideals that might unite us across racial lines in efforts to grapple with our problems. The notion of the "beloved community"-where blacks and whites transcend their differences and cooperate in universal brotherhood to foster racial integration-has never achieved broad appeal. As sociologist William Julius Wilson stressed 20 years ago in his misunderstood classic, The Declining Significance of Race, the locus of racial conflict in our society has moved from the economic to the social and political spheres.

Indeed, standing at the end of the 20th century, one can almost see Du Bois's "problem of the color line" shifting before one's eyes. An historic transformation on race-related issues in the United States is taking place. Arguments about black progress are but one part of the broader endeavor to recast our national understanding of racial matters-an undertaking of enormous importance. It has been a very long time since the civil rights movement constituted a force able to mold the nation's moral sensibilities. A struggle that succeeded brilliantly to win legal equality for blacks after a century of second-class citizenship has for the most part failed to win a national commitment toward eradicating the effects of this historical inheritance. The civil rights approach-petitioning the courts and the federal government for relief against the discriminatory treatment of private or state actors-reached its limit more than a decade ago. Deep improvement in the status of many blacks has taken place, even as the underclass has grown, and there seems to be no politically effective way of mobilizing a national assault on the remaining problems.

What is more, there has been profound demographic change in American society since the 1960s. During this period, nearly 20 million immigrants have arrived on our shores, mostly from non-European points of origin. Hispanics will soon be the nation's largest ethnic minority group. Asian-American college students and urban entrepreneurs are more numerous and more important in the country's economic and political life than ever before. This development is making obsolete the old black-white framework, though blacks must occupy a unique position in any discussion of the nation's ethnic history. But nowadays, as a political matter, to focus solely on the old tension between blacks and whites is to miss something of basic importance.

It is against this backdrop that statistical analyses of the status of African Americans are being conducted. Assessing how much or how little progress has taken place for blacks, and why, is one of the most fiercely contested empirical issues in the social sciences. For years, liberal advocates of blacks' interests tried to deny that meaningful change was occurring. That assessment has always had problems, in my view. In any event, it is no longer tenable. Now the dominant voices on this subject come from right of center. They seem decidedly unfriendly to black aspirations. With great fanfare, these conservatives declare the historic battle against racial caste to have been won. They go on to say that, but for the behavioral dysfunction of the black poor and the misguided demands for affirmative action from a race-obsessed black middle class, our "problem of the color line" could be put behind us. Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom, with their new book, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible, offer a prime example of this mode of assessment. This line of argument should not be permitted to shape our national understanding of these matters. Permit me briefly to say why.
Rooted in History
A social scientist of any sophistication recognizes that societies are not amalgams of unrelated individuals creating themselves anew-out of whole cloth, as it were-in each generation. A complex web of social connections and a long train of historical influences interact to form the opportunities and shape the outlooks of individuals. Of course, individual effort is important, as is native talent and sheer luck, for determining how well or poorly a person does in life. But social background, cultural affinities, and communal influence are also of great significance. This is the grain of truth in the conservatives' insistence that cultural differences lie at the root of racial inequality in America. But the deeper truth is that, for some three centuries now, the communal experience of the slaves and their descendants has been shaped by political, social, and economic institutions that, by any measure, must be seen as oppressive. When we look at "underclass culture" in the American cities of today we are seeing a product of that oppressive history. It is morally obtuse and scientifically naive to say, in the face of the despair, violence, and self-destructive folly of these people, that "if they would get their acts together, like the poor Asian immigrants, then we would not have such a horrific problem in our cities."

The only decent response in the face of the "pathological" behavior of American history's losers is to conclude that, while we cannot change our ignoble past, we must not be indifferent to the contemporary suffering that is linked to that past. The self-limiting patterns of behavior among poor blacks "which some commentators are so quick to trot out" are a product, not of some alien cultural imposition upon a pristine Euro-American canvas, but, rather, of social, economic, and political practices deeply rooted in American history. We should not ignore the behavioral problems of the underclass, but we should discuss and react to them as if we were talking about our own children, neighbors, and friends. This is an American tragedy, to which we should respond as we might to an epidemic of teen suicide, adolescent drunken driving, or HIV infection among homosexual males-that is, by embracing, not demonizing, the victims.

The problem with talk about black culture, black crime, and black illegitimacy, as explanatory categories in the hands of the morally obtuse, is that it becomes an exculpatory device-a way of avoiding a discussion of mutual obligation. It is a distressing fact about contemporary American politics that simply to make this point is to risk being dismissed as an apologist for the inexcusable behavior of the poor. The deeper moral failing lies with those who, declaring "we have done all we can," would wash their hands of the poor.

It is morally and intellectually superficial in the extreme to begin and end one's argument with the observation that the problems of the underclass are due to their high rates of criminal behavior and out-of-wedlock births, and not to white racism. But this is what political discourse assessing the status of blacks has come to. The highly ideological character of racial debate in America makes nuance and complexity almost impossible to sustain. For while it may be true that the most debilitating impediments to advancement among the underclass derive from patterns of behavior that are self-limiting, it is also true that our history has dealt poor blacks a very bad hand. Yes, there must be change in these behaviors if progress is to be made. But a commitment of support will also be required from the broader society to help these folks help themselves.

The conservatives deny this. They rationalize the nasty, brutish, and short lives of a sizable minority of the black population as reflecting blacks' deficiencies, rather than revealing any flaw in "our way of life." Nowhere is the ideological character of this stance more clearly revealed than in the conservatives' celebration of immigrant success, over and against native black failure. That nonwhite immigrants succeed is taken as a vindication of the system; that blacks fail is said to be due entirely to their own inadequacies. This is obscenely ahistorical. Frankly, I remain optimistic about the prospect that black teenagers, given greater opportunity, might respond with better behavior. What makes me pessimistic about our future is the spectacle of politically influential American intellectuals grasping at these cultural arguments as reason to abandon or ignore their moral responsibilities to those who are least fortunate in our society.
Color Is Not Irrelevant
The debate over affirmative action has also become quite ideological in tone. I have been a critic of affirmative action policies for more than 15 years. I was among the first to stress how the use of racial preferences sheltered blacks from the challenge of competing on the merits in our society. I argued strenuously against the inclination of blacks to see affirmative action as a totem-a policy assumed to lie beyond the bounds of legitimate criticism, symbolizing the nation's commitment to "do the right thing" for black people. However, in the wake of a successful ballot initiative banning affirmative action in California, I now find it necessary to reiterate the old, and in my view still valid, arguments on behalf of explicit public efforts to reduce racial inequality.

The current campaign against "preferences" goes too far by turning what before Proposition 209 had been a reform movement into an abolitionists' crusade. In my view, race-based allocations of public contracts, explicit double standards in the workplace, and large disparities in the test scores of blacks and whites admitted to elite universities are unwise practices, deservedly under attack. But the U.S. Army's programs to commission more black officers, the public funding of efforts to bring blacks into science and engineering, and the goal of public universities to retain some racial diversity in their student bodies are all defensible practices that should be retained. The mere fact that these efforts take race into account should be not disqualifying.

Affirmative action, however prudently employed, can never be anything more than a marginal instrument for addressing the nation's unfinished racial business. But the proponents of colorblind policy who bill their crusade against "preferences" as the Second Coming of the civil rights movement display a ludicrous sense of misplaced priorities. They make a totem of ignoring race, even as the social isolation of the urban black poor reveals how important "color" continues to be in American society. Argument about the legality of the government's use of race only scratches the surface, because it fails to deal with the manifest significance of race in the private lives of Americans, black and white.

In the brave new dispensation, "color" is supposed to be irrelevant, yet everywhere we look in America, people are attending assiduously to race. The U.S. Census revealed that, among married people 25 to 34 years old in 1990, 70 percent of Asian women and 39 percent of Hispanic women, but only 2 percent of black women, had white husbands. Racially mixed church congregations are so rare that they make front-page news. So culturally isolated are black ghetto teens that linguists find their speech patterns to be converging across geographic distances, even as this emergent dialect grows increasingly dissimilar from the speech of poor whites living but a few miles away. Childless white couples travel to China in search of infants to adopt, while ghetto-born orphans go parentless. This is not to say that American society is irredeemably racist, but merely to illustrate how deeply imbedded in the social consciousness of our nation is the racial "otherness" of blacks. No accounts of contemporary race relations should minimize this fact. Yet that is precisely what the colorblind crusaders do.

Consider the commonsense observation that, in this country, an army where blacks are one-third of the enlisted personnel but only 3 percent of the officer corps is likely to function poorly. The U.S. army cares about the number of black captains because it needs to sustain effective cooperation among its personnel across racial lines. That the racial identities of captains and corporals sometimes matter to the smooth functioning of a military institution is a deep fact about our society that cannot be wished away.

But monitoring the number of blacks promoted to the rank of captain and formulating policies to increase that number are activities that inherently involve taking account of some individual's race. So radical critics of affirmative action must oppose this. Yet depending on how such activities are undertaken, they need not entail the promulgation of racial double standards, nor need they seem to declare, as a matter of official policy, that racial identity is a determinant of an individual's moral worth. As the military sociologist Charles Moskos is fond of pointing out, the Army is the only place in American society where large numbers of whites routinely take orders from blacks. So the irony is that the moral irrelevance of race, which the colorblind absolutists take as their highest principle, may be more evident to the members of the U.S. Army than elsewhere in our society precisely because the government has been allowed to use race in the conduct of its military personnel policies.

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An American Tragedy: The legacy of slavery lingers in our cities' ghettos | Brookings

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Brookings Review article by Glenn C. Loury (Spring 1998)