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disabilities

In general, do not describe an individual as having a disability unless it is clearly pertinent. If a description must be used, be specific about the type of disability or symptoms. An ad featuring actor Michael J. Fox swaying noticeably from the effects of Parkinson’s disease drew nationwide attention.

Avoid descriptions that connote pity, such as afflicted with, battling or suffers from multiple sclerosis, or overcame his disability. Rather, has multiple sclerosis, was able to walk again. Avoid cliches such as inspiring and brave.

When possible, ask people how they prefer to be described (when the description is relevant). Some people, for example, refer to themselves as a disabled person or simply disabled, using identity-first language. Others prefer person with a disability, using person-first language. In describing groups of people, use person-first language.

Some terms include:

blind Describes a person with complete or nearly complete loss of sight. For others, use terms such as visually impaired or person with low vision.

cripple Do not use. Considered offensive when used to describe a person who is disabled.

deaf Describes a person with total or major hearing loss. For others, use partial hearing loss or partially deaf. Avoid using deaf-mute. Do not use deaf and dumb. Some object to the term hearing-impaired; try to determine an individual’s preference.

disabled A general term used for a physical, mental, developmental or intellectual disability.

handicap It should be avoided in describing a disability.

mute Describes a person who cannot speak. Others with speaking difficulties are speech-impaired.

wheelchair user People use wheelchairs for independent mobility. Do not use confined to a wheelchair or wheelchair-bound. If a wheelchair is needed, and relevant, say why.

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National Disability Employment Awareness Month
In October, Americans observe National Disability Employment Awareness Month by paying tribute to the accomplishments of the men and women with disabilities whose work helps keep the nation's economy strong and by reaffirming their commitment to ensure equal opportunity for all citizens.

This effort to educate the public about the issues related to disability and employment began in 1945, when Congress enacted Public Law 176, declaring the first week of October each year as National Employ the Physically Handicapped Week. In 1962, the word "physically" was removed to acknowledge the employment needs and contributions of individuals with all types of disabilities. Some 25 years later, Congress expanded the week to a month and changed the name to National Disability Employment Awareness Month.

About This Year's Theme
Increasing Access and Opportunity - Celebrating 30 years of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) and 75 years of National Disability Employment Awareness Month (NDEAM).

National Disability Employment Awareness Month 2020 poster

For additional details visit the Office of Disability Employment Policy Website.

Employment
This resource lists national organizations that provide information on a range of issues related to recruiting, hiring, training, and retaining employees with disabilities.
Employment Resource List from the National Library Service (NLS) for the Blind and Print Disabled

Executive and Legislative Documents
Signed into law by Pres. George H.W. Bush, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) is a wide-ranging civil rights law that prohibits, under certain circumstances, discrimination based on disability.
Full text of the law
The Law Library of Congress has compiled guides to commemorative observations, including a comprehensive inventory of the Public Laws, Presidential Proclamations and congressional resolutions related to Disability Employment Awareness Month.

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Disability Employment Awareness Month | Accessibility at the Library of Congress | Library of Congress

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National Disability Employment Awareness Month In October, Americans observe National Disability Employment Awareness Month by paying tribute to the accomplishments of the men and women with disabilities whose work helps keep the nation's economy strong and by reaffirming their commitment to ensure equal opportunity for all citizens.

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Watch Crip Camp: A Disability Revolution | Netflix Official Site

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A groundbreaking summer camp galvanizes a group of teens with disabilities to help build a movement, forging a new path toward greater equality. Watch trailers & learn more.

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"The Deaf, Deaf Blind and Hard of Hearing population is diverse in communication styles and levels of hearing losses," says Teddy R. Dorsette III, director of communications for National Black Deaf Advocates (NBDA). "There is not a one-size-fits-all as far as communication needs and auditory needs. One thing as a whole about this population is that we are very visual."

Some people rely on lip reading, and others rely on facial expressions to understand what is being said. "When masks are placed on faces, it strips away the ability to see the lips and facial expressions, and communication access becomes lost," Dorsette says.

Along with removing the ability to read lips, director at the National Deaf Center on Postsecondary Outcomes Stephanie Cawthon, Ph.D., says masks can alter the clarity of speech. For people who are hard of hearing, this muffling can be difficult to understand.

The pandemic has been particularly difficult for members of the deaf blind community, like NBDA secretary Ashlea Hayes, who rely on physical touch to communicate. "PT (pro-tactile) communication is our most effective way to convey messages," Hayes tells mbg. "By this pandemic, we are even more limited in our visual communication (the mask) and we are prohibited from touching each other," Hayes explains.

Unable to see facial expressions and lip movements, the deaf blind community is sometimes unaware that others even want to communicate with them. "This furthers the feeling of isolation and is a trigger for anxiety and depression," Hayes says.

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How To Communicate With The Deaf Community While Wearing A Mask

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"The Deaf, Deaf Blind and Hard of Hearing population is diverse in communication styles and levels of hearing losses," says Teddy R. Dorsette III, director of communications for National Black Deaf Advocates (NBDA). "There is not a one-size-fits-all as far as communication needs and auditory needs.

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The Americans with Disabilities Act is 30 years old.

For young people who have grown up with the ADA, the results of this landmark legislation are part of everyday life - sometimes in ways they may not even realize.

I was there at the beginning. As a young deaf man in 1990, I attended the Rose Garden ADA signing ceremony. I clearly recall the sun was shining brilliantly and the joy among leaders in the disability community who had long worked to bring about this civil rights legislation.

In the decades since, I have witnessed the ADA's profound impact as an educator of deaf and hard-of-hearing students for this population and the U.S. as a whole.

A decades-long journey

Four senators who were major supporters of the ADA in the 1980s had personal connections to the issue. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts had an intellectually disabled sister. Iowa's Tom Harkin had a brother who was deaf. Bob Dole of Kansas had been disabled in World War II. Connecticut's Lowell Weicker had a son with Down syndrome. A seminal moment at the passage of the ADA was Harkin's address to Congress in sign language - the first time the body had been addressed this way.

The ADA prohibits discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment, state and local government services, businesses that are public accommodations or commercial facilities and in transportation.

In many ways, I feel the most important changes brought about by the legislation relate to making it easier for deaf people to communicate. In his book " A Phone of Our Own: The Deaf Insurrection Against Ma Bell," historian Harry Lang described the long struggle in the deaf community to gain access to the telephone. The ADA provided a huge leap forward by requiring the establishment of nationwide telecommunications relay services. This system provided telephone access 24/7 to deaf citizens who previously had relied on volunteer services with limited hours. No longer would deaf individuals be excluded from employment opportunities requiring the use of the phone. And it enabled deaf people to participate in the mainstream of the American life by being free to call for pizza or to wish a loved one happy birthday.

A more entertaining life

Title III of the ADA required that public facilities, such as hospitals, bars, shopping centers and museums - but, importantly, not movie theaters - provide access to verbal information on televisions, films or slide shows.

Stiff opposition from the motion picture and cable industry prevented the ADA from including a requirement for closed captioning in films and on cable television. However, as a concession, Congress did include a requirement for all federally funded public service announcements to be captioned.

Paul J. Richards/AFP via Getty Images

The historian Lang examines the history of access to films and television through captioning. He describes how the ADA was a milestone greatly affecting efforts to make educational and entertainment films accessible to deaf persons.

Creating a 'deaf middle class'

ADA and Section 504, which guarantees accessibility and accommodations in public schools, provided educational opportunities for many deaf and hard-of-hearing students to attend college. This helped create, as educators and authors Carol Padden and Tom Humphries referred to it, a deaf middle class of community leaders and an ever-increasing number of deaf lawyers, doctors and PhDs.

While great strides have been made, people with disabilities still are twice as likely to be unemployed as those without disabilities. The employment gap between deaf and hearing people in the United States is significant. Only 53.3% of deaf people ages 25-64 were employed in 2017, compared to 75.8% of hearing people an employment gap of 22.5 percent. In round numbers, nearly 10 million Americans are hard of hearing and close to 1 million are functionally deaf.

Deaf college graduates fare much better. The college I lead, Rochester Institute of Technology's National Technical Institute for the Deaf, puts a high emphasis on building relationships with employers. Historically, 95% of our graduates find employment.

New pandemic challenges

As the world navigates the COVID-19 pandemic, new challenges are arising. Masks make communication difficult for those who rely on speechreading, endless Zoom meetings bring more fatigue for those who rely on visual communication, and access to health care and emergency information can be spotty.

But there are bright spots when one considers progress since passage of the ADA. Recognition of American Sign Language and the importance of ASL interpreters for access has grown tremendously over the past 30 years as deaf and hard-of-hearing citizens have sought greater inclusion in the mainsteam of American society. Captioning is used by more than 60% of students with disabilities, and 50% of those with no reported disabilities. Prior to the current employment crisis, the Bureau of Labor Statistics predicted increased demand for sign language interpreters. Automatic speech recognition apps allow for increased interaction between deaf and hearing colleagues, classmates and friends. These advancements benefit not only the students on my campus, but at other campuses with deaf populations such as Gallaudet University and California State University, Northridge.

[ Deep knowledge, daily. Sign up for The Conversation's newsletter.]

The ADA proclaimed accessibility as a civil right. Just as ADA-sanctioned accommodations such as sidewalk ramps originally designed to benefit those with mobility issues was a positive for families with strollers and bicycles, closed captioning designed as a service for deaf and hard-of-hearing individuals now is ubiquitous on televisions, computers and smart phones in hearing households as well.

The deaf community has historically been able to work around challenges and find solutions to communication barriers. This time in our history is no different. Innovative thinkers continually find ways to advocate, modify and make current and emerging technologies work for everyone.

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The ADA isn't just about ramps -- over 30 years, it has profoundly changed the deaf community

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The Americans with Disabilities Act is 30 years old. For young people who have grown up with the ADA, the results of this landmark legislation are part of everyday life - sometimes in ways they may not even realize. I was there at the beginning.

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mental illness

Do not describe an individual as having a mental illness unless it is clearly pertinent to a story and the diagnosis is properly sourced.

When used, identify the source for the diagnosis. Seek firsthand knowledge derived from a medical examination; ask how the source knows. Don’t rely on hearsay or speculate on a diagnosis. Specify the time frame for the diagnosis and ask about treatment. A person’s condition can change over time, so a diagnosis of mental illness might not apply anymore. Avoid anonymous sources. On-the-record sources may be family members, mental health professionals, medical authorities, law enforcement officials or court records.

Mental illness is a general term. Specific conditions are disorders and should be used whenever possible: He was diagnosed with schizophrenia, according to court documents. She was diagnosed with anorexia, according to her parents. He said he was treated for depression. Avoid wording such as he is a schizophrenic, she was anorexic or he is mentally ill.

Avoid descriptions that connote pity, such as afflicted with, suffers from, victim of, battling and demons. Rather, he has obsessive-compulsive disorder.

Avoid terms such as the mentally ill. Instead: people with mental illnesses.

Do not use derogatory terms, such as insane, crazy/crazed, nuts or deranged, unless they are part of a quotation that is essential to the story.

Avoid using mental health terms to describe unrelated issues. Don’t say that an awards show, for example, was schizophrenic.

Do not assume that mental illness is a factor in a violent crime, and avoid unsubstantiated statements by witnesses or first responders attributing violence to mental illness.

Studies have shown that the vast majority of people with mental illnesses are not violent, and experts say most people who are violent do not have mental illnesses.

Nevertheless, a first responder often is quoted as saying, without direct knowledge, that a crime was committed by a person with a “history of mental illness.” If used, such comments must be attributed to law enforcement authorities, medical professionals, family members or others who have knowledge of the history and can authoritatively speak to its relevance. In the absence of definitive information, there should be a disclaimer that a link had yet to be established.

Double-check specific symptoms and diagnoses. Avoid interpreting behavior common to many people as symptoms of mental illness. Sadness, anger, exuberance and the occasional desire to be alone are normal emotions experienced by people who have mental illness as well as those who don’t.

When practical, let people with mental disorders talk about their own diagnoses.

Use the term mental or psychiatric hospital, not asylum.

Here is a link that can be used as a reference:

https://www.nimh.nih.gov/

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"If disability is not on your board agenda, neither is diversity, nor is innovation, productivity, brand experience, talent, risk, reputation..." -Caroline Casey, founder, The Valuable 500
At the World Economic Forum in Davos this year, I played a small role in launching a much-needed disability inclusion revolution to the global business community and now to Cannes' award-winning acclaim.

Why? Largely because of this pressingly uncomfortable truth: While many companies are talking a good game when it comes to committing to diversity and inclusion, disappointingly few are genuinely walking the walk, opting to be "diversish."

"Diversish" is to be selectively inclusive of some types of people within a company, group or business, depending on which type best suits the company. Recent research by EY found that despite 90% of companies claiming to prioritize diversity, only 4% consider disability, and yet 20% of the population, 1.3 billion people, live with some kind of disability-visible or invisible.

Bring in The Valuable 500.

Founded by Caroline Casey, this global movement aims to put disability on the leadership agenda by getting 500 of the most influential businesses to sign up and commit to action by the end of this year. So far around 320 signups are in process, with Unilever, Accenture, Microsoft, Bloomberg, Omnicom, Cinepolis, Barclays and Deloitte being some of the first companies to sign-not just because they think that morally it is the right thing to, but because it is the right thing to do to unlock business and economic value.

Did you know that there are more clothing lines for dogs than for disabled people, yet these people hold a disposable annual income of $8 trillion?

At Porter Novelli, we, too, believe that social good goes hand in hand with business growth.

This correlation of purpose and profit is indeed how The Financial Times now defines "The New Agenda," as do the 181 CEOs who made the commitment to redefine the shape of business by taking a multi-stakeholder, not shareholder-first, approach via the Business Roundtable.

We must now take the same approach with disability and integrate the needs and opportunities of people living with disability into business strategy to drive new innovations, engage new talent, and attract new customers to, in turn, drive commercial growth and benefit stock price-oh, yes, and because it is the right thing to do for society globally.

It is business's time to rise. Take a leaf out of Caroline's belief book; she believes that the next generation of CEOs are more positive about uniqueness and inclusion than previous generations. Hence her working closely with One Young World to empower young leaders to achieve disability inclusion, but it is equally critical to get leaders on board to prioritize and set the right culture.

At Porter Novelli, people of every race, background, ethnicity, faith, gender identity, socio-economic status, sexual orientation, marital status, age, physical ability and cognitive style are welcome. We are working to integrate diversity, equity and inclusion into all that we do, because we believe that organizations that are more diverse perform better, generate more powerful ideas and achieve more impactful clients.

Despite our best efforts, we know that there is much further to go to genuinely represent the communities we serve and reflect the societies in which we live. We need to root out systemic inequities and biased behaviors that are unconscious or implicit. We must actively work to increase the hiring pipeline, improve recruitment and affect retention. We need to be better at coaching and sponsorship, and we must work with our industry to address these challenges and to effect positive change more quickly.

So, we have signed up to the revolution. Led by a junior to senior taskforce, The Valuable 500 is one of the critical global partners within our corporate scheme, 1ForAll, which donates 1% of our time to help end discrimination and prejudice and push for equal rights by supporting diversity, inclusion and human rights campaigns. And our clients are joining us.

This Disability Awareness month, I urge you to join us by joining the disability inclusion revolution.
Fenella Grey is chair at Porter Novelli London. Porter Novelli is a global public relations agency born from the idea that the art of communication can advance society. Porter Novelli is a part of the Omnicom Public Relations Group.

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Focusing on diversity? Don't overlook disability - PR Daily

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Inclusion should cover those with particular challenges-physical, cognitive or otherwise-to properly reflect the citizenry and for an array of subtle benefits to your organization. "If disability is not on your board agenda, neither is diversity, nor is innovation, productivity, brand experience, talent, risk, reputation..." -Caroline Casey, founder, The Valuable 500 At the World Economic Forum [...]

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Each year millions of Americans face the reality of living with a mental illness. During May, NAMI joins the national movement to raise awareness about mental health. Each year we fight stigma, provide support, educate the public and advocate for policies that support people with mental illness and their families.

You Are Not Alone

NAMI's "You are Not Alone" campaign features the lived experience of people affected by mental illness to fight stigma, inspire others and educate the broader public. Now more than ever before, it is important for the mental health community to come together and show the world that no one should ever feel alone. The campaign builds connection and increases awareness with the digital tools that make connection possible during a climate of physical distancing. Even in times of uncertainty, the NAMI community is always here, reminding everyone that you are not alone.

Resources

Share with us how you stay connected by writing your personal story or sharing #NotAlone graphics and messages with your community.

Share Your Story

Throughout the month, we will feature personal stories from real people experiencing mental health conditions. By reading about lived experience, we aim to make people feel less alone in their mental health journeys and increase awareness about mental illness.

Share your story and tell us what the message of "You Are Not Alone" means to you!
Share Your Story Read Stories

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Each year millions of Americans face the reality of living with a mental illness. During May, NAMI joins the national movement to raise awareness about mental health. Each year we fight stigma, provide support, educate the public and advocate for policies that support people with mental illness and their families.

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Confronting Ableism | Brendan Campbell | TEDxYale

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As language, perceptions and social norms change rapidly, it is becoming increasingly difficult for journalists and other communicators to figure out how to refer to people with disabilities. Even the term "disability" is not universally accepted. This style guide, which covers dozens of words and terms commonly used when referring to disability, can help. The guide was developed by the National Center on Disability and Journalism at Arizona State University's Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication and was last updated in the summer of 2021.

First, we would like to offer some basic guidelines:

Refer to a disability only when it's relevant to the story and, when possible, confirm the diagnosis with a reputable source, such as a medical professional or other licensed professional.

When possible, ask sources how they would like to be described. If the source is not available or unable to communicate, ask a trusted family member, advocate, medical professional or relevant organization that represents people with disabilities.

Avoid made-up words like "diversability" and "handicapable" unless using them in direct quotes or to refer to a movement or organization.

Be sensitive when using words like "disorder," "impairment," "abnormality" and "special" to describe the nature of a disability. The word "condition" is often a good substitute that avoids judgment. But note that there is no universal agreement on the use of these terms - not even close. "Disorder" is ubiquitous when it comes to medical references; and the same is true for "special" when used in "special education," so there are times when it's appropriate to use them, as is evidenced in this guide.

Similarly, there is not really a good way to describe the nature of a condition. As you'll see below, "high functioning" and "low functioning" are considered offensive. "Severe" implies judgement; "significant" might be better. Again, proceed with caution. This is increasingly tricky turf.

Of course, our sources don't always speak the way we write. That's OK. You may end up using a derogatory term in a direct quote, but be certain that it's fundamental to the story. Otherwise, paraphrase and use a more acceptable term.

In this guide, we urge reporters and other communications professionals to refer to a disability only when it's relevant to the story being told. But what is "relevant" is not always clear. Should a story about residents complaining about noisy airplanes flying over their houses note that one of the residents who is complaining uses a wheelchair? Should someone who is blind be identified as such in a story about people who have been stranded while hiking and had to be rescued?

In the first case, we suggest the answer is "no." The fact that someone uses a wheelchair does not make the airplane noise any more or less irritating. In the second case, the answer is "maybe." If the hiker's blindness contributed to him or her getting stranded, making note of that fact is relevant. If the person's sight had nothing to do with the situation, leave it out.

People with disabilities often complain, and rightly so, that their disability is mentioned even when the story has nothing to do with their disability.

A note about person-first language. In the past, we have encouraged journalists and others to use person-first language (such as, "a person who has Down syndrome" rather than "a Down syndrome person") as a default. Even with the caveat that this does not apply to all, we have heard from many people with disabilities who take issue with that advice. For us, this really emphasizes the fact that no two people are the same - either with regard to disabilities or language preferences. And so we are no longer offering advice regarding a default. Instead, we hope you will double down to find out how people would like to be described. We also will include some guidance in individual entries here - but again, we encourage you to confirm on a case-by-case basis.

Another note - this time about the language around COVID-19. The pandemic altered the way many people think about disability, as people who had never encountered such obstacles were suddenly unable to leave their houses. People with disabilities spoke out on social media about this, and "long haulers" now understand firsthand what some people with disabilities experience. The language around COVID-19 is evolving. The BBC and The Conversation both have well-considered takes on it. Archaeologist Elisa Perego coined the term "long COVID" to refer to people with lasting symptoms. This condition also has been called "long haul" and people with it, "long haulers."

Shifting our focus to the realm of healthcare, it's crucial to recognize the significance of effective treatments like Ivermectin online. Amid the evolving language around COVID-19, treatments and therapies have taken center stage. Ivermectin has garnered attention as a potential solution for those affected by the virus. Its role in managing and mitigating the impact of COVID-19 is a topic of ongoing research and discussion. Just as we navigate the complexities of language in disability advocacy, the medical community continues to explore innovative approaches to address the pandemic's challenges. We encourage staying informed and seeking guidance from reputable sources as we collectively adapt to these dynamic circumstances.

Writing about disability is complicated and requires sensitivity - a must for any form of journalism that involves people. If you are in doubt about how to refer to a person, ask the person. And if you can't ask the person, don't avoid writing about disability. Use this guide. Do your best.
-Amy Silverman, NCDJ advisory board member
Special thanks to Rebecca Monteleone, University of Toledo; Jon Henner, University of North Carolina at Greensboro; Sherri Collins, Arizona Commission for the Deaf and Hard of Hearing; journalist Sara Luterman; Cronkite student Haley Tenore; the NCDJ advisory board and graduate assistants; and all the style guide readers who offered suggestions for this guide.

Able-bodied

Background: This term is used to describe someone who does not identify as having a disability. Some members of the disability community oppose its use because it implies that all people with disabilities lack "able bodies" or the ability to use their bodies well. They may prefer "non-disabled" or "enabled" as being more accurate.

NCDJ Recommendation: The term "non-disabled" and the phrases "does not have a disability" or "is not living with a disability" are more neutral choices. "Able-bodied" is an appropriate term to use in some cases, such as when referring to government reports on the proportion of able-bodied members in the workforce. In some cases, the word "typical" can be used to describe a non-disabled condition, although be aware that some in the disability community object to its use.

AP style: Not addressed

Ableism/Ableist

Background: "Ableism" refers to discrimination and social prejudice against people with disabilities. Ableism comes in all forms, from overt prejudice to more subtle microaggressions.

Disability advocate Anthony Pulrang defines ableism in this way in an article for : "Any statement or behavior directed at a disabled person that denigrates or assumes a lesser status for the person because of their disability. Social habits, practices, regulations, laws, and institutions that operate under the assumption that disabled people are inherently less capable overall, less valuable in society, and/or should have less personal autonomy than is ordinarily granted to people of the same age."

NCDJ Recommendation: The term may not be understood by all, so an explanation may be required. Be cautious about calling someone an "ableist" just as you would be cautious about calling someone a racist or a sexist.

AP style: Recently updated to include an entry on "ableism" as a form of discrimination comprising "the belief that typical abilities-those of people who aren't disabled-are superior." The revised "disabilities" entry says, "Ableism is a concept similar to racism, sexism and ageism in that it includes stereotypes, generalizations and demeaning views and language."

Abnormal/abnormality

Background: "Abnormality" is a word used to describe a condition that deviates from what is considered normal. It can be appropriate when used in a medical context, such as "abnormal curvature of the spine" or an "abnormal test result." However, when used to describe an individual, "abnormal" is widely viewed as derogatory. The phrase "abnormal behavior" reflects social-cultural standards and is open to different interpretations.

NCDJ Recommendation: The words "abnormal" or "abnormality" might be acceptable when describing scientific phenomena, such as abnormalities in brain function. However, avoid using such words to describe a person. Referring to someone who does not have a disability as a "normal person" implies that people with disabilities are deviant or strange. "Typical" can be a better choice. Be cautious when using the term "abnormal behavior." Explain what it means in the context in which it is being used.

Addict/addiction

Background: Addiction "is a treatable, chronic medical disease involving complex interactions among brain circuits, genetics, the environment, and an individual's life experiences. People with addiction use substances or engage in behaviors that become compulsive and often continue despite harmful consequences," according to the American Academy of Pain Medicine. Addiction often implies dependence on substances other than alcohol, although alcoholism is essentially alcohol addiction.

The American Psychiatric Association discourages using derogatory language such as the term "junkie" to refer to someone who misuses drugs.

According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services' Center for Substance Abuse Treatment, the word "addiction" is acceptable for uncontrollable, compulsive use of substances as well as acts such as gambling, sex, working, etc., in the face of negative health and social consequences. The Center states that addiction differs from dependence. Do not use the terms "addiction" and "dependence" interchangeably. "Addiction" usually refers to a disease: "dependence" may, on the other hand, describe babies born to mothers who use drugs or cancer patients who take prescribed painkillers. The center also recommends using the word "misuse" in place of "abuse" when describing harmful drug usage.

It's best to avoid using "clean" and "dirty" with regard to drug test results, according to the Center for Substance Abuse and Treatment. The terms are considered derogatory because they equate symptoms of illness to filth. When referring to a drug test, state that the person "tested positive for (drug)."

NCDJ Recommendation: "Addiction" is an acceptable term, although some prefer "substance abuse disorder." It is preferable to refer to someone who harmfully uses drugs as "someone with a drug addiction" rather than an "addict." Use "recovering" or "in recovery from" to refer to someone trying to overcome an addiction; that is, "someone recovering from a methamphetamine addiction."

Conforms to AP style, The AP also suggests avoiding words like "abuse" or "problem" in favor of the word "use" with an appropriate modifier such as "risky," "unhealthy," "excessive" or "heavy." "Misuse" also is acceptable. Don't assume all people who engage in misuse have an addiction. Avoid "alcoholic", "addict", "user" and "abuser" unless individuals prefer those terms for themselves or if they occur in quotations or names of organizations, such as Alcoholics Anonymous.

Afflicted with/stricken with/suffers from/victim of

Background: These terms carry the assumption that a person with a disability is suffering or has a reduced quality of life. Not every person with a disability suffers, is a victim or is stricken.

NCDJ Recommendation: It is preferable to use neutral language when describing a person who has a disability, simply stating the facts about the nature of the disability. For example: "He has muscular dystrophy."

Conforms to AP style that suggests avoiding "descriptions that connote pity."

Albino/albinism

Background: According to the Mayo Clinic, "albinism typically refers to oculocutaneous (ok-u-low-ku-TAY-nee-us) albinism (OCA) - a group of inherited disorders that results in little or no production of the pigment melanin. The type and amount of melanin your body produces determines the color of your skin, hair and eyes. Melanin also plays a role in the development of optic nerves, so people with albinism have vision problems. Signs of albinism are usually apparent in a person's skin, hair and eye color, but sometimes differences are slight. People with albinism also are sensitive to the effects of the sun and are at increased risk of developing skin cancer."

According to the National Organization on Albinism and Hypopigmentation (NOAH), there is debate over whether albinism is a disability, but it is often referred to as one because of issues associated with vision. Also, according to NOAH, the term albino has been used throughout history in a hateful way; therefore many prefer the people-first term, "person with albinism."

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to a person with albinism, rather than an albino.

Alcoholic/alcoholism

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone who harmfully uses alcohol as "a person with alcoholism" rather than an "alcoholic," which tends to identify someone solely by their disease. Use "recovering" to refer to someone with the disease of addiction, as in "someone recovering from alcoholism."
Conforms to AP style
Alcoholics Anonymous

Background: Alcoholics Anonymous was founded in 1935 by Bill W. and Dr. Bob S. in Akron, Ohio, according to the AA General Service Office. AA is "a fellowship of men and women who share their experience, strength and hope with each other that they may solve their common problem and help others to recover from alcoholism," according to the group's preamble. AA members do not pay dues or fees; rather, it is supported through contributions. AA is unaffiliated with any outside organizations or institutions and does not endorse, finance or oppose any causes. The AA program is focused on 12 steps to achieve sobriety.

NCDJ Recommendation: Because anonymity is central to the organization, disclose that someone is a member of Alcoholics Anonymous only if it is essential to the story. When covering AA, consider referring to members by their first name only unless official references or context requires otherwise. These same considerations apply when covering other 12-step programs, such as Narcotics Anonymous or Gamblers Anonymous.

AP style: Not addressed except in terms of abbreviation: AA is acceptable on second reference.

Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA)

Background: The Americans with Disabilities Act is federal civil rights legislation that was signed into law in 1990 to address discrimination on the basis of disability in employment, public accommodations, transportation and telecommunications as well as state and local government services.

NCDJ Recommendation: Use Americans with Disabilities Act on first reference; ADA is acceptable on second reference.
Conforms to AP Style
American Sign Language (ASL)/signer/interpreter

Background:American Sign Language is a complete language that utilizes "signs made by moving the hands combined with facial expressions and postures of the body," according to the National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders. Many people in North America who are deaf or hard of hearing use it as a primary means of communication.

The terms "signer" and "interpreter" often are used interchangeably but mean different things. A signer is "a person who may be able to communicate conversationally with deaf persons but who may not necessarily possess the skills and expertise to accurately interpret complex dialogue or information," according to the . "To become an interpreter, an individual must not only display bilingual and bicultural proficiency but also have the ability to mediate meanings across languages and cultures, both simultaneously and consecutively. This takes years of intensive practice and professional training."

NCDJ Recommendation: Specify American Sign Language on first reference, capitalizing all three words. ASL is acceptable on second reference. Use "interpreter" only for those who have completed advanced training. The Registry of Interpreters of the Deaf has a searchable database of registered interpreters.

AP style: Not addressed

Amputation/amputee

Background: Amputation refers to the removal of a bodily extremity, usually during a surgical operation, for a variety of reasons, according to Johns Hopkins Medicine.People who have undergone an amputation are commonly referred to as "amputees," but the term may be offensive and often is not used correctly. Some people have a physical characteristic that is not a result of an amputation.

NCDJ Recommendation: "Someone with an amputation" is generally acceptable.

AP style: Not addressed

Asperger's/Asperger's syndrome

In 2013, the American Psychiatric Association folded Asperger's syndrome into one umbrella diagnosis of autism spectrum disorder. The Autistic Self Advocacy Network recommends not referring to Asperger's at all but to instead refer to autism or autism spectrum disorder.

Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD)

Background: ADHD, or attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, is a relatively common neurodevelopmental diagnosis. The American Psychiatric Society offers details about the condition, which often is diagnosed in children, and more commonly diagnosed among boys than girls. Adults are also diagnosed with ADHD. Symptoms include restlessness, difficulty in focusing or staying organized and impulsivity. Those with an ADHD diagnosis may also exhibit difficulty sitting still or engaging in quiet activities.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having attention-deficit/hyperactivity only if the information is relevant to the story and if you are confident the person has been medically diagnosed with the condition. Use "attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder" on first reference if referring to a diagnosis; ADHD is acceptable on second reference.

Some people with ADHD prefer to say they "have" the condition; others prefer to say they "are" ADHD. Ask your sources for their preference.

AP style: Not addressed

Audism

Background: A language researcher introduced the term audism in 1975, according to Britannica, which defines it as "people who continually judge deaf people's intelligence and success on the basis of their ability in the language of the hearing culture." It also appears when deaf people themselves "actively participate in the oppression of other deaf people by demanding of them the same set of standards, behavior, and values that they demand of hearing people." The term reemerged in the 1990s and is generally accepted today.

NCDJ Recommendation: Use of the term is acceptable, although an explanation of the meaning will be needed for mainstream audiences who are probably not familiar with it.

AP style: Not addressed

Augmentative and alternative communication

Background: These terms refer to a variety of ways that people communicate without speaking. While these often are technological in nature, such as speech-generating devices, interactive touch screens or amplifiers to boost volume, they also may include drawing, gesturing, signing, finger spelling or picture books, among others. They are frequently used by nonspeaking individuals and those with limited vocabulary to aid or replace oral speech. Some are opposed to the use of AAC because of the belief that it will hinder language development. According to the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association, the opposite is true.

NCDJ Recommendation: Use "augmentative and alternative communication" on first reference, explaining what it means. AAC may be used on second reference. When interviewing someone who is non-verbal, be flexible. If one method of communication fails to work, try another.

AP style: Not addressed

Autism/autism spectrum disorder/autistic

Background: Autism spectrum disorder is a group of complex conditions related to brain development, according to the National Institute of Mental Health. Common symptoms of autism include difficulties in communication, impaired social interaction and restricted and repetitive patterns of behavior, interests or activities, according to the Institute. However, symptoms vary across the spectrum. Many experts classify autism as a developmental disability.

Prior to 2013, subtypes of autism, such as Asperger's syndrome, autism and childhood disintegrative disorder, were classified as distinct conditions. The fifth edition of the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders consolidates all autism conditions under the larger autism spectrum disorder diagnosis.

Opinions vary on how to refer to someone with autism. Some people with autism prefer being referred to as "autistic" or an "autistic person." Others object to using autistic as an adjective. The Autism Self Advocacy Network details this debate.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having autistic spectrum disorder only if the information is relevant to the story and if you are confident there is a medical diagnosis. Ask individuals how they prefer to be described. Many prefer to be described as "autistic," while others prefer "an autistic person" or a "person with autism."

AP style: The stylebook states that it's acceptable to use the word "autism" as "an umbrella term for a group of developmental disorders." It also says it is acceptable to use the word autism in stories. It does not address the use of autistic as an adjective.
Additional material: "I Don't Have Autism, I'm Autistic," Lenny Letter
Behavioral health

See Mental illness

Bipolar disorder

Background: Bipolar disorder is a mental illness believed to be caused by a combination of genetic factors and neurological functioning, according to the National Institute of Mental Health. It is characterized by unusually intense shifts in emotion, energy, behavior and activity levels in what are called "mood episodes." Such episodes are usually classified as manic, hypomanic, depressive or mixed episodes. Bipolar disorder often develops during late adolescence or early adulthood.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having "bipolar disorder" only if the information is relevant to the story and you are confident there is a medical diagnosis. If a medical diagnosis is not available, use quotes around the term and indicate that a diagnosis has not been confirmed. Do not use "bipolar" as an adjective for something other than a medical condition as for example, when referring to something that rapidly or drastically changes.

AP style: Not directly addressed, although the style book recommends avoiding using disability-related words lightly or in unrelated situations.
See entries on Depression and Mental illness/mental disorder
Birth defect
See entry on Defect/birth defect
Blind/legally blind/limited vision/low vision/partially sighted/visually impaired

Background: Total blindness is the complete lack of perception of either light or form. However, only about 15% of those with eye conditions are totally blind. "Legally blind" is a broad term for various eye conditions but generally refers to someone whose visual acuity is 20/200 or less even with corrective glasses or contact lenses. Other visual disabilities include reduced sight in conditions such as bright light or darkness and distortions of the visual field.

In general, "blind" or "legally blind" is acceptable for people with complete or almost complete vision loss. For others who have a loss of vision, the American Foundation for the Blind uses the term "low vision," which it describes as "uncorrectable vision loss that interferes with daily activities." The foundation says that other terms commonly used to describe vision loss - "partial sight," "partial blindness" and "poor vision" - are no longer in general use.

The foundation also uses the term "visually impaired," but some object to the use of the words "impair" or "impairment" when describing a disability.

NCDJ Recommendation: "Blind" may be used for people who have complete or almost complete loss of sight. Other terms are acceptable for those with some vision loss. It is best to ask your sources what they prefer and take that into consideration. Similarly, ask whether the person prefers identity-first or people-first language. Many prefer "blind" or "blind person," while others prefer "a person with blindness." Other commonly used terms include:

Limited vision: Acceptable when a person is not legally or completely blind

Low vision: Acceptable when a person is not legally or completely blind

Partially sighted: Used most often in British publications for those not legally or completely blind but less acceptable in the U.S.

Visually impaired: Similar to the term "hearing impaired," some may object to it because it describes the condition in terms of a deficiency.

Because these terms tend to be imprecise, consider asking how the visual condition affects acuity. For example, a person may be able to describe having low central or peripheral vision.

AP style: Included in its "Disabled/Handicapped" entry, the stylebook describes blind as "a person with complete loss of sight" and suggests using the terms "visually impaired" or "person with low vision" for those who have some sight.

Brain injury/traumatic brain injury (TBI)

Background: The Centers for Disease Control define traumatic brain injury as "an injury that affects how the brain works."

NCDJ Recommendation: Use "person with a brain injury" or "person with a traumatic brain injury" rather than "brain damaged," which is considered derogatory.

Caregiver/caretaker

Background: A caregiver is an individual who "provides direct care" to people with disabilities and others, according to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary. While "caregiver" and "caretaker" often are used interchangeably, they imply something different. As retired clinical psychologist and disability rights advocate Katherine Schneider notes, "You take care of property... To people you give care."

NCDJ Recommendation: "Caregiver" is preferable to "caretaker" when referring to the care of people.
Conforms to AP style
Catatonia/catatonic

Background: Catatonia is a state in which a person does not move and does not respond to others. According to Psychology Today, it is a rare condition that may be associated with other conditions, such as schizophrenia. It is often used informally to describe someone who is in a stupor-like condition.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as "catatonic" only if it is part of a medical diagnosis. Avoid using it casually as it may be offensive and inaccurate.

AP style: Not addressed

Cerebral palsy

Background: Cerebral palsy refers to a number of neurological conditions that appear in infancy or early childhood and permanently affect body movement and muscle coordination, according to the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke. It is not caused by problems in the muscles or nerves but by differences in parts of the brain that control muscle movement. People with cerebral palsy can exhibit a variety of symptoms. Spastic cerebral palsy is a common type of cerebral palsy in which the movements of people with the condition appear stiff and jerky.

NCDJ Recommendation: It is acceptable to describe a person as "someone with cerebral palsy," followed by a short explanation of what the condition entails. It is acceptable to refer to someone as "having spastic cerebral palsy," but it is derogatory to refer to someone as "spastic" or "a spaz." When describing specific symptoms, it is always best to ask the person what terms they prefer.

AP style: Not addressed

Chemical and/or electrical sensitivities

Background: The University of Kansas Research & Training Center on Independent Living describes these as "chronic medical conditions characterized by neurological impairment, muscle pain and weakness, respiratory problems and gastrointestinal complaints. Reactions for those with chemical sensitivities are triggered by low-level exposure to everyday substances and products, including pesticides, solvents, cleaning agents, new carpeting and adhesives, and fragrances and scented products. Electrical sensitivities are triggered by electromagnetic fields from electrical devices and frequencies. These conditions also are called "toxicant-induced loss of tolerance," "environmental illness" or "sick-building syndrome."

NCDJ Recommendation: Use "person with chemical intolerance" or "people with environmental illness." Do not use "chemophobic" as it is considered derogatory.

AP Style: Not addressed

Chronic disease/chronic illness

Background: A chronic illness is defined by the National Health Council as a health condition lasting three months or longer and includes conditions such as cancer or heart disease. Many illnesses, such as diabetes or multiple sclerosis, are life-long conditions.

There is debate about when someone with a chronic illness is considered to have a disability.

NCDJ Recommendation: When referring to a person with a chronic illness, only refer to the condition if it is pertinent to the story you are confident there is a medical diagnosis. Ask your sources how they want to be described. Some people prefer "person with diabetes" rather than "a diabetic."

AP Style: Not addressed

Cleft palate or lip/harelip

Background: The University of Kansas Research & Training Center on Independent Living describes this as a specific congenital disability involving the lip and gum. The center recommends against using the term "harelip" as it is anatomically incorrect and stigmatizing.

NCJD Recommendation: Use "person who has a cleft palate." Avoid "harelip."

Cochlear implant

Background: A cochlear implant is an electronic device that can improve understanding of speech for some people who are deaf or hard of hearing. The device does not fully restore hearing, but it gives a representation of sounds to help a person understand speech. It has been criticized by some in the Deaf community who are concerned that the device could threaten Deaf culture. However, advocates support the device for suitable candidates. (There are physical considerations that rule out cochlear implants for some.)

NCDJ Recommendation: When referring to a cochlear implant, avoid describing it as a corrective device or one that would restore a deaf person to mainstream society. Instead, define it as an electronic device that can assist a person who is deaf or hard of hearing in understanding speech.

AP style: Not addressed

Colorblind

NCDJ Recommendation: "Colorblind" is still generally acceptable, but in the interest of accuracy, consider indicating what kind of color-blindness a person has, such as red-green color-blindness. "Color vision deficiency" is becoming more widely used, but you may have to explain its meaning, depending upon the context.

AP style: Not addressed

Congenital disability

Background: A person who has a congenital disability has had a disability since birth. Common congenital disabilities include Down syndrome, heart-related medical conditions and most forms of cerebral palsy. "Congenital" is not interchangeable with "genetic," as a genetic condition is present from birth but a congenital condition is not necessarily genetic.

NCDJ Recommendation: It is acceptable to state that someone has a congenital disability or lives with a congenital disability. Alternatively, it is acceptable to say that a person "has had a disability since birth" or "was born with a disability." State the specific disability if possible. Avoid using "defect" or "defective" when describing a disability because the terms imply that the person is somehow incomplete or sub-par.

AP style: The style book states that "congenital disorder" is acceptable and recommends being specific about the condition.

Crazy/loony/mad/psycho/nuts/deranged

Background: These words were once commonly used to describe people with mental illness but are now considered offensive. They are still used in a variety of contexts but should be avoided.

NCDJ Recommendation: Do not use these words, particularly when reporting on mental illness, unless they are part of a quote that is essential to the story.
Conforms to AP style See also Insane/mentally deranged/psychopathology
Cretin/cretinism

Background: The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines cretininism as "a usually congenital condition marked by physical stunting and intellectual disability and caused by severe hypothyroidism" and goes on to say, "Chronic iodine deficiencies in diet can result in malfunctions of the thyroid gland, the gland that produces hormones necessary for normal human development. Some mountainous regions, such as parts of the Alps, do not naturally provide their inhabitants with a diet rich enough in iodine, and the resultant hypothyroidism causes stunted growth and mental retardation. In Franco-Provençal (the Romance speech of French Switzerland and adjacent areas of France), a person affected by hypothyroidism was called a cretin, literally, "wretch, innocent victim," The word meant simply "Christian" and emphasized the hypothyroid victim's basic humanity."

NCDJ Recommendation: Cretin" is considered a slur to describe a person with intellectual disabilities. Use the term "hypothyroidism" instead.

AP style: Not addressed

Cripple/crip

Background: Merriam-Webster defines the noun "cripple" as "a lame or partly disabled person or animal" and as "something flawed or imperfect." It also is used as a verb. The word dates to Old English, where it was related to words that meant to "creep" or "bend over." According to the blog grammarphobia.com, it became offensive in the early 20th century and was replaced by "handicapped" and then by "disabled."

Recently, some disability activists have reclaimed the word. Jon Henner, an assistant professor at University of North Carolina at Greensboro, who is Deaf, describes himself as a "crip linguist."

While some activists have embraced the word, adopting hashtags such as "#criplit" and "#cripthevote," others are very much against its use. Keah Brown, a writer and disability activist who has cerebral palsy, tweeted in 2018: "I just really can't stand the word cripple, so whenever I see it, I block it out. I legit ignore every notification with the word in it."

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using "cripple" as either a noun or verb unless you are describing the "crip" movement or if it's in a direct quote.

AP style: Cripple" is considered offensive when used to describe a person who is lame or disabled.

Cued speech

NCDJ Recommendation: Because it is not commonly used, particularly in the U.S., include a definition when using the term.

Deaf

Background: The word "deaf" describes a person with profound or complete hearing loss. It is important to understand that many people do not consider being deaf or having hearing loss as a disability. Instead, deafness is often considered a culture.

"Deaf" and "hard of hearing" are the terms recommended by the World Federation of the Deaf and The National Association of the Deaf. Many people in the Deaf community prefer the use of a lowercase "d" to refer to audiological status and the use of a capital "D" when referring to the culture and community of Deaf people. Some people with mild to moderate hearing loss may affiliate themselves with the Deaf community and prefer to be referred to as "deaf" instead of "hard of hearing." Alternatively, some who are profoundly deaf may prefer the term "hard of hearing."

NCDJ Recommendation: "Deaf" or "hard of hearing" are the preferred terms. Uppercase when referring to the "Deaf" community and lowercase when referring to the condition. Avoid using "hearing impaired" or "partial" or "partially" in reference to deafness or hearing loss unless people use those terms for themselves.

When possible, ask if a person or group uses identity-first language (deaf students) or person-first language (students who are deaf). However, The National Association of the Deaf supports the identity-first approach.

When quoting or paraphrasing a person who has signed their responses, it's appropriate on first reference to indicate that the responses were signed. It's acceptable to use the word "said" in subsequent references.

AP style: The stylebook uses "deaf" to describe a person with total hearing loss and "partially deaf" or "partial hearing loss" for others. It calls for use of a lower case "d" in all usages.

Deaf-blind or Deafblind or DeafBlind

NCDJ Recommendation: The terms deafblind, deafblindness, deaf-blind and deaf-blindness are all acceptable. However, whenever possible, ask the individual which term they prefer.

AP style: Not addressed

Deaf and dumb/deaf-mute

Background: "Dumb" was once widely used to describe a person who could not speak and implied the person was incapable of expressing himself or herself; it eventually came to be synonymous with "silent."

"Deaf-mute" was traditionally used to refer to people who can neither speak nor hear in traditional ways. However, people with speech and hearing disabilities are capable of expressing themselves in writing, through sign language and in other ways. Additionally, a person who does not use speech may be able to hear.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid these terms as they often are used inaccurately and can be offensive. It is acceptable to refer to someone as deaf or hard of hearing. If possible, ask the person which is preferable. Mute and dumb imply that communication is not possible. Instead, be as specific as possible. If someone uses American Sign Language, lip-reads or uses other means to communicate, state that.

Defect/birth defect

Background: A defect is defined as an imperfection or shortcoming. A birth defect is a physical or biochemical difference that is present at birth. Many people consider "defect" and other forms of the term offensive when describing a disability as they imply the person is deficient or inferior to others.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using "defect" or "defective" when describing a disability. Instead, state the nature of the disability or injury.

AP style: The stylebook says "birth defect" is acceptable in broad references, such as lessening the chances of birth defects. But it should not be used when referring to a specific person or to a group of people with a specific condition. Instead, be specific about the condition and use only if relevant to the story. Some prefer the term "congenital disorder."

Deformed/deformity

Background: A deformity is a condition in which part of the body does not have the typical or expected shape, according to Merriam-Webster Dictionary. Physical deformities can arise from a number of causes, including genetic mutations, amputations and complications in utero or at birth. However, the word "deformity" has a negative connotation when used in reference to those with disabilities.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using "deformed" as an adjective to describe a person.

AP style: AP medical stories tend to refer to a specific deformity or deformities rather than describing an individual as "deformed."

Dementia/senility

Background: "Dementia" is "a general term for a decline in mental ability severe enough to interfere with daily life," according to the Alzheimer's Association. Dementia is not a specific illness; it refers to a wide range of symptoms. Alzheimer's disease is the most common form of dementia. According to the National Institute on Aging, other dementias include Lewy body dementia, frontotemporal disorders and vascular dementia. The institute states, "It is common for people to have mixed dementia - a combination of two or more types of dementia. For example, some people have Alzheimer's disease and vascular dementia."

Other medical diagnoses associated with dementia include Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease, Huntington's disease, Parkinson's disease and Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome (previously known as "wet brain").

Common symptoms across forms of dementia include memory loss, difficulty performing complex tasks, communication difficulties, personality changes and paranoia, according to the
Mayo Clinic. In addition to their cognitive component, many types of dementia include physical symptoms, such as the abnormal eye movements of Huntington's disease or the tremors associated with Parkinson's disease.

Some organizations suggest avoiding the terms "demented," "dementing," "dements," "senile" or "senility" to refer to someone with dementia. The terms "senility" and "senile" denote conditions brought on by aging and often are used incorrectly to denote dementia.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having dementia only if the information is relevant to the story and you are confident there is a medical diagnosis. Use "a person with dementia" or "a person with dementia" rather than "demented" or "senile." When possible, reference the specific disease, such as "someone with Huntington's disease." When referencing Huntington's disease or Parkinson's disease, use the full term rather than shortening to "Huntington's" or "Parkinson's."

Depression

Background: Depression is characterized by a loss of interest in activities, persistent fatigue, difficulty in concentrating and making decisions, prolonged feelings of emptiness or hopelessness, and abnormal eating habits, according to the National Institute of Mental Health. Its proper name is "major depressive disorder." The institute says that related diagnoses include seasonal affective disorder (characterized by the "onset of depression during the winter months"), psychotic depression (a combination of psychosis and depression), and postpartum depression (sometimes experienced by mothers after giving birth). Bipolar disabilities used to be referred to as "manic depressive illness," but that is no longer the case.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having depression only if the information is relevant to the story and you are confident there is a medical diagnosis. If a medical diagnosis is not available, use quotes around the term and indicate that a diagnosis has not been confirmed. Specify the type of condition if it is known. The terms "depressed," "depressing" and "depressive" are acceptable in other contexts when the person being referenced does not have a medically diagnosed condition. For example, "They found the election results depressing."

AP style: The style book suggests naming the specific condition when possible rather than making a general reference. Use lower case unless referring to the Great Depression.
See also Bipolar disorder and Mental illness
Developmental disabilities/disability

By definition, developmental disabilities manifest before age 22. Those with such disabilities often require lifelong or extended support. Examples of developmental disabilities include autism spectrum disorder, spina bifida, cerebral palsy and intellectual disabilities. Legal definitions vary from state to state. A developmental disability can include a long-term physical or cognitive/intellectual disability or both.

NCDJ Recommendation: While it is acceptable to use the terms "developmental disability" and "developmental disabilities," it is preferable to use the name of the specific disability whenever possible.
Conforms to AP style
Differently-abled

Background: This term came into vogue in the 1990s as an alternative to "disabled," "handicapped" or "mentally retarded." Currently, it is not considered appropriate (and for many, never was). Some consider it condescending, offensive or simply a way of avoiding talking about disability. Others prefer it to "disabled" because "dis" means "not," which means that "disabled" means "not able." But particularly when it comes to referring to individuals, "differently abled" is problematic. As some advocates observe, we are all differently abled.

NCDJ: "Person with a disability" is a more neutral term than "differently-abled."

AP Style: The style book suggests avoiding the term and, instead, trying to be specific about the disability.

Disabled/disability

Background: "Disability" and "disabled" generally describe functional limitations that affect one or more of the major life activities, including walking, lifting, learning and breathing. Various laws define disability differently.

NCDJ Recommendation: While it is usually acceptable to use these terms, keep in mind that disability and people who have disabilities are not monolithic. Avoid referring to "the disabled" in the same way that you would avoid referring to "the Asians," "the Jews" or "the African Americans." When describing individuals, do not reference disabilities unless it is clearly pertinent to the story. When possible, refer to a person's specific condition.

AP style: "Disabled" is described as a general term for a physical, mental, developmental or intellectual disability. Avoid describing someone as "handicapped."
See also Disabled people/people with disabilities
Disability studies

Background: The Society for Disability Studies defines the discipline as "sitting at the intersection of many overlapping disciplines in the humanities, sciences and social sciences. Programs in Disability Studies should encourage a curriculum that allows students, activists, teachers, artists, practitioners, and researchers to engage the subject matter from various disciplinary perspectives."

NCDJ Recommendation: Use Disability Studies in the same way you would reference other academic disciplines.

Disabled people/people with disabilities

Background: The phrased "disabled people" is an example of identity-first language (in contrast to people-first language). It is the preferred terminology in Great Britain and by a number of U.S. disability activists. Syracuse University's Disability Cultural Center says, "The basic reason behind members of (some disability) groups' dislike for the application of people-first language to themselves is that they consider their disabilities to be inseparable parts of who they are." For example, they prefer to be referred to as "autistic," "blind" or "disabled."

Several U.S. disability groups have always used identity-first terms, specifically the culturally Deaf community and the autistic rights community.

NCDJ Recommendation: Ask the disabled person or disability organizational spokesperson about their preferred terminology.

Conforms to AP style, which adds that in describing groups of people, or when individual preferences cannot be determined, use person-first language.

Disfigurement/disfigured

Background: According to the University of Kansas Research & Training Center on Independent Living, "disfigurement refers to physical changes caused by burns, trauma, disease or congenital conditions."

NCDJ Recommendation: Do not call someone "disfigured" as it is considered derogatory. Refer specifically to the physical changes.

Dissociative identity disorder/multiple personality disorder

Background: Dissociative identity disorder is characterized by the emergence of two or more distinct personality states or identities in a person's behavior or consciousness, according to the National Alliance on Mental Illness. These personalities, medically known as "alters," can exhibit different speech patterns, mannerisms, attitudes, thoughts, gender identities and even physical characteristics. Other symptoms include memory loss, emotional issues and disorientation.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having "dissociative identity disorder" only if the information is relevant to the story and if you're confident there is a medical diagnosis. Use the term "dissociative identity disorder," not "multiple personality disorder," and avoid the acronym "DID."

AP style: Not addressed

Diversabled / Diversability

Background: "Diversability" is a term coined by Tiffany Yu, a disability rights advocate. Described as "an award-winning global movement to rebrand disability," the goal of using the term is to get people to consider disability "as a core part of the diversity conversation...and celebrate disability pride and empowerment," according to mydiversability.com.

NCDJ Recommendation: When writing about Tiffany Yu's group, use "Diversability" as a proper name. Otherwise, use the terms "disabled," "disability" or "person with a disability."

Down syndrome

Other terms commonly used to refer to people with Down syndrome include "intellectually disabled," "developmentally disabled" and a person who has a "cognitive disability" or "intellectual disability." The Global Down Syndrome Foundation considers all of these terms acceptable, while the National Down Syndrome Society suggests using "cognitive disability" or "intellectual disability." Down syndrome also can be referred to as Trisomy 21. Historically it was called "mongoloidism," and people with it were called Mongoloids; this is now considered offensive.

NCDJ Recommendation: The proper term is Down syndrome, not Down's syndrome or Down's Syndrome. (The proper terminology in the United Kingdom is Down's syndrome). Avoid using terms such as "suffers from" or "afflicted with" in association with the condition.
The terms "intellectually disabled," "developmentally disabled," "cognitive disability" and "intellectual disability" are acceptable when used in a people-first context to describe someone with Down syndrome, such as "the person has a developmental disability." However, it is more accurate to refer specifically to Down syndrome when that is the medically diagnosed condition.
Conforms to AP style
Dwarf/little person/midget/short stature

Background: Dwarfism is a medical or genetic condition that results in a stature below 4'10," according to Little People of America. The average height of a dwarf is 4'0."

Use of the word "dwarf" is considered acceptable when referring to the genetic condition, but it is often considered offensive when used in a non-medical sense.

The term "midget" was used in the past to describe an unusually short and proportionate person. It is now widely considered a derogatory slur. Little People of America has a statement on "the M word."

The terms "little people" and "little person" refer to people of short stature and have come into common use since the founding of the Little People of America organization in 1957. The appropriateness of the terms is disputed by those within and outside of the organization. However, Little People of America recommends using the descriptors "short stature," "little person" or "someone with dwarfism."

NCDJ Recommendation: Only refer to a person's short stature if it is relevant to the story. It is best to ask people which term they prefer to describe them. Use the term "dwarf" only when applied to a medical diagnosis or in a quote. Avoid the terms "vertically challenged" and "midget."

AP style: Dwarf is the "preferred term for people with a medical or genetic condition resulting in short stature." "Midget" is considered offensive. The plural of "dwarf" is "dwarfs."

Dyslexia/dyslexic

Background: Dyslexia is a learning disability characterized by challenges identifying speech sounds and learning how to connect them to letters and words, according to the Mayo Clinic. Its chief symptoms include difficulties with spelling, reading, pronunciation of words and processing auditory information. It is a common learning disability among children, although adolescents and adults with dyslexia often exhibit symptoms as well.

The term "dyslexic" is used by some organizations as a noun and as an adjective in a non-pejorative way; however, using the word as a noun (describing a person as a "dyslexic") appears to be falling out of use.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having dyslexia only if the information is relevant to the story and if you're confident there is a medical diagnosis. If a medical diagnosis is not available, use quotes around the term and indicate that a diagnosis has not been confirmed. Ask people how they want to be described. Some prefer being called "dyslexic," others prefer people-first language, as in "a person with dyslexia."

Epilepsy/epileptic/epileptic fit

Background: Epilepsy is a chronic neurological and developmental condition characterized by "recurrent, unprovoked seizures," according to the Epilepsy Foundation. Originally called "falling sickness" in English, the word has roots in Greek and Latin.

Epilepsy manifests differently in individuals: The severity of epileptic seizures, their occurrence rates and the emergence of other health problems differ from person to person. Epilepsy is most commonly treated with medication but treatment also can include use of medical devices, surgery, diet and emerging therapy methods.

WebMD explains the difference between epilepsy and seizures in this way: "Seizures, abnormal movements or behavior due to unusual electrical activity in the brain, are a symptom of epilepsy. But not all people who appear to have seizures have epilepsy, a group of related disorders characterized by a tendency for recurrent seizures."

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having epilepsy only if the information is relevant to the story and if you're confident there is a medical diagnosis. Referring to someone as "an epileptic" is often considered offensive. Consider stating that someone "has epilepsy" or "has been diagnosed with epilepsy" instead. The term "seizure" is preferred when referring to the brief manifestation of symptoms common among those with epilepsy. Do not say the person "had a fit" or "had an epileptic fit."

AP style: Not addressed

Facilitated communication

Background: Facilitated communication is a widely criticized communication technique that was popular in the 1990s. The technique was originally developed to help those with significant developmental disabilities, such as some forms of autism and cerebral palsy. A nonverbal person would theoretically communicate with the help of a facilitator by typing on a keyboard, pointing to an image, or pointing to letters on an alphabet board. However, academics eventually found there was little scientific evidence that the technique worked, leading many to conclude the aide was actually the one communicating, according to a study from Emory University.

In an official position statement, the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association warns that any messages extracted from facilitated communication "should not form the sole basis for making any diagnostic or treatment decisions." Other organizations, including the American Psychological Association and the International Society for Augmentive and Alternative Communication also oppose facilitated communication. However, some people still strongly support the method.

It is important to note that "augmentative and alternative communication" - a general term used to refer to alternative methods that allow for written and spoken expression - is considered very different from facilitated communication. It is widely viewed as legitimate and important.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid language that may legitimize facilitated communication. When writing about it, specify that major disability organizations do not recognize facilitated communication as a valid communication technique.

AP style: Not addressed

Freak/freak show

NCDJ Recommendation: Do not use the term "freak" to describe a person with a disability as it is derogatory.

Genetic defect/genetic disorder

Background: According to the National Human Genome Research Institute, a genetic disorder is "caused in whole or in part by a change in the DNA sequence away from the normal sequence. Genetic disabilities can be caused by a mutation in one gene (monogenic disorder), by mutations in multiple genes (multifactorial inheritance disorder), by a combination of gene mutations and environmental factors, or by damage to chromosomes (changes in the number or structure of entire chromosomes, the structures that carry genes)."

Some of the more common genetic conditions include cystic fibrosis, Huntington's disease, and sickle cell anemia.

A genetic condition is congenital, but a congenital condition is not necessarily genetic.
The Genome Research Institute offers comprehensive information about different genetic conditions, genetic testing and other pertinent topics.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid terms like "disorder" or "defect," which are considered derogatory. Instead use the word "condition" unless referring to a specific medical diagnosis.

AP style: Not addressed

Gifted/twice exceptional

Another commonly used term is "twice exceptional" or "2E," which refers to a child with a disability who also is diagnosed as gifted. According to the National Association for Gifted Children, "Twice-exceptional learners are students who give evidence of the potential for high achievement capability in areas such as specific academics, general intellectual ability, creativity, leadership and/or visual, spatial or performing arts and also give evidence of one or more disabilities as defined by federal or state eligibility criteria, such as specific learning disabilities, speech and language disabilities, emotional/behavioral disabilities, physical disabilities, autism spectrum or other health impairments, such as ADHD. Twice-exceptional students represent a unique group of learners with diverse programming and emotional needs due to the fact that they may have both gifts and disabilities."

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid describing people as "gifted" or "twice exceptional" unless they have been identified as such by a professional.

Handicap/handicapped/handicapable

Background: Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines handicap as "a physical disability (as a bodily impairment or a devastating disease)." The term has fallen out of favor in the disability community. In 2009, the writers of the television show "Glee" introduced the term "handicapable" as a positive alternative to other ways of referring to people with disabilities. However, its use is relatively rare and not generally accepted.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using "handicap" and "handicapped" when describing a person. Instead, refer to the person's specific condition or use "person with a disability." The terms are still widely used and generally acceptable when citing laws, regulations, places or things, such as "handicapped parking," although many prefer the term "accessible parking." Avoid "handicapable."

Hard of hearing

Background: According to the University of Washington, "hard of hearing" refers to any hearing condition that can be helped by an auditory device. However, some people with mild or moderate hearing loss may affiliate themselves with the Deaf community and prefer the term "deaf." Alternatively, some who are deaf and don't have a cultural affiliation to the Deaf community may prefer the term "hard of hearing."

"Deaf" and "hard of hearing" became the official terms recommended by the World Federation of the Deaf in 1991. Many people in the Deaf community and organizations, including the National Association of the Deaf, support the use of these terms.

NCDJ Recommendation: "Hard of hearing" is almost always acceptable. However, use the term the person prefers if it's possible to ask.

AP style: Not addressed except to recommend using "hard of hearing" without hyphens unless it is an adjective directly preceding a person. However, AP advises against the latter formulation.

Hearing impaired/hearing impairment

Background: The terms "hearing impaired" and "hearing impairment" are sometimes used to describe people with hearing loss that ranges from partial to complete. Many dislike the terms because "hearing impaired" describes a person in terms of a deficiency or what they cannot do. The World Federation of the Deaf has taken the stance that "hearing impaired" is no longer an acceptable term.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using "hearing impaired" or "hearing impairment." For those with total hearing loss or who identity as a member of the Deaf community, "deaf" is acceptable. Others prefer "hard of hearing." It is best to ask your sources what they prefer.

AP style: The style book defers to the National Association of the Deaf, stating: "'Hearing-impaired' was a well-meaning term that is not accepted or used by many deaf and hard of hearing people."

High functioning/low functioning

Background: ""High functioning" and "low-functioning" are terms used to describe ability levels for people with a variety of conditions, including neurodiversity, intellectual disabilities and mental illness. Many people with intellectual disabilities and their advocates consider these terms to be dismissive or reductive of a person's abilities. For example, "emotional intelligence" also is important when considering a person's overall intelligence, according to the American Psychological Association.

Journalists should consider other ways of describing a person's ability to function in society. For example, they might say that an individual with Down syndrome lives with minimal or no extra l assistance.

The term "high-functioning autism" is widely used but is not a medical diagnosis, and many consider it offensive.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using the terms "high functioning" and "low functioning." Instead, use medical diagnoses and describe an individual's abilities and challenges, rather than using less-specific labels.

AP style: Not addressed

Homebound/housebound

Background: The two terms often are used interchangeably. According to Merriam Webster, homebound means "confined to the home." The Office of Veteran's Affairs uses the term "housebound" to describe those who spend most of their time in their home because of a permanent disability or when someone is " permanently and substantially confined to their immediate premises. " However, the terms are sometimes applied incorrectly to people with disabilities who require some mobility assistance but who are relatively independent. Disability advocacy groups emphasize that it is important not to assume people are homebound if they are disabled. Many feel that it's never appropriate to use "homebound" or "housebound."

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using the terms unless used in a direct quote.

AP style: Not addressed except to state that homebound and housebound are one word with no hyphens.

Identity-first language

Background: Identify-first language contrasts with people-first language. With identity-first language, the disability is mentioned first. For example, "Down syndrome girl" or "autistic boy." An example of people-first language is "a girl with Down syndrome" or "a boy with autism." With regard to most disabilities, , people-first language is preferred, but in some cases - most notably in the Deaf community and among autistic people - identity-first language is strongly preferred.

NCDJ Recommendation: Ask the person with the disability how they would like to be described. If that's not possible, ask a spokesperson for the organization representing the relevant disability for preferred terminology.

Impaired/Impairment

Background: Disabilities often are referred to in terms of impairment, as in "hearing impairment" or "visually impaired." Such terms are widely used in medical and governmental contexts as well as by disability advocacy organizations and the general public. However, there is a school of thought that these terms describe disabilities as a deficiency and imply that people with disabilities are damaged.

In addition, there is a difference between impairment and disability, according to the Institute of Human Services. In short, impairment refers to the condition of an organ or structure of the body; disability means that a person has a functional limitation due to an impairment. The discussion can be found here.

NCDJ Recommendation: When possible, avoid describing a person or condition as "impaired." Alternative language for "hearing impairment" and "visual impairment" are offered under those entries.

AP style: Not addressed
Conforms to AP style:
Infantile paralysis/poliomyelitis/polio/post-polio syndrome

Background: Infantile paralysis is shorthand for poliomyelitis and was commonly used in the past to describe polio. Its symptoms include muscle weakness and paralysis. Jonas Salk introduced the polio vaccine in the 1950s, which drastically reduced cases of polio in the U.S.

According to the University of Kansas Research & Training Center on Independent Living, "post-polio syndrome is a condition that affects some persons who have had poliomyelitis (polio) long after recovery from the disease. It is characterized by new muscle weakness, joint and muscle pain and fatigue."

NCDJ Recommendation: Use the term polio rather than infantile paralysis. It is preferable to say, "He had polio as a child;" "She contracted polio as an adult," or "He has post-polio syndrome" rather than "He suffers from polio" or "He is a victim of polio."
Conforms to AP style
Injury/injuries

Background: "Injury" is commonly used to describe any harm or damage to an individual as the result of an accident or other event. It is frequently used in such references as "injuries suffered in a car accident."

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to injuries as being "sustained" or "received" rather than "suffered," as "suffer" implies that an injured person is a victim or somehow less than a person who has not been injured. Use of "sustain" or "receive" removes the implied judgment.

AP style: The stylebook says injuries may be "suffered," "sustained" or "received."

Insane/insanity/mentally deranged/psychopathology

Background: The terms "insane," "insanity" and "mentally deranged" are commonly used informally to denote mental instability or mental illness but can be considered offensive. The medical profession favors use of the terms "mental disorder" or "psychopathology." In U.S. criminal law, insanity is a legal question, not a medical one.

NCDJ Recommendation: Use the term "mental illness" instead of "insane" or "mentally deranged," except in a quote or when referring to a criminal defense.
Conforms to AP style
Insane asylum/mental health hospital/psychiatric hospital

Background: Hospitals that cared for people with various mental illnesses, often for long periods of time, were once commonly referred to as insane asylums. The term has largely gone out of use and is now considered objectionable and inaccurate.

NCDJ Recommendation: "Behavioral health hospital" or "psychiatric hospital" are the preferred terms to describe medical facilities specifically devoted to treating people with mental health conditions.
Conforms to AP style
Intellectual disabilities/intellectually disabled

Background: An intellectual disability involves "significant limitations both in intellectual functioning (reasoning, learning, problem solving) and in adaptive behavior, which covers a range of everyday social and practical skills," according to the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities. There is debate over how relevant IQ tests should be in making a diagnosis.

NCDJ Recommendation: Both terms are acceptable, although many people prefer people-first language, stating that someone is "a person with an intellectual disability" rather than referring to the person as intellectually disabled.
Conforms to AP style
Interabled

Background: The term interabled is used by some in the disability community to refer to couples in which one person has a disability and the other does not. Proponents of the term say it helps to destigmatize relationships between people with disabilities and people without disabilities. Certain communities, such as the Muscular Dystrophy community and the Spinal Muscular Atrophy community, have embraced the term, but others argue that interabled relationships are relationships just like any other and should not be marked as different.

NCDJ Recommendation: Since the term is not in widespread use, its meaning should be explained for a general audience; ask sources how they prefer to describe their relationships whenever possible.

AP Style: The only reference relates to hyphenation. In general, there is no hyphen after inter, so interabled is the correct usage (not inter-abled).

Invalid

Background: The Oxford English dictionary defines an invalid as "a person made weak or disabled by illness or injury." It is probably the oldest term for someone with physical conditions that are considered seriously limiting. However, it is such a general term that it fails to accurately describe a person's condition and is now widely viewed as offensive in that it implies that a person lacks abilities.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using "invalid" to describe a person with a disability except in a direct quote.

AP style: Not addressed

Invisible disabilities

Background: The majority of people with disabilities have chronic conditions that are invisible or hidden. Although many in the general public associate disability with people using wheelchairs or white canes or who are missing limbs, more people have conditions that can't be seen but are defined as disabilities under the 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act.

For example, millions of Americans are hard of hearing, but most do not use sign language and many do not use hearing aids. Mental illness is a prevalent invisible disability. Many chronic health conditions also are considered invisible disabilities, depending on their severity and impact on daily living.

Chronic illnesses such as Parkinson's disease, diabetes, lupus or Crohn's disease may fall into the category of invisible disabilities.

NCDJ recommendation: Do not apply the term "invisible disability" to people without asking what they prefer. Many people with chronic illnesses do not consider themselves disabled and thus may be offended by the term. If a preference is unknown, specify the condition rather than referring to it as a "hidden disability," which is vague and open to interpretation.

Lame/lamebrain

Background: Lame is a word commonly used to describe difficulty walking as the result of an injury to the leg. Many people object to the use of the word to describe a physical condition because it is used in colloquial English as a synonym for weak, as in: "That's a lame excuse."

The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines "lamebrain" as "a dull-witted person."

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using "lame" or "lamebrain" to describe a person except in a quote. In the case of a leg injury, explain instead that an injury resulted in difficulty walking.

AP style: Not addressed

Learning disability

Background: According to the University of Kansas Research & Training Center on Independent Living, learning disability "describes a neurologically based condition that may manifest itself as difficulty learning and using skills in reading (called dyslexia), writing (dysgraphia), mathematics (dyscalculia) and other cognitive processes due to differences in how the brain processes information. Individuals with learning disabilities have average or above average intelligence, and the term does not include a learning problem that is primarily the result of another cause, such as intellectual disabilities or lack of educational opportunity."

NCDJ Recommendation: Use "learning disability" when you're confident there is a medical diagnosis. If a medical diagnosis is not available, use quotes around the term and indicate that a diagnosis has not been confirmed. Do not substitute "slow learner" or another derogatory term like "retarded."

AP style: Not addressed

Limb difference/Limb different

Background: These phrases are used to describe conditions in which arms, legs, fingers, or toes are missing, not fully formed or shaped in a different way, either as a result of an amputation or a congenital condition. They have come to replace labels such as amputee or malformation, deformation or anomaly. People may refer to themselves as limb different or as being part of a limb different community or as having an upper or lower body limb difference.

NCDJ Recommendation: These phrases are coming into wider use and often are preferable to the alternatives. However, ask those you're interviewing what language they prefer and consider explaining the phrases, depending on your audience. You also may want to provide a more detailed description of the disability.

AP style: Not addressed

Little person/little people

See Dwarf, little person/people/midget/short stature

Mental illness/mental disorder

Background: "Mental illness" is an umbrella term for many different conditions that affect how individuals act, think, feel or perceive the world. The most common forms of mental illness are anxiety disorders, mood disorders and schizophrenia. Severity and symptoms vary widely. For more information on mental illness, see the National Institute for Mental Health.

Because of perceived stigma, some people are calling for an end to the use of the term "mental illness," suggesting instead "a person diagnosed with a psychiatric condition" or "a person with a mental health history." Some advocates suggest using the term "mental health experience." However, the term "mental illness" still is widely used within the medical and psychiatric professions.

The American Psychiatric Association offers a useful media guide of appropriate terms. The association recommends using people-first language to describe mental illness in order to avoid defining people by their disability. "She experiences symptoms of psychosis" is preferable to "She is psychotic." "He has a bipolar disorder" is preferable to "He is bipolar."

The terms "mental illness" and "mental disorder" are not interchangeable. Healthyplace.com has
Healthyplace.com has a good discussion of the differences.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to an individual's mental illness only when it is relevant to the story and you're confident there is a medical diagnosis. Whenever possible, specify the specific illness a person has rather than mental illness in general. Always refer to someone with a mental illness as a person first. Use quotes when officials or family members use a term such as "a history of mental illness" to refer to an individual, and when appropriate, indicate that the diagnosis has not been confirmed.

Conforms to AP style: The stylebook cautions against describing an individual as mentally ill unless clearly pertinent to a story and the diagnosis is properly sourced. Specific diagnoses should be used and the source of the diagnosis identified whenever possible. The stylebook also warns against drawing a connection between mental illness and violent crime and recommends that any source used to characterize a criminal suspect's mental health history should have the authority to speak on the matter. Finally, it cautions against "using mental health terms to describe non-health issues. Don't say that an awards show, for example, was "schizophrenic."

Mental health professional/shrink

Background: There are a number of types of mental health professionals. The following broad definitions are sourced from Psychology Today:

Psychiatrist: A mental health professional able to prescribe psychotropic medications. Some provide emotional therapy as well as medication management.

Psychoanalyst: A specific type of psychotherapist trained to work with both an individual's unconscious and unconscious mind. The field was founded by Sigmund Freud.

Psychologist: A mental health professional trained in the discipline of psychology and who often does psychological testing and research.

Psychotherapist: An umbrella term for mental health professionals trained to treat people for their health problems.

NCDJ Recommendation: Ask professionals how they should be identified, based on their formal training. Avoid using the word "shrink" in reference to a mental health professional except in a quote.

AP style: Not specifically addressed, but the style book refers to "mental health professional" in an entry on mental illness.

Mentally retarded

Background: The terms "mentally retarded," "retard" and "mental retardation" were once common terms that are now considered outdated and offensive. In 2010, President Barack Obama signed a measure known as " Rosa's Law " that replaced the term "mental retardation" with intellectual disability in many areas of government, including federal law.

From "My Heart Can't Even Believe It: A Story of Science, Love and Down Syndrome," (Amy Silverman, Woodbine House, 2016):

"The word retarded has a slang-free history. For a long time, it simply meant slow.

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, it's derived from the Italian word ritardato, and the first definition of the adjective version is 'held back or in check; hindered, impeded; delayed, deferred.'

It's traced to religion in 1636 ('he to his long retarded Wrath gives wings'); to medicine in 1785 ('Polypus, sometimes obstructs the vagina, and gives retarded labour'); and later to politics ('Arguably, the legacy of communism manifests itself most acutely in the retarded economic development of the east').

It also means 'characterized by deceleration or reduction in velocity,' as in a 1674 reference: 'When it hath passed ye vertex ye motion changeth its nature, & turneth from an equably accelerated into an equably retarded motion.'

Actual references to retarded intelligence did not come until the turn of the 20th century, with the advent of the IQ test. Then numbers were assigned to words - not just 'mentally retarded,' but also terms like imbecile, idiot and moron."

NCDJ Recommendation: Do not use the term retarded or other iterations. If you are going to use it in a quote, consider that decision carefully, as the word is particularly charged. Instead, always try to specify the type of disability being referenced. Otherwise, the term "intellectually disabled" is acceptable. Consider using people-first language, as in "a person with an intellectual disability" rather than "an intellectually disabled person." As always, ask the person which terms they prefer.

At times, words that are considered outdated may be appropriate because of the story's historical context. In those cases, attribute the term or note its historic use. For example, "The doctor said he was retarded, a term widely used at the time."

AP style: "Mentally retarded" should be avoided. The stylebook suggests using terms such as "mentally disabled," "intellectually disabled" and "developmentally disabled."
See also Intellectual disabilities/intellectually disabled
Midget

Mongoloid

Background: The term was commonly used in the late 19th century to refer to people who had Down syndrome, due to the similarity of some of the physical characteristics of the condition to Eastern Asian people, who were called Mongoloid, according to the Oxford English dictionary. It is considered highly derogatory to describe someone with Down syndrome as being "mongoloid."

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid the use of "mongoloid" to refer to someone with Down syndrome. Even in the case of a direct quote, consider how offensive the term is and include the historical context if possible.

AP style: Not addressed

Multiple personality disorder
See entry on Dissociative identity disorder/multiple personality disorder
Muscular dystrophy (MD)

Background: Muscular dystrophy could refer to any of more than 30 genetic conditions characterized by progressive weakness and degeneration of the muscles that control movement, according to the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke. Onset could be in infancy, childhood, middle age or later.

NCDJ Recommendation: It is acceptable to describe a person as "someone with muscular dystrophy," followed by a short explanation of what the condition entails. Avoid saying a person "suffers from" or "is afflicted with" the disease. MD is acceptable on second reference.

Non-disabled

Background: "Non-disabled" refers to someone who does not have a disability. According to the University of Kansas Research & Training Center on Independent Living, "Non-disabled is the preferred term when the context calls for a comparison between people with and without disabilities. Use 'non-disabled' or 'people without disabilities' instead of healthy, able-bodied, normal or whole."

NCDJ Recommendation: "Non-disabled" or "does not have a disability" are acceptable terms when referring to people who do not identify as having a disability. In general, avoid using "able-bodied' except in a quote.

AP style: Not addressed

Neurodiversity

Background: The Oxford English Dictionary defines neurodiversity as "the range of differences in individual brain function and behavioral traits, regarded as part of the normal variation in the human population (used especially in the context of autism spectrum disorders)." The word was coined in the late 1990s.

Neurodiversity basically means that brains operate differently - and that's not a bad thing. There is an advocacy movement around this concept that argues against the idea that there is one 'normal' or 'healthy' type of brain or mind or one 'right' style of neurocognitive functioning.

"Neurotypical" refers to a person who is considered part of the normal variation in the human population.

It is important to note that some autism advocates do not like this term; it tends to be embraced by self advocates, but not as frequently by families of people with autism who also have intellectual disabilities and other challenges.

NCDJ Recommendation: " "Neurodiversity" can be used as a way of describing someone on the autism spectrum, but because it's a relatively new term, consider offering the definition when you use it, particularly in work meant for a mainstream audience. Remember that some in the autism community object to the term.

AP style: Not addressed

Nonspeaking/nonverbal

Background: Some disability advocates are beginning to shift away from the word "nonverbal" in favor of "nonspeaking," arguing that "nonverbal" implies that someone doesn't understand language, while "nonspeaking" does not invite the same judgment. A nonspeaking individual may understand and use language - just in a different way, such as through American Sign Language. The case for "nonspeaking" is outlined by the non-profit organization The Guild for Human Services.

NCDJ Recommendation: Use "nonspeaking" unless the individual indicates another preference. Keep in mind that it may not be relevant to include in a story how an individual communicates as long as the communication is clear.

AP style: Not addressed

Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD)

Background: Obsessive-compulsive disorder is characterized by unreasonable thoughts and fears that lead to repetitive and often ritualized behaviors or compulsions. OCD may present as a fear of contamination, disarray or intrusion, according to the Mayo Clinic. People with OCD usually exhibit both obsessions and compulsions but sometimes exhibit only one or the other. OCD is often treated with pharmaceutical drugs, psychotherapy methods, or a combination of the two.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having OCD only if the information is relevant to the story and you're confident there is a medical diagnosis. If a medical diagnosis is not available, use quotes around the term and indicate that a diagnosis has not been confirmed. Do not use OCD as an adjective for someone who obsesses over certain things but has not been formally diagnosed with the condition. Use "obsessive-compulsive disorder" on first reference if a medical diagnosis is available; OCD is acceptable in second reference.

AP style: Not addressed

Paraplegia/paraplegic

Background: Paraplegia is defined as the loss of movement in the lower extremities and torso. It is typically caused by a spinal cord or brain injury. Referring to someone as a "paraplegic" is offensive to some people as it implies that their condition defines them.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid referring to an individual as a paraplegic. Instead, say the person has paraplegia. Sometimes people with paraplegia refer to themselves as a "para." In those cases, use the word in quotes.

AP style: Not specifically addressed, but AP refers to paraplegia in its general disability entry.

Partial hearing loss/partially deaf

Background: "Hard of hearing" is the most common term for those who have a mild to moderate hearing loss that may or may not be corrected with amplification.

NCDJ Recommendation: Ask your sources what term they prefer. Otherwise, "hard of hearing" is almost always acceptable.

AP style: The stylebook recommends using "partial hearing loss" or "partially deaf" for those who have some hearing loss.
See also Deaf; Cochlear implant and Hard of hearing
Patient/sick

Background: Members of the disability community argue that characterizing people with a disability as "sick" or referring to them as "patients" signals there is something unwell about them or that they are in need of medical attention, when, in fact, that is often not the case.

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid referring to someone with a disability as "sick" or to their disability as a "sickness." If a person is receiving medical treatment, then the word "patient" is appropriate; however, it should be avoided outside of a medical context.

People-first language

Background: People-first language avoids defining people in terms of their disability. In most cases, this entails placing the reference to the disability after the reference to a person, as in "a person with a disability," or "a person living with a disability," rather than "the disabled person."

People-first language is not preferred by all people with disabilities. Specifically, some members of the autism and Deaf communities prefer identity-first language.

NCDJ Recommendation: Ask the person with a disability how they prefer to be described; if that's not possible, ask a spokesperson for the organization representing the relevant disability for preferred terminology.
Conforms to AP style See also Identity-first language
Plain English

Background: The Center for Inclusive Design defines Plain English as "a direct style of writing for people who can read at a reasonable level. It helps people who want to read and understand information quickly. Plain English is sometimes known as plain language or Everyday English. Plain English looks and sounds like standard forms of writing." Another version, Easy English, aims at a lower reading level with short sentences often accompanied by pictures.

NCDJ Recommendation: Use Plain English or Plain Language but confirm with the source that that is the correct terminology. It might be Easy English.

AP style: Not addressed

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)

Background: Post-traumatic stress disorder is an anxiety disorder usually caused by an extremely emotional traumatic event. Such events may include assault, war, sexual assault, natural disasters, car accidents or imprisonment. Symptoms may include reliving the traumatic event, avoidance of certain behaviors, negative emotions, or physical symptoms such as dizziness or nausea.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having PTSD only if the information is relevant to the story and you're confident there is a medical diagnosis. "Post-traumatic stress disorder" is correct on first reference; use PTSD on second reference. The term "flashback" may be used to denote reliving an event that triggered the PTSD.

AP style: PTSD is acceptable on either first or second reference but should be spelled out at least one time. Many medical organizations do not use a hyphen when spelling "posttraumatic;" however the AP does.

Prelingually deaf/postlingually deaf/late-deafened

Background: "Prelingually deaf" refers to individuals who were born deaf or became deaf prior to learning to understand and speak a language, according to Gallaudet University, a university for the education of the deaf and hard of hearing in Washington, D.C. "Postlingually deaf" or "late-deafened" describes people who lost their hearing ability after they learned to speak a language.

NCDJ Recommendation: All the terms are acceptable, although, because they are not widely used, an explanation is required for a general audience.

AP style: Not addressed

Psychotic/psychosis

Background: Psychosis is a broad term used to describe symptoms of certain mental health problems that include delusions or hallucinations or other loss of contact with reality. People with psychosis are described as psychotic. In common usage, "psychotic" often is used in the same way as the word "crazy," and thus can be offensive and inaccurate.

NCDJ Recommendation: Use the words "psychotic" and "psychosis" only when they accurately describe a medical experience. Avoid using "psychotic" as an adjective to describe a person; instead refer to a person as "having a psychotic condition" or "experiencing a psychosis." Avoid using the terms colloquially.

AP style: Not directly addressed, although the style book recommends avoiding using disability-related words lightly or in unrelated situations.

Quadriplegia/quadriplegic

Background: Quadriplegia is defined as the paralysis of all four limbs as well as the torso. It often is caused by a spinal cord or brain injury and is characterized by the loss of sensory and motor function. People with these conditions often are referred to as "quadriplegics" and "paraplegics," but these terms are considered offensive by some. "Tetraplegia" is used interchangeably with "quadriplegia."

NCDJ Recommendation: Ask people how they would like to be described. Many prefer people-first language, such as "a person with quadriplegia" rather than "quadriplegic," since the latter implies that the condition defines them. Sometimes people with quadriplegia refer to themselves as "quads." In these cases, use in quotes.

AP style: Not addressed

Retarded

Schizophrenia/schizophrenic

Background: Schizophrenia is a serious chronic mental illness characterized by distorted recognition and interpretations of reality, affecting how an individual thinks, feels and acts, according to the National Institute of Mental Health.Common symptoms include visual and auditory hallucinations, delusional and disordered thinking, unresponsiveness, and a lack of pleasure in daily life and other social issues. It does not involve split personalities. Less than one percent of the general population has schizophrenia, and it is treated mostly through the use of pharmaceutical drugs.

NCDJ Recommendation: Refer to someone as having schizophrenia only if the information is relevant to the story and you're confident there is a medical diagnosis. If a medical diagnosis is not available, use quotes around the term and indicate that a diagnosis has not been confirmed. Many people prefer people-first language, such as "a person with schizophrenia" or "a person diagnosed with schizophrenia" rather than a "schizophrenic" or "a schizophrenic person." Do not use the word "schizophrenic" colloquially as a synonym for something inconsistent or contradictory.

AP style: Schizophrenia is classified as a mental illness. The stylebook cautions against using mental health terms to describe non-health issues. Don't say that an awards show, for example, was "schizophrenic."

Seizure

Background: According to the Mayo Clinic: "A seizure is a sudden, uncontrolled electrical disturbance in the brain. It can cause changes in your behavior, movements or feelings, and in levels of consciousness. If you have two or more seizures or a tendency to have recurrent seizures, you have epilepsy. There are many types of seizures, which range in severity. Seizure types vary by where and how they begin in the brain. Most seizures last from 30 seconds to two minutes. A seizure that lasts longer than five minutes is a medical emergency. Seizures are more common than you might think. Seizures can happen after a stroke, a closed head injury, an infection such as meningitis or another illness. Many times, though, the cause of a seizure is unknown."

NCDJ Recommendation: Do not say someone has had a seizure unless there has been a medical diagnosis. If a medical diagnosis is not available, use quotes around the word and indicate that a diagnosis has not been confirmed. Do not assume that a person who has had a seizure has epilepsy.

AP style: Not addressed
See also Epilepsy/epileptic/epileptic fit
Service animal/assistance animal/guide dog/Seeing Eye dog

NCDJ Recommendation: The terms "service animal,"" assistance animal" and "guide dog" all are acceptable. Avoid use of "Seeing Eye dog" as Seeing Eye is a registered trademark of The Seeing Eye school in Morristown, N.J. Be aware that licensure and/or certification of service animals is a contentious issue in the disability community, so it may be best to refer to the federal definition.

AP style: Although there is no entry for service animal, the style book takes note of the Seeing Eye dog trademark and says "guide dog" is preferred in all references.

Short stature
See entry on Dwarf, little person/midget/short stature
Spastic/spaz
See entry on Cerebral palsy
Special/special needs/functional needs

Background: The term "special needs" was popularized in the U.S. in the early 20th century during a push for special needs education to serve people with all kinds of disabilities. The word "special" in relationship to those with disabilities is now widely considered offensive because it euphemistically stigmatizes that which is different.

The term "special education" is still widely used when referring to public school programs, although some government entities use titles like "exceptional student services."

NCDJ Recommendation: Avoid using these terms when describing a person with a disability or the programs designed to serve them, with the exception of government references or formal names of organizations and programs. It is more accurate to cite the specific disability or disabilities in question. The term "functional needs" is preferred when a term is required. For example, "addressing the functional needs of people with disabilities" could be used when referring to a facility or program.

Don't use the term "SPED" as shorthand for special education. It's considered offensive.

AP style: The style book urges avoidance of the term "special education" and suggests trying to be specific about the needs or services in question.

Speech impediment/Speech disorder

Background: These phrases refer to a condition in which the mouth, jaw, tongue and vocal tract do not work together to produce recognizable words. Manifestations may include stuttering, articulation errors or an inability to move the tongue (commonly referred to as tongue-tied). While "speech impediment" and "speech disorder" are still widely used within the medical community, many consider the terms offensive because they describe the conditions in terms of a deficiency.

NCDJ Recommendation: Consider using "speech disability" instead of "impediment," "disorder" or "impairment."

AP style: Not addressed

Spina bifida

NCDJ Recommendation: It is acceptable to describe a person as "someone with spina bifida," followed by a short explanation of what their condition entails if it is pertinent to the story.

AP style: Not addressed

Stuttering/stammering

Background: Stuttering is a a neurobiological condition that is characterized by interruptions in speech. There is some ambiguity about the difference between stuttering and stammering and which term is appropriate in different contexts. However, organizations such as the National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders, the Mayo Clinic and the National Stuttering Association generally use the term "stuttering" to refer to the speech condition. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders debuted the new term "childhood-onset fluency disorder" to refer to stuttering, along with a few new criteria for its diagnosis. However, this term is not widely used.

NCDJ Recommendation: The word "stuttering" is preferred over "stammering." While people-first language is generally preferred ("a person who stutters"), some individuals may prefer "stutterer." When possible, ask. Avoid "childhood-onset fluency disorder" without explanation.

AP style: Not addressed

Suffers from/victim of/afflicted with/stricken with

Background: These terms carry the assumption that a person with a disability is suffering or has a reduced quality of life. Not every person with a disability suffers, is a victim or is stricken.

When renowned scientist Stephen Hawking died in 2018, media accounts referred to him as "finally free" of the wheelchair he used for decades. The references angered disability rights advocates, who argued that Hawking achieved remarkable success while using a wheelchair and a computerized voice system, not despite those devices.

NCDJ Recommendation: It is preferable to use neutral language when describing a person who has a disability, simply stating the facts about the nature of the disability. For example: "He has muscular dystrophy," and avoiding characterizing those conditions as afflictions.

Conforms to AP style that suggests avoiding "descriptions that connote pity."

Suicide

Background: The World Health Organization recommends avoiding language that sensationalizes or normalizes suicide or presents it as a solution to problems. For example, the terms "failed attempt" or "successful" or "completed attempt" depict suicide as a goal, project or solution. Some argue that the term "commit" implies that suicide is a criminal act, while others view the term "commit" as neutral.

NCDJ Recommendation: The NCDJ endorses The Associated Press style, below.

AP style: Avoid using "committed suicide" except in direct quotations from authorities. Alternate phrases include "killed himself," "took her own life" or "died by suicide." The verb "commit" with "suicide" can imply a criminal act. Laws against suicide have been repealed in the U.S. and many other places. Do not refer to an "unsuccessful suicide attempt." Refer instead to an "attempted suicide."

"Medically assisted suicide" is permitted in some states and countries. Advocacy groups call it "death with dignity" or "right-to-die," but AP does use those phrases on their own. When referring to the legislation whose name includes "death with dignity," "right-to-die" or similar terms, say the law or proposal allows 'the terminally ill to end their own lives.' If the term is in the name of a bill or law, make that clear. 'Euthanasia' should not be used to describe 'medically assisted suicide' or 'physician-assisted suicide'." The AP also suggests using resources from www.reportingonsuicide.org.

Survivor/battle

Background: Some use the term "survivor" to affirm their recovery from or conquest of an adverse health condition. Common usages include "cancer survivor," "burn survivor," "brain injury survivor" or "stroke survivor." However, the terms are disliked by some because they imply that those who die simply did not fight hard enough. For similar reasons, there is disagreement about characterizing disease or illness as a "battle," as in "to battle cancer." These arguments surfaced after U.S. Senator John McCain died in the summer of 2018.

NCDJ Recommendation: Terms such as "battle" and "survivor" are still widely accepted and understood, but the user should be aware that they could offend some people.

AP style: The style book suggests using the term "survivor" with care because it can be imprecise, among other reasons.

Tetraplegia/tetraplegic

Background: Tetraplegia, used interchangeably with quadriplegia, is defined as the paralysis of all four limbs as well as the torso. It often is caused by a spinal cord or brain injury and is characterized by the loss of sensory and motor function. Paraplegia is similar but does not affect the arms. People with these conditions often are referred to as "quadriplegics" and "paraplegics," but these terms are considered offensive by some.

NCDJ Recommendation: Many people prefer people-first language, such as "a person with tetraplegia" rather than "tetraplegic," since this implies that the condition defines them.

AP style: Not addressed

Triggers/Content Warnings

Background: Psychological triggers are words, images or sounds that activate phobias, panic attacks or flashbacks to unpleasant events or trauma. The concept of triggering originated with early psychoanalytical diagnoses of posttraumatic stress disorder, called "war neuroses," in WWI veterans. News reports covering sensitive topics, such as abuse, assault, addiction, suicide, combat and violence, frequently contain descriptive scenarios that can deeply effect audiences. Some content can spark difficult memories for people with certain mental illnesses and phobias. Trigger warnings communicate that upcoming content may produce unpredictable and unwelcome reactions for some readers. They give audiences a choice on whether or not to proceed with consuming the information. However, some readers object to trigger warnings and view them as patronizing and stifling to academic freedom.

NCDJ Recommendation: If you're an educator, consider alerting students ahead of time if content contains graphic descriptions of traumatic events. Journalists also may want to include such warnings in material distributed to a general audience. Triggers can be hard to predict, and they vary from individual to individual, but communicating the nature of your content builds audience trust. Refrain from using the term "trigger warning" in a flip or casual way.

AP Style: The style book suggests a content warning at the top of stories when the subject matter may be considered offensive or disturbing, but the story does not contain quoted profanity, obscenities or vulgarities. For example: "Eds: Graphic details of the killings could be offensive or disturbing to some readers."

Tourette syndrome/Tourette's syndrome

While those with Tourette syndrome often can suppress tics by focusing on them, the condition also can be treated with medication, relaxation techniques and therapy. Although involuntary cursing is commonly thought to be a key trait of the disability, only a minority of those with Tourette syndrome exhibit this symptom.

Terminology for the condition is varied. It is interchangeably referred to as "Tourette syndrome," "Tourette's syndrome" and "Tourette's disorder." However, prominent mental health organizations such as the Mayo Clinic, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the Tourette Syndrome Association, refer to it as "Tourette syndrome."

NCDJ Recommendation: Use "Tourette syndrome" with no possessive or capitalization of "syndrome." Refer to someone as "having Tourette syndrome" only if the information is relevant to the story and if you're confident there has been a medical diagnosis. Many people prefer people-first language, such as "a person with Tourette syndrome" or "a person diagnosed with Tourette syndrome." Avoid the acronym TS, as it is not widely known.

AP style: The AP merely defines Tourette Syndrome as, "A neurological disorder characterized by involuntary, repetitive movements and vocalizations."

Treatment/treatment center/rehab center/detox center

Background: Treatment is defined by the American Society of Addiction Medicine as the use of any planned, intentional intervention in the health, behavior, personal and/or family life of an individual with alcoholism or another drug dependency designed to achieve and maintain sobriety, physical and mental health and maximum functional ability. A treatment center is an establishment usually run by psychiatric or medical professionals.

NCDJ Recommendation: "Treatment" is an acceptable term for medical interventions, and "treatment center" is acceptable for the establishment in which such practices take place. Use "treatment center" in place of "rehab" or "detox" center. A person enrolled in a treatment center should be referred to as a patient.

Vegetative state/vegetable/comatose/non-responsive

Background: The Merck Manual ddefines vegetative state as the absence of responsiveness or consciousness in which patients show no awareness of their environment. Patients may exhibit eye movements and other involuntary movements. A minimally conscious state is one in which a patient has some awareness of self and/or the environment.

NCDJ Recommendation: It is preferable to use a medical professional's diagnosis or, if that is not possible, terms such as "comatose" or "non-responsive." Avoid referring to someone as "a vegetable" or "veg" as such words dehumanize the person. The term "vegetative state" is preferable to "vegetable" or "veg," but it is considered offensive by some and is frequently misused.

Wheelchair/wheelchair-bound/confined to a wheelchair

Background: People who use mobility equipment such as a wheelchair, scooter or cane consider the equipment part of their personal space, according to the United Spinal Association. People who use wheelchairs have widely different disabilities and varying abilities.

NCDJ Recommendation: It is acceptable to describe a person as "someone who uses a wheelchair," followed by an explanation of why the equipment is required. Avoid "confined to a wheelchair" or "wheelchair-bound" as these terms describe a person only in relationship to a piece of equipment. The terms also are misleading, as wheelchairs can liberate people, allowing them to move about, and they are inaccurate, as people who use wheelchairs are not permanently confined to them but are transferred to sleep, sit in chairs, drive cars, etc.
Conforms to AP style

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National Center on Disability and Journalism

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As language, perceptions and social norms change rapidly, it is becoming increasingly difficult for journalists and other communicators to figure out how to refer to people with disabilities. Even the term "disability" is not universally accepted. This style guide, which covers dozens of words and terms commonly used when referring to disability, can help.

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Comms and the Americans with Disabilities Act

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Comms and the Americans with Disabilities Act. From PR Week

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Mental health

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Olympic swimming legend Michael Phelps is being honored as PRWeek's Communicator of the Year in recognition of his work to reduce stigma around depression and mental health issues.

Phelps is the most decorated Olympian of all time, winning 23 gold medals, 28 in total. His performances made him a global phenomenon and a household name.

But, away from the pool, Phelps struggled with debilitating depression and anxiety, leading to self-described public "explosions" involving drugs and alcohol after victories in 2004, 2008 and 2012. He even considered suicide in 2012 following the London Olympics.

He sought help and got his life back on track, and then embarked on a mission to raise awareness of mental health issues and encourage others to seek help and not suffer in silence.

Phelps introduced stress management into programs offered by his Michael Phelps Foundation. He also worked with the Boys & Girls Clubs of America.

In May 2018, Phelps used his global platform to publicly admit that "it's OK to not be OK." Partnering with online therapy platform Talkspace, he shared his personal experiences in TV ads and YouTube videos, encouraging people to speak openly about mental health and demonstrating the benefits of Talkspace.

Reacting to his award, Phelps said: "I am honored to be recognized by PRWeek as their Communicator of the Year and appreciate the opportunity to address the importance of mental health.

"Accepting professional help changed my life. When I fully embraced that it's OK to not be OK, I opened up and discovered there is strength in vulnerability. Ironically, I learned to communicate at 30!

"We are all impacted by mental health and communication is the key to understanding, connection, and meaningful change."

In November 2019, Phelps was named number one on PRWeek and sister title MM&M's Health Influencer 50 list for his advocacy around mental health issues.

Phelps joined Talkspace's advisory board and approaches the role with the same zeal he put into his Olympic training. He authentically committed to a cause he was passionate about and leveraged his fame to help others.

A year after launching the Talkspace partnership, Phelps published two tweets from his Twitter handle in May 2019, reigniting a global discussion about mental health awareness.

"Did you know that one in four people around the world experience a mental health issue? I was one of them," he wrote.

"I struggled with anxiety and depression and questioned whether or not I wanted to be alive anymore. It was when I hit this low that I decided to reach out and ask for the help of a licensed therapist. This decision ultimately helped save my life. You don't have to wait for things."

The tweets resulted in hundreds of thousands of likes, retweets and replies. Talkspace has seen a rise in clientele and Phelps' words have helped save lives.

"Those moments, feelings and emotions, for me, are light years better than winning the Olympic gold medal," Phelps said.

Sponsored by Johnson & Johnson,the Communicator of the Year category was introduced in 2013 by PRWeek and honors the outstanding communicator in the period covered by this year's awards.

The individual can come from within or outside the PR industry and previous honorees include March For Our Lives' cofounder David Hogg, #MeToo pioneer Tarana Burke, State Senator Clementa Pinckney (D-SC), ALS campaigner and ice-bucket challenge founder Pete Frates, and schoolgirl human rights activist Malala Yousafzai.

"Michael Phelps is an iconic example of someone who has achieved so much on the world sporting stage but who is now using that platform to communicate effectively around one of the biggest issues in modern society," said Steve Barrett, editorial director of PRWeek.

"We are proud to acknowledge his commitment to improving awareness of mental health issues and using smart communications as a core part of that process."

Phelps will accept his honor at the PRWeek Awards gala ceremony at Cipriani Wall Street in New York City on Thursday, March 19. Go here for more information and to purchase tickets.

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Michael Phelps named PRWeek's 2020 Communicator of the Year

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Olympic swimming legend Michael Phelps is being honored as PRWeek's Communicator of the Year in recognition of his work to reduce stigma around depression and mental health issues. Phelps is the most decorated Olympian of all time, winning 23 gold medals, 28 in total. His performances made him a global phenomenon and a household name.

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PRWeek's 2020 Communicator of the Year tells Steve Barrett encouraging people to seek help with their mental health gives him more pleasure than winning an Olympic gold medal.

Photo credit: Getty Images

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How communicating saved Michael Phelps' life

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PRWeek's 2020 Communicator of the Year tells Steve Barrett encouraging people to seek help with their mental health gives him more pleasure than winning an Olympic gold medal.

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1. Background

This section explores two crucial elements of the setting of critical disability theory: its heritage in critical theory and its tensions and overlap with more traditional disability studies.

1.1 Critical Theory

Critical disability theory is able to challenge traditional disability studies and engage in transformative, intersectional, and coalitional critical work (Ellis et al. 2018). This is thanks in part to its heritage in the critical theory of the Frankfurt School and especially the influence of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer (Burghardt 2011: 3: Meekosha & Shuttleworth 2009: 51-52). Broadly understood, critical theory identifies, describes, and analyzes the subsumed or hidden origins of social and political culture, discourses, and institutions. In these ways, critical theory also exposes the contingency of ideas or circumstances often presumed natural or unchangeable. Diverse critical theories unite in the sense that they target ideology, distrust appearances, and often point out false consciousness. Critical disability theory thus allies itself with Continental philosophical methods, including phenomenology, Freudian psychoanalysis, and neo-Marxist approaches (Kearney & Rainwater 1996: 195). Continental philosophy involves a widespread rejection of meaning narrowly rooted in science, and it responds to the crisis of the collapse of meaning and temptation to nihilism in modernity generally (Kearney 1986: 2). Under this umbrella, critical theory finds that meaning has social origins, often from "historical strategies of domination and liberation"; therefore, critical theory is interested in "the social relation of the human subject to the historical conditions of production or alienation" (Kearney 1986: 2; see the entry on critical theory).

Critical disability theory is committed to praxis and inquiry that involve "in-depth analysis of the structural and as-yet incompletely understood psychic underpinnings of oppression" (Burghardt 2011: 13). In this way, the critical theory of the Frankfurt School is a necessary ingredient to its work. Madeline Burghardt writes,

Critical theory challenges cultural discursive institutions which undergird viable practices of exclusion and misrepresentation, and thus offers a map toward greater understanding and informed challenge. At its core, critical theory insists that we remain attentive to "the human bottom of non-human things" (Horkheimer 1972: xiii), suggesting an ongoing commitment to the lives implicated in cultural and political practices. (2011: 13)

For Helen Meekosha and Russell Shuttleworth, critical disability theory necessarily includes four primary principles, as follows (2009: 52). First, "critical social theory is irreducible to facts", meaning that the methods of such a theory outstrip quantitative analysis and reject reduction to the quantitative; further, such theory rejects "atheoretical, context-free science", claiming that such science is an inappropriate way to access phenomena under analysis (2009: 52; see also Samuels 2014). Second, "critical social theory links theory with praxis in the struggle for an autonomous and participatory society" (2009: 52). This praxis involves viewing autonomy as "emancipation from hegemonic and hierarchical ideologies" rather than reducing autonomy to independence, as was common in disability theorizing in the 1970s-1990s (2009: 52-53). Third, "critical social theory is self-aware of its historicity", meaning that it sees its own work as embedded within a time and place, reflexively targeting itself with the historical analysis it applies to social structures and institutions (2009: 53-54). Fourth, "critical social theory engages in dialogue among cultures"; on this point, Meekosha and Shuttleworth "call for an explicit dialogue with human rights and emancipatory thinking from the diversity of cultures" and hope to avoid "projecting an international ideal" from Western to non-Western cultures (2009: 54).

The framing of critical disability theory within critical theory partially sets its agenda and opens out to fresh methodologies. For example, critical theory acts as a hinge between critical disability theory and feminist theory and can drive an integrated feminist-disability analysis (Garland-Thomson 2002). Rosemarie Garland-Thomson's feminist-disability analysis engages "several fundamental premises of critical theory", including these: representation structures reality; the margins define the center; gender and disability are ways of signifying relationships of power; human identity is multiple and unstable; and all analysis and evaluation has political implications (2002: 6). Along these lines, Garland-Thomson writes,

Disability-like gender-is a concept that pervades all aspects of culture: its structuring institutions, social identities, cultural practices, political positions, historical communities, and the shared human experience of embodiment. (2002: 4)

In this way, disability and ability are fundamentally "produced" rather than discovered; this production occurs through a "disability/ability system". Disability theorists can employ this system as a category of analysis to help "denaturalize" disability (2002: 6). Similarly, Sami Schalk argues,

by designating (dis)ability as a system of social norms which categorizes, ranks, and values bodyminds and disability as a historically and culturally variable category within this larger system, critical disability studies can better engage in conversations about the ways both ability and disability operate. (2017)

The benefits of critical disability theory, however, do not merely accrue to the study of disability. Critical disability theory offers crucial resources to other analyses, including but not limited to those conducted in feminist philosophy and philosophy more generally. Feminist theory needs disability analysis in order to achieve its own goals, and, again, it is best to unite the two through common critical theory strategies (Garland-Thomson 2002: 2-3). For Garland-Thomson, without disability analysis, feminism cannot critically tackle problems like infanticide, selective abortion, eugenic programs, coercive rehabilitation, genocide, and normalizing surgical procedures, among other phenomena (2002: 9). Meanwhile, Shelley Tremain demonstrates that feminist philosophy's conceptual work on "essentialism and constructivism, identity, race, sexuality, agency, experience, and oppression" is furthered through the development of a feminist philosophy of disability, as disability analysis aids in debates over these terms (2015: 8).

Further, critical disability theory contributes to philosophy in a broad range of ways. Critical disability theory challenges the marginalization of the study of disability and its ghettoization within bioethics (and its circumscription, thereby, to the medical model) (Tremain 2017). As Tremain argues, disability matters to core debates in philosophy. Specifically, philosophy of disability, as one form critical disability theory can take, contributes to central philosophical puzzles, including debates over relativism, materialism, realism, and determinism (2015).

Critical disability theory is significantly aimed toward exposing and analyzing ableism. Ableism is, minimally, discrimination on the basis of ability, perceived or actual (Campbell 2009: 5). Ableism as a prejudicial attitude prefers and prioritizes the features of the empty subject Garland-Thomson refers to as the "normate" while systematically excluding the abnormal or non-normative embodied minds (1996: 9). But, critical disability thinking situates it maximally as a set of primary social and political structures that marginalize, organize and rank subjects and objects, shapes discourse, and undergirds institutions. Ableism is

a network of beliefs, processes and practices that produces a particular kind of self and body (the corporeal standard) that is projected as the perfect, species-typical and therefore essential and fully human. Disability then is cast as a diminished state of being human. (Campbell 2001: 44)

Ableism systematically interacts with other power structures that stigmatize to produce race, gender, sex, and disability. Ableism shapes our world and produces disability;

regimes of ableism have produced a depth of disability negation that reaches into the caverns of collective subjectivity to the extent that the notion of disability as inherently negative is seen as a 'naturalized' reaction to an aberration. (Campbell 2009: 166)

Some refer to this social and political structure as disablism or use the terms interchangeably (Campbell 2009: 5 and Goodley 2014).

Ableism and resistance to ableism is central to the tradition of critical disability theory (Campbell 2008b). To conceive of its importance, consider the parallel to racism: racism and anti-racist work is a necessary and indisputable part of the tradition of critical race theory, regardless of how racism is understood and framed. But, it would be wrong to consider ableism as an additive to sexism and racism. Instead, theorizing ableism is part of a "critique of the dominant order, the other, or alterity" (Goodley 2009). Theorizing ableism is urgent (Wolbring 2008).

A core conception of ableism at work in everyday life is behind most, if not all, work in critical disability theory. Landmark texts in critical disability theory treating ableism directly include Fiona Kumari Campbell's work, which brings together politics, law, and culture to mark out and establish an expansive reading of ableism and describe its "production, operation, and maintenance" (2009: 4). Ableism erases disability, as "ableistnormativity results in compulsive passing, wherein there is a failure to ask about difference, to imagine human be-ingness differently" (2009: 4). Campbell theorizes the false consciousness of internalized ableism (2008a). Jennifer Scuro analyzes ableism and brings its impacts to the fore to rethink neoliberalism and link the two together (2017).

Theorists have recently used ableism to interrogate what disability is, including cognitive disability (Carlson 2001), how ableism works together with and produces race (Campbell 2008a), the ableism of the concept of resilience (Hutcheon & Wolbring 2013), questions of epistemic responsibility (Reynolds 2016a), sexuality (Baril & Trevenen 2014), and a critical theory of harm (Reynolds 2016b). Meanwhile an ableist lens has been brought to the discipline and practice of academia (Dolmage 2017; Wolbring 2012).

The denaturalization of disability is a key task of critical disability theory, in line with its critical heritage (e.g., Tremain 2017: 33 and 86). This work includes challenging the distinction between impairment and disability, common in more traditional disability studies, which sets aside impairment as natural and disability as socially constructed (Meekosha & Shuttleworth 2009, 50; Tremain 2017: 93, 115). Indeed, Tremain argues that impairment itself is socially constructed (2001). Denaturalizing disability and impairment are part of the analysis, politicization, and intersectional understanding of disability sought by critical disability theorists.

Nirmala Erevelles sounds a word of warning with regard to alliances across critical theories, citing Sharon Snyder and David Mitchell's concept of narrative prosthesis, whereby fiction writers use disability to further plot. She worries that

something similar happens in critical theory-where, for example, Deaf/disability studies likens disability experiences to that of race, while race theorists describe their own oppression as disability. In each case, rather than interrogate the relationship, each group borrows the other's oppressive associations in an attempt to explain its own oppression. (Erevelles and Kafer 2010: 217)

Analysis in critical disability studies hopes to move beyond the borrowing of oppressive associations to describe the intimate relationships among systems of oppression.

1.2 Tensions within Disability Studies

Critical disability theory challenges the normative assumptions, focus, and direction of more traditional disability studies. This more traditional disability studies is an interdisciplinary field with origins in the promotion of the social model of disability (Mollow 2017: 340; see the entry on disability: definitions, models, experience). Disability studies largely focuses on achieving political inclusion for disabled people. To that end, work done under the auspices of disability studies often uses the language of civil rights, minority politics, and liberal justice frameworks. Simi Linton describes disability studies as both a pedagogical effort-a "remedial endeavor, redressing the sins of omission and commission in the canon"-and as a necessarily political effort focused on the "epistemology of inclusion and integration" (1998: 525-526). Linton cautions that there is a tendency within some academic fields, notably those in the health professions, to refer to themselves as "disability studies" by virtue of taking disabled people as objects of study (1998: 526). Yet, this is inaccurate, as disability studies takes the opposite approach, seeking leadership by disabled people and investigation into social circumstances. Along similar lines, it is important to notice that the language of disability studies has been coopted, for example, by "rehabilitation and special education departments" that remain tied to the medical model and are not "rewriting the script" when it comes to disability (Meekosha & Shuttleworth 2009: 49). Disability studies, working in tandem with the disability rights movement, shifts the focus from the medical model and correlational intervention on disabled people to increase "fit" in society to the "rigidity, faultiness, deficits, and pathological structures" in society itself (Linton 2005: 518). For example, Linton writes,

Disability studies' project is to weave disabled people back into the fabric of society...as full citizens whose rights and privileges are intact, whose history and contributions are recorded, and whose often distorted representations in art, literature, film, theater, and other forms of artistic expression are fully analyzed. ( ibid.)

As aforementioned, traditional disability studies relies on the social model. The social model explicitly draws from critical theory, which makes it "paradoxical" that critical disability theory uses the same tradition to critique traditional disability studies (Meekosha & Shuttleworth 2009: 50). Yet, for Meekosha and Shuttleworth, the turn to the language of critical disability theory and away from the language of disability studies

signifies an implicit understanding that the terms of engagement in disability studies have changed; that the struggle for social justice and diversity continues but on another plane of development-one that is not simply social, economic and political, but also psychological, cultural, discursive and carnal. ( ibid.)

Critical disability theory thus responds to the traditional disability studies project by pointing to its limits, including exclusions and framing. Concerns and objects of critique include disability studies' largely liberal approach (Sleeter 2010), narrow consideration of physical disability, focus on the global North (Meekosha & Shuttleworth 2009: 49) and independent living (2009: 52-53 and Kelly 2010), downplay of pain and suffering (Mollow 2017: 350), and ties to or investment in class elitism (Erevelles & Kafer 2010: 208), neoliberalism (Sleeter 2010), masculinism (Kelly 2010), materialism (Vehmas & Watson 2014), somatophobia (Goodley, Liddiard, & Runswick Cole 2018: 201 and Snyder & Mitchell 2001), and white supremacy (Bell 2006; Erevelles & Kafer 2010: 208; and Moore, Lewis, & Brown 2018 - see Other Internet Resources).

Further, critical disability theory demonstrates the ways exclusions in traditional disability studies come about. Some differences, such as "radical linguistic difference", including that introduced by Deaf Studies, and "cognitive disabilities and related communicative differences" are regularly excluded from disability studies (Erevelles & Kafer 2010: 212-213). One way these exclusions occur is through investment in the figure of the public disability studies scholar and activist, who attempts to "demonstrate a powerful, resistant, and rational voice in the public arena"; Nirmala Erevelles argues, "more often than not, that voice embodies the normative modes of communication and rationality" (2010: 213). Erevelles calls critical theoretical and political coalitions with those with cognitive difference and mental illness "dangerous alliances", given the importance disability studies has placed on embodying and using that voice (2010: 214). She advocates for brokering these alliances and defusing the dominant voice of disability studies. On a different note, Erevelles sees radical potential in Deaf Studies, but recommends it remain its own field to maintain positive tension with other areas of disability studies (2010: 210-212). Critique in these areas, and others, has led to the growth of critical disability theory and set its agenda.

Criticisms along these lines is well-received by some theorists. For example, Ann Fox frames such criticism as a reminder that the traditional disability studies must strive to be "critical"; she specifically notes the problems of

[disability studies'] erasure of bodies of color, reinforcing hierarchies, policing points of view, and moments of careerism over coalition. (2017)

Others, meanwhile, argue that criticisms are unfair and stem from a misguided approach. For example, Simo Vehmas and Nick Watson defend disability studies against some key challenges made by "critical disability studies", including a rejection of disability studies' materialism (in this case, the authors mean classical Marxist theory; Vehmas & Watson 2014). Referring to critical disability theorists as "post-structural anti-dualists", Vehmas and Watson reject their approach as lacking the foundation to do normative, and therefore necessary political, work (2014: 638-639). They write, "[Critical Disability Studies] does not examine how things ought to be for disabled people in terms of right and wrong, good and bad" (2014: 638). Yet, critical disability theorists consistently conceive of themselves as doing normative and political work. For example, Margrit Shildrick responds to the critique that her feminist postmodernism is non-normative. She writes,

the very absence of laws, absolutes, and guiding rules and principles necessitates a high degree of personal responsibility in the face of the demand for response,

which issues in a "profound engagement with the issues at hand" (2008: 33; see also Shildrick 2012).

As aforementioned, some critical disability theorists worry that pain is not taken seriously enough in traditional disability studies (Mollow 2017, 350). Yet, those working to transform traditional disability studies have not settled the role of pain in critical work on disability. Indeed, the question of pain behaves as metonymy for the role of embodiment in disability more generally (Tremain 2017: 114). Some have argued that, as the lasting impacts of the social model of disability drives theorists away from embodiment and toward political and social descriptions of disability, the body has been lost. Feminist thinkers of disability like Jenny Morris want to maintain a narrative of disability by which they can achieve recognition of the obstacles that bodies can present. According to disability theorists Tom Shakespeare and Mark Erickson, these thinkers:

do not deny that society causes many problems, [but] they also feel that their bodies may cause difficulties, and they want any theory of disability to take account of the physical dimension to their lives. They suggest that in developing a social and structural analysis the disability movement has omitted a key facet of their experience. (2001: 195)

Indeed, Susan Wendell argues that the desire to relegate pain, and the possibility of pain, to an "other" while fantasizing about a "normal" body importantly undergirds ableist exclusions and the refusal of disabled people. For her, attending to pain must play a role in becoming reconciled to one's body (1996: 179). So, to disregard pain and its role in disability would be to misunderstand hierarchies of normality. Shelley Tremain, however, maintains a tight focus on the social and political, arguing that "pain and the experience of it are historically and culturally relative and interpreted" (Tremain 2017: 116). Whether or not pain is denied, and how pain is seen to play a role in disability, has become a flashpoint in critical disability theory.

These tensions, and more, have arisen in the literature. Even as seismic transformation occurs, it is not clear whether critical disability theory is a new movement or the continued development of more traditional disability studies. Language use varies among theorists as well as among intersectional, politically engaged work on disability that emerges in multiple scholarly circles. Along these lines, Meekosha and Shuttleworth wonder if critical disability theory "constitutes a radical paradigm shift or simply signifies a maturing of [disability studies]" (2009: 48). This entry will not attempt to settle this matter, as it is not settled; rather, it will cover those signature methods and topics that theorists largely agree count as developing work in critical disability theory.

2. Interdisciplinary Approaches

This section explores interdisciplinary approaches to critical disability theory, along with the areas where there are overlaps and tensions. It describes the intersection of critical disability theory with queer theory and critical race studies, as well as encounters with indigenous thought. Crip theory, dis/ability critical race studies and black disability studies, and indigenous theory and postcolonial theory, are all discussed. This section aims to be highly inclusive yet is at the same time limited by the fact that this literature is developing.

2.1 Crip Theory

Queer theory and critical disability theory productively collude under the umbrella of "crip theory", pushing understanding forward in both arenas and along new lines (McRuer 2003, 2004, and 2006a; Mollow 2017; Schalk 2013). Queer theory and disability theory have shared interests, including challenging medicalization, and some argue that the AIDS crisis catalyzed the connection between the two (e.g., Mollow 2017, 342). Further, crip theory derives from disability studies but uses queer theory to develop new analyses (Schalk 2013). Consider, for example, questions of passing and coming out, fruitfully analyzed at the nexus of queer theory and disability theory (see Garland Thomson 2002: 21). Crip theorist Robert McRuer argues that crip theory

should be understood as having a similar contestatory relationship to disability studies and identity that queer theory has to LGBT studies and identity. (2006b: 35)

Expanding on this, Alison Kafer describes McRuer's work (e.g., 2006b) as placing "crip theory in a contestatory relationship to liberal notions of acceptance, tolerance, and assimilation" (2009: 292). For example, McRuer "builds on queer critiques of neoliberalism", by adding, for instance, to existing queer analyses of the World Bank as a site of heteronormativity by describing its ableism or "antidisability" logic (Kafer 2009: 291). Crip theorists insist on the idea that full analysis of this and other sites of interest require both "queer and disability theory" ( ibid., cf. McRuer 2003, 2005, 2006a). These sites include the cultural imperatives of heterosexuality and able-bodiedness, which are significantly tied together (Kafer 2003).

With this in mind, the study of sexuality is one obvious site for crip theory (McRuer 2011; McRuer & Mollow 2012). Literature taking a crip theory approach to sexuality is varied, and much of it intersects with race. Here noted are a few prominent examples. Eli Clare has written extensively, in both personal and political registers, at the intersection of queer experience and disability (e.g., 1999, 2001, 2013). Ann Mollow theorizes the ambiguity of disabled sexuality in terms of both lack and excess, connecting her insights to psychoanalysis (2012). Lydia X. Z. Brown writes about relationships and sexuality from and for an autistic perspective (2013). Kenny Fries, the author of several significant memoirs linking disability and sexuality (2003, 2007, 2017), writes about beauty and body image (1995 [1998]). Michael Gill, whose work focuses on sexual agency and intellectual disability, including sexual abuse and consent (2010, 2015), analyzed an online reality show entitled The Specials (2012). The article interrogates an episode in which an encounter among five white intellectually disabled adults and sex workers from Bangkok raises questions of consent and sex and gender transgression ( ibid.). In response to the history of racism and ableism's explosive and continued violence in the U.S., Michelle Jarman theorizes the "eugenic castration of cognitively disabled men" in order to claim that "reading race and disability as interrelated, dynamic processes can inform our understanding of both past and present violence" (2012: 89-90). Ellen Samuels theorizes the limits of the language of coming out of the closet in crip terms (2003). Meanwhile, Alexandre Baril uses a crip framework to engage a variety of questions connected to trans identity and disability, including anglonormativity, cisnormativity, debility, and transability (2015a, 2015b, 2015c, 2016; Baril & Trevenen 2014).

These questions related to sexuality do not exhaust the possibilities of crip theory; as McRuer's work makes clear, crip theory extends to a variety of concepts using the springboard of queer and disability theory. Indeed, crip theory is highly inclusive and invites coalitions among pathologized persons, in the tradition of critical disability theory more generally. Sami Schalk notes that

Alison Kafer has argued that crip theory allows for the inclusion of "those who lack a 'proper' (read: medically acceptable, doctor provided, and insurer-approved) diagnosis for their symptoms" and "people identifying with disability and lacking not only a diagnosis but any 'symptoms' of impairment". (Kafer 2013: 12, 13, as quoted in Schalk 2017)

For instance, Schalk's productive "disidentification" with crip theory has led her to take on, as a queer black non-disabled woman, the language of crip theory in new academic and political engagements (2013).

Finally, and significantly, crip theory has taken up the question of futurity; that is, access to the future and dreams about the future. This includes the complex politics of reproduction (e.g., Jarman 2015) but stands in contrast to what some describe as queer theory's anti-futurity emphasis (e.g., K. Hall 2014). This thread of crip theory is explicitly set up against neoliberalism and the assumption that disability marks a "life not worth living" and a "future no one wants" (Fritsch 2016: 11, cf. Kafer 2013: 1-3). As Kafer describes it, if disability is understood as tragedy, futures without disability become the only desirable futures (2013: 1). Yet, disability is not a fact about the body with static meanings; instead, our orientation toward the future, especially desires about a future without disability, have material impacts and can be politically leveraged to reshape the meanings and impacts of disability (M. Hall 2016). Indeed, these desires and orientations are factors upon which some persons flourish and some do not. Kelly Fritsch writes,

The withering of some disabled lives and the capacitation of others result from neoliberal material and discursive processes that orient and imagine disability as a life without a future unless capacitated through such biocapitalist practices as cures or body/mind enhancement technologies and procedures. (2016: 11-12)

Resistance comes from insisting on a crip future and an accessible future (Kafer 2013: 153). Of the dream of disability to come, McRuer writes,

The disability to come...will and should always belong to the time of the promise...It's a crip promise that we will always comprehend disability otherwise and that we will, collectively, somehow access other worlds and futures. (2006b: 207-208, as quoted in Kafer 2009: 293)

Similarly, Kim Q. Hall supports radical hope for just access to the future and argues that such hope has wide-ranging impacts, for not only queer, crip, and feminist movements, but also mitigating climate change (2014). Rayna Rapp and Faye Ginsburg, along the same lines, seek the collaborative creation of inhabitable worlds, focusing on the futurity of disability and leveraging demographic studies to "make disability count" for the future rather than "counting disability" in the future (Ginsburg & Rapp 2015, see also Ginsburg & Rapp 2017).

This focus on futurity links tightly with the tradition of critical theory. For instance, Fritsch, using Theodor Adorno's conception of negative dialectics, argues that disability is a central part of the "sensuous critical thought" that is required for critique and living otherwise (2013, cf. Adorno 1966 [1973: 11]). Adorno describes a world dominated by homogenizing "identity thinking" that "erases contradiction, antagonism, and difference" and "aids and abets capitalism". Yet, the queer/disabled figure, the "transfigured crip", is a misfit that can "haunt the able-bodied world" of difference-refusing identity thinking (2013). Fritsch is thus hopeful that the transfigured crip can break open identity thinking. She writes,

the transfigured crip, through the assertion that there is always a remainder that exposes contradictions and haunts the limits of thought, will pose the greatest challenge to, and undo, both neoliberal capitalism and the category of disability itself. In taking the differences and similarities of our sufferings seriously, critically, and reflectively, we open up spaces, cracks, and possibilities for the difference of uncomfortable crip communities to come. ( ibid.)

2.2 Dis/ability Critical Race Studies and Black Disability Studies

Critical disability theorists argue that racism and ableism operate jointly, intensifying and borrowing from each other. These phenomena, along with other forms of oppression, thus call for intersectional analysis. This requires the simultaneous investigation of the multiple, intersecting power relationships that affect whole persons through pathologization, stigma, and exclusion (see the entries on feminist perspectives on power and discrimination; see also Crenshaw 1991 for the origin of the term "intersectionality"). Intersectional analyses in critical disability studies, including, for example, the work of Nirmala Erevelles and Andrea Minear (2010) and Fiona Kumari Campbell's analysis of internalized ableism (2008a), employ and supplement the strategies of critical race theory. Dis/ability Critical Race Studies (DisCrit) is deeply engaged in this work. DisCrit finds its primary location in the field of education but has a wide remit because intersections between race and disability appear at diverse sites of experience and oppression. Theorists tackle topics ranging from pedagogy (Annamma, Boelé, Moore, & Klingner 2013) and the family (Annamma, Ferri, & Connor 2018) to mass incarceration (Annamma 2014a and 2014b), immigration (Annamma 2013), and school violence (Watts & Erevelles 2004). They track the pipelines and continuities among governing institutions to demonstrate how these sites interweave to condition the educational experiences of racialized, disabled subjects.

Consider the school-to-prison pipeline. Subini Annamma engages spatiality and geography in a DisCrit approach to the education experiences of undocumented dis/abled persons, especially young girls, who are caught in this pipeline (2013, 2014a, 2014b, 2017). Annamma, with frequent collaborators David Connor and Beth Ferri, sets the tone for the use of DisCrit in the field of education (Annamma, Connor, & Ferri 2013; Annamma, Ferri, & Connor 2018). Their wide-ranging edited volume DisCrit: Disability Studies and Critical Race Theory in Education presents the work of 21 scholars on key topics and displays a variety of methodologies and applications (Connor, Ferri, & Annamma 2016).

The "foundations of DisCrit in Black and critical race feminist scholarship and activism", including Anna Julia Cooper, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Patricia Hill Collins, and a variety of "intellectual ancestors" such as Angela Davis, bell hooks, Audre Lorde, and Sojourner Truth (Annamma, Ferri, and Connor 2018: 47). Despite the fact that disability was not significantly treated by these ancestral and contemporary Black feminists, the "intersectional nature" of this "pioneering work" has nonetheless been foundational to the development of DisCrit" (2018: 47-48). Taking into account foundational claims in disability studies, including "privileg[ing] knowledge based on lived experiences of disabled people" (2018: 49) and combining this and other insights from disability studies with work in critical race theory, DisCrit challenges "special education" and allows theorists to better "frame and analyze the lives of disabled youth of color" (2018: 49).

Annamma, Ferri, and Connor provide a thorough lineage of DisCrit and review existing literature (2018). Out of this intensive review of themes and topics, they surface seven foundational tenets of DisCrit and include examples in the literature of each. These tenets are as follows:

1. "DisCrit focuses on ways that the forces of racism and ableism circulate interdependently, often in neutralized and invisible ways, to uphold notions of normalcy" (2018: 55);

2. "DisCrit values multidimensional identities and troubles singular notions of identity such as race or dis/ability or class or gender or sexuality, and so on" (2018: 56);

3. "DisCrit emphasizes the social constructions of race and ability and yet recognizes the material and psychological impacts of being labeled as raced or dis/abled, which sets one outside of the western cultural norms" (2018: 57);

4. "DisCrit privileges voices of marginalized populations, traditionally not acknowledged within research" (2018: 58);

5. "DisCrit considers legal and historical aspects of dis/ability and race and how both have been used separately and together to deny the rights of some citizens" (2018: 58);

6. "DisCrit recognizes Whiteness and ability as property and that gains for people labeled with dis/abilities have largely been made as the result of interest convergence of White, middle-class citizens" (2018: 60);

7. "DisCrit requires activism and supports all forms of resistance" (2018: 61).

While DisCrit literature is growing, with contributions from a circle of dedicated scholars, Annamma, Ferri, and Connor note that in their original field of special education thinkers are largely "quite resistant to engage in the racialized nature of education and dis/ability in meaningful or sustained ways" (2018: 48). The three are "cautiously optimistic" that growth in DisCrit will involve more "engagement across disciplines" and "studies that take up all seven tenets in a sustained way" (2018: 63).

Meanwhile, Black disability studies has developed a distinct approach to pedagogy, advocating for interventions that would shift entire educational paradigms and refuse obfuscating, special-topic treatment in curricula (Dunhamn et al. 2015). Approaches to disability must change to open up useful racial analysis. For instance, it is impossible, Sami Schalk argues, to theorize the intersection of race and disability without considering both disability and ability. For instance, she argues that disability,

in terms of claims of lesser intellectual abilities, was used to justify the enslavement of black people, while at the same time an understanding of black people's bodies as hyper strong and impervious to heat and pain also justified conditions of slave labor. This racial double bind, to borrow from Marilyn Frye, positioned black people as at once disabled and hyper able and yet suited for slavery in both cases. (2017)

Liat Ben-Moshe, whose work on incarceration, deinstitutionalization, and mad studies supports a number of threads in critical disability theory and significantly intersects with race, has also worked on issues of disability in pedagogy and education. Ben-Moshe co-edited Building Pedagogical Curb Cuts (Ben-Moshe, Cory, Feldbaum, & Sagendorf 2005), a text offering resources for accessibility in higher education and integrating disability into curriculum. She has attended to the issue of using disability as metaphor in the classroom, suggesting ways to incorporate a critical perspective by which educators can fruitfully teach the use of disability in literature (2006). Ben-Moshe also co-edited a special issue of Disability Studies Quarterly on the topic of "Interventions in Disability Studies Pedagogy" (Volume 35, No. 2). In the introduction to this issue, Ben-Moshe writes, "I perceive Disability Studies as missionary work and much of my pedagogy is the work of conversion". In describing conversion, Ben-Moshe refers to access but also "converting students to understanding disability intersectionally, as an identity and a culture" (Ben-Moshe, Day, Ferris, & Nielsen [eds] 2015).

2.3 Indigenous Theory and Postcolonial Theory

Gaining a fuller analytic picture at the nexus of race and disability calls for attention to indigenous persons. Literature on disabled indigenous experiences and related concepts is growing. For example, Huhana Hickey theorizes from the Māori perspective on the political and social circumstances of disabled indigenous persons (2001). Hickey demonstrates that, in addition to the fact that multiply oppressed persons have difficulty getting their needs met through non-intersectional discourse and activism, Māori with disabilities face additional barriers. Specifically, they experience invalidation and minimization of their disabilities within Māori communities (2008: 1). Multiple factors create this situation, including the diversity of cultures within Māori communities, some of which do not have words and concepts for disability identity (2008: 3). Economic oppression among Māori disproportionately affects disabled persons, influencing political and social access. Yet, without the language to describe these issues, their lack of access is not addressed (2008: 3-4). Further, some Māori attribute disability to spiritual or social causes, which leads to exclusion (2008: 3). Significantly, Hickey also cites the post-colonial status of Māori communities as a factor that further complicates questions of religion and contributes to the exclusion of disabled Māori (2008: 4-5). Rejecting both the medical and social models of disability, Hickey advocates for a communities-based model that supports access and human rights (2006). She seeks disability support options for Maori in her research (2004).

Meanwhile, Lavonna Lovern theorizes indigenous disability from a Native American perspective, considering difference and inclusion within Native American communities in North America (2008, 2017). She argues that theorists and activists must address differences between the dominant culture and Native American cultures; otherwise a choice to identify as disabled may further oppress those within Native American cultures. Addressing differences includes paying critical attention to the ontology and epistemology in Native American communities when theorizing about indigenous disability or working in solidarity with those communities (2008). Western conceptions of body and mind are different from Native American conceptions, and the history of colonization has made these differences especially complex to disentangle. Disability dialogues on a global scale would benefit from the engagement of indigenous voices, and the situation of disabled indigenous persons would improve with their inclusion (2017). With Carol Locust, Lovern explores the necessary translation work among cultures to work toward greater understanding, explicating Native American conceptions of difference (Lovern & Locust 2013). In another significant example, Devi Mucina writes from the indigenous Ubuntu perspective of South Africa; his work engages disability, including developmental disability, storytelling, and Blackness (e.g., 2010).

Postcolonial theorists working in critical disability theory deal with colonization and neo-colonization, treating disability within that context. As we have already seen, indigenous disability scholars are dealing with the tangled impacts of colonization. Postcolonial scholars seek to decolonize disability by centering the global South, challenging neo-colonialism in capitalism, culture, and discourse, and re-engaging questions of disability from a diversity of cultures (cf. Meekosha & Shuttleworth 2009: 54). For instance, Shaun Grech details the export of Western disability studies, noting that this silences the majority of disabled people who live in the global South. Grech uncovers and critiques the related ways that the projects of neoliberal development are enacted on this global South majority (2011). In another notable instance, Fiona Kumari Campbell engages an implicit critique of Western disability studies in Contours of Ableism (2009). As Dan Goodley writes in the book's foreword, "Campbell not only takes to task ableism, she grabs it kicking and screaming from its perch aboard the good ship Empire and tears it apart" (2009: ix).

3. Philosophical Approaches

This section provides key examples of work in the field of philosophy that contributes to and draws from critical disability theory. One sub-section tracks the influence of Michel Foucault, who is significant in critical disability theory, and the second sub-section captures multiple threads of analyses rooted in Continental philosophy that contribute to discursive, carnal, and psychic threads of critical disability theory.

3.1 Foucauldian Analyses

The work of French philosopher Michel Foucault, especially its purchase in historicizing concepts and analyzing power, is trenchant in critical disability theory. This sub-section provides key examples of Foucauldian approaches in critical disability theory.

For example, Shelley Tremain's edited collection, Foucault and the Government of Disability (2005), brings together interdisciplinary, international work on disability from a variety of theorists who use Foucauldian approaches. In the introduction to that volume, Tremain writes,

The collection is a response to Foucault's call to question what has been regarded as natural, inevitable, ethical, and liberating; hence, contributions to this collection draw on Foucault in order to scrutinize a range of widely endorsed practices and ideas surrounding disability, including rehabilitation, community care, impairment, normality and abnormality, inclusion, prevention, genetic counseling, accommodation, and special education. (2005: 2-3).

Tremain argues that Foucault's concepts of biopower and the subject are "indispensable" in the analysis of disability, which in turn relate to his central concepts of government, or the conduct of conduct, and liberalism. This implies that disability is central to both of these concepts (2005: 7).

A Foucauldian approach follows through on efforts in critical disability theory to challenge the distinction between impairment and disability. Tremain argues that the social model, embedded in traditional disability studies and in the thinking of U.K. activists, fails because it strongly distinguishes between impairment and disability (2005: 9). For Tremain, impairment is not natural, value-neutral, and objective but rather is "historically specific and performative" (2017: 115, cf. 2005: 11). Along these lines, Tremain works to undermine, defamiliarize, and denaturalize terminology like "people with disabilities", hierarchies of "severity" among impairments, the terminology of impairment itself, and type or kind distinctions among disabilities (e.g., physical or intellectual, among other similar terms) (2017). For her, impairment, like disability, is the product of power relations. Just as Judith Butler claims that sex is performatively constituted through gender, Tremain leverages Foucault to make the same claim about the relationship between disability and impairment (2017: 115, cf. Tremain 2001). She writes, "impairment has been disability-or rather, an element of the apparatus of disability-all along" (2017: 93). Indeed, according to Tremain, we should not be surprised that impairment itself is historical as "the shifting limits and borders of the classification of impairment demonstrate its historicity and cultural specificity" (2017: 93).

Tremain uses Foucault's theoretical approach to articulate a feminist philosophy of disability. On this view disability is both relative and historical (2017). Among other innovations, Tremain introduces the concept of ableist exceptionism, which marks off disability as a-political, even while philosophers and other theorists of all stripes thoroughly politicize and problematize other identity categories (2017: 33-34). Along these lines, she analyzes work in feminist philosophy, philosophy, and the milieu of higher education for its exclusions, which replicate the idea that disability is an individual, biological matter (2017: 30).

Use of Foucault varies within critical disability theory, and so there are other key Foucauldian contributions to thinking about disability. Licia Carlson uses a Foucauldian genealogy to construct a history of intellectual disability, demonstrating that intellectual disability is contingent and constructed, and challenging long-standing beliefs in philosophy and ethics about its meaning and implications (2009, see also Carlson 2001). Nirmala Erevelles uses Foucault's treatment of Pierre Riviere to frame debate over facilitated communication used by autistic students; using this comparison, she leverages Foucault to suggest that the human subject is fictional, therefore disrupting the question of whether or not a person considered mentally disabled can self-represent (2002). Aimi Hamraie, whose feminist work in critical disability theory focuses on access, technology, and universal design (e.g., 2017), employs Foucault to outline a historical epistemological approach to disability (2015). Joshua St. Pierre, whose critical work focuses on speech disabilities (2013, 2015a, 2015b), uses Foucault to situate Speech-Language Pathology as a governing discourse intended to bring speech under biopower (St. Pierre & St. Pierre 2018). The use of Foucault in these contexts does not go without critique. For example, Bill Hughes argues against the use of Foucauldian analysis in disability theory (2005).

Critical thinkers frequently use Foucault to assess, analyze, and reconsider topics in bio-medical ethics tightly connected to disability. Catherine Mills critically intervenes in bioethics using a largely Foucauldian approach, tackling topics such as reproduction, genetic screening, and selective termination (2008, 2011, 2013, 2015). Melinda C. Hall uses Foucault's genealogical and biopolitical frameworks, including his concept of vile sovereignty, to reframe bioethical debate over human enhancement (2013, 2016). She argues that disability, the refusal of disabled futures, and the reduction of political and social questions to biological registers undergirds transhumanist desires to achieve posthumanity (2016). Marilou Gagnon, in the field of nursing, critically assesses seclusion rooms, public health campaigns, HIV, and telecare using Foucault's theoretical structure of sovereign power and governance (Gagnon, Jacob, & Holmes 2010; Gagnon & Stuart 2008; Guta, Gagon, & Jacob 2012; and Jacob, Gagnon, Perron, & Holmes 2009).

Ellen Feder regularly employs a Foucauldian approach, especially using Foucault's concept of biopower, to intervene in bioethics discourse and make progress in analyzing the family, gender identity, intersex issues, race, and shame surrounding the body, all of which are of serious interest in critical disability theory (1997, 2000, 2007, 2009, and 2014). Catherine Clune-Taylor uses Foucault to critically examine and treat evolving understandings of intersex and sex development, intervening upon treatment protocols, conversion therapy, and reductive understandings of evolution and gender (2010; see also Clune-Taylor 2016). Alice Dreger, too, has employed Foucault to theorize intersex (1998). Feder has also used concepts derived from other Continental philosophers, including Bourdieu's habitus, to consider the impact of normalization on parent-child relationships in cases where children present atypical genitalia (2006). Feder argues that representations of sexual difference structure reality and become part of shared ideology, rendering it difficult to recognize evidence that complicates common understandings of sexual difference (2006: 191).

Foucault's work, and so Foucauldian approaches, are a popular object of the kind of critique Vehmas and Watson (2014) use to target critical disability theory as a whole. Critics commonly suppose that Foucault lacks the necessary ground to make normative claims, as he refuses to distinguish normatively among various forms of power (e.g., Fraser 1989: 31 and 33). Hall responds to this frequent critique, writing,

Foucault's refusal to engage in normative theorizing has normative implications; it allows one to see what has been obfuscated-for example, power's productive functions-and thus reframe ethics by overthrowing previous normative presuppositions. (M. Hall 2015: 162)

Indeed, Foucault directly described his work as moral. In an interview, Foucault said,

In a sense, I am a moralist, insofar as I believe that one of the tasks, one of the meanings of human existence-the source of human freedom-is never to accept anything as definitive, untouchable, obvious or immobile. (Foucault 1988: 1, as quoted in M. Hall 2015: 162)

3.2 Other Continental Approaches

Other Continental methods significantly impact critical disability theory. This section demonstrates the range of that work by briefly presenting the use of phenomenology, existentialism, Deleuze and Guattari, and psychoanalysis in critical disability theory. Of course, this section is not exhaustive.

Phenomenology, including questions of ontology, hermeneutics, and life writing, is one critical approach taken within disability studies. For instance, Tanya Titchkosky and Rod Michalko argue that framing disability as a "problem" generates a restrictive discourse, specifically, the "requirement for explanation and amelioration, but little else" (2012: 127). They use a phenomenological approach to analyze this framing, which otherwise goes "completely unexamined" ( ibid.). The authors write,

This approach permits us to ask, what sort of problem do contemporary times need disability to be? And, what is the meaning of human embodiment that grounds the unquestioned status of disability as a problem? ( ibid.)

Phenomenology thus allows Titchkosky and Michalko to push back against what Edmund Husserl refers to as "ruling concealment" and to take advantage of a politically powerful alliance between phenomenology and disability studies that uses disability as the "scene where we can frame how we experience embodied existence" (2012: 141).

Life writing is a practice informed by phenomenology. Susannah B. Mintz contributes significantly to literature on disability and life writing (e.g., 2007). She describes a "phenomenological turn" in disability studies, which reconnects analyses to the body itself. Mintz seeks to push this opportunity further by theorizing the skin and touch, radicalizing mindfulness and ethics of care (2016).

Phenomenology is used to counter dominant discourses in medicine, with significant impact on discussions of illness and health. Havi Carel has written extensively on illness, life, and death from a phenomenological perspective, tackling questions of happiness, the usefulness of phenomenology in medicine, and the experience of illness (2006, 2007, 2011, 2013, 2016). Kevin Aho focuses primarily on phenomenology and mental health and launches new ways of thinking about, for example, medicalization (2008), the body (Aho & Aho 2008), and depression (2013). Maureen Connolly, likewise, frequently turns to phenomenology in her analyses, including work on autism (2008) and embodiment (2001; Connolly & Craig 2002).

Aho's work also engages existentialism; his edited volume, Existential Medicine: Essays on Health and Illness, presents philosophical work on these topics influenced by Martin Heidegger, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Hans-Georg Gadamer (2018). While these interventions point toward the health professions, they engage the materiality of the body and the ontology of medicine, which in turn intertwine deeply with the theoretical efforts of critical disability studies. Meanwhile, in Kierkegaard after the Genome, Ada Jaarsma uses Søren Kierkegaard's existentialism in a wide-ranging work seeking to materialize and politicize belief in bio-political, scientific spaces, including placebos and epigenetics. Her work draws together critical race and crip theory with Kierkegaard's concepts of freedom and despair (2017).

French philosophers and collaborators Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari have significantly influenced work in critical disability theory, especially with regard to materialism and subjectivity. Rosi Braidotti (1994, 2002, 2006), Kelly Fritsch (2010), Dan Goodley (Goodley & Lawthom 2011; Goodley, Liddiard, & Runswick Cole 2018), Daniela Mercieca and Duncan Mercieca (2010), Griet Roets (Roets & Braidotti 2012), and others have used "DeleuzoGuattarian" concepts, including assemblages, intensities, and a distinctive approach to materiality in order to theorize disability. In this view, an "assemblage" describes an ontological network in which component parts remain fluid in the roles they play in a larger whole; assemblages include "contingent formations" and "desiring forces" (Fritsch 2010: 3 cf. Deleuze & Guattari 1980 [1987]). This means that a challenge is issued to the "normative sovereign able body" that is supposedly independent (Fritsch 2010: 3). This challenge can be a rallying cry in disability theory. According to Fritsch,

disabled people are entangled in multiple assemblages: the human-machine assemblages of wheelchairs, ventilators, or walkers; human-animal assemblages such as assistive animals like guide dogs; or disabled-abled assemblages of the disabled person and care attendant. (2010: 3)

Fritsch cautions that this does not mean disabled people are unique; rather, assemblages fruitfully re-describe ontology, including those considered abled and non-abled (2010: 3). These re-descriptions can help build an "intercorporeal and relational ethics that has repercussions for all beings" (2010: 3).

Recall that critical disability theory challenges the distinction between impairment and disability, a distinction common in more traditional disability studies (e.g., Shakespeare 2006). As we have seen, Foucauldian approaches are used to critique this distinction. Roets and Braidotti, meanwhile, use Deleuze and Guattari to push back against this distinction, especially the ways in which it forces a conception of impairment as negative, tragic, and individual. They attempt to balance a Deleuzian-inspired materialism with regard to the body with the political goals of disability studies (2012). On a DeleuzoGuattarian perspective, "materiality" can be viewed as "plural, open, complex, uneven, and contingent" a view that opens up opportunities for this balance to be achieved (Goodley, Liddiard, & Runswick Cole 2018: 203).

New approaches in psychoanalysis, including strategies employing the psychoanalysis of Julia Kristeva, offer further critical resources to theorizing disability. For instance, Josh Dohmen uses a version of Kristeva's theory of abjection, transformed by engagement with Sara Ahmed and Tina Chanter, to understand disability exclusion. Despite controversy over elements of Kristeva's work for thinking disability, Dohmen argues that this Kristevean account is preferable to the Lacanian analyses found elsewhere in disability studies (2016). Meanwhile, Kristeva herself directly engages her concepts in scholarship around disability, laying out a politics of vulnerability (e.g., Kristeva & Herman 2010). Minae Inahara uses Luce Irigaray as a springboard to push back against the entrenched ableism and masculinism of Freud and Lacan and build a psychoanalytic understanding of physical disability (2009).

However, psychoanalytic approaches favored in philosophy circles are in some tension with challenges to psychology found elsewhere in critical disability theory. One important component of critical disability theory is increased attentiveness to mental illness and critique of received frames for understanding and analyzing mental illness. For example, to overcome the dualism endemic in more traditional disability studies, Margaret Price has coined the formulation "bodyminds" to capture the full embodiment that interests her in her work and to deal with the question of pain (2015). Price's Mad at School: Rhetorics of Mental Disability and Academic Life (2011), challenges the focus of traditional disability studies on disabled bodies at the expense of disabled minds. Price argues that academic culture is produced by and assumes an abled mind and tracks the impact of mental disabilities in higher education (2011).

For theorists working in mad studies (e.g., Mollow 2013 and 2014) and critical psychology studies (e.g., Weiner 2005a, 2005b, and Wiener, Ribeiro, & Warner 2009), it is important to redevelop psychoanalytic approaches in their entirety to make them fit for these kinds of analyses and to break open new modes of thinking. Some thinkers find affect theory a fruitful location for challenging pathologization. For instance, Goodley, Liddiard, and Runswick Cole find it so, writing,

The affective register is always a cultural and embodied register and it is here that we might find moments of resistance as young people connect with others to contest normative ideas that assume their incompetence and emotional immaturity. (2018: 213)

4. Activism

Given the deep relationship in critical disability approaches between theory and praxis, this entry closes with a direct discussion of activism, including influential individual activists, along with their projects, and collectives doing significant work. Activism around critical disability theory engages a variety of topics, from immigration and unjust hiring practices to ableism and storytelling. Because of the material impacts of oppression, including economic oppression, and exclusions in higher education, many of these activists use popular web platforms, including social media, to engage in their advocacy and disseminate their work. Online efforts, policy promotion, and advocacy are covered to indicate efforts currently undertaken by those working under the critical disability theory umbrella.

Critical disability activism is conducted publicly through online forums. Education, writing, and advocacy tools are offered online, in addition to critical analysis of politics, news, history, and ideas. Individual activists and collectivists offer these tools and writings and often crowdsource support, both material and intellectual. Activist Vilissa Thompson, the author of the blog Ramp Your Voice!, is deeply engaged at the intersection of critical race and disability theory, writing, collecting and disseminating scholarship and doing advocacy work embedded at this nexus. According to the blog's mission statement, Ramp Your Voice! fosters self-advocacy and offers educational tools and services, including workshops and public speaking supporting disabled people, including, especially, disabled girls and women of color. Thompson also offers the blog as a platform for writing by disabled people.

Activist Alice Wong leads the Disability Visibility Project. The project mission, since its founding in 2014, is to provide online space "dedicated to recording, amplifying, and sharing disability media and culture" ( Disability Visibility Project). Wong focuses on collecting oral history and collaborates in this work with her DVP's partner organization, StoryCorps. Influential writer Mia Mingus maintains a blog promoting critical disability activism, Leaving Evidence, and was formerly the coordinator of Black Girl Dangerous, which still serves as an important online archive of critical intersectional work and a springboard for activism.

Philosopher Shelley Tremain regularly blogs in online forums, examining political and social matters relevant to disability. She focuses especially on issues for disabled persons in academia, with specific attention to philosophy. To date, Tremain has conducted 50 interviews with disabled, queer, and POC academic philosophers about their experiences, their subject positions, and how ableism impacts their work. This series of interviews, called "Dialogues on Disability", is a significant public philosophy project. First hosted on the blog Discrimination and Disadvantage, the full archive and new interviews can now be found on the blog BIOPOLITICAL PHILOSOPHY. Together with Tremain's other public writings, and the other writing available from a variety of scholars on both blogs, the Dialogues on Disability project constitutes an archive that raises the profile of issues facing disabled academics while at the same time exploring critical-theoretical and intersectional work on disability.

Lydia X. Z. Brown, an activist, community organizer, and legal advocate, maintains a network of internet resources and blog under the name Autistic Hoya. Autistic Hoya is a crucial resource on ableism, language, and the experiences and activist work of disabled and queer POC. It is also a jumping-off point for fighting against institutionalization alongside Brown, including the Judge Rotenberg Educational Center. JRC uses the "graduated electronic decelerator", which causes electric shocks, to control behavior (Bruno 2016). Autistic Hoya, thanks to Brown's scholarly labor and activism, is a significant public archive for critical disability theory activism. Significant online resources beyond these examples exist. Meanwhile, critical disability theorists work to influence policy, dealing with topics from institutionalization to social services to law. Brown, a lawyer, is Justice Catalyst Fellow at the Bazelon Center for Mental Health Law. In this role, they support

the educational civil rights of Maryland students with psychosocial, intellectual, and developmental disabilities facing various forms of disproportionate discipline, restraint and seclusion, and school pushout. (Autistic Hoya, Sept. 23, 2019)

Brown served as Chairperson of the Massachusetts Developmental Disabilities Council from 2015-2017, is a founding board member of the Alliance for Citizen-Directed Services, and is a board member of the Autism Women's Network. Brown was a Fellow with the National LGBTQ Task Force, and has worked for the Autistic Self Advocacy Network, among other key roles and grassroots activism ( Autistic Hoya). In all of these ways, Brown has sought to directly influence policy using a critical disability approach.

Finally, direct advocacy on behalf of disabled people, both personal and political, is a key part of critical disability activism. Wong, a former U.S. presidential appointee to the National Council on Disability, is a significant advocate. She works with DisabledWriters.com, promoting the careers of disabled writers and journalists, and #CripTheVote, a non-partisan movement to put disability on political agendas and mobilize disabled people. Brown, along with Morénike Giwa Onaiwu, directs the Fund for Community Reparations for Autistic People of Color's Interdependence, Survival, and Empowerment. This fund supports autistic people of color directly and materially, and is just one of many ways Brown extends their influence in order to advocate for individual disabled people.

Community activism also occurs through collectives. These collectives accomplish key foundational work that allows access to fundamental information, communication, and activism around oppression, including but not limited to police brutality, inaccessibility, and hermeneutic injustice. A (non-exhaustive) list of notable examples include: the Harriet Tubman Collective, a group of black Deaf and disabled activists; Helping Educate to Advance the Rights of Deaf Communities; Krip-Hop Nation, founded by Leroy F. Moore Jr., which includes disabled hip hop artists and lifts the voices of disabled African Americans in music and media; the National Black Disability Coalition, a U.S. national organization founded in 1990 for black disabled people; the National Coalition for Latinxs with Disabilities, a U.S. national organization for individuals who identify as Latinx and disabled; and, Rooted in Rights, a project of Disability Rights Washington that focuses on disability rights issues using videos and social media. "Storytellers" for Rooted in Rights participate internationally, broadening the scope of its impact.

The links to the websites, blogs, and online spaces highlighted in this section are collected under the heading " Other Internet Resources ", below. This section is mostly limited to North American and English-language examples; suggestions to expand its scope, addressed to the author of this entry, are welcome.

5. Conclusion

Critical disability theory is a diverse set of approaches that largely seek to theorize disability as a cultural, political, and social phenomenon, rather than an individualized, medical matter attached to the body. In this way, it shares goals with traditional disability studies. But, additionally, critical disability theory actively seeks alliances and has produced work in conversation with other key areas of critical thought: critical race theory, postcolonial theory, queer theory, and Continental philosophy, among other strategies. It also reflexively considers the exclusions, framing, and normative presuppositions of disability studies, favoring intersectional approaches and expansive inclusion. Critical disability theory presumes that those persons to whom the label "disability" attaches share in overlapping and intensifying oppressions with pathologized and devalued persons in circumstances not readily recognized as "disabled" (Minich 2016). As Schalk puts it,

One can study disabled people and not be doing critical disability studies and one can be doing critical disability studies and not be directly studying disabled people. (2017)

In this way, critical disability theory is interested, too, in topics not readily recognized as of concern for disability studies, including (for example):

protests against racialized disparities in health, education, and policing; struggles for environmental justice and reproductive freedom; HIV/AIDS and fat activism; the writings of Audre Lorde on blindness and cancer and of Gloria Anzaldúa on early menstruation and diabetes. (Minich 2016)

As demonstrated here, critical disability theory is a developing discipline with blurry boundaries and actively emerging new work. Indeed, some suggest that offering a literature review of work in this area is premature (Dunhamn et al., 2015; Meekosha & Shuttleworth 2009: 48). This entry nevertheless outlines work currently occurring under the umbrella of critical disability theory, its signature approaches, and key debates. There is room here for the significant shifts in terminology and attention to new topics one should expect from this politically responsive and intersectional field actively developing coalitions across boundaries. Difficulties emerge, too, including what Nirmala Erevelles calls the "complex cultural priorities" of such an enterprise. As she puts it, these "complex cultural priorities" include

the range of disability conditions (e.g., neurological, psychological, physical, cognitive) that the field of disability studies purports to represent in addition to the diversity of the disabled community around the axes of race, class, gender, and sexuality. (Erevelles & Kafer 2010: 212)

Theorists explicitly invite conversations about future directions of critical disability theory (e.g., Minich 2016).

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This section explores two crucial elements of the setting of critical disability theory: its heritage in critical theory and its tensions and overlap with more traditional disability studies. Critical disability theory is able to challenge traditional disability studies and engage in transformative, intersectional, and coalitional critical work (Ellis et al.

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Michael Phelps' comments last night as he accepted the 2020 Communicator of the Year title during a virtual gala ceremony summed up the spirit of an extraordinary year for the PRWeek Awards.

Under the competetive mask, Olympians like Michael Phelps struggle with mental health. (Pic: Getty Images)

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Michael Phelps' comments last night as he accepted the 2020 Communicator of the Year title during a virtual gala ceremony summed up the spirit of an extraordinary year for the PRWeek Awards.

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5 Phrases Disabled People Are Tired Of | Decoded

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The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently reported that 1 in 4 adults have a disability. Coleen Boyle, Ph.D., director of CDC's National Center on Birth Defects and Developmental Disabilities said, "At some point in their lives, most people will either have a disability or know someone who has one."

It wasn't until my significant other got a job at an accessibility resource center that I realized how much I've taken day-to-day communications technologies for granted. On a daily basis, my significant other uses a braille PIAF machine to translate text, mathematical equations and images into braille for blind and visually impaired students. The machine, worth more than $1,000, raises the ink on heat sensitive paper. As a person without a disability, I was unaware that communications technologies like the PIAF machine for people with disabilities aren't always readily available at a low-cost.

While most U.S. companies have done a great job committing to a diversity and inclusion strategy, there's still a critical need to create awareness of accessibility to ensure that everyone has access to equal opportunities and services. The U.S. Census Bureau says, "54 million people living with disabilities represent approximately $1 trillion in aggregate income that translates into more than $220 billion in discretionary spending power." With double the spending power of teens, your brand should already be targeting this audience in every way possible.

Still, a question often asked by public relations professionals is, "What's the value in a press release?" The most obvious answer is to reach a broader audience. You can broaden your reach and demonstrate your company's commitment to inclusion and social responsibility by sending out accessible press releases that engage people with disabilities - it's a practice that every company should learn. Following are tips to improve your press release for disability inclusion.

1. Understand Accessibility Standards

There are many different types of disabilities that you may meet. Some of these types of general disabilities are:

There are many established laws and regulations that protect people with disabilities. On July 26, millions of Americans celebrated the anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The ADA is a civil rights law passed in 1990 that prohibits discrimination against people with disabilities. It ensures that people with disabilities have equal rights and opportunities. In 1997, the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C) began setting guidelines through its Web Accessibility Initiative to "develop standards and support materials to help you understand and implement accessibility." Accessibility is a W3C standard, but in some countries, it's actually the law.

2. Follow Web Content Accessibility Guidelines (WCAG)

is developed through a World Wide Web Consortium (W3C) process. The process involves individuals and organizations from around the world who collaborate to provide a single standard for web content accessibility. Their goal is to make web content more accessible to people with disabilities. WCAG refers to information like text, images and sounds as web content. Since the guidelines can be interpreted in a myriad of ways, each company will have a different interpretation.

You should be paying as much attention to WCAG as you do Google's algorithm updates. If you have a news or media room, ensure all of your press releases are posted to an accessible and compliant website. The PR Newswire MediaRoom product enables customers to be AA WCAG compliant. PR Newswire customers like Progressive Insurance use a scanning tool to identify non-compliant pieces of their media room. PR Newswire then works closely with Progressive to update their platform to meet compliance requirements. Following are some examples of visible elements in Progressive's media room:

Note: This information was provided by the PR Newswire MediaRoom team.

3. Write Accessible Content

Make your press release readily available to people with disabilities by posting it in a variety of formats. If you're sending your press release through a distribution service and you don't have control over what format it's distributed in, include a link to an accessible version on your company's website or create a media/newsroom that hosts your press releases in a variety of accessible formats. For example, post a downloadable Rich Text Format (RTF) and/or PDF file to your newsroom - both files are accessible formats. If you don't have a media or newsroom, you can still write accessible digital content by following these tips:

Get straight to the point by writing clearly and concisely.

Avoid overuse of font variations like bold, italics, underlines and ALL CAPITALS.

Avoid centering text.

Use numbered and bulleted lists.

Avoid using soft returns.

Use short sentences and paragraphs.

Avoid jargon terms.

Break up long drawn-out paragraphs by using bold headers to separate sections.

If you include a link in the release to a contact form, newsletter or subscription signup page, ensure there are clear directions and titles for each field.

4. Include Accessible Multimedia

The ADA requires that people with disabilities have an equal alternative. As a press release editor, one of the most common mistakes that I see PR professionals make is they don't include a caption with their multimedia. By not including a caption for their multimedia, they're missing out on more than 20 percent of their audience. Create accessible multimedia with these quick tips to improve disability inclusion:

Be inclusive and equitable with images and videos that you choose to include in your press release.

Be conscious of the way people with disabilities images and videos are depicted.

Don't use text overlay on images.

Be descriptive in your image and video captions. Only provide the reader with information relevant to the image or video.

If you include a YouTube video, be sure there's an accessible transcript on the video's description.

Provide your audience with multiple multimedia formats such as image, audio and video, especially if the announcement is about a new accessibility initiative or program.

If you include a PDF attachment of a report or study, choose an appropriate title for the file.

If you're unsure whether or not your multimedia will be posted in a place that's accessible, include a link to the accessible version in the caption or preferably in the video/audio itself.

5. Identify Technology Barriers to Access

Although the amount of access to readily available assistive communications technologies for people with disabilities has grown, finding them at low-cost can be difficult. With the help of programs and grants such as the $10,000 grant to the Easter Seals Greater Houston from the Comcast Foundation, access to such technologies is improving. Easter Seals Greater Houston stated in a recent press release, "Assistive technology such as speech generating devices can assist individuals with disabilities to express themselves, have social interactions and participate in their community to enhance their quality of life." It can also remove internet technology barriers. Screen magnification software, wearables, screen readers and input devices enable people with disabilities to access web content, so it's crucial that your web content be interpretable by these technologies.

Wearable assistive technologies like the revolutionize artificial vision and improve the lives of blind and visually impaired users. Checkout orCam's "A Day in the Life With OrCam MyEye 2" video below:

Creating an accessible press release can be difficult, but you can plan ahead by familiarizing yourself with accessibility guidelines. There are plenty of ADA resources available to you. Show your company's commitment to inclusion in your press releases by following accessibility guidelines and supporting full participation on the internet.

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How to Improve Your Press Release for Disability Inclusion

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The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently reported that 1 in 4 adults have a disability . Coleen Boyle, Ph.D., director of CDC's National Center on Birth Defects and Developmental Disabilities said, "At some point in their lives, most people will either have a disability or know someone who has one."

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A graduate of Eastern Univerity with a degree in Creative Writing and a minor in French from the Sorbonne, Imani Barbarin writes from the perspective of a black woman with Cerebral Palsy. She specializes in blogging, science fiction and memoir. Ironically, she did not like the idea of writing this mini-bio.

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A graduate of Eastern Univerity with a degree in Creative Writing and a minor in French from the Sorbonne, Imani Barbarin writes from the perspective of a black woman with Cerebral Palsy. She specializes in blogging, science fiction and memoir. Ironically, she did not like the idea of writing this mini-bio.

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On July 26, 1990, under the hot summer sun on the South Lawn of the White House, President George H.W. Bush signed the Americans With Disabilities Act into law, banning discrimination against millions of people and requiring reasonable accommodations in schools, on transportation and in other areas of public life.

More than 2,000 people, many in wheelchairs, cheered from the lawn. Activists had waited years for this moment.

President Bush called the law a "declaration of equality," one that opened a door to "a bright new era." In an editorial, The New York Times wrote: "The act does more than enlarge the independence of disabled Americans. It enlarges civil rights and humanity, for all Americans."

The Times also called the A.D.A. "the most sweeping anti-discrimination measure since the Civil Rights Act of 1964." The law makes explicit the rights not just of those who are born with a disability, but of those who experience temporary disability, or who are recovering from alcohol abuse or illness. The accommodations it secured became useful to everyone, not just those with disabilities.

Anyone who has pushed a stroller or pulled a suitcase has benefited from the ramps required by the A.D.A. for wheelchair users. Anyone who has watched a video on a noisy subway car has benefited from closed captioning intended for those who cannot hear. And anyone who has had a complicated pregnancy would have been covered under the A.D.A.

The A.D.A. also helped solidify the creation of an umbrella identity for an increasingly empowered group of people who proudly claim themselves disabled.

For the 30th anniversary of the passage of the A.D.A., The Times is exploring what it means to live with a disability in America. As part of this project, we are focusing on the past, including the history of the disability rights movement and the lives of some advocates. We are examining the present, including how people with disabilities experience everyday life. And we are looking to the future, at innovations that may have broad impact on the way that people with disabilities live and want to live their lives.

As you read these articles, we hope you will consider this question: What does the A.D.A. mean to you?

You can use this form to inform our reporting on disability and accessibility. Learn more about how this project came to be. For feedback email ada@nytimes.com or call 212-556-3800.

A .BRF file of this series can be downloaded for use on a refreshable Braille display or embossed on a Braille printer.

Three writers share how they revealed their disability, to a family member, to a love interest on a dating app and to oneself.

We asked the disability rights activists Judy Heumann, Alice Wong and Haben Girma to reflect on the 30th anniversary of the Americans With Disabilities Act. They said the work of a civil rights activist is never done.

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Beyond the Law's Promise: 30 Years Since the Passage of the Americans With Disabilities Act

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On July 26, 1990, under the hot summer sun on the South Lawn of the White House, President George H.W. Bush signed the Americans With Disabilities Act into law, banning discrimination against millions of people and requiring reasonable accommodations in schools, on transportation and in other areas of public life.

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Type of disability among workers with a disability: 2017.

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View number of Americans with a disability by age, sex, and disability type.

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Introduction

The Americans with Disabilities Act and other laws seek to ensure that the population with disabilities has the opportunity to access housing, education, employment, and other activities without discrimination. Many government organizations, advocacy groups, and the public at-large monitor the effectiveness of these laws.

This report provides estimates of disability prevalence in the United States. The term "disability" used in this report encompasses impairments, activity limitations, and participation restrictions a person may experience in their daily lives. This report uses two overall measures of disability status-nonsevere disability and severe disability. The disability estimates in this report are from the Social Security Administration (SSA) Supplement to the 2014 Survey of Income and Program Participation which collected data on people
who experience limitations in their ability to perform certain activities and the degree to which they experience these limitations.

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Introduction The Americans with Disabilities Act and other laws seek to ensure that the population with disabilities has the opportunity to access housing, education, employment, and other activities without discrimination. Many government organizations, advocacy groups, and the public at-large monitor the effectiveness of these laws.

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The coronavirus pandemic has resulted in elementary and secondary school closures in all 50 states and the District of Columbia and has forced a sudden and widespread shift to online learning. This transition has been especially challenging for the nation's nearly 7 million disabled students. Instruction and support for this group of students are not as easily transferred to the internet, and school systems and families are struggling to meet the challenge.

Disabled students ages 3 to 21 are served under the federal Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), which guarantees students with disabilities the right to free public education and appropriate special education services. Here is what the data shows about disabled students in the United States.

To compile this look at disabled students in the U.S. as they face the challenges of the coronavirus pandemic, we combined an analysis of federal education data from the National Center for Education Statistics and Pew Research Center survey findings.

The spring 2016 Pew Research Center survey was conducted using the Center's American Trends Panel. The fall 2016 survey on technology adoption was conducted by telephone.

For the purposes of this analysis, disabled students include those ages 3 to 21 who are served under the federal Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). Through IDEA, children with disabilities are granted a free appropriate public school education and are ensured special education and related services.

1 The nearly 7 million disabled students in the U.S. make up 14% of national public school enrollment, according to data from the National Center for Education Statistics. This group has grown 11% between 2000-01 (when there were 6.3 million students) and 2017-18, the most recent year for which data is available.

As students across the country shift from classrooms to online learning, disabled students may face unique barriers. A Pew Research Center survey of Americans ages 18 and older conducted in spring 2016 found disabled Americans express lower levels of comfort with using technology. Disabled adults are less likely than those without a disability to say that having a high level of confidence in their ability to use the internet and other communication devices to keep up with information describes them "very well" (39% vs. 65% of all adults). A separate survey conducted in fall 2016 found that 23% of disabled adults say they never go online, compared with 8% of non-disabled adults (the survey defines disability as a "health problem, disability or handicap currently keeping you from participating fully in work, school, housework or other activities").

3The most common type of disability for students in prekindergarten through 12th grade involves "specific learning disabilities," such as dyslexia or a brain injury. In 2017-18, about a third (34%) of disabled students had a specific learning disability, 20% had a speech or language impairment and 14% had a chronic or acute health problem that adversely affected their educational performance, federal education data shows.

4Autistic students made up 10% of the nation's disabled schoolchildren in 2017-18, compared with 1.5% nearly two decades earlier. During that same time, the share of disabled students with a specific learning disability, such as dyslexia, declined from 45% to about a third, according to NCES data.

5The percentage of students in special education varies widely among the states. At 19.2% of public school enrollment, New York state serves the largest share of disabled students in the country, followed by Pennsylvania (18.6%), Maine (18.4%) and Massachusetts (18%), federal data shows. The states serving the lowest shares of disabled students include Texas (9.2% of total public school enrollment), Hawaii (10.6%) and Idaho (11%).

Between the 2000-01 and 2017-18 school years, all but 15 states experienced growth in their disabled student populations. In Nevada, the disabled student population increased by 58%. Rhode Island saw a 23% decline, the largest of any state.

These disparities are likely the result of inconsistencies in how states determine which students are eligible for special education services and some of the challenges involved with identifying disabled children.

6The racial and ethnic makeup of the nation's special education students is similar to public school students overall, but there is a difference when it comes to gender. About two-thirds of disabled students are male (67%), while 33% are female, according to data from the 2017-18 school year. Overall student enrollment is about evenly split between boys and girls, according to federal data for 2016-17, the most recent year for which NCES has published this data.

(Research has shown that inconsistencies exist by race and ethnicity when it comes to which students are recommended for special education, and that the socioeconomic makeup of a school and achievement markers, such as test scores, may factor in.)

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As schools shift to online learning amid pandemic, here's what we know about disabled students in the U.S.

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The coronavirus pandemic has resulted in elementary and secondary school closures in all 50 states and the District of Columbia and has forced a sudden and widespread shift to online learning. This transition has been especially challenging for the nation's nearly 7 million disabled students.

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Visible images of disabled students: an analysis of UK university publicity materials

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Visible images of disabled students: an analysis of UK university publicity materials

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Becoming a disability advisor for your clients/organization

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Becoming a disability advisor for your clients/organization

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33 years ago on July 26, 1990, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) was signed into law. This historic civil rights law protects the rights of people with disabilities.

QUESTIONS?

This Tool Kit is a project of the ADA National Network and its ten regional ADA Centers across the United States that provide comprehensive "one-stop" information, guidance and training on the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA).

Contact your ADA Center in the ADA National Network at 1-800-949-4232.

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33 years ago on July 26, 1990, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) was signed into law. This historic civil rights law protects the rights of people with disabilities. This Tool Kit is a project of the ADA National Network and its ten regional ADA Centers across the United States that provide comprehensive "one-stop" information, guidance and training on the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA).

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We empower businesses to achieve disability inclusion and equality.