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Explains why Palestinians had to move

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Israelis and Arabs have been fighting over Gaza on and off, for decades. It's part of the wider Arab Israeli conflict.

After World War II and the Holocaust in which six million Jewish people were killed, more Jewish people wanted their own country.

They were given a large part of Palestine, which they considered their traditional home but the Arabs who already lived there and in neighbouring countries felt that was unfair and didn't accept the new country.

In 1948, the two sides went to war. When it ended, Gaza was controlled by Egypt and another area, the West Bank, by Jordan. They contained thousands of Palestinians who fled what was now the new Jewish home, Israel.

Israel's recognition

But then, in 1967, after another war, Israel occupied these Palestinian areas and Israeli troops stayed there for years. Israelis hoped they might exchange the land they won for Arab countries recognising Israel's right to exist and an end to the fighting.

Israel finally left Gaza in 2005 but soon after, a group called Hamas won elections and took control there. Much of the world calls Hamas a terrorist organisation. It refuses to recognise Israel as a country and wants Palestinians to be able to return to their old home - and will use violence to achieve its aims.

Since then, Israel has held Gaza under a blockade, which means it controls its borders and limits who can get in and out.

Life in Gaza

Life for the many of the 1.5 million Palestinians who live in the Gaza Strip is difficult.

Israel controls its coastline and all the entry and exit crossings into Israel. There is another crossing point into Egypt. There is no working airport. Because access is so restricted, not many goods get into or out of Gaza. Food is allowed in, but aid agencies say families are not eating as much meat or fresh vegetables and fruit as they used to. There are often power cuts.

Large numbers of people are unemployed because businesses can get very few of their products out of Gaza to sell, and people don't have much money to buy things.

Palestinian refugees

During the 1948 and 1967 wars hundreds of thousands of Palestinians left, or were forced out of, their homes and moved to neighbouring countries to become refugees.

More than 4.6 million Palestinians are refugees and their descendants, many living in camps in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Syria, Jordan and Lebanon. They get help from the United Nations.

Violence in Gaza

Though the Palestinians don't have an army, rockets are regularly fired from Gaza into Israel. Israelis living in border towns are used to having to take shelter and adapting their lives to deal with the rockets.

In the years since Israel withdrew its troops in 2005, Gaza has seen several Israeli offensives. Israel says these were aimed at putting a stop to rocket fire.

In 2008, Israel sent soldiers into Gaza. An estimated 1,300 people, many of them civilians, were killed in Gaza before a ceasefire was declared; 13 Israeli soldiers also died.

In 2012, at least 167 Palestinians and six Israelis were killed during an Israeli operation. After eight days a ceasefire was declared with both sides promising to stop attacks.

Most recently in July 2014, authorities said over 2,200 people were killed - most of them Palestinians - and many more injured, during 50 days of violence. A ceasefire was agreed between Israel and Hamas on 26 August.

Peace Process

Other countries, particularly America, have worked hard to settle the fighting between the Arabs and Israelis but so far nothing has worked. Many people want Gaza and the West Bank to be turned into a new country - Palestine. Israel won't agree to this unless it feels safe - and Hamas accepts its right to exist. The other sticking points are what will happen to Israelis who've settled in the West Bank, who will run Jerusalem and what will happen to the Palestinian refugees.
The video has been amended from the report originally broadcast on 21st November following a complaint which was partly upheld by the Editorial Complaints Unit. The text has also been amended since original publication to provide a fuller account of the history of the conflict in the region.

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Guide: Why are Israel and the Palestinians fighting over Gaza?

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Israelis and Arabs have been fighting over Gaza on and off, for decades. It's part of the wider Arab Israeli conflict. After World War II and the Holocaust in which six million Jewish people were killed, more Jewish people wanted their own country.

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Rwandan Conflict

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Palestinian conflict

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New Piktochart | Piktochart Visual Editor

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Rwanda

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BBC Documentary History Channel Full New

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Rwanda Genocide BBC Documentary National Geographic Full New

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Africas Civil Wars Sierra Leone Documentary

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Rwanda Genocide BBC Documentary National Geographic Full New

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Rwanda Genocide BBC Documentary National Geographic Full New HD 2015 + More: https://www.facebook.com/BestDocumentariesonNetflix Thank you for watching video and if you love it then click like, share, subscribe and comment, please! Rwanda's Untold Story 2014 BBC Documentary: http://youtu.be/c0LFbUZcO5I Rwanda Genocide BBC Documentary: http://youtu.be/wPWRMDatxAM Rwanda's Untold Story BBC Documentary: http://youtu.be/gKFgz2tzGBQ

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Rwanda

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Genocide crisis

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talks about how she saw her land and life crumble because of the genocide

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During our errands in Kigali, we bumped on 'Slam Poetry Event' Despite the fact that we didn't have lights with us, we filmed the event. We hope the audio will do! More videos can be accessed at www.shutterfilmsrwanda.blog.com

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Helps us understand why there was a diaspora

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Between April and June 1994, an estimated 800,000 Rwandans were killed in the space of 100 days.

Most of the dead were Tutsis - and most of those who perpetrated the violence were Hutus.

Even for a country with such a turbulent history as Rwanda, the scale and speed of the slaughter left its people reeling.

The genocide was sparked by the death of the Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, when his plane was shot down above Kigali airport on 6 April 1994.

A French judge has blamed current Rwandan President, Paul Kagame - at the time the leader of a Tutsi rebel group - and some of his close associates for carrying out the rocket attack.

Mr Kagame vehemently denies this and says it was the work of Hutu extremists, in order to provide a pretext to carry out their well-laid plans to exterminate the Tutsi community.

Whoever was responsible, within hours a campaign of violence spread from the capital throughout the country, and did not subside until three months later.

But the death of the president was by no means the only cause of Africa's largest genocide in modern times.

History of violence

Ethnic tension in Rwanda is nothing new. There have always been disagreements between the majority Hutus and minority Tutsis, but the animosity between them has grown substantially since the colonial period.

The two ethnic groups are actually very similar - they speak the same language, inhabit the same areas and follow the same traditions.

However, Tutsis are often taller and thinner than Hutus, with some saying their origins lie in Ethiopia.

During the genocide, the bodies of Tutsis were thrown into rivers, with their killers saying they were being sent back to Ethiopia.

When the Belgian colonists arrived in 1916, they produced identity cards classifying people according to their ethnicity.

The Belgians considered the Tutsis to be superior to the Hutus. Not surprisingly, the Tutsis welcomed this idea, and for the next 20 years they enjoyed better jobs and educational opportunities than their neighbours.

Resentment among the Hutus gradually built up, culminating in a series of riots in 1959. More than 20,000 Tutsis were killed, and many more fled to the neighbouring countries of Burundi, Tanzania and Uganda.

When Belgium relinquished power and granted Rwanda independence in 1962, the Hutus took their place. Over subsequent decades, the Tutsis were portrayed as the scapegoats for every crisis.

Building up to genocide

This was still the case in the years before the genocide. The economic situation worsened and the incumbent president, Juvenal Habyarimana, began losing popularity.

At the same time, Tutsi refugees in Uganda - supported by some moderate Hutus - were forming the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), led by Mr Kagame. Their aim was to overthrow Habyarimana and secure their right to return to their homeland.

Habyarimana chose to exploit this threat as a way to bring dissident Hutus back to his side, and Tutsis inside Rwanda were accused of being RPF collaborators.

In August 1993, after several attacks and months of negotiation, a peace accord was signed between Habyarimana and the RPF, but it did little to stop the continued unrest.

When Habyarimana's plane was shot down at the beginning of April 1994, it was the final nail in the coffin.

Exactly who killed the president - and with him the president of Burundi and many chief members of staff - has not been established.

Whoever was behind the killing its effect was both instantaneous and catastrophic.

Mass murder

In Kigali, the presidential guard immediately initiated a campaign of retribution. Leaders of the political opposition were murdered, and almost immediately, the slaughter of Tutsis and moderate Hutus began.

Within hours, recruits were dispatched all over the country to carry out a wave of slaughter.

The early organisers included military officials, politicians and businessmen, but soon many others joined in the mayhem.

Organised gangs of government soldiers and militias hacked their way through the Tutsi population with machetes, or blew them up in churches where they had taken refuge.

The extremist ethnic Hutu regime in office in 1994 appeared genuinely to believe that the only way it could hang on to power was by wiping out the ethnic Tutsis completely.

Encouraged by the presidential guard and radio propaganda, an unofficial militia group called the Interahamwe (meaning those who attack together) was mobilised. At its peak, this group was 30,000-strong.

Soldiers and police officers encouraged ordinary citizens to take part. In some cases, Hutu civilians were forced to murder their Tutsi neighbours by military personnel.

Participants were often given incentives, such as money or food, and some were even told they could appropriate the land of the Tutsis they killed.

On the ground at least, the Rwandans were largely left alone by the international community. Most of the UN troops withdrew after the murder of 10 soldiers.

The day after Habyarimana's death, the RPF renewed their assault on government forces, and numerous attempts by the UN to negotiate a ceasefire came to nothing.

Aftermath

Finally, in July, the RPF captured Kigali. The government collapsed and the RPF declared a ceasefire.

As soon as it became apparent that the RPF was victorious, an estimated two million Hutus fled to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo).

These refugees include many who have since been implicated in the massacres.

At first, a multi-ethnic government was set up, with a Hutu, Pasteur Bizimungu as president and Mr Kagame as his deputy.

But the pair later fell out and Bizimungu was jailed on charges of inciting ethnic violence, while Mr Kagame became president.

Although the killing in Rwanda was over, the presence of Hutu militias in DR Congo has led to years of conflict there, causing up to five million deaths.

Rwanda's now Tutsi-led government has twice invaded its much larger neighbour, saying it wants to wipe out the Hutu forces.

And a Congolese Tutsi rebel group remains active, refusing to lay down arms, saying otherwise its community would be at risk of genocide.

The world's largest peacekeeping force has been unable to end the fighting.

The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites.

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Between April and June 1994, an estimated 800,000 Rwandans were killed in the space of 100 days. Most of the dead were Tutsis - and most of those who perpetrated the violence were Hutus. Even for a country with such a turbulent history as Rwanda, the scale and speed of the slaughter left its people reeling.

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Had many main points of what happened

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Highlights of the speech by President Paul Kagame at the 20th Commemoration of Genocide Against the Tutsi, Kigali, April 7, 2014

Highlights of the speech by President Paul Kagame at the 20th Commemoration of Genocide Against the Tutsi, Kigali, April 7, 2014
Compiled by Louis Jadwong Here are twenty "quotable quotes" from Rwanda President Paul Kagame at the 20th Commemoration of Genocide Against the Tutsi, Kigali, April 7, 2014. (Full speech below)

This is why I say to Rwandans - let's not get diverted. Our approach is as radical and unprecedented as the situation we faced.

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Uganda's Yowri Museveni (far left) Kagame and First Lady Janet Kagame. PHOTO BY AFP
RELATED STORIES Decades after genocide, Congo struggles to dislodge Rwanda rebels President Museveni's speech in Kigali No one will stop us from defending Rwanda
FULL Speech by Rwanda President Kagame 20th Commemoration of Genocide. Kigali April 2014 by The New Vision

Ten Quotable Quotes from Kagame''s speech

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Highlights of the speech by President Paul Kagame at the 20th Commemoration of Genocide Against the Tutsi, Kigali, April 7, 2014 Highlights of the speech by President Paul Kagame at the 20th Commemoration of Genocide Against the Tutsi, Kigali, April 7, 2014 Compiled by Louis Jadwong Here are twenty "quotable quotes" from Rwanda President Paul Kagame at the 20th Commemoration of Genocide Against the Tutsi, Kigali, April 7, 2014.

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Palestinians

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Mr. President of the General Assembly of the United Nations,

Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations,

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

At the outset, I wish to extend my congratulations to H.E. Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his assumption of the Presidency of the Assembly for this session, and wish him all success.

I reaffirm today my sincere congratulations, on behalf of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Palestinian people, to the government and people of South Sudan for its deserved admission as a full member of the United Nations, wishing them progress and prosperity.

I also congratulate the Secretary-General, H.E. Mr. Ban Ki-moon, on his election for a new term at the helm of the United Nations. This renewal of confidence reflects the worlds appreciation for his efforts, which have strengthened the role of the United Nations.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Question Palestine is intricately linked with the United Nations via the resolutions adopted by its various organs and agencies and via the essential and lauded role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East - UNRWA - which embodies the international responsibility towards the plight of Palestine refugees, who are the victims of Al-Nakba (Catastrophe) that occurred in 1948. We aspire for and seek a greater and more effective role for the United Nations in working to achieve a just and comprehensive peace in our region that ensures the inalienable, legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people as defined by the resolutions of international legitimacy of the United Nations.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

A year ago, at this same time, distinguished leaders in this hall addressed the stalled peace efforts in our region. Everyone had high hopes for a new round of final status negotiations, which had begun in early September in Washington under the direct auspices of President Barack Obama and with participation of the Quartet, and with Egyptian and Jordanian participation, to reach a peace agreement within one year. We entered those negotiations with open hearts and attentive ears and sincere intentions, and we were ready with our documents, papers and proposals. But the negotiations broke down just weeks after their launch.

After this, we did not give up and did not cease our efforts for initiatives and contacts. Over the past year we did not leave a door to be knocked or channel to be tested or path to be taken and we did not ignore any formal or informal party of influence and stature to be addressed. We positively considered the various ideas and proposals and initiatives presented from many countries and parties. But all of these sincere efforts and endeavors undertaken by international parties were repeatedly wrecked by the positions of the Israeli government, which quickly dashed the hopes raised by the launch of negotiations last September.

The core issue here is that the Israeli government refuses to commit to terms of reference for the negotiations that are based on international law and United Nations resolutions, and that it frantically continues to intensify building of settlements on the territory of the State of Palestine.

Settlement activities embody the core of the policy of colonial military occupation of the land of the Palestinian people and all of the brutality of aggression and racial discrimination against our people that this policy entails. This policy, which constitutes a breach of international humanitarian law and United Nations resolutions, is the primary cause for the failure of the peace process, the collapse of dozens of opportunities, and the burial of the great hopes that arose from the signing of the Declaration of Principles in 1993 between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel to achieve a just peace that would begin a new era for our region.

The reports of United Nations missions as well as by several Israeli institutions and civil societies convey a horrific picture about the size of the settlement campaign, which the Israeli government does not hesitate to boast about and which it continues to execute through the systematic confiscation of the Palestinian lands and the construction of thousands of new settlement units in various areas of the West Bank, particularly in East Jerusalem, and accelerated construction of the annexation Wall that is eating up large tracts of our land, dividing it into separate and isolated islands and cantons, destroying family life and communities and the livelihoods of tens of thousands of families. The occupying Power also continues to refuse permits for our people to build in Occupied East Jerusalem, at the same time that it intensifies its decades-long campaign of demolition and confiscation of homes, displacing Palestinian owners and residents under a multi-pronged policy of ethnic cleansing aimed at pushing them away from their ancestral homeland. In addition, orders have been issued to deport elected representatives from the city of Jerusalem. The occupying Power also continues to undertake excavations that threaten our holy places, and its military checkpoints prevent our citizens from getting access to their mosques and churches, and it continues to besiege the Holy City with a ring of settlements imposed to separate the Holy City from the rest of the Palestinian cities.

The occupation is racing against time to redraw the borders on our land according to what it wants and to impose a fait accompli on the ground that changes the realities and that is undermining the realistic potential for the existence of the State of Palestine.

At the same time, the occupying Power continues to impose its blockade on the Gaza Strip and to target Palestinian civilians by assassinations, air strikes and artillery shelling, persisting with its war of aggression of three years ago on Gaza, which resulted in massive destruction of homes, schools, hospitals, and mosques, and the thousands of martyrs and wounded.

The occupying Power also continues its incursions in areas of the Palestinian National Authority through raids, arrests and killings at the checkpoints. In recent years, the criminal actions of armed settler militias, who enjoy the special protection of the occupation army, has intensified with the perpetration of frequent attacks against our people, targeting their homes, schools, universities, mosques, fields, crops and trees. Despite our repeated warnings, the occupying Power has not acted to curb these attacks and we hold them fully responsible for the crimes of the settlers.

These are just a few examples of the policy of the Israeli colonial settlement occupation, and this policy is responsible for the continued failure of the successive international attempts to salvage the peace process.

This policy will destroy the chances of achieving a two-State solution upon which there is an international consensus, and here I caution aloud: This settlement policy threatens to also undermine the structure of the Palestinian National Authority and even end its existence.

In addition, we now face the imposition new conditions not previously raised, conditions that will transform the raging conflict in our inflamed region into a religious conflict and a threat to the future of a million and a half Christian and Muslim Palestinians, citizens of Israel, a matter which we reject and which is impossible for us to accept being dragged into.

All of these actions taken by Israel in our country are unilateral actions and are not based on any earlier agreements. Indeed, what we witness is a selective application of the agreements aimed at perpetuating the occupation. Israel reoccupied the cities of the West Bank by a unilateral action, and reestablished the civil and military occupation by a unilateral action, and it is the one that determines whether or not a Palestinian citizen has the right to reside in any part of the Palestinian Territory. And it is confiscating our land and our water and obstructing our movement as well as the movement of goods. And it is the one obstructing our whole destiny. All of this is unilateral.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In 1974, our deceased leader Yasser Arafat came to this hall and assured the Members of the General Assembly of our affirmative pursuit for peace, urging the United Nations to realize the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, stating: Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand.

In 1988, President Arafat again addressed the General Assembly, which convened in Geneva to hear him, where he submitted the Palestinian peace program adopted by the Palestine National Council at its session held that year in Algeria.

When we adopted this program, we were taking a painful and very difficult step for all of us, especially those, including myself, who were forced to leave their homes and their towns and villages, carrying only some of our belongings and our grief and our memories and the keys of our homes to the camps of exile and the Diaspora in the 1948 Al-Nakba, one of the worst operations of uprooting, destruction and removal of a vibrant and cohesive society that had been contributing in a pioneering and leading way in the cultural, educational and economic renaissance of the Arab Middle East.

Yet, because we believe in peace and because of our conviction in international legitimacy, and because we had the courage to make difficult decisions for our people, and in the absence of absolute justice, we decided to adopt the path of relative justice - justice that is possible and could correct part of the grave historical injustice committed against our people. Thus, we agreed to establish the State of Palestine on only 22% of the territory of historical Palestine - on all the Palestinian Territory occupied by Israel in 1967.

We, by taking that historic step, which was welcomed by the States of the world, made a major concession in order to achieve a historic compromise that would allow peace to be made in the land of peace.

In the years that followed - from the Madrid Conference and the Washington negotiations leading to the Oslo agreement, which was signed 18 years ago in the garden of the White House and was linked with the letters of mutual recognition between the PLO and Israel, we persevered and dealt positively and responsibly with all efforts aimed at the achievement of a lasting peace agreement. Yet, as we said earlier, every initiative and every conference and every new round of negotiations and every movement was shattered on the rock of the Israeli settlement expansion project.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I confirm, on behalf of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, which will remain so until the end of the conflict in all its aspects and until the resolution of all final status issues, the following:

1. The goal of the Palestinian people is the realization of their inalienable national rights in their independent State of Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital, on all the land of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, which Israel occupied in the June 1967 war, in conformity with the resolutions of international legitimacy and with the achievement of a just and agreed upon solution to the Palestine refugee issue in accordance with resolution 194, as stipulated in the Arab Peace Initiative which presented the consensus Arab vision to resolve the core the Arab-Israeli conflict and to achieve a just and comprehensive peace. To this we adhere and this is what we are working to achieve. Achieving this desired peace also requires the release of political prisoners and detainees in Israeli prisons without delay.

2. The PLO and the Palestinian people adhere to the renouncement of violence and rejection and condemning of terrorism in all its forms, especially State terrorism, and adhere to all agreements signed between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel.

3. We adhere to the option of negotiating a lasting solution to the conflict in accordance with resolutions of international legitimacy. Here, I declare that the Palestine Liberation Organization is ready to return immediately to the negotiating table on the basis of the adopted terms of reference based on international legitimacy and a complete cessation of settlement activities.

4. Our people will continue their popular peaceful resistance to the Israeli occupation and its settlement and apartheid policies and its construction of the racist annexation Wall, and they receive support for their resistance, which is consistent with international humanitarian law and international conventions and has the support of peace activists from Israel and around the world, reflecting an impressive, inspiring and courageous example of the strength of this defenseless people, armed only with their dreams, courage, hope and slogans in the face of bullets, tanks, tear gas and bulldozers.

5. When we bring our plight and our case to this international podium, it is a confirmation of our reliance on the political and diplomatic option and is a confirmation that we do not undertake unilateral steps. Our efforts are not aimed at isolating Israel or de-legitimizing it; rather we want to gain legitimacy for the cause of the people of Palestine. We only aim to de-legitimize the settlement activities and the occupation and apartheid and the logic of ruthless force, and we believe that all the countries of the world stand with us in this regard.

I am here to say on behalf of the Palestinian people and the Palestine Liberation Organization: We extend our hands to the Israeli government and the Israeli people for peace-making. I say to them: Let us urgently build together a future for our children where they can enjoy freedom, security and prosperity. Let us build the bridges of dialogue instead of checkpoints and walls of separation, and build cooperative relations based on parity and equity between two neighboring States - Palestine and Israel - instead of policies of occupation, settlement, war and eliminating the other.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Despite the unquestionable right of our people to self-determination and to the independence of our State as stipulated in international resolutions, we have accepted in the past few years to engage in what appeared to be a test of our worthiness, entitlement and eligibility. During the last two years our national authority has implemented a program to build our State institutions. Despite the extraordinary situation and the Israeli obstacles imposed, a serious extensive project was launched that has included the implementation of plans to enhance and advance the judiciary and the apparatus for maintenance of order and security, to develop the administrative, financial, and oversight systems, to upgrade the performance of institutions, and to enhance self-reliance to reduce the need for foreign aid. With the thankful support of Arab countries and donors from friendly countries, a number of large infrastructure projects have been implemented, focused on various aspects of service, with special attention to rural and marginalized areas.

In the midst of this massive national project, we have been strengthening what we seeking to be the features of our State: from the preservation of security for the citizen and public order; to the promotion of judicial authority and rule of law; to strengthening the role of women via legislation, laws and participation; to ensuring the protection of public freedoms and strengthening the role of civil society institutions; to institutionalizing rules and regulations for ensuring accountability and transparency in the work of our Ministries and departments; to entrenching the pillars of democracy as the basis for the Palestinian political life.

When division struck the unity of our homeland, people and institutions, we were determined to adopt dialogue for restoration of our unity. We succeeded months ago in achieving national reconciliation and we hope that its implementation will be accelerated in the coming weeks. The core pillar of this reconciliation was to turn to the people through legislative and presidential elections within a year, because the State we want will be a State characterized by the rule of law, democratic exercise and protection of the freedoms and equality of all citizens without any discrimination and the transfer of power through the ballot box.

The reports issued recently by the United Nations, the World Bank, the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC) and the International Monetary Fund confirm and laud what has been accomplished, considering it a remarkable and unprecedented model. The consensus conclusion by the AHLC a few days ago here described what has been accomplished as a remarkable international success story and confirmed the readiness of the Palestinian people and their institutions for the immediate independence of the State of Palestine.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is no longer possible to redress the issue of the blockage of the horizon of the peace talks with the same means and methods that have been repeatedly tried and proven unsuccessful over the past years. The crisis is far too deep to be neglected, and what is more dangerous are attempts to simply circumvent it or postpone its explosion.

It is neither possible, nor practical, nor acceptable to return to conducting business as usual, as if everything is fine. It is futile to go into negotiations without clear parameters and in the absence of credibility and a specific timetable. Negotiations will be meaningless as long as the occupation army on the ground continues to entrench its occupation, instead of rolling it back, and continues to change the demography of our country in order to create a new basis on which to alter the borders.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a moment of truth and my people are waiting to hear the answer of the world. Will it allow Israel to continue its occupation, the only occupation in the world? Will it allow Israel to remain a State above the law and accountability? Will it allow Israel to continue rejecting the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations and the International Court of Justice and the positions of the overwhelming majority of countries in the world?

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I come before you today from the Holy Land, the land of Palestine, the land of divine messages, ascension of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) and the birthplace of Jesus Christ (peace be upon him), to speak on behalf of the Palestinian people in the homeland and in the the Diaspora, to say, after 63 years of suffering of the ongoing Nakba: Enough. It is time for the Palestinian people to gain their freedom and independence.

The time has come to end the suffering and the plight of millions of Palestine refugees in the homeland and the Diaspora, to end their displacement and to realize their rights, some of them forced to take refuge more than once in different places of the world.

At a time when the Arab peoples affirm their quest for democracy - the Arab Spring - the time is now for the Palestinian Spring, the time for independence.

The time has come for our men, women and children to live normal lives, for them to be able to sleep without waiting for the worst that the next day will bring; for mothers to be assured that their children will return home without fear of suffering killing, arrest or humiliation; for students to be able to go to their schools and universities without checkpoints obstructing them. The time has come for sick people to be able to reach hospitals normally, and for our farmers to be able to take care of their good land without fear of the occupation seizing the land and its water, which the wall prevents access to, or fear of the settlers, for whom settlements are being built on our land and who are uprooting and burning the olive trees that have existed for hundreds of years. The time has come for the thousands of prisoners to be released from the prisons to return to their families and their children to become a part of building their homeland, for the freedom of which they have sacrificed.

My people desire to exercise their right to enjoy a normal life like the rest of humanity. They believe what the great poet Mahmoud Darwish said: Standing here, staying here, permanent here, eternal here, and we have one goal, one, one: to be.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We profoundly appreciate and value the positions of all States that have supported our struggle and our rights and recognized the State of Palestine following the Declaration of Independence in 1988, as well as the countries that have recently recognized the State of Palestine and those that have upgraded the level of Palestines representation in their capitals. I also salute the Secretary-General, who said a few days ago that the Palestinian State should have been established years ago.

Be assured that this support for our people is more valuable to them than you can imagine, for it makes them feel that someone is listening to their narrative and that their tragedy and the horrors of Al-Nakba and the occupation, from which they have so suffered, are not being ignored. And, it reinforces their hope that stems from the belief that justice is possible in this in this world. The loss of hope is the most ferocious enemy of peace and despair is the strongest ally of extremism.

I say: The time has come for my courageous and proud people, after decades of displacement and colonial occupation and ceaseless suffering, to live like other peoples of the earth, free in a sovereign and independent homeland.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to inform you that, before delivering this statement, I submitted, in my capacity as the President of the State of Palestine and Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization, to H.E. Mr. Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations, an application for the admission of Palestine on the basis of the 4 June 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital, as a full member of the United Nations.

I call upon Mr. Secretary-General to expedite transmittal of our request to the Security Council, and I call upon the distinguished members of the Security Council to vote in favor of our full membership. I also call upon the States that did not recognized the State of Palestine as yet to do so.

Excellencies,Ladies and Gentlemen,

The support of the countries of the world for our endeavor is a victory for truth,freedom, justice, law and international legitimacy, and it provides tremendous support for the peace option and enhances the chances of success of the negotiations.

Excellencies,Ladies and Gentlemen,

Your support for the establishment of the State of Palestine and for its admission to the United Nations as a full member is the greatest contribution to peacemaking in the Holy Land.

I thank you.

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Full transcript of Abbas speech at UN General Assembly

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Mr. President of the General Assembly of the United Nations, Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, At the outset, I wish to extend my congratulations to H.E. Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his assumption of the Presidency of the Assembly for this session, and wish him all success.

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The Native American land crisis is similar to the border crisis happening in Palestine and Israel. The Native Americans were driven off by their governments and put in reserves that were small and didn't meet their needs. Palestine is experiencing the same thing, only the governments aren't the ones driving them out ; it's Israel. This eventually led to war and bloodshed because no one could do anything about it. In the past, like the Native Americans, Palestine had substantial land, and because of political reasons they kept losing it little by little. In modern times, they are very similar as well, because they live in limited space and can not live anywhere else.

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Native American conflict

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Presentation

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Published on

Context for "The Great Vision" chapter of Black Elk Speaks

1. 1. Black Elk Speaks

2. 2. In 1930, John Neihardt, the poet laureate of Nebraska, went to an Indian reservation in South Dakota to do research for a poem he was working on. Neihardt met Black Elk, second cousin to Crazy Horse, and told him he was writing epic poetry - roughly translate into Lakota as "vision telling." Because he feared he would die soon, Black Elk wanted to tell Neihardt his vision so he could relate it to the world. " What I know was given to me for men and it is true and it is beautiful. Soon I shall be under the grass and it will be lost. You were sent to save it, and you must come back so that I can teach you." Background to Novel:

3. 3. The novel covers Black Elk's life from early childhood through the massacre at Wounded Knee. Not only does it tell of his life, it captures the history and culture of the Sioux people (the French name for the Lakota people). If you read the full novel, expect to learn about the customs and traditions from hunting to courting. The Norton Anthology reprinted only one chapter from this twenty-five chapter novel with chapter three being the vision itself. Neihardt returned with his daughters who acted as stenographers, while Black Elk's son, Ben, roughly translated his father's story into English. The resulting book Black Elk Speaks did not receive much attention when it was published in 1932. Only after its reissue in 1961 after Carl Jung referenced the book did it gain prominence. Because it captures so much of the religious culture of the Native Americas, it has been called a "North American bible of all tribes." (DeLoria)

4. 4. Native Americans If all you know about Native Americans came from your high school teacher, you need to do some research on your own. (Overall, I would contend that American History as taught in school is a one-sided, white-washed indoctrination. Lies My Teacher Told Me is a real eye-opener.) While most Americans may think of Thanksgiving, casinos or sports teams (Braves, Chiefs, Seminoles, etc.), they usually don't think of Native Americans as a people. In a long, sad story dating back to Columbus, the indigenous people of this land were decimated by war and disease. If I had 20 minutes and a cup of coffee, I could make the argument that America is guilty of genocide. Since it's beyond the scope of this presentation, I will recommend Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee for those interested in hearing history from a different perspective. (easily the saddest book I've ever read.)

5. 5. Chapter Three: The Great Vision At the age of nine, Black Elk becomes ill and has a vision: - Two men come out of the clouds and tell him, "Come! Your grandfathers are calling you!" - A cloud carries Black Elk into the sky. He is greeted by a horse that tells him he will learn. - Colored horses symbolizing different directions and powers all line up and fill the sky. - A cloud becomes a teepee with a rainbow entrance. - He enters the teepee and meets the six grandfathers who present him with different powers. - One grandfathers presents him with a cup of water (the power to create), another gives him a bow (the power to destroy), another gives him a magical herb (provides peace and understanding), another gives him a peace pipe (the power to heal), another gives him a stick (to guide/shepherd his people), and another gives him an eagle's wing (the power to travel and spread the word). - He recognizes the sixth grandfather as himself - meaning he will be granted these powers on the earth. - After this meeting, he returns to earth to see a blue man who is described as the enemy. - An eagle kills the blue man. He knows this means he will have to kill his enemies. - He is taken to the center of the world. Here he sees the hoop or history of his people. - He has been charged Moses-esque to lead his people because difficult times are coming. - He returns to his body ending his vision and out of body experience.

6. 6. What the hell does it mean? - Some background knowledge is necessary to understand the vision itself and its context. What should be apparent from the highly symbolic language is that this experience is considered sacred, and the translation of the experience into text makes it the equivalent of a Biblical passage. - The images, colors and numbers have significance to the Lakota, but their cosmology and orientation are completely different than Euro-American or Judeo-Christian ideas. - Native Americans are considered pagan in that their worship is earth based. [In any given culture, religion picks up where science leaves off. Science seeks to define, which removes the mystery and awe of a natural phenomenon. For example, it's much more powerful to think of a rainbow as a sign from God instead of just rain drops catching the sunlight.] - These cultures, too quickly labeled "primitive," tend to be superstitious, intuitive and have a cyclical instead of linear view of the world. Instead of a pantheon of gods, they have an animistic view of nature where everything has a spirit (essence). They would seek ways communicate with the spirit world (vision quests, sweat lodges, peyote, etc.) for guidance and guides. - They lived in balance with their environment. They couldn't understand the concept of owning land or viewing the earth as a resource to be exploited.

7. 7. Symbols Blue Man = Enemy. Someone living out of balance with nature or driven by greed and selfishness. Obviously, the white man. ("wasichu" is the Lakota name for the whites which translates as "fat eaters" or "those that take the best part." After the Civil War, black soldiers were sent out West. Their strength and course hair reminded the Native Americans of the buffalo leading some to call them "Buffalo Soldiers.") Grandfathers = Elders The elders represented wisdom. On earth, they led the tribe so it makes sense in the spirit world that they would be seen the same way. Thunder beings = Mystery If you lived a pagan, animistic life, you would worship the things around you that you couldn't explain or that held a power. On the plains, thunder would be one of the most impressive, intimidating and worship-worthy things. Hoop = Circle / Balance Black Elk said that humans should look at a circle as sacred because it demonstrates the connectedness of all things. Not only are most things in nature is round (Earth, Sun, Moon, etc.), the circle can represent different aspects of the whole. See medicine wheel. Center of the World = Heaven An idyllic, Eden-like place where everything lives in harmony. While the cultures and places may change, there are many similarities. The work of Carl Jung addresses archetypes while Joseph Campbell's work focuses specifically on mythology.

8. 8. Medicine Wheel While not specifically mentioned in the excerpt, the medicine wheel serves as way to explain some of the symbolism in Black Elk's vision. The circle represents their view of the world on many levels. It represents "Mother Earth" by representing the directions and elements. By showing aspects of the whole, it represents the interconnectedness of all things. [Western thinking tends to classify and separate] In fact, the reason this is called a medicine wheel is because illness is viewed as being out of balance. Shaman's (witch doctors) try holistic approaches to restore balance and thus cure the individual. 4 basic directions: North, South, East, West. Up, down and within are the other 3 directions. East is yellow for the sunrise and represents the element of fire. North is white for the snows and represents the cold winds or the element of air. West is black for the sunset (night) and represents the element of earth (also physically in the form of the Rocky Mountains). South is red and represents the element of water.

9. 9. Mandala is Sanskrit for circle. It is often illustrated as a palace with four gates, facing the four corners of the Earth. (notice the colors) The yin and yang is also a representation of conflict and balance. Connections Much time could be spent on the similarities that exist between cultures in terms of their understanding of the world. Briefly, here are two images you may recognize.

10. 10. Later in the novel, Black Elk says that after the massacre at Wounded Knee, the circle was broken. The Native American people were out of balance. [In reality, they had long been out of balance. Guns, horses and whisky found many warriors leaving their traditional way of life.] Spirituality was forgotten or denied. No longer able to live their traditional ways, many turned to alcohol which continues to plague their communities. Today's reservations have the highest unemployment, poverty and alcoholism rates in the US. Casinos do bring in money, but that money is not shared with other tribes. The casinos don't always help the community with gambling addiction and alcoholism common.

11. 11. Studying Native American culture and history will provide you with an alternative view of America. It will challenge the conventional versions of what you know. For the most part, Western expansion is glorified and justified by the idea of manifest destiny (the idea that God wanted Americans to control the land from sea to shining sea). The red man was portrayed as a savage and un-Christian and standing in the way of progress (and profit). Don't just believe what I am telling you, do your own research. If nothing else, you should disabuse yourself of the mistruths that you've been told. This process begs the question: if they lied to me about this, what else have they lied about?

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Published on Context for "The Great Vision" chapter of Black Elk Speaks 1. Black Elk Speaks 2. In 1930, John Neihardt, the poet laureate of Nebraska, went to an Indian reservation in South Dakota to do research for a poem he was working on.

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Palestine and Israel

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The Birth of Israel (BBC, 2008) (english, portuguese)

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Land crisis

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A new interactive map from the science and humanities magazine Aeon tells a vital story that Americans tend to conveniently forget: this land was not our land. Hit "play," and you'll see every cession of land from native peoples between 1784 and today. From the birth of our country to today, we seized 1.5 billion acres of native land.

"As late as 1750-some 150 years after Britain established Jamestown and fully 250 years after Europeans first set foot in the continent-[Native Americans] constituted a majority of the population in North America, a fact not adequately reflected in textbooks," Claudio Saunt writes in an accompanying article. "Even a century later, in 1850, they still retained formal possession of much of the western half of the continent."

With Saunt's map, you can watch the shift occur. Each part is clickable, with information on the treaties that were used to negotiate cessions available via links in pop-up boxes. You can also search for a location or any Native American nation, such as Cherokee or Sioux, to see the land they once possessed. Color coding distinguishes between native lands (blue) and reservations (orange). The latter have dwindled significantly since their creation.

Saunt's article is a sobering explanation of the nefarious methods the United States used to seize land. Since most land was "ceded" using treaties, it may appear that Native Americans gave up their land willingly and peacefully, but in many cases they had no other options and handed over the land though bribery or force. The government also used federal legislation and executive order to take land from natives. In the 19th century, presidents like Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, and Grover Cleveland created small reservations for tribes that once controlled vast areas. The Invasion of America is a stark demonstration of how quickly these legal fictions were used to erase people, and just how much what was once their land we now claim as our own.

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Watch How The U.S. Stole Land From Native Americans

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A new interactive map from the science and humanities magazine Aeon tells a vital story that Americans tend to conveniently forget: this land was not our land. Hit "play," and you'll see every cession of land from native peoples between 1784 and today.

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Helps us compare Palestine and the Native Americans.

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Interactive World History Atlas since 3000 BC Follow us World History Maps & Timelines. Kingdoms, Battles, Expeditions. Comparative History, Political, Military, Art, Science, Literature, Religion, Philosophy. Maps based on vector database. Advertise

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Talks about Palestine and Israel and what the controversy has let to

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Rafeef Ziadah - 'We teach life, sir', London, 12.11.11

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Border crisis

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Native Americans

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Poetry

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Talk about Native Americans and how they face race discrimination.

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Native Americans

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Objective

Identify and compare the ideas of major Native American leaders from the nineteenth century.

Evaluate the impact of those ideas on the United States and Native Americans.

Locate the original and final reservation territory for each of the Native American tribal groups represented in the excerpts.

Materials

Documents

(Shawnee) Chief Tecumseh, "Address to General William Henry Harrison in the Vincennes in the Indian Territory," 1810, Digital History

(Sauk) Black Hawk's "Surrender Speech," Mt. Holyoke College

(Apache) Geronimo Quotations, IndigenousPeople.net

(Oglala Sioux) Crazy Horse, "Last Words to Agent Lee," FrontierTrails.com

(Nez Perce) "Chief Joseph Speaks: Selected Statements and Speeches," PBS

(Hunkpapa Teton Sioux) Sitting Bull, "Behold, My brothers," OpenCourtResources.com

Native American Quotations is a great source for students with reading problems

Handouts

Lesson Activities

Assign students to:

1. Analyze the views of the Native American leaders featured in the excerpts and complete the chart by indicating these leaders' views on the topics listed.

2. Research, using the Internet and library, one of the American Indian leaders and write two obituaries, one from a Native American perspective and one from a white man's perspective as they might have been written shortly after the death of the leader.

3. Research the approximate location of the original tribal territory of each tribe represented and the reservation territory available to the tribe by 1890. Locate these on the United States map.

4. Answer discussion questions:

List and explain the similarities and differences you see regarding the Native American leaders' needs and desires.

Describe the differences between the American Indian leaders' views and the views of the various white men they encountered throughout the nineteenth century.

To what extent was the treatment received by Native Americans an inevitable result of exploration and expansion?

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nineteenth-century native american viewpoints | objective identify and compare the ideas of major native american leaders from the nineteenth century. evaluate the impact of those ideas on the united states and native americans. locate the original and final reservation territory for each of the native american tribal groups represented in the excerpts. materials documents | objective identify and compare the ideas of major native american leaders from the nineteenth century. evaluate the impact of those ideas on the united states and native americans. locate the original and final reservation territory for each of the native american tribal groups represented in the excerpts. materials documents (shawnee) chief tecumseh

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"address to general william henry harrison in the vincennes in the indian territory

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digital history (sauk) black hawk’s "surrender speech

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" mt. holyoke college (apache) geronimo quotations

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indigenouspeople.net (oglala sioux) crazy horse

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" frontiertrails.com (nez perce) "chief joseph speaks: selected statements and speeches

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" pbs (hunkpapa teton sioux) sitting bull

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" opencourtresources.com native american quotations is a great source for students with reading problems handouts     speech excerpts (pdf) analysis chart (pdf) united states map (from class text or any large classroom map) lesson activities assign students to: analyze the views of the native american leaders featured in the excerpts and complete the chart by indicating these leaders’ views on the topics listed. research

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one of the american indian leaders and write two obituaries

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one from a native american perspective and one from a white man’s perspective as they might have been written shortly after the death of the leader. research the approximate location of the original tribal territory of each tribe represented and the reservation territory available to the tribe by 1890. locate these on the united states map. answer discussion questions: list and explain the similarities and differences you see regarding the native american leaders’ needs and desires. describe the differences between the american indian leaders’ views and the views of the various white men they encountered throughout the nineteenth century. to what extent was the treatment received by native americans an inevitable result of exploration and expansion?

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Nineteenth-Century Native American Viewpoints | Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History

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Nineteenth-Century Native American Viewpoints | Objective Identify and compare the ideas of major Native American leaders from the nineteenth century. Evaluate the impact of those ideas on the United States and Native Americans. Locate the original and final reservation territory for each of the Native American tribal groups represented in the excerpts. Materials Documents | Objective Identify and compare the ideas of major Native American leaders from the nineteenth century. Evaluate the impact of those ideas on the United States and Native Americans. Locate the original and final reservation territory for each of the Native American tribal groups represented in the excerpts. Materials Documents (Shawnee) Chief Tecumseh, “Address to General William Henry Harrison in the Vincennes in the Indian Territory,” 1810, Digital History (Sauk) Black Hawk’s “Surrender Speech,” Mt. Holyoke College (Apache) Geronimo Quotations, IndigenousPeople.net (Oglala Sioux) Crazy Horse, “Last Words to Agent Lee,” FrontierTrails.com (Nez Perce) “Chief Joseph Speaks: Selected Statements and Speeches,” PBS (Hunkpapa Teton Sioux) Sitting Bull, “Behold, My brothers,” OpenCourtResources.com Native American Quotations is a great source for students with reading problems Handouts Speech Excerpts (PDF) Analysis Chart (PDF) United States map (from class text or any large classroom map) Lesson Activities Assign students to: Analyze the views of the Native American leaders featured in the excerpts and complete the chart by indicating these leaders’ views on the topics listed. Research, using the Internet and library, one of the American Indian leaders and write two obituaries, one from a Native American perspective and one from a white man’s perspective as they might have been written shortly after the death of the leader. Research the approximate location of the original tribal territory of each tribe represented and the reservation territory available to the tribe by 1890. Locate these on the United States map. Answer discussion questions: List and explain the similarities and differences you see regarding the Native American leaders’ needs and desires. Describe the differences between the American Indian leaders’ views and the views of the various white men they encountered throughout the nineteenth century. To what extent was the treatment received by Native Americans an inevitable result of exploration and expansion?