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Could be a good case study in Fiji if anyone is interested in contacts there. I did some work for FAO and interviewed about 20 people across agencies and the university and representing from climate to travel to fish to socioeconomic interests, and everyone was independently worried about seafood sovereignty much in the way the diagram captures. The worry was that people were fishing less for family or sharing but mainly for cash and fishing pressure was increasing from that and from an increasing commercial presence in nearshore fishers.

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Building on Quentin's comment that Ian Cartwright might be interested, I also have various bits of case study material we could use in Australian fisheries. Good comparative work for NZ because both countries are so enamoured of ITQs. Also Australian fisheries management is crying out for some interventions to help them think about the intersection between fisheries policy and food policy. And building on Katrina's comment re it being difficult to buy local in many cases. It's really hard to buy local seafood in much of Australia.

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Boats and boating--Equipment and supplies

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In the 1992 Fisheries' Settlement Māori collectively obtained ownership of 10% of the nation's commercial fishing quota rights for species already in the ITQ system (in the form of ITQs), 20% for all new species to be added, 50% ownership of the nation's largest fishing company, and "customary" - or non-commercial fishing rights. Today, Māori collectively own approximately 30% of the nation's ITQs. However, few Māori are fishing, selling or processing fish caught by Māori-owned quota.

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Māori leaders, constrained by the quota system regulations, rather than individual fishers, now determine who has access to commercial fisheries.

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Certain (wealthy) people. The ITQ system has increased the cost of fishing - and in turn, the costs consumers pay for fish. Local exchanges off the docks are no longer legal. Export markets (i.e. Japan) often perceived as most lucrative. Māori disproportionately represent adverse health outcomes.

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Quota owners privileged over fishers. Those who control access to the fishery may not have any experience fishing.

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Tribal leaders are developing skills as quota brokers. Māori who are fishing are developing skills to navigate new market relationships and reporting requirements. Intergenerational-inter community (i.e. fishers to elders) knowledge transfer inhibited by lack of fishers on water.

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The in-shore fisheries Maori relied on historically saw improvements after ITQ system implementation, likely due to the provisions in the quota system to cut anyone reporting less than 80% of their income from the fishery (i.e. most Maori). Some of these fisheries are now experiencing declines due to non-fisher-related causes of mortality (i.e. land use change). The ITQ system has also created incentives for fishers not to report catches that they do not have quota to cover, leading to inaccuracies in TACC levels.

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The practice of gifting food is seen as a sign of strength in Māori communities - an exercise of mana. Gifting could be considered a form of investment. As one fisher has explained, "I give, so I can take." Restricted access to the ability to fund a boat, etc to access the fishery for those who do not have quota, has constrained the majority of Māori fishers' abilities to take and gift fish.

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Under NZ's ITQ system, sales of fish without quota and without a licensed fish receiver ticket is prohibited (i.e. fishers have to sell to processors). Fishers can gift (if they have a permit) but not sell fish to their neighbors.

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Seafood sovereignty has not (yet) been achieved.  

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Seafood sovereignty has not (yet) been achieved.  

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Strategies to advance SS:
- Moderate livelihood fishery? (limited, local sales allowed?)
- Direct off the boat sales?
- Limits on non-fishers owning quota?
- Limits to quota consolidation?
- Local control of quota rights in Māori communities?

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Boats and boating--Equipment and supplies

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Under the Peace and Friendship treaties of the 1700s, Mi'kmaq (Indigenous Peoples of the Maritime region) have a right to earn a moderate livelihood from fishing (among other activities). This right has not been adequately implemented. There is a commercial fishery that is lucrative and sustainable, but access is limited and precludes Mi'kmaq participation

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Shortage of fish/food for Mi'kmaq, highest rates of poverty and food insecurity in Mi'kmaw communities

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Given the points about Rights (of Indigenous Peoples) it seems like this pillar is not bring realized

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If we think generally to how lobster fisheries have been managed, they have more or less prioritized an export-market and the contribution of lobster as food to Canadians has been of less importance. That being said, it is also owner-operator, so seen as a venue for valuing food providers and putting control locally (albeit, export markets determine prices etc.)

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Seems to be present here, in the sense that stocks are sustainable, mitigation measures for bycatch, small sizes, berried females, etc; AND all commercial lobster is MSC certified

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Please provide some background to your case, discuss which pillars are important, upload any relevant documents or links, or papers, and how you think a SS lens could or has contributed to pro-social and pro-environmental outcomes. 

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Please provide some background to your case, discuss which pillars are important, upload any relevant documents or links, or papers, and how you think a SS lens could or has contributed to pro-social and pro-environmental outcomes. 

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In what ways has SS been achieved or not

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In what ways has SS been achieved or not

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In what ways can the SS Pillars be operationalized to support this case study? Which Pillars are most relevant for you?

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In what ways can the SS Pillars be operationalized to support this case study? Which Pillars are most relevant for you?