# data[].attributes.body
A factitious disorder is a condition in which a person acts as if they have an illness by deliberately producing, feigning, or exaggerating symptoms. Someone deceives others by appearing sick, by purposely getting sick, or by self-injury.
Red Flag Words:
- Sick
- Exaggerate
- Injure
Article: http://www.medicinenet.com/factitious_disorders/article.htm

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Julia Germano- Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder (OCPD)

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Julia Germano- Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder (OCPD)

# data[].attributes.body
Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder is a disorder in which a person has a general pattern of concern with orderliness, perfectionism, excessive attention to details, and mental and interpersonal control etc. It's important not to confuse Obsessive Compulsive Disorder with Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder because they are not the same thing. The symptoms and red flags for this personality disorder are:
-perfectionism to the point that they are unable to complete tasks
- Stiff, formal, or rigid mannerisms
- Show significant rigidity and stubbornness

ARTICLE:  https://psychcentral.com/disorders/obsessive-compulsive-personality-disorder-symptoms/

VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_n2YUhNg41M (includes all cluster C personality disorders)

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Emerson Moon: Avoidant Personality Disorder

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Emerson Moon: Avoidant Personality Disorder

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Avoidant Personality Disorder is a psychiatric condition characterized by a lifelong pattern of extreme shyness, feelings of inadequacy, and sensitivity to rejection.
It only effect about 1% of the population but it is equally distributed among boys and girls. The cause of the disorder is unknown, but medications like antidepressants and psycho/talk therapy can help reduce the symptoms of APD.
Informational Video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HQY6HgES9m0
Article: https://psychcentral.com/disorders/avoidant-personality-disorder-symptoms/

# data[].attributes.body
Narcissism is a personality disorder in which the person feels the need for constant admiration, lacks empathy for others, and can be manipulative and demanding. People who are narcissistic believe they are superior than others and only interact with people they believe are equal to them. Although there is no cure to narcissism, there is treatment.
Informational Video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YtSJUkP_yic

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Narcissistic Personality Disorder | Psychology Today

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Individuals with this disorder exhibit a lack of ability to empathize with others and an inflated sense of self-importance.

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Ryan Lee- Post-traumatic Stress Disorder

# data[].attributes.subject
Ryan Lee- Post-traumatic Stress Disorder

# data[].attributes.body
a condition of persistent mental and emotional stress occurring as a result of injury or severe psychological shock, typically involving disturbance of sleep and constant vivid recall of the experience, with dulled responses to others and to the outside world.

Red Flag:
-shock
-anxiety
-trauma
-depression
Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SqjwV-lsVEs#action=share
Article: http://go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?p=HRCA&sw=w&u=chan44144e&v=2.1&it=r&id=GALE%7CA467478262&asid=e047e4dd5efce0fa304f446366cdf821#.WMbf8lcmr0k.link

# data[].attributes.body
Everyday social interactions cause irrational anxiety, fear, self consciousness, and embarrassment.  200,000 cases of social anxiety disorder are discovered every year. This disorder can last for years to a lifetime.

Red Flags:
Embarrassment, Fear, Self Consciousness, worry, Others opinions

Article:
https://socialanxietyinstitute.org/living-with-social-anxiety

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Good News For People With Social Anxiety!

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Social Anxiety Disorder affects millions of Americans, and it causes alters their perception of friendship! Matt Lieberman from SourceFed joins DNews to explain this disorder.

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Engy Herakly- Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) 

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Engy Herakly- Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) 

# data[].attributes.body
common behavioral disorder that affects about 10% of school-age children. They act without thinking, are hyperactive, and have trouble focusing. They may understand what's expected of them but have trouble following through because they can't sit still, pay attention, or focus on details.
Red Flags:
Inattentive, hyperactive, and impulsive, disorganized, moves around constantly

Article:
http://time.com/growing-up-with-adhd/

Video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RMaCE5RT54c

# data[].attributes.body
Repetitive and persistent pattern of behavior in which the basic rights of others or major age-appropriate societal norms or rules are violated.  Four main groupings: 1) Aggression to people and animals, 2) Destruction of property, 3) Deceitfulness or theft, 4) Serious violation of rules.  Can be childhood onset or adolescent onset.  Comorbid with ADHD and Oppositional Defiant Disorder.  Once person is age 18, diagnosis may be given of Antisocial Personality Disorder.

Red Flag
Aggressive, Deceitful, Destructive, Children

Video:  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g58qUHEq6fU
Article:

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Peter J. Etchells,

Suzanne H. Gage,

Adam D. Rutherford,

Marcus R. Munafò

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Abstract

There is increasing public and scientific concern regarding the long-term behavioural effects of video game use in children, but currently little consensus as to the nature of any such relationships. We investigated the relationship between video game use in children, degree of violence in games, and measures of depression and a 6-level banded measure of conduct disorder. Data from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children were used. A 3-level measure of game use at age 8/9 years was developed, taking into account degree of violence based on game genre. Associations with conduct disorder and depression, measured at age 15, were investigated using ordinal logistic regression, adjusted for a number of potential confounders. Shoot-em-up games were associated with conduct disorder bands, and with a binary measure of conduct disorder, although the strength of evidence for these associations was weak. A sensitivity analysis comparing those who play competitive games to those who play shoot-em-ups found weak evidence supporting the hypothesis that it is violence rather than competitiveness that is associated with conduct disorder. However this analysis was underpowered, and we cannot rule out the possibility that increasing levels of competition in games may be just as likely to account for the observed associations as violent content. Overall game exposure as indicated by number of games in a household was not related to conduct disorder, nor was any association found between shoot-em-up video game use and depression.

Citation: Etchells PJ, Gage SH, Rutherford AD, Munafò MR (2016) Prospective Investigation of Video Game Use in Children and Subsequent Conduct Disorder and Depression Using Data from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children. PLoS ONE 11(1): e0147732. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0147732

Editor: Brion Maher, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, UNITED STATES

Received: February 16, 2015; Accepted: January 7, 2016; Published: January 28, 2016

Copyright: © 2016 Etchells et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: Data used for this submission will be made available on request to the Executive ( alspac-exec@bristol.ac.uk). The ALSPAC data management plan (available here: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/alspac/researchers/data-access/documents/alspac-data-management-plan.pdf) describes in detail the policy regarding data sharing, which is through a system of managed open access.

Funding: The authors have no support or funding to report.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

Despite frequent expressions of concern in the media, the behavioural and psychological effects of prolonged video game playing are not well understood. Although it has been claimed recently that there is a consensus among video game researchers [ 1], the evidence for this statement is not convincing [ 2, 3]. Furthermore, in 2013, 230 scholars [ 4] wrote to the American Psychological Association expressing concerns that policy statements on media violence would be untenable, as they would be based on a literature that shows considerable inconsistency regarding the nature of suggested links between violent media and antisocial or aggressive behaviour [ 5- 12].

One issue is the lack of consistent and robust methodologies across different studies [ 13]; in particular, few longitudinal studies looking at the relationship between the prolonged use of video games and adolescent social behaviour have been conducted. A recent three-year longitudinal study of game violence and aggression in children aged 10-14 years, which included measures of personality, family attachment, peer delinquency, family violence and depression, suggested that game violence was not associated with any negative behavioural outcomes, and did not predict youth aggression [ 14]. Others have suggested that violent game use is associated with subsequent development of aggressive behaviour [ 15], although the magnitude of these associations is small.

Aside from differences in the range and type of potential confounding factors that are adjusted for across such studies, others have made the more general observation that it is difficult to isolate the violent content of video games from other features. For example, after systematically analysing games for levels of violence (and matching for factors such as level of difficulty and pace of action), Adachi and Willoughby [ 5] found experimentally that more competitive games resulted in more aggressive short-term behaviours. Similarly, a 2013 longitudinal study [ 16] of nearly 1,500 teenagers concluded that playing competitive games predicted higher levels of aggression over a period of 4 years, after adjusting for violent content. There is therefore a clear need to further assess the relative contributions of competitiveness and violent content in games, and the impact these have on negative behavioural outcomes.

One theoretical framework that has been developed in an attempt to explain some of these findings is the Catalyst Model [ 17]. In this model, the role of internalised motivations and biological factors is emphasised, as well as 'catalysing' effects of environmental factors. Potentially aggressive personalities develop through initial biological dispositions, and environmental stress factors (e.g., a negative family environment) may make a person more likely to engage in aggressive behaviours, and more attracted to playing violent games. Under this model, and unlike other models proposed such as the General Aggression Model [ 18], violent game use does not cause negative behavioural outcomes. Instead, while aggressive behaviours may be modeled on behaviours seen in games, they would manifest in other ways had the individual not been playing a video game. The same stress factors may also precipitate poor mental health outcomes more generally, given that aggression has been linked to depressive symptoms [ 19].

It remains unclear how adolescent social behaviour and mental health is affected by video game use. Many studies tend to look at the effects of games generally, while in reality there are a wide range of differences in game style, content and play that may confer differing, even opposite effects on behaviour. We were therefore interested in whether the level of violent content in games is associated with negative behaviour outcomes. We investigated the association between video game use at age 8/9 years, and subsequent measures of conduct disorder and depression at age 15 years, taking into account a wide range of potential confounding factors. We also attempted to assess any relationship between the degree of violence in the games played, and any behavioural outcomes.

Methods

Participants

The Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (ALSPAC) is a prospective, population-based birth cohort study that recruited 14,541 pregnant women living in Avon, UK, with expected delivery dates between 1 st April 1991 to 31 st December 1992. The cohort has been described in detail previously [ 20]. The current study is based on the 5,400 young people who completed the Development and Well-Being Assessment (DAWBA) semi-structured interview at the ALSPAC clinic at 15 years of age (4,745 responded to conduct questions and 5,369 to depression questions).

Measures

Video game use.

Video game use at age 8/9 years was measured via children's self-report questionnaire. Type of video game played was assessed with the question: "Which types of computer games do you have at home?" Respondents could answer yes to as many as applicable. Options presented in the questionnaire were: "shoot-em-up", "sport", "racing (e.g., Micromachines, Midtown Madness)", "role-playing (e.g., Dungeons and Dragons)", "puzzles (e.g., Bubble Bobble)", "strategy (e.g., Command and Conquer)", "flight simulator", "platform (e.g., Sonic)", "other (e.g., educational or learning games)".

Responses were used to derive a 3-level measure intended to capture whether or not participants played video games and, if they did, the degree of violence in the games played: 0) does not play video games; 1) plays puzzle games; 2) plays "shoot-'em-up" games. If participants played games in more than one category, they were categorised upwards. Number of video games was also assessed: participants were asked "How many computer games do you have at home?" and could respond 0, 1-2, 3-4, 5-9 or 10 or more. A further binary measure was created of those who used only racing or sports games (competitive games), and those who reported using only shoot-em-up games (violent games).

Conduct Disorder and Depression

Conduct disorder and depression were assessed at age 15 via the DAWBA semi-structured interview. Conduct disorder was assessed via parental report and depression via child self-report. From participants' responses, DAWBA "bands" can be created, corresponding to ordered categorical measures of likelihood of conduct disorder and depression. These are created using computer algorithms, and have been validated in samples of children in the United Kingdom. The bands contain 6 levels, and are based on the probability of disorder, ranging from very unlikely to probable. As well as the ordered categorical variables, the top two levels in each category can be used to create binary "disorder" variables [ 21]. The DAWBA has been validated in clinical and community samples, and is a useful assessment for large-scale data collection such as that occurring in cohort studies. DAWBA band scores for parental-rated conduct disorder and depression at age 7 were used for exclusion, and adjustment at baseline was used to attempt to minimise the possibility of reverse causation.

Potential Confounders

Potential confounders, for which there was a theoretical or empirical basis for considering that they might influence any observed association between video game use and subsequent mental health, were: a) pre-birth confounders, including family history of mental health problems (binary measures assessed via maternal questionnaire); maternal education (a 5-level categorical variable assessed via maternal questionnaire); ancestry (assessed via maternal questionnaire); religiosity (assessed as "belief in a divine power" via maternal questionnaire); family structure during pregnancy (assessed via maternal questionnaire); and offspring sex; and, b) childhood confounders, including IQ at age 8 (assessed via Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children [ 22]); whether child was a victim of bullying at age 8 (a binary measure assessed via parent and child report); peer problems, emotional problems, and conduct problems at age (assessed via the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire [ 23], analyses of conduct disorder did not adjust for conduct problems, and analyses of depression did not adjust for emotional problems). When we substituted maternal socioeconomic position (a 6-level categorical variable assessed vie maternal questionnaire) for maternal education our results were not substantially altered (results available on request).

Statistical Analysis

We assessed the relationship between video game use and DAWBA ordered categorical bands of conduct disorder and depression using ordinal logistic regression, before and after adjustment for confounders. We excluded pre-existing conduct problems or depression measured at baseline, in order to assess incidence of the outcome, and adjusted for variation in baseline conduct disorder or depression in those who remained. We confirmed the proportional odds/parallel regression assumption had not been violated using the Brant test [ 24]. The relationship between video game use and DAWBA binary conduct disorder and depression variables was assessed using logistic regression, before and after adjustment for confounders. We examined the impact of grouped confounders on the association between video game use and conduct disorder and depression by comparing unadjusted estimates (model 1) with those adjusting for pre-birth confounders (model 2), and those further adjusted for childhood confounders (model 3). Relationships of these potential confounders with video game use were assessed via polychoric correlations (available on request). Analyses were carried out in STATA version 12 (Stata Corp LP, College Station TX, USA).

We also conducted multiple imputation of 100 datasets in order to investigate and account for potential bias introduced due to attrition. Over 50 auxiliary variables were used to make the missing-at-random assumption plausible, including measures related to pre-birth and childhood factors. The main analyses were repeated using imputed exposure and confounder data (imputed sample N = 4,745 for conduct outcomes and 5,369 for depression outcomes). These imputed datasets also accounted for pre-existing conduct problems or depression, as appropriate.

Results

Characteristics of Participants

Of 14,701 children in the initial full cohort, 5,400 completed at least some of the DAWBA at age 15. From this sample, 2,453 provided video game usage data at age 8/9. The final sample available for analysis consisted of 1,815 children for whom data on the above confounders were available. Of these, a total of 26 participants met the criteria for conduct disorder case status, which increased slightly by video game exposure category (none: 1 / 0.7%; puzzle games: 11 / 1.2%; shoot-em-ups: 14 / 1.6%). A total of 22 participants met the criteria for depression case status, which decreased slightly by video game exposure category (none: 2 / 2.5%; puzzle games: 10 / 1.0%; shoot-em-ups: 8 / 0.9%). The characteristics of all participants, grouped by video game exposure category, are presented in Table 1. For the analyses investigating conduct disorder, 11 participants were excluded from the analysis as they had pre-existing conduct problems, or missing data on that question at age 8/9. For analyses investigating depression, 8 were excluded for pre-existing depression at baseline.

Conduct Disorder

Ordered regression of conduct disorder band (6 levels) at age 15 and genre of game played (none, puzzle, shoot-em-up) at age 8/9 years indicated weak evidence of an association in the unadjusted model (OR = 1.16, 95% CI 0.99 to 1.37, p = 0.067) which was not altered substantially in the partially adjusted (OR = 1.15, 95% CI 0.98 to 1.37, p = 0.095) or fully adjusted (OR = 1.19, 95% CI 1.00 to 1.42, p = 0.050) models ( Table 2). That is, in the fully adjusted model, there was a 19% increase in risk of being in a higher conduct disorder band per categorical change in genre of game played at age 8/9 years, although statistical evidence of an association was weak. When conduct disorder case status was used as the outcome, substantially larger odds ratios were seen (as would be expected when using a binary rather than categorical outcome), with an association in the unadjusted model (OR = 1.90, 95% CI 1.04 to 3.48, p = 0.037) which strengthened slightly in the partially adjusted (OR = 1.98, 95% CI 1.06 to 3.69, p = 0.031) and attenuated again in the fully adjusted (OR = 1.87, 95% CI 1.02 to 3.45, p = 0.044) models ( Table 2).

There did not appear to be any association between the number of games played at age 8/9 years (which was not stratified by genre) and conduct disorder band at age 15 in the unadjusted, partially adjusted or fully adjusted models. These results are presented in Table 3.

Violent versus Competitive Games

A further sensitivity analysis was conducted whereby those selectively playing shoot-em-up games were compared with those selectively playing competitive racing or sport games. Despite larger effect sizes, there was only weak evidence that shoot-em-ups were associated with an increased risk of conduct disorder in comparison to competitive games ( Table 4). The effect size observed increased with adjustment for potential confounders.

Depression

In order to test the specificity of any associations with mental health outcomes, we also looked at whether there was an association between video game use and depression. Ordered regression of genre of game played at age 8/9 years on depression band (6 levels) at age 15 indicated some evidence of a negative association in the unadjusted model (OR = 0.84, 95% CI 0.73 to 0.97, p = 0.016), but after partial adjustment results attenuated to the null (partially adjusted OR = 0.98, 95% CI 0.85 to 1.14, p = 0.808; fully adjusted OR = 0.98, 95% CI 0.85 to 1.14, p = 0.840) ( Table 2).

The analyses of the multiply imputed datasets were of a smaller magnitude than the complete case findings for conduct disorder outcome, but were not markedly different. Findings for depression were very similar to the complete case ( Table 5).

Discussion

Our results indicate that playing video games that are more likely to include violent content (i.e., shoot-em-ups) in childhood is weakly associated with an increased risk of conduct disorder in late adolescence. There was also weak evidence that individuals who selectively play shoot-em-ups differed in risk to those who selectively play competitive games. However, the absolute risk of developing conduct disorder is small, and the modest effect sizes we observed should be interpreted in this context. Overall game exposure, as indicated by number of games in a household, was not related to conduct disorder, nor was any association found between video game use and depression.

While our results are broadly in line with findings suggesting that violent game content is associated with increased aggressive tendencies, the associations we observe (and statistical evidence for these) are modest, and do not seem to be consistent with claims that the effects of playing violent video games on aggressive behaviour are of a sizeable magnitude. For example, some have claimed [ 25] that the magnitude of this effect is larger than the effect of exposure to smoke at work on lung cancer rates; our findings do not support such claims. Although attrition could have biased our complete case findings, analyses using multiple imputed datasets as an attempt to account for this support the complete case analyses.

It is worth considering alternative explanations for our findings. One possibility is unmeasured confounding; for example, Ferguson and colleagues [ 19] show that adjusting for pre-existing emotional, family and social problems removes the apparent association between violent video game use and aggression. Although we adjusted for potential confounders, we cannot be certain that we fully accounted for residual confounding. Another possibility is reverse causation; Przybylski and colleagues [ 11] suggest that individual differences in levels of dispositional aggression may influence preference for violent game use. Early-onset versus adolescent-onset conduct disorder have been suggested as different subtypes of conduct disorder, with different aetiologies [ 26]. We removed those identified as having conduct disorder at baseline, and further adjusted for conduct disorder DAWBA band at age 7 in those who remained, but reverse causation remains a possible explanation for our findings.

Overall, our data are consistent with the Catalyst Model. Although there is a weak association between playing shoot-em-ups at a young age and subsequent negative behaviours, the effect is small and the statistical evidence for these associations is weak. Moreover, there was only very weak evidence that individuals who selectively played shoot-em-up games (which we considered in our analysis as the more violent genre) differed in risk from those individuals who selectively played competitive games, suggesting that violent video game content alone may not be a sufficient indicator of risk for later aggressive behaviour. Furthermore, given that in the present study we do not consider the impact of media exposure aside from video games, an assumption that any association between violent game use and aggression is causal [ 27] is inappropriate here.

It is also important to consider the nature of the questions asked in the study. Children aged 8 or 9 years old may not know what a 'shoot-em -up' game is, so may have not correctly classified games that they were playing. Participants were given exemplar games for some categories, but not all. Nevertheless, given that there was no 'first/third person shooter' category, it is reasonable to assume that any games in this genre may have been included in the 'shoot-em-up' category. Although video games carry age classifications that should restrict access to inappropriate games, these games may nevertheless be present in the home due to the presence of older siblings, or parents that play them. However, if it is the case that children aged 8-9 are not playing extremely violent games, one possible interpretation of our results is that they may actually underestimate the association of playing shoot-em-ups with later aggressive behavioural outcomes. It would be interesting to explore this association at a later age (e.g., 15 or 16 years), when children have more potential access to other types of games that may contain more violent content.

We attempted to differentiate between types of video game played, and one difference between the game categorisations is the potential amount of violent content within each genre-shoot-em-ups are more likely to contain violence than puzzle games or sports games. Nevertheless, our categorisation of violence may not fully reflect the true nature of the violence in these games. This is a general limitation of all current video game research, and is important because violent content and play styles can vary considerably between games that are broadly categorised as 'violent'. Moreover, the time point at which participants took part in our study means any games they reported playing are now over 15 years old, which should be taken into consideration when using these results in the context of the potential effects of more recent games. As such, our categories may not adequately represent levels of violence in modern games and do not take into account the amount of time played (although it is worth noting that a recent study [ 28] showed that the amount of time spent playing games did not have any effect on conduct problems).

The ways in which video games are now being played has changed considerably since these data were collected, especially with the advent of more social methods of play (e.g., cooperative, smartphone-based apps). Therefore our data may not be representative of gaming today. Moreover, modern video games blur traditional genre boundaries in increasingly complex ways-for example, puzzle games (ostensibly a 'non-violent' category) now range from simple numerical tasks to more graphic crime scene investigations. Given the nature of the data, we were unable to assess the specific games that individuals played. Therefore, there is still a need to look at how the specific content within individual games may impact upon behaviour. Given that there are differences in the literature in outcomes depending on the tested game content, we believe that it is essential that future research pays closer attention to both the specific content within video games, and also the context in which they are played, and moves away from a generalised discussion of 'video game' use.

We also attempted to determine whether factors other than violent game content may be associated with aggressive behaviours. Previous studies [ 5, 29] have shown that when competitiveness is matched in violent and non-violent games, violent content alone is not sufficient to affect aggressive behavioural outcomes. Our analysis suggested that there was weak evidence that those individuals who selectively played shoot-em-up games differed in risk of conduct disorder compared to individuals who selectively played competitive sports and racing games (i.e., those who did not report playing shoot-em-ups). While we were unable to determine the relative strength of association of competitive game styles and violent content to aggressive behaviours, at the very least our results highlight the need for greater caution in studies which consider the impact of violent content in isolation from other potentially important factors. Specifically, we were unable to rule out the possibility that competitiveness, rather than violence, may underlie the associations we observe (assuming that they are indeed causal). In our study, it may well be the case that increasing levels of competition in the games that our participants played may be just as likely to account for the associations we observed. Future research should therefore explore the relationships between both competitiveness and violent content on subsequent behaviour.

In conclusion, our data show a weak association between playing shoot-em-up games at an early age, and an increased risk of conduct disorder in late adolescence. Additionally, our data show weak evidence that those who selectively played shoot-em-ups differed in risk to those who selectively played competitive games; however, our analysis was not sufficiently powered to be able to answer with any certainty whether or not the level of competition present in games accounts for the associations we observed. Larger studies, ideally with richer data on video game use, are required needed to address this question. It is also important to note that most of our sample played shoot-em-up games when they were aged 8, and importantly, only very few met the criteria for conduct disorder case status at age 15. Therefore, the association between violent game use and conduct disorder in fact appears to be weak. We observed no association between violent game use and subsequent depression in adolescence, a result that supports earlier studies [ 30]. Further studies should more closely examine child, family and situational characteristics that may contribute to any observed behavioural problems. Given this, we caution that our results do not have any necessary policy implications.

Acknowledgments

We are extremely grateful to all the families who took part in this study, the midwives for their help in recruiting them, and the whole ALSPAC team, which includes interviewers, computer and laboratory technicians, clerical workers, research scientists, volunteers, managers, receptionists and nurses.

Author Contributions

Conceived and designed the experiments: PJE SHG ADR MRM. Performed the experiments: PJE SHG ADR MRM. Analyzed the data: SHG MRM. Wrote the paper: PJE SHG ADR MRM.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Prospective Investigation of Video Game Use in Children and Subsequent Conduct Disorder and Depression Using Data from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
There is increasing public and scientific concern regarding the long-term behavioural effects of video game use in children, but currently little consensus as to the nature of any such relationships. We investigated the relationship between video game use in children, degree of violence in games, and measures of depression and a 6-level banded measure of conduct disorder.

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Saru Kalva- Dependent Personality Disorder

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Saru Kalva- Dependent Personality Disorder

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DPD is characterized by an excessive reliance on other people. As a result, they may be seen as "clingy". Those with this disorder are constantly terrified of being alone, and with their low self-esteem, they have low confidence in their abilities, believing they will never be able to handle life on their own. They are extremely passive people, and will allow others to make their decisions for them.

Informational video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N5xM1_V9f4A

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It's natural to depend on others for emotional support; even the most reclusive introverts emerge from the routine of Netflix-reading-cats every once in a while. But what happens when your reliance on friends and family veers into harmful territory - for yourself or for others? This is one of the signs of dependent personality disorder, a psychological disorder characterized by a chronic reliance on other people to fulfill emotional or even physical needs.

Part of what makes personality disorders so difficult to diagnose, and by extension so controversial, is the often-blurred line where simple expressions of personality become a disorder - which is why "harmful territory" is the operative phrase here. Typical "clingy" behavior - fantasizing about getting married early on in a relationship, texting constantly, and so on - is one thing, but it's another matter entirely to leave all your decisions, both large and small, up to the whims of other people. Like most personality disorders, a dependent personality becomes dependent personality disorder (DPD) when it consistently impairs functioning over time, independent of factors like medical conditions or substance abuse. Specifically, DPD is characterized by a pervasive need to be taken care of by other people, as well as a crippling fear of being alone.

Let's take a look at a few ways DPD can manifest below - although again, the following list isn't the basis for a diagnosis. But if your fear of being abandoned and inability to make independent decisions impairs your everyday life, you might want to look into seeing a psychologist.

1. You Have Incredibly Low Self-Esteem

People with DPD often have extremely low self-esteem and depend on the approval of others for validation. The opposite is true as well: Psych Central writes that they take criticism as "proof of their worthlessness," which may contribute to their determination to hold on to relationships.

2. Everyone Calls You "Clingy" or "Passive"

As the result of their deep-rooted fear of being left to care for themselves, people with DPD often exhibit clingy behaviors. Similarly, their inability to make decisions independently results in a passive nature, especially if they find someone who is willing to make decisions for them.

3. You Can't Make Decisions On Your Own

People with DPD rely on others for everything from major life decisions - where to live, what career to pursue, and so on - to the minutiae of everyday life. Sending screenshots of texts to your BFF for input before responding is pretty normal, if a little codependent, but if you can't decide what to wear anytime you leave your house without texting someone first, it's not a good sign.

4. You Hate Being Alone

Much of DPD stems from a paralyzing fear of loneliness; people with the disorder are irrationally terrified of being left to care for themselves. As a result, they're uncomfortable being alone even temporarily, and they're often preoccupied with the thought of being left by themselves.

5. You Bounce From Relationship To Relationship

When a close relationship ends, someone with DPD generally rushes to fill the void left in its absence. This goes beyond serial monogamy - someone with DPD is so scared of being alone that they can't function without another source of support.

6. You Can't Take The Initiative

People with DPD often can't take the initiative on projects or make decisions without someone else's input, a paralysis that stems from their lack of self-confidence.

7. You'll Agree To Anything If It Means Someone Won't Leave

As Psychology Today writes, people with DPD "may go to extreme lengths to obtain nurturance and support from others, even to the point of volunteering for unpleasant tasks if such behavior will bring the care that they need." Needless to say, this can get someone into sticky situations - and that's one of the reasons why it's so important for people with DPD to get the help they need.
Images: Pexels, Giphy (7)

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7 Signs You Might Have A Dependent Personality

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It's natural to depend on others for emotional support; even the most reclusive introverts emerge from the routine of Netflix-reading-cats every once in a while. But what happens when your reliance on friends and family veers into harmful territory -...

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Dissociative amnesia occurs when a person blocks out certain information, usually associated with a stressful or traumatic event, leaving him or her unable to remember important personal information.

Red Flag:
Blocking

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Rachel Weaver- Generalized Anxiety Disorder 

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Rachel Weaver- Generalized Anxiety Disorder 

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Type of anxiety where person feels tense and apprehensive on a regular basis. Accompanied by increase in automatic nervous system (increase in blood pressure and heart rate)
Feelings of tension, jittery, muscles aching, on edge,
Habits of looking for danger or problems, "head on a swivel"
Often no tangible source, anxiety about general  situations
"something bad is out there and will happen to them"
Informational Video https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IaPN9KQoYbs

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Erika Rathburn- Illness anxiety disorder

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Erika Rathburn- Illness anxiety disorder

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Obsession with the idea of having a serious but undiagnosed medical condition. People suffering from this may experience pain caused by psychological factors, and physiological symptoms include paranoia, constant fear, and repeated over thinking. Treatments include exposure therapy, and mindful based stress reduction.
Video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N4BSJ7YGClE
Article:

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Illness anxiety disorder: Illness anxiety disorder, mental disorder characterized by an excessive preoccupation with illness and a tendency to fear or believe that one has a serious disease on the basis of the presence of insignificant physical signs or symptoms. Illness anxiety disorder is thought to be derived from the

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Kassandra Boucher - Body Dysmorphic Disorder

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Kassandra Boucher - Body Dysmorphic Disorder

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Body dysmorphic disorder is characterized as a mental illness involving obsessive focus on a perceived flaw in appearance. Some symptoms are, people with this disorder may frequently examine their appearance in a mirror, constantly compare their appearance with that of others, and avoid social situations or photos.

Red flag
-Obsessive preoccupation with self
-Belief in nonexistent flaws
-Camouflaging (with clothing, makeup, hair, hats....)
-Skin picking

Article:
http://www.bbc.com/news/health-33190297
Video:

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You are not alone - Body Dysmorphic Disorder (BDD)

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Duchess Solomon- Dissociative Identity disorder 

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Duchess Solomon- Dissociative Identity disorder 

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Formerly known as Multiple personality disorder. Severe condition in which two or more distinct identities, or personality states, are present in—and alternately take control of—an individual. Each identity has a separate history, self image and identity.
Article:
http://jdc.jefferson.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1370&context=jeffjpsychiatry
Red Flag words
-Fragmented
-Childhood trauma

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Watch a therapy session with Kim Noble, a woman with dissociative identity disorder, and see several of her 20 multiple personalities come out.

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Recurrent panic attacks (red flag words) (abrupt surges of intense fear or intense discomfort accompanied by physical and/or cognitive symptoms).

Article: http://www.anxietycoach.com/causes-panic-attacks.html

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Cecelia Bacon- Antisocial Personality Disorder

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Cecelia Bacon- Antisocial Personality Disorder

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Antisocial personality disorder is a personality disorder characterized by disregard for, or violation of, the rights of others.  People with this disorder often cross the line and violate those rights and often feel little or no empathy toward other people, and doesn’t see the problem in bending or breaking the law for their own needs or wants.

Red Flag words:
- no empathy
-selfish

Article:
http://www.psychiatrictimes.com/antisocial-personality-disorder/psychopathy-and-antisocial-personality-disorder-case-diagnostic-confusion

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Antisocial Personality Disorder | Human Behavior

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short presentation I put together for my human behavior class

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Ben Oswalt- Borderline Personality Disorder

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Ben Oswalt- Borderline Personality Disorder

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A disorder that causes abnormal behavior and unstable relationships, emotions, and sense of identity. People with this have a fear of abandonment and often have accompanying symptoms of depression, eating disorders, and substance abuse.

Red Flags:
- Unstable
- Abnormal Behavior

Video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xdPuSnP8YY8

Article:

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Borderline Personality Disorder and Emotion Dysregulation

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https://doi.org/10.1186/2051-6673-1-1
Received: 14 March 2014

Accepted: 14 March 2014

Published: 10 April 2014

Borderline Personality Disorder (BPD) has become a major focus of interest in psychiatric and psychological research over the last two decades. BPD was once considered to be a disorder with a poor prognosis that was persistent and disabling, but research has shown that it can be effectively treated and that substantial numbers of patients with BPD improve dramatically over time [, ]. New findings have emerged from psychometrics to genetics, greatly increasing our knowledge of the neurobiology and pathoetiology of BPD. We have often been approached by colleagues, e.g. at scientific meetings, that a journal with a specific focus on BPD and its most central feature emotion dysregulation, covering the broad and expanding scope of the field is urgently needed. Therefore, we felt the time was ripe to launch a new journal devoted to BPD. Our new open-access journal Borderline Personality Disorder and Emotion Dysregulation ( BPDED; ) will provide a platform for researchers and clinicians interested in BPD and in other conditions prominently characterized by emotion dysregulation to share information and new knowledge about these important conditions.

The journal will focus on the psychological, social and neurobiological aspects of emotion dysregulation. It will cover the whole range of BPD research including, but not limited to, epidemiology, phenomenology, pathophysiology, psychological and pharmacological treatment, neurobiology, genetics, and animal models of BPD. It is important to mention that we also welcome submissions from other fields of psychiatric or psychological research, as long as there is a link to BPD or emotion dysregulation. Emotion dysregulation is at the core of BPD but also stands on its own as a major pathological component of the underlying neurobiology of various other psychiatric disorders. Prominent examples here are posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). We are very lucky to have an excellent editorial board (see also ) to assist us, all among the leading experts in BPD and neighboring disorders, who cover the whole range of this large and fascinating field of psychopathology.

Open-access publishing has several advantages: All articles are freely and universally accessible online, so that an author's work is available to readers at no cost and not limited by library budgets. This ensures that the author's work is disseminated to the widest possible audience. Open access journals have the potential to reach a much larger set of readers than any subscription-based journal, in print and online []. Some studies have even suggested a correlation between open access, higher downloads and higher citations, leading to a higher Impact Factor [, ]. In contrast to other types of publication, authors hold copyright for their work and can grant anyone the right to reproduce and disseminate the article, provided that it is correctly cited and no errors are introduced.

BPDED articles will be archived in PubMed Central, and other freely accessible full-text repositories. This complies with the policies of a number of funding bodies including the Wellcome Trust, NIH and Howard Hughes Medical Institute. A country's economy will not influence its researchers' ability to access articles because resource-poor countries (and institutions) will be able to read the same material as wealthier ones. The traditional business model for scientific publishers relies on restricting access to published research, in order to recoup the costs of the publication process. This restriction of access to published research prevents full use being made of digital technologies, and is contrary to the interests of authors, funders and the scientific community as a whole.

In contrast, an open access publishing model treats publication as the last phase of the research process. Article-processing charges (APCs) cover the cost of the publication process to allow free and immediate access to the research articles. APCs ensure transparency and allow publishers to compete to provide the best service at the best price. By coupling the cost of publication to research budgets, APCs ensure that the journal publishing system can scale to cope with an ever-increasing volume of research. Several funding agencies support open-access publishing and provide budgets for APCs. Since we are aware of the fact that APCs still might discourage authors from publishing in open-access journals, we are pleased that the German Association for DBT has provided funding for approximately the first two years of the journal's publication to cover APCs on behalf of authors who do not have another means of funding. Articles will be rapidly peer-reviewed and will be published online soon after acceptance and will later be listed in PubMed.

Taken together, we strongly believe that our new journal is an important addition to the journal landscape on borderline personality disorder. With your highly appreciated contributions as authors submitting to BPDED as well as your interest as readers of the articles, we are convinced to make this journal a success. We sincerely hope that it will become an integral part of research in borderline personality and emotion dysregulation.

Martin Bohus MD, Christian Schmahl MD, John M Oldham MD.

Authors' Affiliations

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Borderline Personality Disorder and Emotion Dysregulation : A new journal to meet a growing need

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https://doi.org/10.1186/2051-6673-1-1 Received: 14 March 2014 Accepted: 14 March 2014 Published: 10 April 2014 Borderline Personality Disorder (BPD) has become a major focus of interest in psychiatric and psychological research over the last two decades.

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Bipolar disorder is characterized as a disorder where a person experiences a depressive mood then a manic mood. Both can occur for about a week to months
AKA: manic-depressive illness
Red Flags:
-depressive lows
-manic highs
Article:
http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/315914.php

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What is bipolar disorder? - Helen M. Farrell

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The presence of delusions, hallucinations, disorganized thinking/speech,  and disorganized/abnormal motor behavior. There is no cure but there are treatments and therapies available.
Three symptoms:
- Negative: "flat affect", reduced feelings in everyday things, reduced speaking
- Positive: lose touch with reality, hallucinations, agitated body movements, unusual ways of thinking
- Cognitive: trouble understanding and making decisions, trouble focusing and paying attention, hard to use info immediately after learning it

Article: http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/36942.php

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Schizophrenia & Dissociative Disorders: Crash Course Psychology #32

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Lydia Hugo- Histrionic Personality Disorder

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Lydia Hugo- Histrionic Personality Disorder

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Histrionic Personality Disorder is a long-standing pattern of attention seeking behavior and extreme emotionality.

Some "red flag words" could be if a question asks about a person who wants to be the center of attention, upset if not given enough attention, perceived as shallow, engaging in provocative behaviors to get attention.

Article by PsychCentral: https://psychcentral.com/disorders/histrionic-personality-disorder-symptoms/

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DJ_ixqlKu8Q

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Agoraphobia
Marked anxiety about using public transportation, being in open spaces, being in enclosed places, being a crowd, and/or being outside of the home alone.

Red Flag

Anxiety

Alone

Crowd

Public

Article
http://www.nhs.uk/Conditions/Agoraphobia/Pages/Introduction.aspx

Video
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ihOyKq8ms58

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Your Name Here - Disorder You're Researching

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Your Name Here - Disorder You're Researching

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Then include a short description and what you think might be "red flag words" that you'd see in a questions that help you quickly identify which disorder it is.
Include an appropriate video and an article about your topic.