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An illustrated guide to the African symbols called Adinkra used in Ghana, West Africa, with an adinkra index and high-quality adinkra images.

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Adinkra Symbols at African Burial Ground
NPS

As one walks along the African Burial Ground National Monument, seven mounds made from grass encompass the side of the memorial where a granite prism structure stands, firm and grounded, the sound of rushing water can be heard. The granite headstone is the rendering of a ship, ships that carried thousands of Africans through the Middle Passage into North America.

Approaching the monument, symbols of a writing system decorate the interior of the Memorial, each representing different African cultures and peoples, whose lives changed forever once docked in North America. On the stern of the ship is a carved Nyame Biribi Wo Soro symbol, representing the reliance on God for inspiration.1 As the ship moves through the strong waters of the sea, crowded with thousands of enslaved Africans, the symbol lies on the stern of the ship as if God has inspired the push in people, offering hope and a positive mind for the future.

On each side of the ship is a Nsibidi and Sankofa symbol. The Sankofa symbolizes the ability to learn from the past. The Nsibidi symbol represents progress and unity which is carved onto the side of the ship to remind us of the journey of the enslaved in the African Diaspora and how it was able to progress into a cultural diffusion that has truly affected the history of the world.

The Circle of Diaspora, which is represented by the open ring in the memorial, has multiple symbols from various backgrounds that can be seen. Each designs represent symbols in humanity. Walk through the monument and entering into the open ring, the symbols from left to right resemble the progression of the physical meanings to spiritual meanings as the granite floor gradually lowers itself to the cemetery underneath the memorial. The reason for the placement of each symbol on the memorial for the granite memorial represents a vessel. The memorial is open on the inside, representing a chamber of individual space, giving the visitors the opportunity for internalized reflection. As a memorial, the architects goal is to show that the granite block that you first see as you pass by Broadway is much more than a solid large piece of rock, but a symbol of the thousands of different stories and lives that have been affected by the Middle Passage.

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Learn the meanings of the Adinkra Symbols:
LEGBA - Guardian of the Crossroads GYE NYAME - Supremacy of God NKISI SARABANDA - Signature of the Spirit NSOROMMA - Guardianship ASASE YE DURU - Divinity of Mother Earth HYE WON HYE - Imperishability and Endurance ANKH - Egyptian Symbol of Life MEDICINE WHEEL - Native American Circle of Life LATIN CROSS - Christian Faith TANIT - Islamic Faith MANMAN BRIGITTE - Female Cemetery Guardians YOWA - Continuity of Human Life BARON - Male Cemetery Guardian MATE MASIE - Wisdom and Prudence AKOMA NTOSO - Understanding FUNTUNFUNEFU DENKYEMFUNEFU - Unity in Diversity DWENNIMMEN - Humility and Strength DENKYEM - Adaptability AKOMA - Endurance, Understanding NSIBIDI SYMBOL - Love and Unity (Progress and Journey) SANKOFA - Learn From the Past NYAME BIRIBI WO SORO- God is in the Heavens

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Adinkra Symbols Explained - African Burial Ground National Monument (U.S. National Park Service)

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As one walks along the African Burial Ground National Monument, seven mounds made from grass encompass the side of the memorial where a granite prism structure stands, firm and grounded, the sound of rushing water can be heard. The granite headstone is the rendering of a ship, ships that carried thousands of Africans through the Middle Passage into North America.

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Ed. Esther A. Dagan. Drums: The Heartbeat of Africa. Montreal, Canada, 1993, p. 99, figs. 27.2, 27.3, ill.

The Metropolitan Museum of Art. "Notable Acquisitions 1982-1983: Musical Instruments." The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin (1983), p. 45, ill.

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Breasted Drum | Akan, Ashanti | The Metropolitan Museum of Art

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Ed. Esther A. Dagan. Drums: The Heartbeat of Africa. Montreal, Canada, 1993, p. 99, figs. 27.2, 27.3, ill. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. "Notable Acquisitions 1982-1983: Musical Instruments." The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin (1983), p. 45, ill.

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Esu's Dance - West African Percussion by David Dykstra Custom Music

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Traditional West African percussion featuring djembes, talking drum, caxixi, kashakas, and gankogui.  

Composed/Produced/Performed by David Dykstra

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The Music of Sierra Leone

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Sierra Leone's music is a mixture of native, French, British, West Indian and Creole musical genres.

Palm wine music is representative, played by an acoustic guitar with percussion in countries throughout coastal West Africa.

Sierra Leone, like much of West Africa is open to Rap, Reggae, Dancehall, R&B, and Grime (music).

The national anthem of Sierra Leone, " High We Exalt Thee, Realm of the Free", was composed by John Akar with lyrics by Clifford Nelson Fyle and arrangement by Logie E. K. Wright. It was adopted upon independence in 1961.

The largest ethnic group in Sierra Leone (2009) is that of the Mel-speaking Temne people, 35% of the population. Next, at 31%, the Mande, along with 2% Mandingo, have music traditions related to Mande populations in neighbouring countries. Other recorded populations were the Limba ( 8%), the Kono (5%), the Loko (2%) and the Sierra Leone Creole people (2%), while 15% were recorded as "others".

The wars and civil conflict throughout West Africa, have resulted in a decrease in the presence of traditional music artists.

Sierra Leonean palm wine music is known as maringa, and it was first popularized by Ebenezer Calendar & His Maringar Band, who used Caribbean styles, especially Trinidadian calypso. Calendar played the guitar, trumpet, mandolin and the cornet, while also penning some of the most oft-played songs in Sierra Leonean music in the 1950s and 60s. His most popular song was "Double-Decker Bus", commissioned by Decca to promote the launching of a double-decker bus line. He eventually moved towards socially and spiritually aware lyrics.

Gumbe (also goombay or gumbay), is a Creole musical genre and has also had a long presence in Sierra Leone. The gumbe, a square drum with legs, was an important cultural symbol for the Jamaican maroon settlers who were to become part of the Sierra Leone Creole ethnic community. The drum had always been associated with the invocation of their ancestors (Bilby 2007:15), and played an important role in their Maroon strongholds in Jamaica in the 18th century, in their fight for freedom against the British. It was used for the communication of messages and also to warn them of future attacks being planned by the British. The sound of these drums provoked a trance from which these premonitions were made (Lewin 2000:160). The gumbe is still used today by the descendants of the maroons in Jamaica and Sierra Leone. Currently the gumbe enjoys a continuing presence in Creole culture in Sierra Leone. This drum is also still used in Freetown to enter into a trance and predict the future in events such as baptisms and weddings (Aranzadi 2010). Gumbe has also been influential on three of Sierra Leones's 20th century popular dance-music styles: namely Asiko or Ashiko, Maringa and Milo jazz (Collins: 2007:180). Dr. Oloh was the most widely acknowledged innovator of Sierra Leone gumbe and milo jazz music

Beginning in the 1970s, rumba, Congolese music, funk and soul combined to form a popular kind of Afropop. Major bands of this era included Sabannoh 75, Orchestra Muyei, Super Combo and the Afro-National. Sierra Leoneans abroad have created their own styles, such as Seydu, Ansoumana Bangura, Abdul Tee-Jay, Bosca Banks, Daddy Rahmanu, Patricia Bakarr and Sidike Diabate and Mwana Musa's African Connexion.

The internet has encouraged the youth to new styles of music. Many songs have political and social themes, informing the populace and checking politicians. The independent film, Sweet Salone, displays many of these artists, fans, and their music.

Mwana Musa (Musa Kalamulah) and the band African Connexion married Sierra Leone, Congolese and jazz rhythms. Mwana Musa was an able composer who worked with musicians such as David Toop, Steve Beresford, Ray Carless, Ugo Delmirani, Robin Jones, Mongoley (Lipua Lipua) Safroman (GO Malebo)Len Jones one of Sierra Leones finest guitarists, Lindel Lewis, Ayo-Roy MAcauley leading guitarist from Sierra Leone, Kevin Robinson, Paapa Jay-Mensah etc. African Connexion was signed to Charlie Gillet's Oval Records and produced "C'est La Danse", "Moziki", "City Limits", "Midnight Pressure", "Dancing On The Sidewalk", a soca-tinged soukous, and " E Sidom Panam" - typical Sierra Leone dance music.

Aranzadi, Isabela de. 2010. "A Drums Trans-Atlantic Journey from Africa to the Americas and Back after the end of Slavery: Annobonese and Fernandino musical cultures". African Sociological Review 14 (1) 2010, pp. 20-47.[1]

Ashcroft, Ed and Richard Trillo. "Palm-Wine Sounds". 2000. In Broughton, Simon and Ellingham, Mark with McConnachie, James and Duane, Orla (Ed.), World Music, Vol. 1: Africa, Europe and the Middle East, pp 634-637. Rough Guides Ltd, Penguin Books. ISBN 1-85828-636-0

Stasik, Michael. 2012. DISCOnnections: Popular Music Audiences in Freetown, Sierra Leone. Bamenda & Leiden: Langaa & ASC Leiden. ISBN 9789956728510. [2]

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Sierra Leone's music is a mixture of native, French, British, West Indian and Creole musical genres. Palm wine music is representative, played by an acoustic guitar with percussion in countries throughout coastal West Africa. Sierra Leone, like much of West Africa is open to Rap, Reggae, Dancehall, R&B, and Grime (music).

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The Mossi (or Mole, Mosse, sing. Moaaga) are a Gur ethnic group native to modern Burkina Faso, primarily the Volta River basin. The Mossi are the largest ethnic group in Burkina Faso, constituting 52% of the population, or about 11.1 million people. The other 48% of Burkina Faso's population is composed of more than 60 ethnic groups, mainly the Gurunsi, Senufo, Lobi, Bobo and Fulani. The Mossi speak the Mòoré language.

The Mossi people originated in Burkina Faso, although significant numbers of Mossi live in neighboring countries, including Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Mali, and Togo. In 1996, the estimated population of Burkina Faso was 10,623,323. Five to six million are probably Mossi; another 1.2 million Mossi live in Côte d'Ivoire.

According to tradition, the Mossi come from the marriage of a Mamprusi princess and Mandé hunter.

Yennenga was a warrior princess, daughter of a Mamprusi king in upper east Ghana. While exploring her kingdom on horseback, she lost her way and was rescued by Rialé, a solitary Mandé hunter. They got married and gave birth to the first authentic Mossi, Ouedraogo, who is recognised as the father of Mossi people.

The Mossi are directly descended from the Mamprusi people and similarly live in upper east Ghana with a capital of Bawku/Nalerigu. These legendary origins apply only to the Nakomse (sing. Nakoambga), or the ruling class.

The Tengabisi and other Mossi peoples do not share these origin myths.

As the Mossi people's history has been kept by oral tradition, it is impossible to assign precise dates for the period before colonization. Nevertheless, historians assign the beginning of their existence as a state to the 15th century.[citation needed ] The Mossi were able to conquer a vast amounts of territory thanks to their mastering of the horse, created a prosperous empire, and kept peace in the region until the beginning of colonialism. The expansion of the Mossi empire was stopped in the 19th century with the initiation of intensive colonisation by the French.

French rule affected Mossi society and weakened the power of the Mossi emperor, the Mogho Naaba. Despite colonization, the Mogho Naaba was given some authority over the Mossi during the French colonial period. He is consulted today for crucial decisions, especially those affecting the destiny of society. Two great events have affected the status of the Mogho Naaba during colonization:

During the initial phase of the French invasion, he retired to the Mamprusi kingdom with which the Mossi have always kept brotherly relations.

In 1896, the Mogho accepted the French protectorate.

Mossi and several other peoples played a significant role in France's military during World War II. They constituted part of the corps in the military troops of French West Africa, known in French as the Tirailleurs Sénégalais.

The Mossi people have organised their society in an original hierarchic process in which family and state are the key elements. The Mossi people are very heterogeneous. When horsemen invaded from the south they created a political or ruling class, called Nakomse (sing. Nakoambga), and a spiritual class called Tengabisi. All chiefs come from the ruling class. The Tengabisi include Saya (smiths), Nyonyose (farmers), Yarse (weavers and merchants), and others.

The origins of the Nyonyose are diverse: In the north their ancestors were Dogon and Kurumba, in the southwest their ancestors were Lela, Nuna, Sisala and others, and in the far east they were Gurmantche. These people were united into a new ethnicity called Mossi in about 1500.

It is a mistake to describe a "Nyonyosé tribe" or the "art of the Nyonyosé" because the Nyonyose do not exist outside Mossi society. All Nyonyosé are Mossi. At the same time, it is a mistake to assume that all segments of Mossi society are culturally identical, for the differences between the Nakomsé and the Tengabisi are striking; only the Tengabisi use masks, and only the Nakomsé use figures in the context of political celebrations. The Nakomse are the political class, and the Tengabisi are the spiritual class.

The highest position in Mossi society is that of the Emperor, who is given executive power. The Emperor's role is to rule the entire population and to protect the kingdom. Today, he lives in Ouagadougou, the historical and present capital of Burkina Faso. Though the political dynamic of the country has changed, the Mogho Naaba (Emperor) is recognised by his people and has substantial authority.

Second to the Emperor come the nobles, Nakomse ("people of power"; sing. Nakoambga), who all are from the family of the Emperor, whether they be brothers, sisters, cousins, or otherwise. All dignitaries come from the Emperor's family. The Nakomse are often assigned territories in the kingdom as governorships and rule in the name of the Mogho Naaba. As in the past, the Emperor needs the support of the "ancient ones", his Nyon-nyonse (or gnon-gnon-sse) subjects to fully exercise his power. The Nyon-nyonse are the peoples who lived in Mossi-controlled regions before the Mossi.

Mossi society is divided vertically into two major segments: the descendants of the horsemen who conquered the peoples on the Mossi plateau are called the Nakomse, and all Mossi chiefs come exclusively from the Nakomse class. These people use figures as political art to validate their rule over the peoples they conquered. The descendants of the ancient farming peoples who had occupied the land from the beginning of time and who, by right of first occupation, were and are the owners of the land are called the Tengabisi ("people of the earth"). These Tengabisi can be further divided into groups of smiths ( Saya), groups of traders () and, most important, groups of farmers ( Nyonyose). Generally the smiths and the traders do not use masks, but the Nyonyose are the principal makers and users of masks in Mossi society.

They constitute the larger part of the population and are all subjects of the emperor. These two groups are generally fused but have internal subdivisions, each one having its own ruling family; they perform ceremonies and other important events. Mossi people often identify with groups; hence, at all levels, there is a hierarchy in Mossi society. In everyday life, the family hierarchy is most important, and family is often directly associated with the notion of hierarchy for the Mossi.

'Mogonaba' was what Leo Frobenius was told was the appropriate term for the emperor of Mossi at Wagadugu when he visited the country in 1904-6. His is one of the few disinterested reports as he was an anthropologist and not a missionary, representative of a European company, or military. He describes a court much like a European one (he may have an anti-aristocratic bias) with nobles in intrigues over commerce, power and industry. This report alone caused disbelief in Europe as no European source had ever considered Africans to be socially like Europeans. The lack of racism in Frobenius' report and his discovery of an industrious people and what some would describe as a glorious past interested W.E.B. Du Bois in Frobenius' other writings on Africa. Rudolf Blind's translation in English of the Voice of Africa, published by Hutchinson & Co., produced some racist comments he thought necessary to conform with English sensitivities - otherwise he believed no Englishman would consider the book realistic.

An important contribution was made in the 1960s by the historian Elliott P. Skinner, who wrote at length about the sophistication of Mossi political systems in The Mossi of the Upper Volta: The Political Development of a Sudanese People. This was at a time when many African countries were gaining independence, and Skinner strongly made the point that African peoples were very clearly qualified to govern themselves.

Group identity and values within the Mossi and contrasted against other ethnic groups are tied first and foremost to language.

The Mossi speak the More language, of the Western Oti-Volta group of languages, northwestern sub-group. It is spoken in Burkina Faso, Ghana, and Ivory Coast. This language group is part of a larger grouping, Gur languages belonging to the Niger-Congo family. In the language there are a few dialects based mainly on region. For example, there is a dialect spoken in Yatenga ( Ouahigouya), another distinct dialect in the northern region, a third in the southeast in Koupela, different from a fourth dialect in the same region called Tenkodogo. Despite these regional differences, the dialects are mutually intelligible.[citation needed ]

According to the explanations of Marie Tapsoba, the former Cultural Counsellor at Burkina Embassy in Senegal and Mossi herself, Mossi culture can be divided into four main values characteristic of the ethnic group.

Ancestors are believed to have reached a better world from which they can influence life on earth. They can help or punish their descendants depending on their behavior. Ancestors are also the judges that have the power to allow a descendant to enter the "pantheon of the ancestors". If an ancestor chooses to deny entrance, the soul of the disavowed one is condemned to run at random for all eternity. Because of these beliefs, Mossi swear by their ancestors or by the land; when they do so (which only occurs in extreme situations), it is more than symbolic - it is a call to imminent justice.

Land is related to the ancestors, being a path by which one can access the ancestors. Even today, this notion gives a unique value to land in Mossi thought. Land is considered to be much more than simple dust and has a spiritual dimension to it. A Mossi's life depends on his/her land, and it is essential for the family settlement.

Family is an essential cultural element of the Mossi, who hold collectivism in high regard. Individualism does not exist in traditional Mossi culture: one's actions and behaviors are always taken to be characteristics of one's family. They must always ask an elder in order to do something. As a result, all are expected to act in their family's name; thus, the family is the smallest entity in the Mossi society. Heritage is patrilineal, passed down from a father to his sons. However, when a man has no sons, women can inherit from their husbands and even from their father.

Hierarchy is a fundamental concept for the Mossi and pervasive in their culture. The family is organised like a kingdom with its king - the husband and father, his advisor - the wife, and the people - the children. Aunts and uncles play a role by helping in the education and raising of children.

Ceremonies and celebrations pace the life of Mossi people, with each celebration having its particulars. Through them the community expresses joy or suffering, or simply fulfills duties to the memory of the ancestors.

The Friday Mogho Naaba court ceremony derives from an event when the Moro Naba's sister fled north to the land of Yadega, the kingdom called Yatenga. As she fled north, she carried all of the amulets of power, or nam, with her. The Moro Naba had to decide whether to follow her and retrieve his sacred power objects or to remain behind to rule over his people. Three times he left his palace to mount a white horse, and three times he returned to the palace. In the end he did not pursue his sister, and to this day the kings of Yatenga claim that they hold the power of Mossi rule.

The political segment of Mossi society, the Nakomse (sing. Nakoambga), use art to validate their rule. Bridles, saddles, stirrups and other objects associated with the horse are very important. In addition, Mossi chiefs use carved wooden figures to represent their royal ancestors. These figures are displayed each year at royal festivals called na possum, when the heads of each household in the community reaffirm their allegiance and loyalty to the chief.

The Nyonyose (the ancient farmers and spiritual segment of Mossi society) use masks in their religious observances and rituals. The Nakomse (chief class) do not use masks. Masks in initiations and funerals is typical of all the Voltaic or Gur-speaking peoples, including the Nyonyose, Lela, Winiama, Nouna, Bwaba, and Dogon. Masks appear at burials to observe on behalf of the ancestors that proper procedures are carried out. They appear at funeral or memorial services held at regular intervals over the few years after an elder has died. Masks attend to honor the deceased and to verify that the spirit of the deceased merits admission into the world of ancestors. Without a proper funeral, the spirit remains near the home and causes trouble for his/her descendants.

Masks are carved of the wood of the Ceiba pentandra, the faux kapokier. They are carved in three major styles that correspond to the styles of the ancient people who were conquered in 1500 by the invading Nakomse and integrated into a new Mossi society:

In the north masks are vertical planks with a round concave or convex face.

In the southwest masks represent animals such as antelope, bush buffalo, and strange creatures, and are painted red, white and black.

In the east, around Boulsa, masks have tall posts above the face to which fiber is attached.

Female masks have two pairs of round mirrors for eyes; small masks, representing Yali ("the child") have two vertical horns. All Nyonyose masks are worn with thick costumes made of the fiber of the wild hemp, Hibiscus cannabinus. In the old days only the northern Nyonyose in Yatenga and Kaya, and the eastern people around Boulsa allowed their masks to be photographed. The people in the southwest forbade photography because it did not conform to the yaaba soore, the path of the ancestors.

Mask characters include Balinga, the Fulani woman; katre, the hyena; nyaka, the small antelope; Wan pelega, the large antelope, and many others. Masks from all three areas appear at annual public festivals such as International Art & Craft Fair ( Salon international de l'Artisanat de Ouagadougou or SIAO), Week of the Culture, and the Atypical Nights of Koudougou ( Les Nuits Atypiques de Koudougou). Each Nyonyose family has its own mask, and they are charged with protecting the masks to this day. Masks are very sacred and are a link to the spirits of ancestors and of nature.

Roy, Christopher D. Art of the Upper Volta Rivers. Meudon: Chaffin, 1987 [1]

Roy, Christopher D. Land of the Flying Masks. Munich: Prestel, 2007.

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The Mossi (or Mole, Mosse, sing. Moaaga) are a Gur ethnic group native to modern Burkina Faso, primarily the Volta River basin. The Mossi are the largest ethnic group in Burkina Faso, constituting 52% of the population, or about 11.1 million people.