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Mozambique was a Portuguese colony until 1975. During the colonial era both women and men faced oppression and discrimination.

The newly formed government (FRELIMO) after the independence was comitted to building an inclusive and equal society. However, women's advocay groups still played a significant role in pushing forward political rights.

The first general elections were held in 1977 and during these, both men and women were granted the right to vote. So technically, it could be considered that women gained the right ot vote in 1977.

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Curadoria coletiva e textos: Francisco Phelipe, Cunha Paz, Jéssica Rosa, Matheus Serva Pereira, Patrícia Oliveira.
Pesquisa: Castorina Augusta Madureira de Camargo, Francisco Phelipe, Cunha Paz, Jéssica Rosa, Maria Dutra de Lima, Marina Rebelo, Matheus Serva Pereira, Patrícia Oliveira
Consultoria: Catarina Casemiro, Isabel Casemiro,
Edição de Vídeos: Asfilofio Filho
Revisão técnica e coordenação: Matheus Serva Pereira
Administração e edição: Natália de Sena Carneiro

Colaboração / Apoio / Agradecimentos:
Amauri Mendes Pereira, Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth (AEL-Unicamp), Cultne, Cris Pereira, Dom Filó, Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa (ICS-ULisboa),Rede de Historiadoras Negras e Historiadores Negros.

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Mozambican women in battle and the construction of a colonial liberation heroine - Google Arts & Culture

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Learn more about the action of Mozambican women in the armed conflict against Portuguese colonialism and the trajectory of Josina Machel as a heroic figure of the country's independence.

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1. 1960

2. In 1960 the Islamic Republic of Mauritania gained independence from France. Universal suffrage was written into the new nation's constitution, as was standard across former French colonies in West Africa.

3. https://kassataya.com/2020/10/09/une-militante-mauritanienne-distinguee-par-un-prix-pour-les-droits-humains/

(Rached El-Moctar)

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Slovakya'nın tarihinde kadınların oy hakkını kazanması, ülkenin bağımsızlığını ilan ettiği dönemlere dayanır. Czechoslovakia'nın bir parçası olarak, Slovakya'nın kadınlara oy hakkını tanıması, bu devletin kuruluşundan sonra gerçekleşti.

Czechoslovakia, I. Dünya Savaşı sonrasında 28 Ekim 1918'de bağımsızlığını ilan etti. Czechoslovak Devleti, kadınların seçme ve seçilme hakkını tanıyan reformları hızla hayata geçiren ilk devletlerden biriydi.

Slovakya'nın bağımsızlık süreci sırasında, kadın hakları konusundaki gelişmeler genellikle Czechoslovakia çerçevesinde ele alınır. Czechoslovakia, 1920 yılında kadınlara yerel seçimlerde oy hakkı tanıdı. Daha sonra, 1921 yılında yapılan anayasa değişikliği ile kadınlara genel seçimlerde oy hakkı verildi.

Bu dönemde, kadınlar genellikle savaş dönemlerinde ve devrim sonrasında daha geniş toplumsal ve siyasi haklar elde etme eğilimindeydi. Ancak bu süreçler ülkeden ülkeye değişiklik gösterdiği için, Slovakya'nın kadınların oy hakkını tanıma sürecini daha ayrıntılı incelemek istiyorsanız, Slovakya'nın özgü tarih kaynaklarına ve belgelerine başvurmanız faydalı olacaktır.

(Gülizar Kılıç)

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In 1974, Women in Jordan got the right to vote and to be elected to parliament.

This was achieved by the efforts of Queen Alia Al Hussein; The queen made many changes in Jordan at the time, But one of her most prominent roles at the time was being the feminine Icon all women wanted to be. Upon calling for this action, This changed how other countries perceived Jordan, Also changing how women see themselves in Jordan forever.

(Hamza Abbadi)

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Alia Bahauddin Toukan (علياء بهاء الدين طوقان ); 25 December 1948 - 9 February 1977), also known as Alia Al Hussein ( Arabic: علياء الحسين), was Queen of Jordan as the third wife of King Hussein from their marriage on 24 December 1972 until her death in a helicopter crash in 1977.

Queen Alia walking alongside Jordanian Army Chief of Staff Habis Majali.

Alia Toukan was born on 25 December 1948 in Cairo, Egypt, the daughter of Baha Toukan and his wife Hanan Hashim. Her mother, a home-maker, was a niece of Ibrahim Hashim Pasha, and her father was a diplomat. At the time of Alia's birth, he was the ambassador of Jordan to the Court of St James's (United Kingdom), Italy, Turkey and Egypt all at once. Toukan, a close confidant of King Abdullah I of Jordan, had previously helped write the Jordanian Constitution in 1952, and had served as Jordan's first Ambassador to the United Nations.

Alia spent most of her childhood years traveling with her parents during her father's career in Jordan's diplomatic corps: she lived in Egypt, Turkey, London, the United States, and Rome. She attended Church School in London with her younger brothers, Alaa and Abdullah. She was educated at the Rome Center of Liberal Arts of Loyola University Chicago. She studied political science with a minor in social psychology, and public relations at Hunter College in New York City. She was interested in sports and writing, and she wished to be a diplomat. In 1971, she moved to Jordan, where she worked for Royal Jordanian Airlines. She was asked by King Hussein, grandson of Abdullah I, to oversee the preparations for the first International Water Skiing Festival held in the coastal city of Aqaba in September 1972.[citation needed ]

Alia married the King in a private ceremony at her father's house, with no attendance of any other royal family members, on 24 December 1972, 3 days after the king divorced his second wife Princess Muna Al-Hussein, and was titled Queen Alia Al Hussein ( Arabic: الملكة علياء الحسين).

They also adopted Abir, a young Palestinian girl whose mother had been killed by a plane crash at a refugee camp near the Amman airport.

Queen Alia (left) with her husband following state dinner with Betty and Gerald Ford on 30 March 1976.

Queen Alia founded the Office of the Queen of Jordan and gave it an active and public role. The active role she took in Jordan has been emulated by her successors. She financed social development projects, placing particular emphasis on women and children. She often made surprise visits to hospitals and national institutions, aiming to raise service standards and help people to help themselves. In her drive to ensure that children from impoverished backgrounds received their right to education, she fostered close ties with schools such as the Schneller School for Orphans, which took many of the street children that Queen Alia sent there.

Her commitment to improving social services continued throughout her lifetime and was still pursued in her name after her death, when King Hussein ensured the continuation of the many educational scholarships given in her honour.

Alia's love of the arts and literature inspired the establishment of libraries throughout the country, including one at the Central Bank of Jordan and another in the King Hussein Medical City. Her interest in the arts led to the founding of the Haya Cultural Centre for Children, the National Folklore Troupe and the Alia Art Gallery. It was also instrumental in conceiving the Jerash Festival for the Arts.

In 1974, Alia called for women to be granted the right to vote and be elected for parliament. On 4 April 1974, a law was promulgated granting women this right; however, the suspension of parliamentary life in Jordan between 1974 and 1989 prevented its implementation.

Alia died in a military helicopter crash in Amman, Jordan, on 9 February 1977. She was on her way back from an inspection trip to Tafileh Hospital in southern Jordan. King Hussein announced her death on radio, stating that the crash had happened in a violent rainstorm. The Minister of Health Mohammed al‐Beshir and the pilot were also killed in the crash. Her funeral ceremony took place on the following day, in which members of the Jordanian Armed Forces took part. Among the foreign dignitaries at the funeral was the Syrian president Hafez al-Assad.

Amman's principal airport, Queen Alia International Airport (AMM), was built in 1983 and named in her honour. It is located 32 km (20 miles) south of the city and replaced Amman Marka International Airport (now Amman Civil Airport) as the city's main gateway.

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Alia Bahauddin Toukan (علياء بهاء الدين طوقان ); 25 December 1948 - 9 February 1977), also known as Alia Al Hussein ( Arabic: علياء الحسين), was Queen of Jordan as the third wife of King Hussein from their marriage on 24 December 1972 until her death in a helicopter crash in 1977.

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In 1980 women got the right to vote under the ruling of Saddam Hussein.

After implementing many reforms , and the decision to enfranchise women was one such measure. It aimed to showcase a modernized image of Iraq and enhance the country's political standing.

Assan mousa

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Naziha Jawdet Ashgah al-Dulaimi (1923 - 9 October 2007) was an early pioneer of the Iraqi feminist movement. She was a co-founder and the first president of the Iraqi Women's League, the first woman minister in modern Iraq history, and the first woman cabinet minister in the Arab world.

Al-Dulaimi was born in Baghdad, where her family settled in the late 19th century. She studied medicine at the Royal College of Medicine (later attached to the University of Baghdad), where she was one of the few female students at the Medical College. During that time, she joined the "Women's Society for Combating Fascism and Nazism" and was actively involved in its work. Later on, when the society changed its name to the "Association of Iraqi Women," she became a member of its executive committee.

In 1941, she graduated as a medical doctor, specializing in gynaecology, and subsequently, joined the Royal Hospital in Baghdad, later transferring to Karkh Hospital. Throughout that period, she faced harassment from the royal security apparatus because she sympathized with the poor and cared for them for free at her clinic in the Shawakah district. Moving to Sulaimaniyah, her clinic once again turned into a refuge where patients were provided free treatment. From Sulaiminiyah, she was transferred to other cities and provinces ( Kerbala, Umarah).

In 1948, she became a full member of the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), which at the time was opposing the ruling monarchy. In January 1948, al-Dulaimi was involved in the uprising "al-Wathbah" against the colonialist Portsmouth Treaty.

In 1952, she wrote the book The Iraqi Woman which focused on telling the story of women from the peasant class ( al-fallahin) who were deprived of all rights in terms of both gender and class oppression. She also wrote about women from higher classes who had higher material status but were still considered property rather than human.

She attempted to revive the Association of Iraqi Women, supported by dozens of women activists, and applied to the authorities to set up a "Women's Liberation Society." The application was rejected. In response, some of the signatories led by al-Dulaimi decided to set up this organization clandestinely after changing the name to the League for Defending Iraqi Woman's Rights. The League thus came into being on March 10, 1952. Among the League's objectives were struggling for national liberation and world peace, defending Iraqi women's rights, and protecting Iraqi children.

Under the leadership and active participation of al-Dulaimi, the League (now entitled Iraqi Women's League) developed during the following years and turned into a mass organization after the 14 July Revolution. With its membership rising to 42,000 (from a total population of 8 million citizens), it achieved many gains for Iraqi women, in particular the Personal Status Law No. 188 (1959).

In appreciation of its role and achievements, the Iraqi Women's League became a permanent member of the Secretariat of the International Women's Federation. al-Dulaimi was elected to the Federation's assembly and executive, later becoming the vice president.

During the 1950s, al-Dulaimi was an active participant in the Iraqi Peace Movement and was a member of the preparatory committee for the Peace Partisans conference that was held in Baghdad on 25 July 1954; she was also a member of the World Peace Council. She spent the 1950s researching and eradicating the indigenous Bejel bacteria in southern Iraq.

After the monarchy was overthrown, she was appointed by President Abd al-Karim Qasim as Minister of Municipalities in the 1959 cabinet as the sole representative of the ICP in his republican government. She was the first female minister in Iraq's modern history and the first woman cabinet minister in the Arab world. She later assumed the post of State Minister in a later cabinet formation. During her government career, al-Dulaimi was instrumental in turning the vast slums of eastern Baghdad into a massive public work and housing project that came to be known as Thawra City - now Sadr City. She also helped author the secular 1959 Civil Affairs Law, which reformed marriage and inheritance laws to the advantage of Iraqi women.

Because of her activities in the Communist Party and the patriotic movement, al-Dulaimi faced harassment and repression. She was forced to leave the country and go into exile several times, although she continued to aid the work of the Communist party, the women's movement, and democratic rights. al-Dulaimi occupied a leading position in the party and became a member of its Central Committee. In the late 1970s, when the ruling dictatorial clique was preparing to launch its campaign against the Iraqi Communist Party, she was a member of the Secretariat of the Central Committee.

She played a prominent role in the leadership of the Committee for the Defense of the Iraqi People, which was set up after the leftist coup on February 8, 1963. The committee was headed by the Iraqi poet Muhammad Mahdi Al-Jawahiri. During the 1990s, she continued with her work in the women's movement, particularly in the Iraqi Women's League. The last major event she was actively involved with was a seminar on the situation of Iraqi women, held in 1999 in Cologne, Germany.

Al-Dulaimi participated in preparations for the 5th Congress of the Iraqi Women's League. Before it was convened (in March 2002), she suffered a stroke, resulting in paralysis. She died on 9 October 2007 in Herdecke at the age of 84 from complications associated with her stroke.

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Naziha Jawdet Ashgah al-Dulaimi (1923 - 9 October 2007) was an early pioneer of the Iraqi feminist movement. She was a co-founder and the first president of the Iraqi Women's League, the first woman minister in modern Iraq history, and the first woman cabinet minister in the Arab world.

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1905 de kadınlara oy hakkı verilmiştir.
Bu konu ile ilgilenen kişi;
Klara Anna Luize Kalnina (1874–1964), Letonya Sosyal Demokrat İşçi Partisi’nin (LSDSP) üyesi kadın hakları ve ülkesinin özgürlüğü için mücadele eden bir editör ve sosyalist politikacıydı.

Sena Sever

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Women vote for the first time in local elections in the Swiss canton of Unterbäch on March 5, 1957. The right of women to vote and to be elected throughout Switzerland was recognized on 7 February 1971. However, women in the Swiss cantons of Appenzell and Innerrhoden began to vote in 1991. -Ece Kesici

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In 1930, only white women were able to vote in South Africa. In 1984, non-black race members and in 1994 black women had the right to vote. -Ece Kesici

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The French Union for Women's Suffrage was a French feminist organization formed in 1909 that fought for the right of women to vote, which was eventually granted in 1945. (Due to world wars the union was inactive between 1914-18, 1939-1945) The Union took a moderate approach, advocating staged introduction of suffrage starting with local elections, and working with male allies in the Chamber of Deputies.
Semanur Çakmakçı

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Peru (1955)

Peru’da kadınlara oy hakkı 1955 yılında verilmiştir. 20.yy.’ın başlarında Peru’daki kadın aktivistler olarak María Jesús Alvarado Rivera ( kendisi daha 1911 yılında kadınların oy hakkını destekleyen ilk Peru’lu aktivisittir), Zoila Aurora Cáceres, Adela Montesinos, Elvira Garcia ve Magda Portal’ı sayabiliriz. Parlamento “kadınlara oy hakkı” konusunu 1931-1932 yıllarında ele almıştır. Akabininde 1932 yılında kadınlara toplumsal düzeyde oy hakkı verilmiş olsa da asıl olarak 1955 yılında kadınlara ulusal düzeyde oy hakkı verilmiştir. Bunun 1955 yılında olması ise bir tesadüf değildir çünkü kadınlara oy hakkı tanıyan Manuel A. Drop Hükümeti yaklaşmakta olan 1956 seçimlerinde kadınlardan oy istemiştir.
María Jesús Alvarado Rivera ile ilgili daha fazla bilgi için: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mar%C3%ADa_Jes%C3%BAs_Alvarado_Rivera
(Zehra Şeyma Yılmaz)

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María Jesús Alvarado Rivera (27 May 1878 - 6 May 1971) was a Peruvian rebel feminist, educator, journalist, writer and social activist. She was noted by the National Council of Women of Peru in 1969 as the "first modern champion of women's rights in Peru".

Alvarado Rivera was born in Chincha Alta on 27 May 1878. Her parents were Cayetano Arciniega Alvarado, owner and administrator of the estate Chacrabajo, and Jesus Rivera Martinez; they were both natives of Chincha Province. She was the tenth of thirteen children. Due to the War of the Pacific, her family was forced to sell their property and settle in Lima. As was customary for that time her education went only until the primary school. However, during that short time, she learned to read and write well. Her subsequent studies were self-taught. She then attended a private high school run by Elvira García y García (leader of feminist movement in Peru), after which she became a teacher. Disturbed by the antiquated educational system, she studied sociology on her own and was instrumental in introducing advanced methods of "vocational education, euthanasia, the health and the matrimonial care of school children and the control of sexually transmitted diseases." She also believed in women's role as a mother.

With the help of her brother, Lorenzo Antonino, who was Professor of Geology at the National University of San Marcos, she got a job as a columnist for the newspaper El Comercio. She also found work at El Diario (1908), and years later, for La Prensa. She made her first presentation on feminist issues at the International Women's Congress in 1910. The following year, she lectured on feminism at the Geographical Society of Lima, explaining the basics of feminism as part of a current global social change that raised the need to provide equal civil and political rights to women." It was at this conference that Alvarado Riverasparked public interest in the idea of women's suffrage, though with mixed responses. The Daughters of Palma, Angelica, and Augusta claimed "Finally the woman has appeared who will liberate us from the oppressive subordination in which we live," after hearing her lecture. Others thought her ideas were too radical and would cause anarchy and deterioration of family values as women abandoned their traditional roles.

Alvarado Rivera played a crucial role in establishing, in 1914, the Evolucion Femenina in Lima. She also mooted proposals to enact civil codes and to induct women in government jobs. Her sustained campaign for nine years in this direction resulted in the Chamber of Representatives allowing women to become members of the public welfare societies (1915), which eventually was enacted as law (1922). Evolucion Femenina also drew criticism from the community. Only a small number of women agreed to put their names on membership roles, and La Cronica of Lima printed a photo in late 1924 of a talk given by Alvarado River in which many attendees had removed their hats to cover their faces from the photographer.

In 1923, after a visit to Peru by Carrie Chapman Catt, the president of the International Suffrage Alliance, Alvarado Rivera established the National Council for Women. This organization was beset with serious problems arising between the radicals and the Catholics. Unfortunately, the National Council for Women began to experience conflicts early on, there was a divide concerning whether they should advocate for more than just women's suffrage. When she proposed that the council consider reforming civil code to grant women, particularly married women, equal rights before the law, there was strong resistance and skepticism from newspapers and affiliates of the council. Despite this, as part of the movement on women's rights, she established a "Labor and Moral School Workshop" to educate prostitutes and return them back to the mainstream of society.

Because of her strong support towards empowering women with voting rights and full equality at Pan-American Women's Conference held in Lima, she was jailed and subsequently exiled. The opposition was spearheaded by the Catholic Women's League, which was seconded by the then President of Peru, Augusto B. Leguía. She spent three months in Santo Tomas Women's Prison during Christmas-time 1924 and then spent 12 years in exile in Argentina. In Argentina, she taught school and directed dramas which she had authored on subjects of social and moral issues in society.

After returning from exile, she devoted her time to radio, theater, and cinema, with the primary purpose of getting voting rights for women in Peru. She also wrote a play, "The Perricholi", that was aired by Radio Nacional del Perú. She established the Academy of Dramatic Arts, "Ollanta", with her own money which found acceptance by the Ministry of Education as it helped to create the Directorate of Cultural and Art in Peru. In 1938, she mooted the introduction of the "Code of Rights" for women, in 1940, she wrote on the topic of "Eugenics and Child" in Semana de la Salud. In 1945, the government approved her proposal to establish the national theater. She also became the Councillor of the Municipality of Lima.

The feminist movement launched by Alvarado Rivera took a long time to take shape, and it was only in 1955 that women got the right to vote in Peru. She died on May 6, 1971, at 92 years of age, a much-disappointed woman as her efforts in the feminist movement did not get her acclaim during her lifetime.

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María Jesús Alvarado Rivera (27 May 1878 - 6 May 1971) was a Peruvian rebel feminist, educator, journalist, writer and social activist. She was noted by the National Council of Women of Peru in 1969 as the "first modern champion of women's rights in Peru".

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Türkiye'de kadınlar siyasal haklarını ilk defa cumhuriyet dönemiyle birlikte kazanmışlardır. 1930'da belediye seçimlerine katılma hakkını  elde etmişlerdir. Milletvekili seçme ve seçilme hakları 5 Aralık 1934'te Anayasa değişikliğiyle tanınmıştır. Her kadına 22 yaşında seçme 30 yaşında seçilme hakkı verildi. 1935'te yapılan seçimlerde 17 milletvekili TBMM'ye girmiştir.
Lidya Atalay

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Bolşeviklerin Ekim 1917’de iktidarı ele geçirebilmeleri, bir tesadüf değil, sınıf bilincini yükseltmek ve işçi sınıfını sadece ulusal bölünmelerin değil, aynı zamanda cinsiyet ayrımının da karşısında bir bütün olarak örgütlemek ve birleştirmek için bilinçli bir çabanın sonucuydu.
Rus Devrimi, 23 Şubat 1917 Dünya Kadınlar Günü’nde başladı (Jülyen takvimine göre, Batı’da 8 Mart). Bolşevikler de dahil olmak üzere örgütlü işçi sınıfının en ileri katmanları bile durumun devrim için ne kadar olgun olduğunu tam olarak kavrayamamıştı. Geldiğini görebilseler de önce askerleri kazanmak gibi daha fazla hazırlık çalışması yapılması gerektiğini hissettiler. Perspektifleri 1 Mayıs’ta genel grev içindi ve devlet aygıtıyla erken çatışmaları önlemek için, işçileri sokağa çıkmaktan alıkoymaya ve hareketin kapsamını bu noktada meclislerle sınırlandırmaya çalıştılar. M. Aivaz fabrikasında kadın işçiler, günü kadınların eşitliği için bir gün olarak kutlamayı önerdiler. Kadınların hem fabrikada çalışması hem de çocuklarına evde bakmaları gerektiğine işaret ettiler. Erkek işçilerden taleplerini desteklemelerini istediler. Bir fabrika toplantısı greve gitmeye karar verdi ve işçi delegasyonlarını diğer fabrikalara gönderdi. Greve ve gösterilere gittikçe daha fazla fabrika katıldı. Devrimden önce kadınlar, işçi sınıfının en muhafazakâr tabakası olarak görülüyordu. Ailenin bakımından doğrudan sorumlu oldukları için sık sık tereddüt ettiler ve hatta grev yapmaya bile karşı çıktılar. Ancak yaşam koşulları, ekmek eksikliği, artan enflasyon ve kocalarının cephede savaşmasıyla dayanılmaz hale geldiğinde bu durum tam tersine dönüştü. Kadın işçiler ve kadın köylüler- erkek meslektaşları ile birlikte- devrime doğru ilerlerken, liberal burjuvazi tüm sınırlarını ortaya çıkardı. Eşitlik ve kadınların özgürleşmesi konusundaki tüm gevezeliklerine rağmen, devrim tarafından iktidara getirilen liberal burjuva, kadınların karşılaştığı acil sorunların herhangi birini çözmekten tamamen acizdi. Bu aynı zamanda, savaşı desteklemenin yanı sıra, işçilerin “ekmek” ile meşguliyetini iğrenç materyalizm olarak görmezden gelme eğiliminde olan küçük-burjuva feminist hareket için de geçerliydi.Şehirli kadınların genellikle cephede kocaları vardı, bu da hem geçimlerini sağlamak hem de tüm aileye bakmak için çalışmak zorunda oldukları anlamına geliyordu. Ve köylü kadınlar için bu, en sağlam erkeklerin çiftliklerden uzakta, işlerin yaşlıların ve kadınların ellerine bırakılması anlamına geliyordu. Savaş aynı zamanda kaotik bir ekonomik altüst oluşa da yol açmış, gıda ve mal kıtlığına yol açmış, bu da yine en çok hane halkından sorumlu olan kadınları etkilemiştir. Ayrıca, aynı tür işleri yapmalarına rağmen kadın ve erkek arasındaki gelir farklılıkları da devam etti. Ekim ayında, Şubat ayından dokuz ay sonra, işçiler iktidara gelmişti. Bolşevikler, artık uygulamaya koyabilecekleri bir talep olan kadın ve erkek eşitliği için bilinçli olarak savaşmışlardı. Yeni Sovyet rejimi, baskıdan ve eşitsizlikten uzak bir toplum inşa etme mücadelesine başladı. Bolşevikler, kadınları erkekler karşısında dezavantajlı konuma düşüren tüm yasaları derhal kaldırdılar. Kadınların hareket özgürlüğü üzerindeki tüm kısıtlamalar kaldırıldı. Devrimden önce bir kadın yasal olarak kocasının yanında kalmak ve eğer taşınırsa onu takip etmek zorunda kalıyordu. Mülkiyet ilişkilerindeki geniş kapsamlı değişiklikler, ekonomik bir birim olarak aileyi ve babanın aile içindeki baskın konumunu zayıflattı. Diğer yasalar kadınlara toprağa sahip olma ve hane reisi olarak çalışma konusunda eşit haklar verdi. Kürtaja ücretsiz erişim, tüm kadınlar için bir hak olarak tanıtıldı. Kilise ve devlet ayrıldı, evlilik, çocukların kayıtları vb. Kilise’nin kontrolünden çıkarıldı. Evlilik artık karşılıklı rızaya dayalı basit bir kayıt süreciyle gerçekleşiyordu. Her bir ortak diğerinin soyadını alabilir veya kendi soyadını koruyabilirdi. 1926’ya gelindiğinde evliliğin kayıt altına alınması bile gerekmiyordu ve boşanma olabildiğince kolay hale getirildi ve bir kişi talep etse, diğer eşin rızası olmasa bile başarılabilirdi. Gayri meşru çocuk kavramı kaldırılarak ister evlilik içinde ister evlilik dışı doğsun tüm çocuklara eşit muamele edilmesi sağlandı. Doğumdan önce ve sonra ücretli doğum izni başlatıldı ve hamile kadınlar ve yeni doğum yapmış kadınlar için gece çalışması yasaklandı. Ayrıca özel doğum koğuşları kuruldu. Bu, zamanı için son derece ilericiydi. Hiçbir kapitalist ülkede kadınlar yasal olarak erkeklere eşit değildi.
(GİZEM ERCEL)

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Rus devrimi öncesi, sirasi ve sonrasinda kadinlar

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Bolşevizmin tarihi, kadın sorununa nihai çözümü sağlayacak olanın sınıf mücadelesi olduğuna dair zengin derslerle doludur. Marie Frederiksen bu makalede , Bolşevik Parti’nin onun ilk günleri, devrim süreci ve iktidarı ele alışı sonrasındaki süreç boyunca kadın sorununa yaklaşımını inceliyor.

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Liechtenstein

Liechtenstein is a country in the middle of Europe where women did not have the right to vote until 1984.

In 1971, women's suffrage was not accepted by a margin of 81 votes. There are already 4383 voters in total. In 1984, it was accepted by a margin of 119 votes. 4702 out of 5453 voters cast their votes. 81 of them are invalid.

1971 referendum
yes 1,816 48.91%
no 1,897 51.09%
valid votes 3,713 98.62%
invalid or blank votes 52 1.38%
total votes 3,765 100.00%
registered voters/ turnout 4,383 85.9%

1974 referendum
answer votes %
yes 2,370 51,29%
no 2,251 48.71%
valid votes 4,621 98.28%
invalid or blank votes 81 1.72%
total votes 4,702 100.00%
registered voters/ turnout 5,453 86.23%

--M.SELİN AYDOGDU

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Kadınlar, Fas'ın bağımsızlığı sonrası 1962 anayasasında oy kullanma hakkını kazanmıştır. Bu durum, son derece itiraz edilmiştir.
Bkz: Faslı sosyolog ve yazar Fatima Mernissi, doğu ve batı kültürleri arasında bir köprü ve Arap feminizminin karizmatik bir savaşçısıydı.
(Gülşah Aydoğan)

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#23 - Féministe au Maghreb - Virago - Fatima Mernissi Ft. Souad Amidou

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Dominik Cumhuriyeti'nde kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkı, 1943 yılında verilmiştir.
Bkz: 1931'de Abigail Mejia liderliğindeki Dominik Feminist eylemi, anayasa uyarınca eşit haklar talep eden ülkelerdeki ilk feminist harekete ev sahipliği yapmıştır. Dominik kadınları, 1942'de, 9. ve 10. maddelerde kurulan o yılın anayasa reformu ile oy kullanma hakkını kazanmıştır. Bu, Dominik Cumhuriyeti'nde kadın haklarının önemli bir sivil ve politik değişimine işaret etmiştir.
(Gülşah Aydoğan)

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Ana Emilia Abigaíl Mejia Soliere (April 15, 1895 - March 15, 1941) was a feminist activist, nationalist, literary critic and educator from the Dominican Republic. She completed her primary education at the Salome Ureña de Henríquez School for Girls and Liceo Dominicano. In 1912, she became a teacher in Barcelona where she resided with her family. She returned to the Dominican Republic in 1925 and became a professor of Literature, Pedagogy and History at the Superior Normal School of Santo Domingo. She is one of the leading figures of feminism in the Dominican Republic, founding the Club Nosotras in 1927 and Acción Feminista.

Abigaíl Mejía was born in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic on April 15, 1895. She was born into a family of intellectuals who influenced and nurtured her own future as an intellectual. Mejía completed primary school at the all-women's academy, Salomé Ureña de Henríquez, and at the Liceo Dominicano. While Mejía was still young, her family moved to Barcelona where she obtained a degree from normal school in 1919. She returned to Santo Domingo for a brief period of time that same year and then moved back to Barcelona in 1921.

In 1925, Mejía permanently settled in Santo Domingo where she worked as a professor of Spanish language and literature at the Escuela Normal Superior de Santo Domingo. It was during this time that she began her work with the feminist movement in the Dominican Republic heavily influenced by her encounters with feminist thought in Europe, particularly in metropolitan cities like Barcelona and Paris. During her time in Barcelona, Mejía developed friendships with pioneers of the literary and feminist movements in Spain, including Concha Espina ( Santander, 1869-Madrid, 1955), Blanca de los Ríos ( Sevilla, 1862-1956), and Emilia Pardo Bazán ( La Coruña, 1852-Madrid, 1851-1921) and these relationships influenced her work in the Dominican Republic.

Feminist activism

Mejía is considered a pioneer of feminism and the feminist movement in the Dominican Republic. She and her contemporary, Delia Weber, co-founded Club Nosotras (initially a literary organization formed in 1927) as well as the "Nosotras y Acción Feministas" movements in 1927 aimed at the training and education of poor women in the country. Club Nosotras was reorganized in 1931 with more explicitly political goals under the name Acción Feminista Dominicana (AFD). Mejía served as director general and Weber as secretary-general of the AFD, which became the most important feminist group of the era uniting mostly intellectual, middle to upper-class women from provinces across the nation. Some of the AFD's members included school teachers and writers such as Minerva Bernardino, Celeste Wos y Gil, Carmita Landestoy, Consuelo Bernardino, and Carmen Lara Fernandez. The AFD mobilized to "fight for the vindication of women's rights," particularly women's suffrage, but they likewise focused on penal facility reform, alcoholism, prostitution, illegal drugs, and other social welfare concerns.

It was around the time of the AFD's establishment that President Rafael Trujillo took office. Mejía and other members of the AFD led the group to closer ties with Trujillo in hope of attaining women's suffrage, which Trujillo suspected would popularize his regime. The AFD thus began to openly support Trujillo and Mejía even referred to him as "el presidente feminista" or "the feminist president" in a 1932 speech. Two years later, a "voto de ensayo," roughly translated to "trial vote," was held so women could vote to reform the Dominican constitution to include women's suffrage. The results revealed that most women who voted, including Mejía, wanted to reform the constitution but as Trujillo rose to power, the topic of women's suffrage was not recognized by the government until years later.

Women's suffrage in the Dominican Republic was not achieved until ten years later in 1942. By this time, the AFD had been coopted as an organization in support of Trujillo and some members of the AFD became known "damas trujillistas" or female supporters of Trujillo. The AFD was employed as a tool to normalize women's submissive role in society by exalting socio-political passivity as synonymous with righteousness and good citizenship in accordance with the regime.

Arts and culture

In 1926, Mejía published the "Plan on the Establishment of a National Museum in Santo Domingo" in Francisco A. Palau's journal, Black and White, which included reflections on experiences and observations from visiting the Prado, the Louvre, and the Pinacoteca in the Vatican. Trujillo appointed Mejía director of the Museo Nacional in 1933 and she was responsible for starting and running the institution.

Apart from her contributions to arts and culture via the Museo Nacional, Mejía is also known as the pioneer of a female gaze in photography in the Dominican Republic. She mainly recorded observations from her many trips using a Vest Pocket Kodak. Her photographs were published in a 1925 article for La Opinión, Revista Semanal Ilustrada (Year III, Vol. 15, 139 (3-IX-1925))in Santo Domingo, marking the first time ever in Dominican history where a woman's' photographs were published in a printed source.

Writings and speeches

Throughout her life, Mejía published articles in various national and international newspapers/magazines on a range of topics including women, literature, travel, and the Dominican Republic. Mejía wrote her first and only novel, Sueña Pilarín (1925), in Barcelona, a novel focused on the affective relationships between women as a vehicle to solidarity. Dominican author, Virgilio Díaz Grullón, writes of Sueña Pilarín (translated from Spanish):

It narrates with sweet and simple language, at times filled with humor, the story of a young girl from Dominican origins, but born and raised in Spain, who lives intense episodes in a tragedy-filled life that begins with her becoming an orphan, then suffering the pain of an adoption imposed on her, suffering the severity of living in a convent, battling an incestuous relationship and finally, finding love with a passionate, young Dominican man and ultimately finding the happiness life had cruelly denied her.

Mejía presented various speeches and conferences. Her public entrance into the Dominican feminist movement was the presentation of her speech, "Feminismo," in Santo Domingo in 1926. She also wrote the first history of Dominican literature in 1937 which was later published in 1939.

Mejía worked as a writer and director of the Museo Nacional until her death on March 15, 1941. She produced various texts and held different positions of power throughout her life, but did not live to see the legal reforms for full civil and political rights for women in the Dominican Republic.

Sueña Pilarín (1925)

"El idilio del pichoncito" (Fémina 94, 15 November 1926)

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Ana Emilia Abigaíl Mejia Soliere (April 15, 1895 - March 15, 1941) was a feminist activist, nationalist, literary critic and educator from the Dominican Republic. She completed her primary education at the Salome Ureña de Henríquez School for Girls and Liceo Dominicano. In 1912, she became a teacher in Barcelona where she resided with her family.

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On 26 June, 1949 women in Belgium were allowed to vote for the first time in parliamentary elections. Women were allowed to vote in municipal elections since World War I.
Belgium was one of the last West European countries to give women the right to vote for parliament.

At first it was the Catholic politicians that tried to keep voting rights for women at bay.
Later the liberal and socialist parties tried to discourage universal suffrage.
They feared that women would vote too conservatively. When women got the vote this turned out to be an ungrounded fear.
In 1919 a small number of women obtained voting rights: mothers and widows of military personnel and of civilians killed during the war by the enemy.
In 1920 a law was introduced giving voting rights to all women (except for prostitute and adulterous women) in municipal elections. Voting rights for women at parliamentary and provincial elections were decreed by law in 1948. The first elections that women could participate in was on 26 June, 1949
(İlayda Saka)

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25-27 Ekim 1947 tarihleri arasında, Malta'da genel seçimler yapıldı. Bu seçimler, kadınlar için evrensel oy hakkı altında yapılan ilk seçimlerdi. Ve Agatha Barbara, parlamentoya seçilen ilk kadın oldu. Bu seçimler, İşçi Partisi'nin, 40 sandalyenin 24'ünü kazandığını gördü.
(Gülşah Aydoğan)

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Kırgızistan Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyeti 1991 de SSCB nin dağılmasının ardından şimdiki adını aldı.
Sovyetlerin siyasi yaşamında siyasi rekabetin zayıflamasına rağmen, siyasi katılım arttı. Bunun başlıca nedeni, 1918 Anayasasının kadınlara oy kullanma hakkı vermesiydi, birçok Avrupa ülkesinde kadınlara böyle bir hak verilmemiştir. Kırgızistan'ın yanı sıra Orta Asya'da da kadınların siyasi katılımındaki artış, Doğulu kadınları özgürleştiren Hujum kampanyasından kaynaklanıyordu.
(Oğuzhan Karakaş)

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1964'ten beri Libyalı kadınlar seçme ve siyasi hayata katılma hakkına sahip. Eşlerinden bağımsız olarak mülk sahibi olabilir ve elden çıkarabilirlerdi, ancak tüm bu haklar 1969 devriminden önce yalnızca birkaç kadın tarafından kullanılıyordu.
28 yaşındaki Asma Khalifa, genç bir Libyalı feminist Tıpkı Rida Al Tubuly gibi, Cordaid'in Köprü kurucuları olarak Kadın ve Gençlik programı tarafından desteklenen cesur Libyalı aktivistlerden biri.
(Emre Çamlıca)

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Asma Khalifa | What Happened to Libya's Revolution

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We are humans and we demand human rights!—argued Kazimiera Bujwidowa, an advocate for women’s right to enter into universities. Let us dare to be free!—encouraged Maria Dulebianka, the first female candidate for the Polish parliament back when women had no voting rights. We want all there is to life!—exclaimed Zofia Nalkowska as she demanded equality both in political matters and in relation to social customs. No differences between the sexes!—demanded Paulina Kuczalska who was called the pope of feminism, and not without a reason. They fought for their rights in a non-existent country.
(Emre Çamlıca)

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We are humans and we demand human rights!-argued Kazimiera Bujwidowa, an advocate for women's right to enter into universities. Let us dare to be free!-encouraged Maria Dulebianka, the first female candidate for the Polish parliament back when women had no voting rights. We want all there is to life!-exclaimed Zofia Nalkowska as she demanded equality both in political matters and in relation to social customs. No differences between the sexes!-demanded Paulina Kuczalska who was called the pope of feminism, and not without a reason. They fought for their rights in a non-existent country. They were told: It's not the time for women's rights! But they rejected the idea of independent Poland without independent Polish women. Fightresses, patriots, activists, soldiers, suffragettes-they are the protagonists of the dramadoc Women Power ( Siłaczki) about their year-long fight for the woman. Because-as Zofia Daszynska-Golinska exclaimed in 1911 during a march of emancipationists held in Krakow: Rights are never granted! Rights have to be seized!

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We are humans and we demand human rights!-argued Kazimiera Bujwidowa, an advocate for women's right to enter into universities. Let us dare to be free!-encouraged Maria Dulebianka, the first female candidate for the Polish parliament back when women had no voting rights.

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Finlandiya, 1906'da kadınların oy hakkını elde ettikleri ilk Avrupa ülkesi olmuştur. İsveç ve Rusya yönetimi altında daha önce oy verme haklarını kullanan kadınlar, 1906 ile seçme ve seçilme haklarını elde etmişlerdir. 1907 yılında 19 kadın milletvekili mecliste yer almıştır. Bu meclis aynı zamanda dünyanın ilk kadın milletvekillerinin seçildiği meclistir. Kadınların oy haklarını elde etmelerine öncülük edenler için örnek olarak bkz: Minna Canth
(Simay Güngör)

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Taiwan has significantly become successful in terms of women empowerment. Specifically, they reached to elect first female president Tsai Ing-wen and the percent of legislator is 42% in the political domain. Apart from this, Taiwan becomes the first country in Asia to legalise same-sex marriage, and at the same time, it achieved number one in Asia and eighth country worldwide for legal protection for female employees and entrepreneurs according to the world bank report in 2019.
According to the book Women's Movement in Twentieth Century Taiwan, first initiative was the establishment of Christian missionaries school which brought the advancement of women's right in late nineteenth century Taiwan.
Between the mid-1920s and early 1930s, the women autonomous social and political movement emerged under the Japanese colonial period. Durning the period, they established; Taiwan Populist Party, the Farmer's Union , and the Taiwan Communist Party which associated with anti-colonial labor and farmers' movement to propagate the ideology of women's liberation among masses.
At that time, Liberal feminists advocated the replacement of gender-biased civil codes with gender egalitarian legislation, and also the legislation ensuring the men's and women's equal employment opportunities, safeguarding equal pay for equal work.
In the postwar era, Taiwan's pluralistic democracy enabled feminist activists to organise numerous nongovernmental women's organisations formulated capital facilitated feminist's activists's access to legislative lobbying.
(Yumi Sakuraba)

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Women's Movements in Twentieth-Century Taiwan on JSTOR

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This book is the first in English to consider women's movements and feminist discourses in twentieth-century Taiwan. Doris T. Chang examines the way in whi...

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Estonian feminism began in accordance with the Estonian national movement in the second half of 19th century. For instance, Estonia was a part of Soviet Union (1940-1991), and occupied by Nazi Germany (1941-1944) which interrupted the feminist tradition had a controversial meaning considering the gender aspect. Although the idea of gender equality was an integral part of Soviet ideology, it was not implemented in the reality,
Thus, Estonian gender ideas consists of mixture of Soviet gender equality rhetoric, the ideas of Estonian nationalism, some Western influences, puritanical attitudes toward sexuality and the female body.
Feminism movement reappeared after the restoration of independence(1991).
(Yumi Sakuraba)

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As we celebrate the international women's day, it is worth to take a look at the stories of two strong and highly influential women who played the leading roles in Estonian women's rights movement in the 19th and 20th century.

In anticipation of Estonia's 100th birthday in 2018, there are many other reasons to celebrate. This year is also a year of several celebrations for the country's feminist movement - Estonian women have had the right to vote for 100 years by now; we were among the first in Europe and proud of that.

It took decades of political struggle to achieve it and this struggle has received far too little attention in the country's historical research and even in the local Estonian feminist writing. As we celebrate the international women's day, it is worth to take a look at the stories of two strong and highly influential women who played the leading roles in Estonian women's rights movement in the 19th and 20th century.

Lilli Suburg and her "Linda"

It was 130 years ago, in October 1887, when Lilli Suburg (1841-1923), a well-known writer, educator and women's rights activist, founded the very first Estonian women's magazine, "Linda".

Her newspaper and the girls' school, established just some years earlier, were located in the same two-floored house in Viljandi, a small town in southern Estonia. It became a centre for the cultural elites at the time, lots of people found their way to Suburg's house and, of course, many of her students became later the very first educated professional women in Estonia.

Andres Rennit, a poet working for Suburg during this period, writes in his memoirs, "... she was an energetic, strong minded person with good ability and will to work. She never changed her mind or gave up ideas she once had started to consider to be the correct ones, and she did not let anybody to influence that."

And probably only thanks to that strong willpower and her great intelligence was she able to push forward the national conservative public discussion and views about the Estonian women's rights to study, their free choice to stay single and not to marry, to stand up and make their voices heard and much more.

The feedback she received for her articles was not always kind. Other newspapers could mock her and her writings publicly. Women were not allowed to step up to the public arena, otherwise they could lose their special feminine qualities and the right to be protected by men, according to the proponents.

Her writings were, of course, radical at the time and very novel in the Estonian public media. She wrote about the importance of emancipation of women, women's education and introduced the international developments in global women's rights movements.

Unfortunately, the local readers were not quite ready for Suburg and her feminist journal in Estonian. In her memoirs, she writes how some women did not even dare to read the paper openly, so they kept it in the barn and read it secretly, hidden from their husbands. Because of the financial troubles of her enterprise, Suburg was forced to sell the magazine in 1894.

Lilly Suburg died in 1923. She experienced the political liberation of Estonian women in 1917, when the women got the right to vote and to be elected. She sent her joyful greetings to the first women's congress held in the same year and had several honorary positions in women's organisations established at that time.

Marie Reisik and the "Women's Work and Life"

Marie Reisik was born in the same year when Lilli Suburg founded her magazine "Linda", in 1887. Already in Reisik's childhood she met well-known and highly educated Estonian women at her home in Kilingi-Nõmme, at the time a small village located between Viljandi and Pärnu. She went to the same girls' school in Pärnu where Lilli Suburg and the legendary Estonian national poet, Lydia Koidula, had studied.

In 1907, Reisik was among the founders of the first Estonian women's organisation in Tartu. As women were not yet allowed to enter universities in the Russian Empire during that time, in 1908 she went to study in Paris to become a French teacher.

After returning to Estonia, Reisik established the first political journal for women, "Naisterahva Töö ja Elu" ("Women's Work and Life"). As a result of her work, many educated Estonian women united under this journalistic umbrella and, in 1917, the very first Estonian Women's Congress took place. It later led to the founding of the Estonian Women's Union in 1920.

One might say Reisik was a political genius because she was able to create a united front of the women's movement that lasted nearly throughout the pre-war Estonian independence, until 1940. Despite the fact that women's views along the wide political spectrum rather often meant conflicts and contradicted with many other opinions, the Estonian Women's Union accomplished to establish a large network of emancipated active women. They, in turn, had a strong impact on the development of the Estonian culture and society at the time.

Reisik was elected to the Estonian Constituent Assembly in 1919 and to parliament, the Riigikogu, in 1929 and 1932. In her parliamentary party group, led by one of the political heavyweights of the time, Jaan Tõnisson, Reisik was the only elected female member. It is worth mentioning that in the 1929 election, Reisik received more votes than Tõnisson himself.

The Estonian Women's Union was dissolved after the Soviet Union occupied Estonia in 1940 and by 1941, Reisik was pursued by the Soviet secret police, NKVD. The same year, she died in unclear circumstances at a Tallinn hospital.

Today, Reisik's feminist political thought is sadly almost totally forgotten. When we celebrate the Estonian feminist movement, we ought to remember these remarkable women who made a big difference over 100 years ago.

Cover: Marie Reisik and Lilli Suburg (image courtesy of feministeerium.ee). Please consider making a donation for the continuous improvement of our publication.

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The very first Estonian feminists - Lilli Suburg and Marie Reisik

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The stories of two strong and highly influential women who played the leading roles in Estonian women's rights movement in the 19th and 20th century.

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Sadece çocuk sahibi olan kadınlara 1944 yılında oy hakkı tanınmıştır.
(Furkan Çakır)

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In the 1950s women became active in the fight for women's suffrage, which was obtained in 1955. The current Constitution of Honduras enshrines gender equality: art 60 reads: "Any discrimination on grounds of sex, race, class and any other injuries to human dignity are declared punishable"
(Nourane Zayen)

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1946 yılında kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkına sahip olan Vietnam.  1930 yılında Vietnam kadın birliğini 16 yıl öncesinde kurmuştur. Vietnam da bir kadın her role sahip olmaktadır. Dang Thi Ngoc ilk kadın başkan vekilidir. Vietnam ulusal meclis başkanı ise Nguyen Thi Kim Ngan dır. Bunlar ile birlikte Vietnam'ın kendi imkanları ile milyarder olan ilk kadın Nguyen Thi Phuong Thao'dur.
(Doğukan Ateşsal)

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1955 yılında kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkına sahip olan Etiyopya'nın son zamanlarına baktığımızda Bakanlar kurulunda %50'lik bir kısım kadın olduğunu görebiliriz. 2018 yılından günümüze Sahle Work Zewde Devlet Başkanı olarak görevini sürdürmektedir.
(Doğukan Ateşsal)

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Suriyeli kadınlar 1953'te oy kullanma hakkını elde etti. Mary Ajami Arap dünyasındaki al-'Arus (Gelin) adlı ilk kadın dergilerinden birini yayınlayan Suriyeli bir feminist ve öncü bir Arapça yazardı .1910'da , Suriye'nin kadın haklarını savunan ilk yayın organı oluyor ve 11 yıl sürüyor bu yayın. 1920'de Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun yıkılmasının ardından Şam Kadın Edebiyat Kulübü'nü kurdu ve kadınlara oy hakkı verme hareketine öncülük etti ve doğrudan Osmanlı sonrası Suriye hükümdarı Kral I. Faysal'a gitti . [1] Aynı yıl evinde, siyaset, felsefe ve dini meseleleri tartışmak için bu fırsatı değerlendiren kadın ve erkeklerin yoğun olarak katıldığı haftalık bir salon kurdu. Onun salonu o zamanlar çığır açıyordu, çünkü Suriye'de kadın ve erkeklerin birlikte tartışmalara katılmasına izin verilmesi duyulmamış bir şeydi.
(Hakan Hayal)

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Avustralya, kadın haklarının korunması ve yaratılmasıyla uzun süredir devam eden bir ilişkiye sahiptir. Avustralya, dünyada kadınlara oy kullanma hakkı veren ikinci ülkeydi (1893'teki Yeni Zelanda'dan sonra) ve kadınlara ulusal bir parlamentoya seçilme hakkı veren ilk ülke oldu.1902'deki federal seçimlerde oy kullanma ve seçilme hakkı verildi.Haziran 2010'dan Haziran 2013'e kadar Avustralya, ilk kadın başbakanı Julia Gillard tarafından yönetildi . Gillard, 9 Ekim 2012'de Avustralya Federal Parlamentosu'nda o zamanki Federal Muhalefet Lideri Tony Abbott'a yapılan Kadın Düşmanı Konuşması ile belki de uluslararası alanda en iyi tanınan kişidir .
Julia Gillards: Avustralya, ilk kadın başbakanı
(Sarptuğ Akyıldız)

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Julia Gillard's 'misogyny speech' in full (2012) | ABC News

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Genel seçimlerde tüm kadınlara oy hakkı, 1953 yılında getirildi. Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo (24 Haziran 1962 doğumlu), Meksikalı bir bilim insanı politikacı ve Mexico City Belediye Başkanıdır. 2007 yılında Hükümetlerarası İklim Değişikliği Paneli üyesi olarak ortaklaşa Nobel Barış Ödülü'nü aldı. Juntos Haremos Historia Koalisyonunun bir parçası olarak 1 Temmuz 2018'de, Mexico City Belediye Başkanı seçildi. Mexico City Belediye Başkanı seçilen ilk kadın ve ilk Yahudi'dir. 2018'de BBC'nin 100 Kadını arasında yer almıştır.
(Hakan Hayal)

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The challenges facing Mexico City's first ever female mayor

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Pakistan seçimlerindeki kadın katılımı, dünyadaki en düşük katılımlar arasında yer almaktadır. Pakistanlı kadınlara oy kullanma hakkı 1956'da verilmiş olmasına rağmen, ülkenin en muhafazakar bölgelerinin bazılarında toplum önderleri ve dini liderler, kadınların oy kullanmasını engellemektedir. 2013 seçimlerinde "islam dışı" olduğu gerekçesiyle, kadın aile üyelerine izin vermemeleri konusunda erkeklere uyarıda bulunan broşürler dağıtılmıştır. Bu uygulamalar, 2015 yerel seçimlerinde de devam etmiştir.
Bkz: Fatima Jinnah, "Bütün Pakistanlı Kadınlar Örgütü(APWA)" adını alan Kadın Refahı Hareketi'nin kurucusudur. Fatima Jinnah, Pakistan'ın kurucusu Muhammad Ali Jinnah'ın kız kardeşi ve politik yandaşı olan Pakistanlı kadın politikacıdır. Jinnah, Pakistan'ın leydisi, ülkenin annesi olarak anılmaktaydı.
(Gülşah Aydoğan)

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Luisa Capetillo(1879-1922): Porto Riko'nun en ünlü emek liderlerinden biriydi. Bir sosyal emek organizatörü ve kadın hakları, özgür aşk ve insan özgürlüğü için eşit haklar için savaşan bir yazardı.
(Çağrı Furkan Levent)

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Porto Rikolu bir işçi ve sendikacı Luisa Capetillo

Capetillo, Porto Riko'daki ilk kadın hakları aktivistlerinden biri olarak kabul edilir. 1912'de New York'ta, daha iyi çalışma koşulları için Kübalı ve Porto Rikolu tütün işçilerini örgütledi.

Porto Rikolu yazar, kadın hakları aktivisti, işçi hareketinde örgütleyici olan Luisa Capetillo 28 Ekim 1879'da doğdu; 10 Ekim 1922'de öldü.

Capetillo makalelerinde kadınların herhangi bir otorite, devlet veya yasal vesayet olmaksızın sevmesi ve evlenmesi üzerine yazdı. Sokakta pantolon giyen ilk kadındı. Küba ve Porto Riko'da "erkek kıyafetleri" giydiği için tutuklandı. Ülke tarihindeki en önemli grevlerin örgütleyicilerindendi.

Liberal bir ailede büyüdü. Babası Luis Capetillo Echevarria İspanya'dan, annesi Luisa Margarita Perone ise Fransa'dan gelmişti. Anne varlıklı ailelerin çocukları için bir mürebbiye olarak çalışmak istiyordu ancak hizmetçi olarak iş buldu. Baba hayatını çeşitli mesleklerde kazanan bir işçiydi.

Luisa Capetillo on dokuz yaşındayken Arecibo'dan genç bir adama aşık oldu. İlişki dört yıl sonra bitti ama iki çocukları olmuştu. Bekar bir anne olarak bir tekstil fabrikasında çalıştı. Yerel bir tütün fabrikasında güncel olaylar hakkında konferanslar verdi ve Émile Zola, Charles Darwin, Friedrich Engels, Michail A. Bakunin ve diğerlerinin çalışmalarından okumalar yaptı. Burada sendikal hareketle tanıştı. 1904'te sendika gazetesinde Fikrim başlıklı makaleler yayımladı.1905'te bir işçi grevine katıldı ve Porto Riko'daki ilk sendika olan Federación Regional de Trabajadores (Bölgesel İşçi Sendikası) liderlerinden biri oldu. İdeolojik anlaşmazlıklar nedeniyle, Capetillo ve diğer üyeler yeni bir sendika kurdular: Federación Libre de Trabajadores (Özgür Emek Derneği, FLT). Capetillo, kadınları kadın hakları konusunda harekete geçirmek amacıyla Porto Riko'da seyahat etti. 1908'de bir sendika toplantısında kadınların oy hakkının savunulmasını talep etti. 1909'da FLT, kadın hakları ve seçim hakkı konusunda bir kampanya başlattı. "Kadınların Özgürlükleri, Hakları ve Görevleri üzerine Görüşüm" adlı makalesi bu dönemden kalmadır. Sadık bir kadın hakları savunucusu olmasına rağmen, kadın örgütlerine katılmadı. Faaliyetleri, işçi hareketine ve kadın hakları için kampanya yürüttüğü sendikaya odaklandı. Çok sayıda işçi talepleri ve faaliyetleriyle sendikaya üye oldu. Ona göre proleter bir kadın hareketi, genel oy hakkı, daha iyi çalışma koşulları ve daha yüksek ücretler için mücadele etmek amacıyla örgütlü işçi hareketinin ayrılmaz bir parçası olmalıydı.

Capetillo, Porto Riko'daki ilk kadın hakları aktivistlerinden biri olarak kabul edilir. 1912'de New York'ta, daha iyi çalışma koşulları için Kübalı ve Porto Rikolu tütün işçilerini örgütledi. Sık sık New York'ta olduğu için, orada sosyalist tartışma grupları için bir buluşma yeri haline gelen bir vejetaryen restoran açtı. 1912-1916 yılları arasında Küba'da Anarşist Küba Federasyonu (La Federación Anarquista) tarafından düzenlenen bir işçi grevine katıldı. Temmuz 1915'te Havana'da tutuklandı ve sınır dışı edildi. Tutuklanması, halka açık yerlerde "erkek kıyafeti" (pantolon) giydiği iddiasına dayanıyordu. 1919'da Capetillo, Porto Riko'daki kadınlardan pantolon giymelerini istedi. O zamanlar bu, bir "suç" anlamına gelen büyük bir provokasyondu. Capetillo tutuklandı, ancak sorumlu hakim suçlamaların asılsız olduğuna hükmetti. Aynı yıl grevci işçilere destek olmak için Dominik Cumhuriyeti'ne gitti. Sosyalist İşçi Partisi, Luisa'nın anarşist dünya görüşünü paylaşmasa bile, Capetillo'nun katıldığı bir siyasi kampanya başlattı. Capetillo Porto Riko'ya geri döndü ve 40 bin işçinin katıldığı bir grev organize etti. 1916-1918 tarihleri arasında ülkenin en büyük grevleri gerçekleşti, ücretler yüzde 13 oranında arttı.

Luisa Capetillo 10 Ekim 1922'de tüberkülozdan öldü.

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Porto Rikolu bir işçi ve sendikacı Luisa Capetillo

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Capetillo, Porto Riko'daki ilk kadın hakları aktivistlerinden biri olarak kabul edilir. 1912'de New York'ta, daha iyi çalışma koşulları için Kübalı ve Porto Rikolu tütün işçilerini örgütledi.

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1934'te kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkı verilmiştir. Küba ulusal meclisindeki milletvekillerinin %53.22'si kadındır. Bu oran Küba'yı, meclisteki kadın vekil oranında dünyanın en yüksek ikinci oranına sahip ülke yapmaktadır.
Bkz: Celia Sánchez(1920-1980):Celia Sánchez Manduley, Kübalı devrimci ve komünist siyasetçi. “Biz hiçbir zaman geride kalmadık. Erkeklerin yanlarında, bazen önlerinde olduk. Çünkü aramızda bir fark yok.”
Fidel Castro: Devrimden sonra "Küba Kadın Federasyonu"nu kurmuştur. Fidel; kadınların sömürülmesinin kaynağında, politik bilincin eksikliği olduğunu ifade etmiştir. Politik bilincin oluşması için, bütün kadınları evlerinden çıkmaya, siyasal yaşamın bir parçası olmaya çağırmıştır. Kadınların siyasete katılımının ne kadar önemli olduğunu her fırsatta belirtmiştir. Fidel; "Sadece kadınlar sosyalist toplum için yapılması gerekenleri bu denli başarılı bir şekilde yerine getirebilirdi" sözleriyle, Kübalı kadınların sosyalizmin inşasında neleri başardıkları ve başarabileceklerini gösteriyor.
(Gülşah Aydoğan)

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Danimarka ve o zaman Danimarka'ya bağlı olan İzlanda'da, 1915'de kadınlara oy hakkı tanınmıştır. Dünya'da bir kadının bir parlamento da görev alması ilk kez 1924'de Danimarka'da mümkün olmuştur.
(Selimcan Yılmaz)

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1956 yılında kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkı verildi. Feminist hareketinin ilk safhası (1923-1939) yılları arasında olmuştur. Mısır feminist birliği(EFU) lideri Hüda Şaravi tarafından kuruldu.
(Gizem Çelenk)

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The woman who initiated the struggle of Greek women to earn equal rights, Kallirhoe Parren (1861–1940) is considered the first feminist in the country. In 1930, Greek women were finally granted the right to vote  but only under two conditions: They had to be older than 30 years and they must have finished elementary school. The first time that Greek women exercised their right to vote was in the municipal elections of February 11, 1934. Finally, the right for all women to vote in parliamentary elections and the right to be elected was granted on May 28, 1952. In 1953, in a repeat election in Thessaloniki, the first female deputy was elected.
(Deniz Dikme)

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A women's movement was founded by Bríet Bjarnhéðinsdóttir in 1894, and a women's suffrage organsation was founded in 1907.
A bill for women's suffrage was agreed on by the Althing in 1911, ratified by the Althing in 1913, and enacted on 19 June 1915 by the Danish king but only granted the vote to women over 40,  and did not grant the right to vote to servants. In 1920 these restrictions were lifted after Iceland became an independent state under the Danish crown in 1918.
(Deniz Dikme)

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Women's Suffrage in Iceland

Icelandic women gained the parliamentary vote in 1915, but the right was, however, marred by the fact that only women over 40 years of age got the vote. Nowhere else in the world was women's' suffrage restricted in this particular way. Certain circumstances in Iceland contributed to this unique decision, and we shall take a closer look at them here. (In 1920 the franchise limits on women were lifted in accordance with the agreement in 1918 between Denmark and Iceland when the latter became a sovereign state).

Background
Iceland was settled in the 9th and 10th centuries, mainly from Norway. The inhabitants established a remarkable Commonwealth without a king, and the legislative and judicial power lay in the hands of a common meeting, called Alþingi. Lacking an executive body, the Commonwealth proved unstable, and in 1262 Icelanders agreed to take the Norwegian king as their king. With the breakup of the Kalmar Union in 1521, Norway came firmly under Danish rule, and with it Iceland.

In 1845 the Danish king re-established Alþingi as a consultative assembly until 1874 when it gained legislative and financial power in internal affairs. In 1904 Icelanders gained Home Rule, i.e. an office of the Minister of Iceland was established in Reykjavík which was responsible to Alþingi. All legislation now had to be approved by the assembly, which in turn meant a diminishing role of the Danish king and his ministers. Mass political parties slowly gained foothold as the Minister needed a parliamentarian majority for his legislation. In 1918, Iceland became a sovereign state, and in 1944 Iceland declared independence in all affairs, thus severing the centuries old ties to Denmark.

During this period of 100 years Iceland underwent economic, social, and political changes with remarkable speed. At the turn of the 19th century, Iceland was a sparsely populated country of farmers, their wives and offspring, and land-labourers and maids on farms. The middle-class ― the backbone of all social movements ― was all but absent until well into the 20th century. Reykjavík, the largest town and the capital, counted only about 5.000 people in 1900, or about 5 percent of the population of the island. By contrast, in 1920 about 20 percent of the population resided in the capital, which by that time could boast of banks and corporations, pressure groups and social movements, including a strong women's movement.

Suffrage to parliament was limited to men of certain age, taxes and property from 1845. The restrictions on property and taxes were lifted gradually, so that in 1903 almost all men who were not farm-labourers could vote. Parliament discussed women's suffrage more than once in the 19th century, and most parliamentarians supported that cause. Danish autorities vetoed all bills containing women's suffrage because they all proposed changes in the relationship between the countries as well. Being Protestants and homogenous on all counts, Icelanders proved fairly liberal towards social changes.

Women's organisations on the rise
The first women's organisation in Iceland was founded in 1869 in the countryside. Its aim was to further the unity and cooperation of women in the region, and the organisation collected money to buy a knitting machine that all members could use. No reference was made to civil or political rights in the founding statement. On the other hand, the formation of the association is a sign of the awakening of a public spirit among women in the country. The next decades saw a proliferation of women's organisations in Iceland, mainly in the capital, Reykjavík, that in 1907 could boast of six such organisations. Women's associations were for the main part self-help associations in the sense that their task was to raise member's level of house-keeping standards, acquire knowledge about new technology, and even buy new tools on a cooperative level, thus introducing the industrial revolution to the backward Ielandic households. Some were explicitly philantropic, especially in Reykjavík, where the first women's association, founded in 1874, gave clothes and food to the poor. However, philantrophy also often played a big role in women's self-help associations.

Only in 1894 was a true women's rights organisation founded, the Icelandic Women's Association, i.e. an organisation that had the purpose of fighting for women's suffrage. The association arranged for petitions to parliament to grant suffrage to women and organised meetings with other women's organisations with the object of obtaining the vote for women (Erlendsdóttir 1993: 26, 64). In 1895 the organisation gathered 2000 names for a petition to parliament to grant women the vote. In 1907 the organisation collected more than 11.000 women's signatures on a petition for women's suffrage - which was nearly the same number as that of enfranchised males in the country. The signatures came from all counties in the country and showed that the women's suffrage movement was not confined to Reykjavík.

Most women's organisations had the aim of helping the sick and the poor. In the total absence of national health care and very little social help from the municipalities, the women's organisations played a significant role in shaping the welfare state. Their influence was particularly felt in the field of healthcare, such as providing home care for the sick and establishing a health care centre in Reykjavík. The women's organisations redefined social politics and advocated active state involvement in this area (Jónsson 2001: 252).

Women also acquired organizational skills and established networks of relationships through their own organisations. Women's schools also played a role. Barred from all but the most elementary education, women established four private schools between 1874 and 1879, the first in 1874 in Reykjavík. Here, young women came together for a year or two, formed friendships and made alliances that they carried with them out to the larger world. Many of them became leaders in women's associations later on.

The struggle for suffrage begins
Carrie Chapman Catt, the leader of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance (IWSA), contacted an Icelandic woman, Bríet Bjarnhéðinsdóttir, in 1904 and asked her to found a suffrage society in Iceland (Styrkársdóttir, 1998: 53-66. On the history of the IWSA, see Rupp 1997). Bríet Bjarnhéðinsdóttir had everything that was required to create a social movement. Being a widow she was financially independent as well as being her own master. She knew Danish and English which meant that international communication was possible. She was interested in women's suffrage, and last, but not least, Bríet owned the woman's magazine Kvennablaðið (The Women's Magazine), which was popular among women all over Iceland.

Bríet Bjarnhéðinsdóttir attended the IWSA congress in Copenhagen in 1906. There she was introduced to the various political work that women were engaged in, including running slates at local elections and school boards, e.g. in Norway, England and Australia (see Styrkársdóttir 1998: 59-62). She was also introduced to the suffragettes' vision of a new world where women were seen to use their vote to change the legal and social positions of women and children in order to create a better world for all (see e.g. Hollis 1989; Skocpol 1992; Koven & Michel 1993). The goal of most socially engaged women in Europe and North America at that time was that women participate in politics and gain autonomy in issues concerning women and children. Many of them also believed that through the vote they would be able to construct politics for women and children, unhindered by male politicians and policy makers. Among the women Bríet met, and probably spoke to, - for she was anything but shy, - were Vida Goldstein from Australia, Louise Nørlund from Denmark, Anita Augsburg from Germany, Johanna Naber and Aletta Jacobs from the Netherlands, and Anna H. Shaw and Carrie Chapman Catt from America, to name but af few of the leading feminists in the world.

When Bríet Bjarnhéðinsdóttir returned to Iceland her magazine became the most ardent supporter of women's rights Icelanders had seen. It brought news of the feminist struggle throughout the world and gave small biographies of leading feminists. Bríet also occasionally submitted news to Jus Suffragii, the IWSA's magazine.

Bríet turned to the Icelandic Women's Association and asked the president to renew the suffrage issue. When the president refused because of the unpopularity of the cause, Bríet started a new organisation, The Icelandic Women's Rights Association, founded in January 1907. The association promptly joined the IWSA. Its purpose was to work for women's rights with suffrage as the first and necessary means. As Bríet Bjarnhéðinsdóttir put it in Kvennablaðið (January 21, 1907):

"The experience of the last fifty years or so has proven to women elsewhere in the world that in order to establish equality between men and women and gain full political citizenship for women, only one thing is essential, that thing being the cornerstone for all other women's rights; that thing is political rights: women's suffrage and women's eligibility in politics. All other rights are derived from this".

Women's political project: Women's slates
Married women became voters at the local elections of the capital, Reykjavík, on January 1 1908 (unmarried women and widows who paid taxes but were not maids having gained that right in 1882). The idea of entering a separate women's slate at the town council election in January that same year came naturally to Bríet who had heard of such actions through her contacts with the IWSA. Most of the members of the Women's Rights Association were also members of other women's organisations in Reykjavík, and all felt the need to put the vote to good use. The town council comprised of loosely-knit alliances that reflected differing views on the relationship between Iceland and Denmark, Iceland having gained Home Rule in 1904.

The women of Reykjavík stood for election in order to influence the town council on matters concerning women and children. Their entrance into the political arena marked the beginning of organized politics in municipal matters in Iceland. The women prepared for the election with astonishing degree of organizational skills, the like of which Icelanders had never seen; indeed it was the first modern political campaign in Iceland with organized meetings, personal visits to every registered woman, posters and leaflets and an election-office. It is likely that the women had obtained knowledge from the IWSA on election management.

The women's slate was victorious at the polls, receiving 22 percent of valid votes cast and four of the 15 councillors. Women in Reykjavík entered a slate at every election until the election year of 1918, winning a seat on the council in most cases. At this time, considerable development was taking place in the town to cope with the increasing population. Gas and water supplies were installed, the first streets were paved, and a new harbour was built, to name but a few projects. The general view of the town authorities, however, was that providing care for the townspeople was a matter for motivated individuals and voluntary organisations. Thus, the town had no hospital on its own.

Women town councillors were quick to involve themselves in these issues. The first matter taken up by the women was that girls should, like boys, be taught to swin in the town swimming pool. They arranged for the primary school to provide free lunches for the poorest schoolchildren, and saw to it that the school hired a doctor to inspect all the schoolchildren. They also had the floor of the primary school cleaned daily, which was an important factor in hindering the spread of tuberculosis. The women town councillors influenced the school board so that women teachers were paid the same as their male counterparts. On the whole, the women were concerned with the most vulnerable groups in society: children, the sick, the poor and the aged.

In 1918 the women joined forces with the largest political group in the town and their representative was put in a secure seat on that parties' slate at the election. By then, the political forces in Reykjavík had changed from loosely-knit alliances to class based parties, leaving little space to the sort of maternalistic politics that the women's organisations of the town advocated. The town council addressed itself increasingly to the business community of the town, a fact that made the town council seat more lucrative. Labour unions were gaining foothold, and in 1916 their slate won a landslide victory on the town council. Maternalist politics were tolerated, even welcomed, in Reykjavík town council, as long as the political factions were weak and little to be gained from the council. As soon as the political landscape changed, maternalistic politics had no leverage (Styrkársdóttir 1998: 189-90). In 1922 when the woman's term had come to an end, the party refused to take a women's representative on its slate. The party officials accused the women's representative of having been too independent in her decisions and that they did not want to take any further risks.

The development in Reykjavík greatly influenced the parliamentary debate and decisions on the suffrage question. As mentioned before, Icelanders proved fairly liberal in their views towards women's suffrage. The strong women's political movement in Reykjavík seems, however, to have put fear into the hearts of many parliamentarians. In 1913, parliament discussed a bill granting suffrage to women. Surprisingly, the bill restricted the suffrage by age (40) and social status (not servants). Except for Iceland, only in England was women's suffrage limited by age (30) and that at a later date (1920). This merits some consideration.

Women on the defensive
A publication has survived called Kosningablað kvenna (Women's Election Paper), published in Reykjavík in 1912. Among other things, this urges women to use their vote ― otherwise more people will say that women are not interested in gaining greater rights. Is is also pointed out that many of the matters dealt with by the town council are of such a nature that mature women can cope with them as well as men. It is necessary to work together to escape from beneath an old and heavy yoke - to overturn prejudices, and create a new comprehension of women's place in society. For this reason, all women should vote for the women's slate, whatever their views on other public issues. The paper also gives an account of women's achievements on the town council over the preceding four years. Items mentioned include new regulations on the milk trade and the opening of three playgrounds for children. The paper then says:

Women! Let us spread the word of what they [i.e. women's representatives] have achieved, and bear in mind that there is still plenty for women to do on the town council, especially in matters that men are less likely to notice ... And yet people say that they have done no good, and do no good. I know that women, mothers, must see and acknowledge the usefulness of all this.

It is clear that the women's movement was on the defensive. In a debate on women's suffrage in parliament in 1911 a bill was submitted by a private member which would have limited women's suffrage for those over 40. The bill was not agreed on, but it seems to have kindled fires that were not put out. In the national newspapers, articles began to appear in 1911 which attacked women, on the grounds that they had nothing to contribute to the political arena. These same publications had previously supported women's suffrage. They continued to publish articles which discussed the political work of women in Reykjavík in a positive vein, but there was a new editorial tone. The most ferocious, and most clearly-stated article appeared in one of the leading newspapers in early 1912 ( Þjóðólfur 13 January 1912):

It is true that there are a handful of women's rights campaigners among us, but there is considerable doubt whether the movement they have been trying to launch has taken root in the minds of Icelandic women. At any rate, it is difficult to detect much interest in politics among them. Everyone who is prepared to tell the truth, must admit that Icelandic women are outstandingly ignorant and apathetic about all public affairs. If a woman takes a strong interest in politics, is is practically always the case that a man closely related to her, husband, father, brother or sweetheart, has passed on his views to her.

During the winter of 1911, several pillars of Reykjavík community considered forming an alliance against women's suffrage. Similar groups had been formed in the USA and in London, and in Germany a similar society was very active from early 1912 (see Fulford 1957: 215-16; Flexner 1975: 305-18; Evans 1976: 175-201; Marshall 1997). Although the idea was never put into practice in Iceland, it was intimidating for women's rights campaigners. The largest political group in Reykjavík also turned against unlimited women's suffrage for parliament in 1911.

Women in the town had shown remarkable political strength. The ability and activity shown by women seems to have aroused an uneasy feeling in the more conservative minds. In many respects, influential political leaders of the younger generation proved more conservative than the older generation. The competition of political factions and parties for women's votes also grew more fierce, which meant that all possible competitors were treated with less civility than before.

Suffrage granted to women
In 1913, parliament agreed on a bill which was ratified as law by the Danish king in 1915. This bill contained changes to the franchise. A majority of a parliamentary committee produced the following declaration on the franchise ( Alþingistíðindi 1913, A-hluti: 933):

The majority of the committee has agreed to adhere to the franchise articles of the bill of 1911, but with the alteration that the new voters are not all admitted at once, but gradually, so that after 15 years the franchise to the lower house will be as described in the bill. The majority of the committee regards it as hazardous to increase the numbers so greatly at a stroke, that the present electorate will lose practically all power over national affairs.

The vast majority of parliament was in agreement with this limitation on women's suffrage, and male farm-labourers, who had not had the vote, were now lumped together with women. A number of members spoke in favour of women's age limit, and the arguments were all similar in nature. In the first place, parliamentarians suddenly seemed to lose their nerve at the prospect of extending the franchise too much, all at once. The members of parliament made no specific reference to male land-labourers, who were only a quarter of the proposed new voters. It is therefore quite obvious that parliament was primarily afraid of women ― afraid that an extension of the franchise would lead to a radical re-shaping of the structures of power.

In the second place, parliamentarians expressed unusually great 'care' for women. For instance, one of them spoke of politics as 'dirty work' from which women should be shielded. Another argued that women needed time to make themselves better capable of using their vote and eligibility for office.

Last, but not least, there was some reference to the experience in Reykjavík. Women were accused of having made poor use of their vote in local government and parish elections, and, worse still - in Reykjavík they had established their own party. One member of the younger generation of political leaders, put it bluntly ( Alþingistíðindi 1913, C-hluti: 1579):

There is a risk that women would, if they all received the vote at once, regard themselves as a separate party, who should elect only women to parliament. We in Reykjavík have that experience, at least.

These words reflect a fear of change. It was impossible to predict what changes might result from women's suffrage. There were many women in Iceland; if they were to form a separate party, as they had done in Reykjavík, this would threaten the powerful position of the speaker and his parliamentary colleagues. Probably this argument appealed most strongly to other members of parliament. The bill was passed by a vast majority. The Danish king signed the bill on June 19th 1915, and Icelandic women 40 years and older became voters in Iceland. (In 1920 the franchise limits on women were lifted in accordance with the agreement in 1918 between Denmark and Iceland when the latter became a sovereign state).

Women's slate in parliament
The women's party did arise, but not for the reasons parliamentarians had feared. At the town council election in Reykjavík in 1922 the political parties refused to put women in safe seats. This so enraged women that they decided to enter a women's slate in the parliamentary election later that year. The reasons they gave for this, apart from having being kicked out of the town council in Reykjavík, was to shoulder the responsibilities that the franchise put upon women. They maintained that women had more interest in social welfare issues than men, and that their voice was needed in parliament. They also wanted to ensure that parliament started building a national hospital for the considerable funds that women had raised to commemorate the suffrage.

The women's slate received 22.4 percent of the vote and the first woman entered parliament, By Auður Styrkársdóttir, 2006 Ingibjörg H. Bjarnason She was elected for eight years. During her service as a parliamentarian she always supported the rights of women and initiated bills to that effect. One of the things she initiated was to get women elected on all boards and committees that the parliament or government established. She failed in that mission, but she managed to get enough support for a bill that eliminated all statues that stated that women could refuse to be elected, e.g. in municipal elections and on school boards. She also supported expanded education for women and campaigned for an increase in the salary of midwifes and teachers. Ingibjörg H. Bjarnason followed through the dream of women's organisations of a national hospital. The hospital opened its doors to its first patients in 1930 in a beautiful building that is still one of the landmarks of Reykjavík ― and a commemoration to women's suffrage.

Director of the Women's History Archives, Iceland from 2001-2016.

Flexner, Eleanor. 1975. Fulford, Roger. 1957. Hollis, Patricia. 1989. Jónsson, Guðmundur. 2001. 'The Icelandic Welfare State in the Twentieth Century', Koven, Seth and Sonya Michel (eds.). 1993. Marshall, Susan E. 1997. Rupp, Leila J. 1997. Skocpol, Theda. 1992. Styrkársdóttir, Auður. 1998. Erlendsdóttir, Sigríður Th. 1993. Veröld sem ég vil. Kvenréttindafélag Íslands.
Century of Struggle. The Women's Rights Movement in the United States. Cambridge & London: The Belknap Press. Votes for Women. The Story of a Struggle. London: Faber & Faber. Ladies Elect. Women in English Local Government, 1865-1914. Oxford: Clarendon Press. WSA - International Woman Suffrage Alliance . Report of Second and Third Conferences, Berlin, Germany, June 3, 4, 1904, Copenhagen, Denmark, August 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 1906. Copenhagen: Bianco Luno, 1906. Scandinavian Journal of History 26, 249-267. Mothers of a New World. Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States. New York & London: Routledge. Kosningablað kvenna . Reykjavík. Kvennablaðið . Reykjavík. Splintered Sisterhood. Gender and Class in the Campaign against Woman Suffrage. The University of Wisconsin Press. Worlds of Women. The Making of an International Women's Movement. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers. The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States. Cambridge & London: The Belknap Press. From Feminism to Class Politics. The Rise and Decline of Women´s Politics in Reykjavík, 1908-1922. Umeå University. Þjóðólfur. Reykjavík.

I

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Women's Suffrage in Iceland - Kvennasögusafn

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Icelandic women gained the parliamentary vote in 1915, but the right was, however, marred by the fact that only women over 40 years of age got the vote. Nowhere else in the world was women's' suffrage restricted in this particular way.

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Women's right to suffrage was granted by Colombian dictator Gustavo Rojas Pinilla in 1954, but had its origins in the 1930s with the struggle of women to acquire full citizenship. In 1957 women first voted in Colombia on a plebiscite.
(Damla Üner)

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Francisco de  Miranda (1750 - 1816) Miranda, Aydınlanma Çağından kaynaklanan ve bütün Atlantik  Devrimlerini etkileyen genel siyasi ve entelektüel iklimde zamanının üç  önemli tarihsel ve siyasi hareketine katıldı: Amerikan Devrim Savaşı ,  Fransız Devrimi ve İspanyol Amerikan bağımsızlık savaşları . Bu süre  zarfında deneyimlerini 63 ciltlik dergisinde anlattı. Kadınların eğitimi  için hırslı bir savunma yayınladı.
(Çağrı Furkan Levent)

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Women's suffrage in Thailand can be dated at least as far back as the Ministry of Interior's Local Administrative Act of May 1897 (Phraraachabanyat 1897.
However, a consideration of female suffrage reveals significant differences in Thailand's electoral design. The colonial countries that had the greatest influence in the neighboring regions of Southeast Asia were the Netherlands, Britain, and France. None had established universal suffrage in their own countries by this point. Women only gained equal voting rights in the Netherlands in 1919, in Britain in 1928, and in France in 1944; women in their Southeast Asian colonies also achieved suffrage later.
(İlayda Saka)

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Şili, Latin Amerika'daki en sosyal muhafazakar ülkelerden biri olarak kabul edildi. Şili hükümeti, kadınları ataerkil, evcilleştirilmiş bir ortama sokan ve kadın haklarını akıl yürütme olarak kullanılan Katolikliğe saygı duyuyor.
Bkz: 1922'de Graciela Mandujano ve diğer kadınlar, kadınların oy kullanma hakkına sahip olmalarına odaklanan "Partido Civico Femenino"yu (Kadın Sivil Partisi) kurdular. 1949'da, kadınlar resmi olarak oy kullanma hakkını kazandılar.
(Tunahan Selçuk Özdemir)

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Fue defensora de los derechos sociales, políticos y económicos de la mujer y una de las impulsoras del voto femenino en Chile. Graciela Mandujano dedicó su vida a la lucha emancipadora de las mujeres.

Junto a Elena Caffarena y Marta Vergara, entre otras, conformó el grupo de feministas que lideró el Movimiento Pro- Emancipación de las Mujeres de Chile, más conocido como MEMCH. Durante 1944 a 1945 fue Secretaria General de esa organización que, además de su destacada lucha feminista, se comprometió con el cambio social de la clase trabajadora en el Chile de la primera mitad del siglo XX.

Previo a su incorporación en el MEMCH, en 1922, fundó e integró el Partido Cívico Femenino, el primer partido feminista de Chile. El mismo año de la fundación, y bajo su alero, nace la Revista Acción Femenina en la que se difundieron los ideales de emancipación política, cultural y social de la mujer y que fue dirigida por Mandujano entre 1922 y 1923.

En representación del MEMCH asistió a la VIII Conferencia Panamericana de Lima, en el Comité Interamericano de Mujeres, donde se discutió sobre los derechos de las mujeres en América y creó vínculos con distintas organizaciones feministas de la región.

En 1944 participó en el Primer Congreso Nacional de Mujeres en Santiago y, tras el encuentro, se creó la Federación Chilena de Instituciones Femeninas (FECHIF), de la que fue Secretaria de Asuntos Internacionales.

Graciela Mandujano fue de esa generación de mujeres de la primera mitad del siglo XX que, junto a sus compañeras, alentó la lucha feminista y que finalmente en 1949 logró el derecho amplio a voto para las mujeres chilenas.

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Mujeres Bacanas | Graciela Mandujano (1902-1984)

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Fue defensora de los derechos sociales, políticos y económicos de la mujer y una de las impulsoras del voto femenino en Chile. Graciela Mandujano dedicó su vida a la lucha emancipadora de las mujeres. Junto a Elena Caffarena y Marta Vergara, entre otras, conformó el grupo de feministas que lideró el Movimiento Pro- Emancipación de [...]

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Kuveyt kadınlara oy hakkını 1985 yılında verilirken 1999 yılında bu hak geri alınmış. 2005 yılına gelindiğinde bu hak tekrardan kadınlara geri verilmiştir.
(Çağrı Furkan Levent)

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Brezilya'da, 1930'larda kadınlara oy hakkı tanınmasına rağmen, 1970'lerde ve sonrasında Brezilya'da daha geniş ve daha güçlü bir kadın hareketi hakim oldu.
Bkz: Brezilyalı zoolog, politikacı ve diplomat Bertha Lutz, hem Pan Amerikan feminist hareketinde hem de insan hakları hareketinde önde gelen bir figür olmuştur. Brezilya'da kadınların oy hakkı kazanmasında etkili olmuştur.
(Büşra Demir)

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Bertha Lutz - Ciência em Gotas (English version)

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Ekvador'daki kadınlar genellikle çocukların ve ailelerin yetiştirilmesinden ve bakımından sorumludur; geleneksel olarak erkekler aktif bir rol üstlenmemişlerdir. Günümüzde her geçen gün daha fazla kadın işgücüne katılıyor, bu da erkeklerin ev işleri yapmasına ve çocuklarının bakımına daha fazla dahil olmasına neden oldu. Bu değişiklik, Eloy Alfaro'nun Ekvadorlu kadınlara çalışma hakkının verildiği 1906'daki liberal devriminden büyük ölçüde etkilenmiştir. Kadınlar oy hakkı 1929'da kazandı.
Bkz: Matilde Hidalgo
(Yıldız Aggül)

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Obra que resalta la vida y la lucha heroica de la gran pionera ecuatoriana Matilde Hidalgo de Procel, primera mujer Bachiller, primera médica del país, primera sufragista del Ecuador y de América Latina, cuya luminosa trayectoria se proyecta en las páginas de este libro con el que la autora la ubica en el sitial de honor que merece en nuestra historia.
"Creo que Jenny Estrada a hecho un libro serio, pacientemente documentado y elegantemente escrito que será de consulta obligatoria para quien quiera estudiar la evolución de la mujer en el medio ecuatoriano y latinoamericano." Leopoldo Benítez Vinuesa

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Matilde Hidalgo de Procel: Una mujer total (Spanish Edition)

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Obra que resalta la vida y la lucha heroica de la gran pionera ecuatoriana Matilde Hidalgo de Procel, primera mujer Bachiller, primera médica del país, primera sufragista del Ecuador y de América Latina, cuya luminosa trayectoria se proyecta en las páginas de este libro con el...

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In 1924, Mongolian women were given an equal right to vote and to be elected. In 1924, the Mongolian Women’s Federation was founded as part of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party. Funded by the state, it provided the mechanism for women’s participation in the formal political system. Since men and women had not been considered equal in the political sphere before 1921, party policy was that women’s participation had to be positively encouraged. A quota system was established to ensure 25 per cent parliamentary representation by women. As a result, women were elected to local government (30% in 1931), and to the Baga Khural, the country’s highest legislative body at the time. Women were appointed ministers of state and heads of government departments.
(İlayda Saka)

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In 1956, The Code of Personal Status  was enacted—This document has abolished polygamy and  repudiation, enabled women to ask for divorce, enacted a minimum age for marriage and ordered the consent of both spouses before marriage. Thus also earning the right to vote in 1957.
(Nourane Zayen)

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Güney Afrika kadınlara 1930 yılında oy hakkı vermiştir ama beyaz ırk kadınlara 1930 yılında vermiştir. 1984 yılında ise hint ırkına oy hakkını vermiştir ve en son 1994 yılında siyah ırka oy hakkı vermiştir.

Diana E. H. Russell Güney afrikada ki ilk feministlerdendir. Feminist , yazar ve aktivisttir. 1938 yılında doğmuştur.Kadın hakları ve İnsan hakları gibi konularla ilgilenmiştir.

https://www.dianarussell.com/index.html
(Taylan Kır)

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Kadınların oy hakkı yasası Kongre tarafından 9 Eylül 1947'de oybirliğiyle onaylandı ve birkaç gün sonra Juan Domingo Peron tarafından ilk başkanlık döneminde yasa ile imzalandı.
Yasa, 1951 genel seçimlerinde 3,5 milyondan fazla kadının oy kullanmasına izin verdi.
Faket kadınların feminist hareketi çok daha önceye dayanmaktadır.
Bkz: Julieta Lanteri
(Yıldız Aggül)

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Relato de la vida de Julieta Lanteri Renshaw, sexta médica graduada en el país, primera sufragista, fundadora del Partido Feminista Nacional, en 1919, cuando aún no existía el derecho al sufragio femenino. Es la primera investigación sobreesta importante figura del feminismo en la Argentina; describe no sólo la vida de Lanteri sino también la sociedad en la que debió desarrollar su lucha. Bellotta es periodista, guionista, autora de "Aurelia Vélez : la amante de Sarmiento","Margarita Weild y el general Paz" y otros títulos.

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Julieta Lanteri: Pasion de una Mujer (Planeta Singular) (Spanish Edition)

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Relato de la vida de Julieta Lanteri Renshaw, sexta médica graduada en el país, primera sufragista, fundadora del Partido Feminista Nacional, en 1919, cuando aún no existía el derecho al sufragio femenino. Es la primera investigación sobreesta importante figura del feminismo en la Argentina; desc...

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Romanya 1929 yılında kadınlara oy hakkı vermiştir. Alexis Nour Romanya'da ilk feministlerdendir.1877 yılında doğmuştur ve gazeticidir.Alexis Nour insan hakları , toprak reformu , Kadınların oy hakkı gibi konularla ilgilenmiştir.
(Taylan Kır)

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Ukrayda kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkı 1919 yılında verilmiştir. Diğer bir yandan Ukrayna'daki ilk feministler 1880'lerde ortaya çıktı.1887'de Nataliia Kobrynska ve Olena Pchilka feminist bir Antoloji Pershyi Vinok (The First Garland) yayınladı. Yayınları için iki kadın, Ukraynalı kadınların sosyal ve politika bilincini yükseltmek amacıyla sadece kadın yazarların eserlerini seçti.
(ENES ÜNAL)

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Ukrainian feminist literature. Natalya Kobrynska and Olha Kosach (Olena Pchilka)

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1862 yılında İsveç te Kadınlar ödedikleri vergiye göre yerel seçimlerde oy kullanabiliyordu. Genel oy hakkı 1919 yılında resmi olarak tanındı ve 1921 seçimlerinde uygulanmaya başladı.
Gertrud Virginia Adelborg Stockholm Kadın hakları derneği ve 1903-1906 Ulusal Kadın Siyasi Oy Hakkı Derneği yönetim kurulu üyeliği yaptı. İsveç teki Kadınların ilk kez resmi bir şekilde oy kullanması için teklif sundu. İsveç Kadın hareketinin öncü ismidir.
https://sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gertrud_Adelborg
(Guşan Çevik)

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1931'de, eğitim seviyesine göre kadınlara oy kullanma hakkı tanındı.
(Yiğit Eriş)

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Carolina Beatriz Ângelo (16 April 1878 - 3 October 1911) was a Portuguese physician and the first woman to vote in Portugal.

Carolina Beatriz Ângelo was a medical doctor practising in Lisbon. She was a feminist and suffragette who participated in multiple women's associations. She was a leader of the Portuguese Women's Republican League and, in 1911, she and Adelaide Cabete founded the Portuguese Association of Feminist Propaganda (Associação de Propaganda Feminista) of which Ana de Castro Osório became the head.

On May 28, 1911 Ângelo cast her vote to elect representatives to the Constituent National Assembly in 1911 in the first elections after the fall of the monarchy. She used the ambiguity of the law, which granted the right to vote to literate head-of-households over 21, to cast her vote. As a widow and the mother of a daughter, she was a head-of-household. Shortly thereafter, on July 3, 1913, a law was passed to specify the right to vote was only for male citizens, literate and over 21. Her act was widely reported on throughout Portugal and among feminist associations in other countries.

On May 28, 2021, Google celebrated her with a Google Doodle.

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Carolina Beatriz Ângelo (16 April 1878 - 3 October 1911) was a Portuguese physician and the first woman to vote in Portugal. Carolina Beatriz Ângelo was a medical doctor practising in Lisbon. She was a feminist and suffragette who participated in multiple women's associations.

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Çin 1949 yılında eş zamanlı olarak Kadınlara seçme ve Seçilme hakkı vermiştir.
Kang Youwei

Mart 1858 yılında doğdu Çin milliyetçisi ve enternasyonalisttir. Asıl amacı geleneksel Çin aile yapısını yıkmak olan Kang Modern Dünyada Kadın ve Erkek arasındaki evliliğin Kadınlar için bir sömürü sistemi olduğunu düşündü. Bunun yerine bir yıllık evlilik sözleşmesini dile getirdi  Kang Kadın Erkek Eşitliğine inandı ve Kadınlarında Erkeklerinde cinsiyetlerinden bağımsız olarak herşeyi başarabiliceğine inandı. Çindeki Kadınlar adına Devrimin ilk isimlerindendir.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1fNqCc409AM&t=9s&ab_channel=HouseofHistory
(Guşan Çevik)

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İlk kadın devlet başkanı 1960'da göreve gelen Sri Lankalı Sirimavo Bandaranaike'dir.
(Yiğit Eriş)

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Sirimavo Bandaranaike Documentary Part 1

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Uruguay was the first country in all of the America’s and one of the first in the world to grant women fully equal civil rights and universal suffrage in its Constitution of 1917, though this suffrage was first exercised in 1927.
(Emre Şen)

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Paulina Luisi (1875-1950) was a leader of the feminist movement in the country of Uruguay. In 1909, she became the first Uruguayan woman to earn a medical degree and was a firm advocate of sex education in the schools. She represented Uruguay in international women's conferences and traveled throughout Latin America and Europe. She was also the first Latin American woman to participate in the League of Nations and became one its most influential early activists. Her work has had a lasting effect on women of the Americas.

Paulina Luisi was born in Argentina in 1875. Her mother, Maria Teresa Josefina Janicki, was of Polish descent and her father, Angel Luisi, was believed to be of Italian ancestry. Shortly after her birth, the family moved to Uruguay. Luisi also had two sisters, Clotilde Luisi, who was the first female lawyer in Uruguay, and Luisa Luisi, who was a famous poet.

The primary figures whom Luisi drew inspiration from and who provided her with undivided support were her parents. Maria encouraged Luisi to pursue her dreams despite the social constraints placed on women in the early twentieth century. Her father, Angel, an educator and socialist, instilled in her "an uncontainable desire for justice and liberty." Following her father, throughout her life, Luisi was a socialist interested in questions of moral reform.

Luisi received a bachelor's degree in 1899 and graduated from the Medical School of the University of the Republic of Uruguay. In 1908 she became Uruguay's first female physician and surgeon. She became the head of the gynecology clinic of the Faculty of Medicine at the National University in Montevideo. In 1907 there were only four female doctors and three-hundred and five male doctors in Uruguay. As more women joined the medical field, the number of women physicians started to rise. Luisi wrote medical papers on topics ranging from prophylaxis of contiguous diseases, hygiene, eugenics, open air schools, hereditary qualities, and social diseases, to the "white slave trade," prostitution, venereal diseases, and mother's rights.

Sex-Health Education

In 1916 Luisi gave the keynote address before the First Pan-American Child Congress with an emphasis on sociology and education of women and children in Latin -America. Controversially, in the speech. Luisi advocated obligatory sex-health education programs in the public school system from primary through secondary school, as well as women's right to vote. She defined sex education as the pedagogic tool to teach the individual to subject sexual drives to the will of an instructed, conscientious, and responsible intellect. Classes in sex education would emphasize the need for will power and self-discipline, regular moderate physical exercise to burn up sexual energy, and the desirability of avoiding sexually stimulating entertainments. As opposed to sex education, health education classes would focus more on the scientific aspects of reproduction of the species, natural history, anatomy, personal hygiene, and the prevention of venereal diseases. Due to these suggestions, Luisi was called an anarchist and a revolutionary. She was also accused of wanting to teach students how to become prostitutes. In 1944, her suggestions for sex-health education were finally incorporated into the Uruguayan public school system. Luisi believed that "man and woman are nothing but two forms of the same being, equipped only with the differences that the preservation of the species requires." In her understanding, then, differences in anatomy did not dictate different roles for men and women. Luisi also worked as a teacher at the Teacher's Training College for Women and as an advocate for including hygiene among the subjects taught to future teachers. Her lectures and arguments were specifically designed to introduce prophylaxis as a subject within the teachers' training syllabus.

Josephine Butler, a famous 19th-century English moral reformer, had powerful influence on Luisi. Her fight against the Contagious Disease Act of 1864, and her founding of the International Abolitionist Federation in Geneva, Switzerland to curb the white slave trade served as a continual source of inspiration for Luisi.

Luisi's feminist ideas built upon other movements occurring in the early twentieth century. While Luisi was still a student, Argentine liberal feminist Petrona Eyle wrote to her in her capacity as president of the Universitarias Argentinas (Argentine Association of University Women, affiliated with the American Association of University Women (AAUW)), recruiting her to join the organization. In a letter dated May 1, 1907, Eyle encouraged Luisi and her female colleagues in the university to form a Uruguayan branch of the Universitarias, stating that "although there aren't many of you now, you will always be the nucleus around which others will come together."

Map included in the booklet Planisphere indicating the current position of women's political rights in the world of 1929, in which Luisi details the situation of women's voting rights in different countries of the world.

It appears that Luisi and others accepted this invitation and joined with their Argentine counterparts in 1907. Important also to Luisi's insertion into Pan-American liberal feminist networks and to her propulsion to the leadership of Uruguayan liberal feminism was her participation in the Women's Congress ( Congreso Femenino) held in Buenos Aires in 1910. There she became acquainted with prominent Argentine feminists such as Alicia Moreau de Justo and Cecilia Gierson Organized by the Universitarias, the conference brought together more than 200 women, representing Argentina, Uruguay, Peru, Paraguay, and Chile. It was likely at this conference that Luisi first came into contact with many of the leaders (or soon-to-be leaders) of liberal feminism in South America, and where she would establish ontacts and friendships that would endure for decades afterwards. Trips to Europe brought her into contact with women such as Ghenia Avril de Saint Croix, president of the moral unity committee of the International Council of Women, and Julie Siegfried, president of the French National Council of Women.

Uruguayan Feminism

Prior to Luisi's feminist activism, there were no organized movements for women's rights in Uruguay, despite the country's progressive stance on social legislation in the early twentieth century. As a Uruguayan representative at the First Pan-American Scientific Congress meeting in 1915, Luisi helped found a Pan-American Women's Auxiliary, which advocated for "social and economic betterment " of women and children. After this experience, Luisi turned her attention to developing women's organizations in her home country.

Luisi, together with Isabel Pinto de Vidal and Francisca Beretervide, founded the Consejo Nacional de Mujeres (CONAMU), a branch of the International Council of Women in Uruguay in 1916. Luisi became the founder and primary editor of the CONAMU bulletin Acción Femenina (Feminine Action). The bulletin primarily focused on topics concerning women's values and equality. In the 1917 edition, Luisi published her definition of feminism stating the term implies "...that woman is something more than material created to serve and obey man like a slave, that she is more than a machine to produce children and care for the home; that women have feelings and intellect; that it is their mission to perpetuate the species and this must be done with more than the entrails and the breasts; it must be done with a mind and a heart prepared to be a mother and an educator; that she must be the man's partner and counselor not his slave." The CONAMU served as a place for women to empower each other, with Luisi at the forefront, and focused on social problems including women's social welfare and education, working women's conditions, alcoholism, and equal moral standards.

Luisi was a strong advocate for working women as well. She created the two first female trade unions that existed in Uruguay - Unión de Telefonistas (Telephone Operators Union) and the Costureras de sastrerías (Seamstresses from Tailor's Shops). Luisi worked with the Telephone Workers Union to get better work conditions, and the women went from having to operate one hundred phones to eighty thanks to Luisi's involvement. Uruguayans warmed to the idea of women's suffrage in the 1910s, and in 1919 Luisi founded the Alianza de Mujeres para los Derechos Femeninos (Women Alliance for Women's Rights), which was affiliated with the International Woman Suffrage Alliance. The Alianza pressured elected officials to enact women's political rights. The Alianza worked closely with deputy Alfeo Brum to get congress to pass a bill authorizing women's vote at the municipal level, so that women could fulfill their "legitimate social duty of rendering service to the different domains of public welfare." The bill did not pass. With suffrage stalled, four years after its creation the Alianza expanded its agenda to include women's economic and civil rights.

Pan-American Feminism

In addition to fighting for women's rights in Uruguay, Luisi aspired to create a Pan-American feminist movement that would benefit countries in the Americas. She also wanted to achieve equality globally. Luisi traveled to the United States with the hope of having American feminists help develop Pan-American feminism, but she emerged disappointed in American women's disdain for South American feminists. It wasn't until World War II broke out that Luisi once again advocated for "sisterhood" between the US and Latin American feminists. Luisi's activism was internationally recognized and popular in Latin America. In 1947, the Primer Congreso Interamericano de Mujere s (First Inter-American Women's Conference) in Guatemala paid tribute to Luisi, recognizing her as the mother of inter-American feminism.

Paulina Luisi (1919)

Paulina Luisi's activism was also prevalent in public radio stations in Latin America. Radio Femenina, a radio station in Uruguay, was host to Luisi in the 1930s. On air, Luisi urged feminists to remain active because women were the only ones who could make a difference as mediators and peacemakers. Luisi was very influential as the radio allowed her to speak her mind freely and reach places beyond Argentina and Uruguay. Luisi's radio personality placed her in a position of authority as an older wise women among the feminists. A milestone within her radio involvement occurred in her later years when she encouraged women to vote in the 1942 elections in Uruguay to prove that women were worthy of their citizenship. In her older age in the 1940s, Luisi became known as La Abuela, the grandmother, a nickname that displayed ideals of motherhood attached to feminism.

Luisi acted as a Delegate of the Uruguayan Government to the League of Nations Commission for the Protection of Children and Youth, where she took up the fight against the illegal sex trade. She was also a member of the Technical Commission, and she was responsible of the examination of the women trade question.

One of Paulina Luisi's accomplishments as an activist was to end sex trafficking in women. Luisi's experience in the medical field, where she witnessed women having sexual health issues such as infections. This experience drove her to become involved in issues against prostitution. Luisi viewed prostitution as an act degrading to all women, regardless of their nationalisty. Prostitution was a growing issue in Latin America and around the world, and women were oftentimes forced into that lifestyle. Luisi viewed prostitution as product of economic hardship and saw the correlation between prostitution and low wages.

Luisi's famous speech, "The White Slave Trade and the Problem of Reglementation" at the University of Buenos Aires in 1919 led to the creation of the Argentine-Uruguayan Abolitionist Committee. Luisi's efforts were also seen in Argentina where she collaborated with the Municipal Council that created laws that would aid prostitutes who sought rehabilitation. The laws provided work opportunities, legal protection, and hostels.

Commitment to sexual health also led to her involvement in the League of Nations through the Committee on the Traffic of Women and Children. The initial convention for the suppression of traffic reflects Luisi's influence. In 1934, Luisi and the Uruguayan National Council of Women passed the Children's Code. The law provided protection of pregnant women, granted protection of children from birth, and tackled problems of illegitimacy.

In Luisi's case, the main purpose of moral unity was to restrain the practice of prostitution, to check the spread of venereal disease, to protect the future of the human race, and to elevate motherhood from the realm of lust to that of progenitor and guardian of the species.

Ehrick, Christine. Gender & History, Nov 98, Vol. 10 Issue 3, pp. 406-410

Little, Cynthia Jeffress, Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, Vol. 17, No. 4, Special Issue: The Changing Role of Women in Latin America. (Nov., 1975), pp. 386-397.

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Paulina Luisi (1875-1950) was a leader of the feminist movement in the country of Uruguay. In 1909, she became the first Uruguayan woman to earn a medical degree and was a firm advocate of sex education in the schools. She represented Uruguay in international women's conferences and traveled throughout Latin America and Europe.

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During the late 20th and early 21st centuries in Iran, women's rights have been severely restricted compared with those in most developed nations. The World Economic Forum's 2017 Global Gender Gap Report ranked Iran 140 out of 144 countries for gender parity. In 2017 in Iran, females comprised just 19% of the paid workforce with seven percent growth since 1990.  In 2017, the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Index ranked Iran in the bottom translated of 153 countries.  Compared to other South Asian regions, women in Iran have a better access to financial accounts, education, and cellphones. Iran was ranked 116 out of the 153 countries in terms of legal discrimination against women.

(İlayda Saka)

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During the late 20th and early 21st centuries in Iran, women's rights have been severely restricted, compared with those in most developed nations. The World Economic Forum's 2017 Global Gender Gap Report ranked Iran 140, out of 144 countries, for gender parity. In 2017, in Iran, females comprised just 19% of the paid workforce, with seven percent growth since 1990. In 2017, the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Index ranked Iran in the bottom tercile of 153 countries. Compared to other South Asian regions, women in Iran have a better access to financial accounts, education, and cellphones. Iran was ranked 116, out of the 153 countries, in terms of legal discrimination against women.

In Iran, women's rights have changed according to the form of government ruling the country, and attitudes towards women's rights to freedom and self-determination have changed frequently. With the rise of each government, a series of mandates for women's rights have affected a broad range of issues, from voting rights to dress code.

The rights and legal status of Iranian women have changed since the early 20th century, especially during the past three systems of government. During the Qajar dynasty that ruled Iran from the late 1800s to the early 20th century, women were isolated; they were not engaged in politics, and their economic contribution was limited to household work. These conditions changed during the Pahlavi dynasty that ruled the country from 1925 to 1979; women won much more freedom. Women's rights and freedoms were established through the leader's wishes for Iran to become a more modern, European-style country, although that was mostly applicable on the country's elites, disregarding the majority of the population. These freedoms were retracted after the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Human Rights Watch said in 2015, "Women's rights are severely restricted in Iran". Under Ebrahim Raisi's tenure, Iranian authorities have increased policing of women's dress code, leading to decline in women rights.

The new global Georgetown University, Washington, D.C.-based Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Index, which partners with the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), ranked Iran in the bottom tercile of 153 countries.

According to the 2017-2018 Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Index, Iran ranked 116 out of 153 countries in terms of legal discrimination. The World Bank's database, "Women, Business, and the Law", lists 23 restrictions in Iranian law on married women; this includes "applying for a passport, traveling outside the country, choosing where to live, and being head of the household. Women cannot get a job or pursue a profession in the same way a man can; they cannot be ensured of equal pay for equal work, and there are no laws to restrain gender discrimination in hiring." The WPS report also states there:

are no laws that penalize or prevent the dismissal of pregnant women from work, nor are there laws that provide rights for paternity or parental leave or tax-deductible payments for childcare. The Iranian Civil Code confers power on a husband to prevent his wife from taking any job found to be incompatible with the family interest or the dignity of the husband or his wife. Women have no legal protection against domestic violence or sexual harassment by anyone, and the constitution has no non-discrimination clause with gender as a protected category.

On 7 March 2019 a Grand Ayatollah Ja'far Sobhani criticized the parliament for debating a law that equalizes the "blood money" for accident victims, regardless of their sex. On 2 July, Masoumeh Ebtekar, the head of Vice Presidency for Women and Family Affairs announced the equalization of the "blood money" for both sexes is legal and all of the courts must observe it.

According to the 2017-2018 WPS Index, 90% of women in Iran use cellphones and have "access to financial accounts". In other South Asian regions, fewer than 40% have this access and a similar percentage women using cellphones.

The per capita income of women in Iran is lower in comparison with that of women in other South Asian regions according to the WPS Index. According to a 2018 World Bank report, the female labor force participation rate has reached 19.8%, a marked improvement despite a wide gender gap.

Iran's history is commonly divided into three segments; pre-Islamic, post-Islamic, and the modern era. Though little is known about Iran's pre-Islamic history, its recorded history starts with the Achaemenid Empire in 550 B.C.

During the Qajar and at the beginning of the Iranian Revolution:

most women in Persian were second-class citizens with limited if any, rights such as to inheritance or to obtain a basic education. For example, tribal and nomadic groups (like the Kurds, Bakhtiari, Qashqai) allowed their women to interact with men to a certain extent, and even some considered polygamy and Mu'ta (Shia temporary marriage) as undesirable.

Iranian women played a significant role in the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1905-11. They participated in large numbers in public affairs, and held important positions in journalism and in schools and associations that flourished from 1911 to 1924. Prominent Iranian women who played a vital part in the revolution include Bibi Khatoon Astarabadi, Noor-ol-Hoda Mangeneh, Mohtaram Eskandari, Sediqeh Dowlatabadi, and Qamar ol-Molouk Vaziri.

At the turn of the 20th century, many educated Persian women were attracted to journalism and writing. Danesh (1907) was the first specialized journal focusing on women's issues. Later, , Nameie Banovan, Alam e Nesvan, and Nesvan e Vatan Khah were published in Tehran. Moreover, Nesvan e Shargh in Bandar Anzali, Jahan e Zanan in Mashhad, Dokhtaran e Iran in Shiraz, and Peik e saadat in Rasht addressed women's issues throughout Iran. Although the defeat of the constitutionalists (1921-25) and the consolidation of power by Reza Shah (1925-41) destroyed the women's journals and groups, the state implemented social reforms such as mass education and paid employment for women during this period. Reza Shah also began his controversial policy of Kashf-e-Hijab, which banned the wearing of the Islamic hijab in public. Like other sectors of society during Reza Shah's rule, however, women lost the right to express themselves and dissent was repressed.

Iranian newspaper clip from 1968 reads: "A quarter of Iran's Nuclear Energy scientists are women"

In 1925, the military commander Reza Khan overthrew the Qajar dynasty. In the same year, he was declared the Shah of Iran, which marked the beginning of the Pahlavi dynasty era.

Women's first strides were in education: in 1928, they were provided with financial support to study abroad; in 1935 they were admitted to Tehran University, and in 1944 education became compulsory. In 1936, Reza Shah Pahlavi broke gender segregation by setting the mandatory unveiling of women known as Kashf-e hijab-a highly controversial policy which caused many conservative women to stay inside the house rather than go out in a veil and be subjected to harassment from the police, but also caused desegregation in some sectors of society. The reform was supported by many of the leading women's rights activists, who campaigned for it via the women's organisation Kanoun-e-Banovan.

Iran's societal structure and the status of women began to improve after the Shah visited Turkey in 1936. The Shah was inspired by the Westernization that was taking place there by the Turkish leader, Atatürk. In a speech he gave upon his return from Turkey, the Shah said: "I am extremely delighted that women have become aware of their rights and entitlement ... Now women are on their way to gain other rights in addition to the great privilege of motherhood." The Shah's White Revolution helped to increase the legal rights of women.

Women and the Iranian Revolution

When the Iranian Revolution started in 1977, many women in metropolitan cities marched in protest and wore chadors. Women played a significant role in the success of the revolution. Their role was both praised and encouraged by the revolutionary leader Ruhollah Khomeini, who in a speech stated: "We must not forget the activities which women performed, notably confrontations. Iranian women were able to turn into a revolutionary, political, conscious fighting element through their conscious faith ... Truly, women never lagged behind in any area or on any battleground".

Because the first Pahlavi Shah banned the use of the hijab, many women decided to show their favor of Khomeini by wearing a chador, thinking this would be the best way to show their support without being vocal. Women took part in the Iranian revolution by participating in protests. Organizations supportive of the Islamic Revolution, such as Mujahideen, welcomed women into their organization and gave them essential tasks. Khomeini also encouraged women to take part in the protest against the Shah.

Khomeini's era

With the rise of Khomeini, women's roles were limited; they were encouraged to raise large families and tend to household duties. Khomeini believed this to be the most important role women could pursue. Khomeini's belief led to the closing of women's centres, childcare centers and the abolition of family planning initiatives. Women were restricted to certain fields of work, such as midwifery and teaching.

Instead of being forced to remove their veil, women were now subjected to the reversed ban against unveiling, and the veil were now forced upon all women. The non-conservative women, who had worn the veil as a symbol of opposition during the revolution, had not expected veiling to become mandatory, and when the veil was first made mandatory in February 1979 it was met with protests and demonstrations by liberal and leftist women, and thousands of women participated in a women's march on International Women's Day, 8 March 1979, in protest against mandatory veiling. The protests resulted in the temporary retraction of mandatory veiling. When the left and the liberals were eliminated and the conservatives secured solitary control, however, veiling was enforced on all women. This began with the 'Islamification of offices' in July 1980, when unveiled women were refused entry to government offices and public buildings, and banned from appearing unveiled at their work places under the risk of being fired. On the streets, unveiled women were attacked by revolutionaries, and two slogans of the revolution were: "Wear a veil, or we will punch your head" and "Death to the unveiled". In July 1981, an edict of mandatory veiling in public was introduced, which was followed in 1983 by an Islamic Punishment Law, introducing a punishment of 74 lashes on unveiled women. The law was enforced by members of the Islamic Revolution Committees patrolling the streets, and later by the Guidance Patrols, also called the Morality Police.

Khamenei's era

In the May 1997 Iranian presidential election, the overwhelming majority of women voted for Mohammad Khatami, a reformist cleric who promised more political freedoms. His election brought a period during which women became increasingly bold in expressing ideas, demands, and criticisms. The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Shirin Ebadi, Iranian human rights and women's rights activist, further emboldened women's rights activists in Iran and fixed their relationships with Iranian feminists abroad. According to secular feminists, the problem that women face in Iran derives from merging religion and politics.

During the Sixth Parliament, some of Iran's strongest advocates of women's rights emerged. Almost all of the 11 female lawmakers of the then-270-seat Majlis tried to change some of Iran's more conservative laws. During the elections for the Seventh Majlis, however, the all-male Council of Guardians banned the 11 women from running for office and only conservative females were allowed to run. The Seventh Majlis reversed many of the laws passed by the reformist Sixth Majlis.

In mid-November 2018 United Nations General Assembly's Human Rights Committee approved a resolution against Iranian government's continuous discrimination against women and limitation of freedom of thought.

On October 2, 2019, the Iranian Guardian Council approved an amendment to the nationality law, in which women married to men with a foreign nationality can confer nationality to their children, following an approval first passed by the Islamic Consultative Assembly in May 2019. This law was later rescinded by another law, which effectively made Iranian mothers unable to confer their nationality to their children.

The Information Technology Organisation (ITO) as the first Iranian government agency publishes banning guidelines described as "forbidden conduct" including sexual harassment, verbal and physical threats, aggressive behavior, defamation, and intimidation, among other offenses. The guidelines have been adjusted with "Iranian and Islamic values".

The Islamic Republic in Iran has strict laws about women's clothing and dancing with men in public (that are not family members). "The use of headscarf in public is mandatory for women while dancing is prohibited." Several women producing videos of themselves dancing have been arrested and forced to confess for "breaking moral norms" on state TV (which The Guardian says is "a tactic often used by Iranian authorities"). Maedeh Hojabri posted videos on Instagram of her dancing. Her Instagram account was then blocked and she was arrested. Hojabri's arrest "led to an outcry of support from ordinary Iranians". In response to protest the Hojabri's arrest, Iranian women have posted videos of themselves dancing. Rights activists said that Hojabri's TV confession was a "forced confession of wrongdoing".

In December 2022, Iran was expelled from membership of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, following the death of Mahsa Amini and the violent crackdown against women's rights protesters in Iran. This was the first time a member had been expelled over its treatment of women in the history of the commission.

Most initiatives concerning women's rights during the Pahlavi dynasty began with the White Revolution in 1962, which led to the enfranchisement of women by the Prime Minister Asadollah Alam. A law that gave women limited voting rights, allowing them to vote in local elections, was passed. Khomeini believed this right was state propaganda to hide its dictatorial and fascist nature with democracy and liberalism. According to Khomeini, this law "serves only to mislead the uninformed masses and to cover its crimes". Khomeini also believed that such power for women was comparable to prostitution. Khomeini led protests about women's voting rights that resulted in the repeal of the law.

Since the women's voting rights law was repealed, women were forbidden to participate in a referendum held during the White Revolution. The Minister of Agriculture, however, suggested women's movement leaders set up a voting booth to voice their suggestions. Though their votes did not count, the high number of women voting persuaded Mohammad Reza Shah to grant women voting rights soon after the referendum. Six women were elected to the parliament in the September 1963 parliamentary election and the Shah appointed two women to serve in the Senate.

After the 1979 Islamic revolution, Khomeini said, "Women have the right to intervene in politics. It is their duty, Islam is a political religion".

Two Basiji women with hijab

Compulsory wearing of the hijab was reinstated for Iranian state employees after the 1979 revolution; this was followed by a law requiring the wearing of the hijab in all public spaces in 1983.

Non-conservative women, who had worn the veil as a symbol of opposition during the revolution, had not expected veiling to become mandatory, and when the veil was first made mandatory in February 1979 it was met with protests and demonstrations by liberal and leftist women, and thousands of women participated in a women's march on International Women's Day, 8 March 1979, in protest against mandatory veiling. The protest resulted in the temporary retraction of mandatory veiling. When the left and the liberals were eliminated and the conservatives secured solitary control, however, veiling was enforced on all women, with an edict of mandatory veiling in 1981, followed by an Islamic Punishment Law in 1983, introducing a punishment of 74 lashes on unveiled women.

The Guidance Patrol, an undercover law enforcement squad also known as "Morality Police" ( Persian: گشت ارشاد‎ Gašt-e Eršād), surveys women in public for dress-code violations. Wearing a headscarf has been strictly enforced in Iran since the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Women who did not wear a hijab or were deemed to be wearing "bad hijab" by having some of their hair showing faced punishments ranging from fines to imprisonment. In December 2017, the Iranian government announced women would no longer be arrested for wearing a "bad hijab" in public, but those not wearing one would have to attend Islam education classes. Though the announcement was viewed as a moderate improvement, the police still targeted activists campaigning against compulsory hijab-wearing.

On November 26, 2018, Nasrin Sotoudeh, a human-rights lawyer and political prisoner being held at Tehran's Evin Prison, began a hunger strike demanding the release of Farhad Meysami, a doctor who is in jail for protesting compulsory wearing of the hijab. In late 2018 the US State Department condemned the arbitrary arrest of Meisami, who had been on hunger strike since August. In April 2019, Sotoudeh was sentenced to 148 lashes and 38 years in prison for defending opposition activists and women's rights for not wearing hijabs in public. According to the judge presiding over Sotoudeh's case, she was punished for "gathering and colluding to commit crimes against national security" and "insulting the supreme leader".

In July 2022, Sepideh Rashnu, a writer and artist, was arrested after her video of being harassed on a bus for "improper clothing" was circulated online. She was taken to hospital due to internal bleeding after her arrest, possibly due to torture. Her forced confession was played on local television after the visit to hospital. Dozens of women were arrested after 12 July 2022 for not wearing Hijab.

On 15 August 2022, Iran introduced new restrictions on women's dress code. The new rules state that the female government employees will be fired if they post their pictures on social media which do not conform to Islamic laws and women publishing their pictures without a hijab on the Internet will be excluded from some social rights for up to an year. President Ebrahim Raisi announced the use of facial recognition technology in public transport to impose new hijab laws. A few days later, a woman died in police custody after being arrested for not wearing the hijab properly, sparking a series of protests.

In 2008, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's administration introduced a "family support bill" that would have allowed men to marry a second wife without his first wife's permission and put a tax on -which is seen by many women "as a financial safety net in the event a husband leaves the marriage and is not forced to pay alimony". In September 2008, Iran's judiciary returned the tax bill to the legislative council with complaints about the polygamy and tax articles, which removed from the bill.

Marriage laws in Iran continue to be difficult to change permanently due to the role family plays in Islamic societies. Tradition is key in Islamic society; to attempt to change a tradition and keep the change applicable, it must occur many times.

Divorce law in Iran was initially based upon the general rule in Shari'a law that gives men the sole right to end a marriage at any time. This is based on Article 1133 of the previous Civil Code (1928) that states: "A man can divorce his wife whenever he wishes to do so". This law was modified in 1967 by the Family Protection Act that granted women more rights in divorce and made private divorces illegal. The 1967 Act included the right to apply for a divorce under specific conditions; Article 1130 of the Civil Code gave courts more power to grant a judicial divorce requested by a woman and in circumstances in which the wife could attain power of attorney and expedite the divorce process.

In modern-day Iran, divorce can be obtained by both men and women, and the custody of children is given to the parent determined by a judge.

Iran's civil law system can be seen as very gender distinct, with numerous laws that favor men over women and few, if any, laws favoring women. Iran follows Islamic laws. Under Iranian civil laws, when children reach puberty, they also gain penal responsibility and can legally be tried as an adult. This can be seen as disadvantageous towards girls, who reach puberty around the age of ten whereas boys reach it around the age of fourteen. This means girls as young as ten can be prosecuted criminally. Punishments can vary from prison sentences to lashes and the death penalty.

On November 13, 2018, Entekhab, Iran's official news agency, published a statement by the hiking board of the northeastern province of Khorasan Razavi that requires Iranian women to have permission from their husbands or fathers if they want to go hiking.

Iran forbids women from traveling without the consent of her husband. According to article 18 of the Passport Law passed in 1973, a husband can ban his wife from leaving the country. A woman is required by Iranian law to have the permission on her husband before she can leave the country or obtain a passport. In response to this, many Iranian women created a protest called "Women's right to travel" which has garnered over 50,000 signatures. Women in Iran have little, if any, autonomy or rights compared to men in Iran.

First group of women who entered university, 1936.[78]

The writer and activist Bibi Khatoon Astarabadi founded the first school for Persian girls in 1907. In this school, Iranian women could study subjects including history, geography, law, calculus, religion, and cooking. The enrollment of 12 women into Tehran University in 1936 marked the entry of women into university education in Iran.

Since in 1960s and 1970s a lot of educational infrastructure was built in Iran, specially many young universities, which are the best up to today, the women education started to increase in 1960s and in 1970s there were many female students more than 50 percent. This new trend continued due to availability of young generation of well-trained professors despite the restrictions imposed after 1979 Iranian Revolution by Islamic government. Although for five years the universities were shut done completely for imposing new laws of Islamic state on universities. Despite change in quality and new restrictions on women in some topics, the existing infrastructure significantly helped in the continuation of this trend. Though the quality of research work significantly decreased which caused to significant brain drain. The trend continues and more than 60% of all university students in Iran are women. In 1994, Ali Khamenei, Supreme leader of Iran, declared the percentage of female university was 33% before the Revolution but after that in 2012 it was 60%. As of 2006, women account comprise over half of the university students in Iran, and 70% of Iran's science and engineering students. These education and social trends are increasingly viewed with alarm by the Iranian conservatives groups. A report by the Research Center of the Majlis (controlled by conservatives) warned the large female enrollment could cause "social disparity and economic and cultural imbalances between men and women".

Despite the advancement in higher education for women, there have been many setbacks. On August 6, 2012, the Mehr News Agency "posted a bulletin that 36 universities in the country had excluded women from 77 fields of study" as part of an effort by parliament to put a quota on women's participation in higher education. According to Radio Farda in 2018 there were less than 35% of university-educated young women in Qazvin and Hormozgan provinces as the lowest unemployment rate in Iran.

Iranian women rights activists determined education is a key for the country's women and society; they argued giving women education was best for Iran because mothers would raise better sons for their country. Many Iranian women, including Jaleh Amouzgar, Eliz Sanasarian, Janet Afary, and Alenush Terian have been influential in the sciences. Maryam Mirzakhani won gold medals in the 1994 and 1995 International Mathematical Olympiads, and in 2014 her work on dynamics made her the first woman in the world to win the Fields medal, which is widely considered to be the most prestigious award in mathematics.

In 2001, Allameh Tabatabaii University, Tarbiat Modares University and Azzahra University initiated a women's studies academic field at the Master of Arts level and shortly after, Tehran University organized a similar program.

In 2022 - 2023 hundreds of school girls were poisoned to prevent them from attending school.(#Crimes against women)

During the rule of Mohammad Khatami, Iran's president between 1997 and 2005, educational opportunities for women grew. Khatami, who thought women's place was in the home, did not seek to exclude females from public life. Noting more women were participating in higher education, Khatami said the increase was concerning but did not wish to reduce it. Khatami called for the creation of specialisms and majors for women in universities and for the quota system that was introduced after the 1979 revolution.

When Khatami's presidency began, more than 95 percent of Iranian girls went to primary school In 1997-98, 38.2 percent of Iranian women enrolled in higher education. but had fallen to 47.2 percent by 2000. As female enrollment in schools grew, the sexual segregation in academic specialization remained until the late the 1990s. In 1998-99, males comprised 58 percent in mathematics, physics, and technical fields with 71 percent of secondary school students. Women comprised 61 percent of students enrolled in the humanities and the experimental sciences. The divide of the sexes continued at university level where most females studied arts, basic sciences, and medicine, while mostly males studied engineering, humanities, agriculture, and veterinary science. The decade saw a three-fold growth in female enrollment in higher education.

According to Iran's 2007 census, 10% of women were actively contributing to the economy and that over 60% of men were economically active. Compared with men, women have one-third of the chances of gaining managerial positions. According to a 2017 Human Rights Watch report, this inequality is caused by domestic laws discriminating against women's access to employment. The types of professions available to women are restricted and benefits are often denied. Husbands have the right to prevent wives from working in particular occupations and some positions require the husband's written consent.

As of 2006, women's labor-force participation rates was at 12.6% in rural areas with a national rate of 12.5% whereas the rate for men is 66.1%. Women's engagement in informal and private sectors are not included in the data. The World Bank estimates women's participation in all sectors is 32% and 75% for men. In 2006, the estimated percentage for women's leadership roles was 3.4%.

During the first three parliaments after the 1979 revolution, three of the 268 seats-1.5%-were held by women. Today, there are 17 women among the 271 individuals in parliament. Since then, women's presence in parliament has doubled to 3.3% of the seats. The women in parliament have ratified 35 bills concerning women's issues.

According to the Financial Tribune, Women constitute less than 10% of parliament members in Iran, even though "women have been overshadowing men in higher education for years."

In Iran, men usually ask women to get a virginity test before marriage. The practice exists in many countries despite WHO's denouncement of virginity testing as unethical and lacking any scientific merit.

According to the report of the Kurdistan human rights network, on November 28, 2018, guards in Khoy women prison in the northwest of Iran attacked inmate Zeynab Jalalian and confiscated her belongings. She was arrested in February 2007 and was sentenced to death on account of "armed actions against Islamic Republic of Iran and membership in PJAK in addition to possessing and carrying illegal weapons while engaging in acts of propaganda warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran" in December 2008.

According to Iran-HRM, in late November 2018, a prison warden in Qarchak women prison in Varamin near Tehran attacked and bit three Dervish religious minority prisoners when they demanded the return of confiscated belongings back.

Iranian female human rights activist Bahareh Hedayat was arrested on 10 February 2020 by Tehran University security police. She was later taken to Qarchak prison where she is now on hunger strike. Bahareh's colleagues say she was beaten by the police when she was arrested.

Women were allowed to enter football stadiums after 40 years to watch the FIFA World Cup in 2018

Women contributed to the development of polo in Persia 2,500 years ago.

In Iran, women participate in numerous sports and have represented the country in sporting events such as the Asian Games, Olympic Games and World Cups.

On 12 January 2020, Kimia Alizadeh, Iranian Olympic medalist has moved to Germany and wants to compete for Germany in the 2020 Olympic Games. Alizadeh, who won a bronze medal in Taekwondo at the 2016 Summer Olympics, said she can't compete for her own country because of the Iranian regime's "injustice" and "hypocrisy". She says Iranian government manipulates athletes as "tools" for political propaganda.

In Iran, women are not allowed to ride bicycles pursuant to an Islamic fatwa issued by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. According to the Muslim clerics, if a man sees a woman riding a bicycle, it will lead to crimes including sexual offenses, financial crimes, spiritual infidelity, and religious disobedience.

The ban on women caused much upset, but lawmakers argued it was women's duty to raise children and not to attend sporting games. Women often wore men's clothes, painted on mustaches, and flattened their breasts to attend spectator sports. In 2006, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad lifted the ban, stating the presence of women would "promote chastity" but the supreme leader overturned this decision a month later. In 2012, the ban on women was extended to volleyball.

In 2018 thirty-five women gathered outside a match between two Tehran football/soccer clubs and demanded to be let in, and in on November 9 of that year Fatma Samoura Secretary General of International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) said she would ask the Iranian government to end the ban on a woman's entry to sport stadiums. According to the order of World football's governing body in November 2019, women were allowed to attend stadiums "without restrictions and in numbers determined by demand for tickets".

In 2019, a female football fan, Sahar Khodayari, was arrested for "appearing in public without a hijab" after she attempting to sneak into a football/soccer match dressed as a man. On 2 September 2019, she set herself on fire outside a Tehran court in protest. The Iranian government conceded to FIFA shortly thereafter and on 10 October 2019, more than 3,500 women attended a World Cup qualifier against Cambodia at Azadi Stadium, although they were confined to a roped off area. (Women are still barred from attending matches where one of the teams is not Iranian.) In 2022 videos surfaced showing security guards in Iran pepper-spraying women during a football match despite them holding tickets.

In 2005, the Iranian parliament approved abortions that were carried out before four months' gestation if the woman's life was at risk or if the fetus was nonviable or growing abnormally. With technical support from the United Nations Population Fund, the government undertook literacy and family planning initiatives.

A fund called Americans for UNFPA contributed to the Literacy Movement Organization of Iran, providing training more than 7,000 teachers, developing a nine-episode television series on women's health issues including family planning, and procuring computers and other equipment.

The average life expectancy for Iranian women has increased from 44.2 years in 1960 to 75.7 years in 2012 and the maternal mortality rate decreased from 83 to 23 per 100,000 between 1990 and 2013. In the 20th century, female social activists, health workers, and non-governmental organizations promoted the health of women by stressing the importance of regular check-ups, Pap smears, mammography, and blood tests. Vitamin D and calcium supplementation and hormone replacement therapy were emphasized with the intent of preventing osteoporosis. In 2011, depression in Iranian women was ranked first among diseases; it was ranked second in 2003. The prevalence of criminality by women has increased in recent years, as have crimes related to drugs and violence.

The board of directors of "Jam'iat e nesvan e vatan-khah", a women's rights association in Tehran (1923-1933)

1905-1925: this period was during the constitutional revolution, which marked the end of the Qajar dynasty. Women's efforts were mostly secretive, and their goals were to improve literacy, women's health, and prevent polygamy and domestic violence.

1925-1940s: This era marked the beginning of the Pahlavi dynasty and the reign of Reza Shah. In this period, women were not required to veil themselves and gained access to universities.

1960s-1970s: During the era of the White Revolution and modernization, women saw greater legal reforms in voting rights and family protection laws, as well as an increased participation in the economy.

1979-1997: The 1979 revolution saw the closure of women's centers and the decline of women's contributions to the economy.

1997-2005: During Khatami's rule, reforms gave women more access to the feminist press and free press.

2013-present: The era of moderation under Rouhani's rule has not seen any major reforms to the status of women because hardliners already repealed most of them.

In the mid-19th century, Tahereh was the first Iranian woman to appear in public without wearing a veil; she is known as the mother of the women's rights movements in Iran. Others followed her to raise the status of women. Among these was Safiya Yazdi, the wife of a leading clergyman Muhammad Husain Yazdi. Safiya Yazdi, with the support of her husband, opened Iffatiyah Girls School in 1910 and gained praise for her outspoken lectures on women's issues.

In recent years, the Iranian government has invested in women's organizations and activist initiatives that seek to empower women to learn skills that give women more independence. The state, however, continues to restrict the movement of women's rights activists traveling abroad. Activist and photographer Alieh Motalebzadeh was sentenced to three years in prison for attending a workshop for women's empowerment in Georgia.

The women's rights movement in Iran continues to attempt to institute reforms, particularly with the One Million Signatures Campaign to End Discrimination Against Women.

In 2003, Sima Bina, the voice of Khorasan-a region in northeastern Iran-performed secular threnodies at the Théâtre du Soleil for the benefit of the "Afghanistan: one child one book" project created by the organization Open Asia.

In 2006 Anousheh Ansari, a woman whose family fled the country after the 1979 revolution, became the first Iranian woman in space. The feat, undertaken in Kazakhstan, was reportedly an inspiration to many Iranian women.

Despite the Iranian government anti-feminist stance, many observers have said there is an emerging feminist generation of educated young women in Iran. Some suggest the Iranian women's movement must accept help from western feminists, whose progress has been recognized within western society, to be recognized. This perspective suggests western feminism can offer freedom and opportunity to Iranian women that are not afforded by their own religious society. Advocates of this view say whatever the Iranian women's movement achieves within Iranian society, the status of individual women within this society will always be less than the achievements of western feminists. Others suggest parochial movements of women will never be successful and that until a global sisterhood from all nations and religions has been established, feminism has not truly arrived. A third perspective suggests a global women's movement will ignore and undermine the unique elements of indigenous Iranian feminism that have arisen as a result of their history and religion.

In Iran, some studies estimate the Type I and II female genital mutilation (FGM) among Iraqi migrants and Kurdish minority groups ranges from 40% to 85%. In 2019, The United Nations criticized Iran's human rights record and suggested improvements to women's rights there.

According to the World Economic Forum's (2021) Global Gap Survey, Middle Eastern countries including Iran have similar scores for gender parity. Only the United Emirates known for its 'western orientation' had significantly higher scores. Economic participation of women and the UN Gender Inequality Index rank Iran with comparable scores to Egypt, Syria and Iraq. With respect to parity in educational attainment, Iran also follows the positive trend of other Middle Eastern countries, but shows a lack of parity in economic participation.

1. ^ Klugman, Jeni (October 2017). Women, Peace and Security Index 2017-18 report (PDF) (Report). p. 84. ISBN 978-0-692-94090-7. Archived (PDF) from the original on December 9, 2018. Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial 3.0

2. ^ Osanloo, Arzoo (2009). The Politics of Women's Rights in Iran. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-1-4008-3316-0. JSTOR j.ctt7sqth.

3. ^ Camara, Andrea (April 22, 2018). "Women's Rights in Iran during the Years of Shah, Ayatollah Khomeini, and Khamenei". Stars: 5-60.

4. ^ Osanloo, Arzoo (2009). The Politics of Women's Rights in Iran. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 21. ISBN 978-1-4008-3316-0.

5. Afary, Janet (1996). ^ The Iranian Constitutional Revolution (ICR), 1906-1911: Grassroots democracy, social democracy, and the origins of feminism. Columbia University Press, New York ISBN 9780231103510

6. P. Paidar, ^ Women and the Political Process in Twentieth-Century Iran, Cambridge, U.K., 1995.

7. Khaz Ali, Anisa (July 2010). "Iranian Women After the Islamic Revolution" (PDF). A Conflicts Forum Monograph: 4-20.

8. Kurzman, Charles (2008). "A feminist generation in Iran". Iranian Studies. 41 (3): 297-321. doi:10.1080/00210860801981260. S2CID 161071108.

9. ^ Justice for Iran (March 2014). Thirty-five Years of Forced Hijab: The Widespread and Systematic Violation of Women's Rights in Iran (PDF) (Report). www.Justiceforiran.org.

10. ^ Kian, Azadeh (1997). "Women and Politics in Post-Islamist Iran: The Gender Conscious Drive to Change". British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies. Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 24 (1): 75-96. doi:10.1080/13530199708705639. JSTOR 195669.

11. Sanam Vakil: Women and Politics in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Action and Reaction

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13. ^ Mahdi, Ali (October 2012). "The Iranian Women's Movement: A Century Long Struggle" (PDF). The Muslim World. 94 (4): 427-48. doi:10.1111/j.1478-1913.2004.00067.x. S2CID 12062525. Archived from the original (PDF) on August 6, 2019.

14. ^ Sindawi, Khalid (2009). "Epilogue". Temporary Marriage in Sunni and Shi'ite Islam: A Comparative Study. pp. 119-122. doi:10.2307/j.ctvbqs3qn.14. ISBN 978-3-447-19154-8. JSTOR j.ctvbqs3qn.14.

15. ^ بدرالملوک بامداد، زن ایرانی از انقلاب مشروطه تا انقلاب سفید. تهران: ابن‌سینا، ۱۳۴۷. ص ۹۹

16. ^ Iran: Does Government Fear Educated Women? Archived September 19, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, Iraj Gorgin, Radio Free Europe, February 10, 2008. Retrieved September 21, 2008.

17. ^ Shirazi, Faegheh (September 2014). "Educating Iranian Women" (PDF). International Journal of Education and Social Science. 2: 1-15. Archived (PDF) from the original on August 9, 2017.

18. "Statistical Centre of Iran (2011). Selected findings on 2011 Population and Housing Census. Teheran: Iranian ministry of the Interior, p. 35" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on March 3, 2016.

19. ^ "Statistical Centre of Iran (2011). Selected findings on 2011 Population and Housing Census. Teheran: Iranian ministry of the Interior, p. 32" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on March 3, 2016.

20. ^ Ball, Philip (August 12, 2014). "Iranian is first woman to nab highest prize in maths". Nature. doi:10.1038/nature.2014.15686. S2CID 180573813. Archived from the original on September 24, 2014.

21. Rezai-Rashti, Goli-Moghadam, Valentine (2011). "Women and Higher Education in Iran". International Review of Education. 57 (3-4): 419-441. Bibcode:2011IREdu..57..419R. doi:10.1007/s11159-011-9217-9. S2CID 143810098.

22. ^ ""It's a Men's Club" | Discrimination Against Women in Iran's Job Market". Human Rights Watch. May 25, 2017. Archived from the original on March 30, 2019.

23. ^ Tohidi, Nayereh (October 2016). "Women's Rights and Feminist Movement in Iran" (PDF). International Journal on Human Rights: 75-89.

24. Moinifar, Heshmat Sadat (2009). "Participation of Women in Iran's Polity" (PDF). GEMC Journal: 24. Archived (PDF) from the original on August 9, 2017.

25. ^ Iranian Tae Kwon Do Fighter Moves To Bulgaria With Olympic Dream

26. ^ Macur, Juliet (February 18, 2016). "Women Denied Entry to Volleyball Event: That's the Real Crime". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on May 1, 2018.

27. ^ Weiss, Bari (March 2, 2018). "Opinion | Why Is FIFA Condoning Gender Apartheid?". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on December 18, 2018.

28. ^ Dehghan, Saeed Kamali; correspondent, Iran (August 13, 2018). "Iranian female photographer banned from stadium covers match from nearby roof". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077.

29. ^ Joulaei, Hassan; Maharlouei, Najmeh; lankarani, Kamran Bagheri; Razzaghi, Alireza; Akbari, Maryam (January 1, 2016). "Narrative review of women's health in Iran: challenges and successes". International Journal for Equity in Health. 15: 25. doi:10.1186/s12939-016-0316-x. ISSN 1475-9276. PMC . PMID 26880036.

30. ^ Zahedi, Ashraf (August 27, 2007). "Contested Meaning of the Veil and Political Ideologies of Iranian Regimes". Journal of Middle East Women's Studies. 3 (3): 75-98. doi:10.1215/15525864-2007-4004. ISSN 1558-9579. S2CID 39702027. Archived from the original on May 1, 2018.

31. ^ victory on marriage legislation, Borzou Daragahi, Los Angeles Times, September 3, 2008; accessed September 21, 2008.

32. Iranian Women Look Up to Find Ansari Archived May 17, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, Ali Akbar Dareini, Associated Press via Space.com, September 26, 2006. Retrieved September 21, 2008.

33. ^ Fathi, Asghar. "Communities in Place and Communities in Space: Globalization and Feminism in Iran." Women, Religion and Culture in Iran. Ed. Sarah Ansari and Vanessa Martin. Surrey, UK: Curzon, 2002. 215-224.

34. ^ Golnaz Esfandiari (2009-03-10). "Female Genital Mutilation Said To Be Widespread In Iraq's, Iran's Kurdistan". Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty

35. ^ Saleem, R. A., Othman, N., Fattah, F. H., Hazim, L., & Adnan, B. (2013). Female Genital Mutilation in Iraqi Kurdistan: description and associated factors. Women & health, 53(6), 537-551

36. Lotfi Dehkharghani, L., Menzies, J., Suri, H., & Maharati, Y. 2022. ^ "It Is All in Their Positioning: Academic Women's Silence in Iran". AIB Insights, 22(3). https://doi.org/10.46697/001c.34634.

Edward G. Browne, The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909. Mage Publishers (July 1995). ISBN 0-934211-45-0

Farideh Farhi, "Religious Intellectuals, the 'Woman Question,' and the Struggle for the Creation of a Democratic Public Sphere in Iran", International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, Vol. 15, No.2, Winter 2001.

Ziba Mir-Hosseini, "Religious Modernists and the 'Woman Question': Challenges and Complicities", Twenty Years of Islamic Revolution: Political and Social Transition in Iran since 1979, Syracuse University Press, 2002, pp 74-95.

Shirin Ebadi, Iran Awakening: A Memoir of Revolution and Hope, Random House (May 2, 2006), ISBN 1-4000-6470-8

Rouhani clashes with Iranian police over undercover hijab agents

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During the late 20th and early 21st centuries in Iran, women's rights have been severely restricted, compared with those in most developed nations. The World Economic Forum's 2017 Global Gender Gap Report ranked Iran 140, out of 144 countries, for gender parity.

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İsviçre'de kadınların seçme ve seçilme hakkının elde edilmesi 1971 yılında gerçekleşirken İsviçre'ye bağlı olan Appenzell bölgesinde ise 1990 yılını  bulmuştur. İsviçre kadınlara en geç oy hakkı tanıyan ülkedir. Kadınların yerel seçime katılması 1990'a kadar yasaklanmıştı. Kabineye ilk kadın üyesi 1984 yılında seçilmiştir. Kadınların kabinede çoğunluğu elde etmesi bu açıdan büyük önem taşımaktadır. Ülkede ayrı zamanda parlamento sözcüleri kadın İsviçre şimdi dünya da ve kabinede  kadınların çoğunlukta olduğu 5. ülke olmuştur.
(Selimcan Yılmaz)

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Suudi Arabistan'da kadınlar ilk defa 2015'te oy haklarını kullandılar. 25 Eylül 2011'de Kral Abdullah Bin Abdülaziz'in çıkarttığı kararlar doğrultusunda, kadınlar 2015'teki seçimlerde şeri kurallar çerçevesinde seçmen ve aday olarak yer aldılar.
Örnek olarak bkz: Hatoon al- Fassi .
Kitabı için bkz: Women in Pre-Islamic Arabia: Nabataea
(Simay Güngör)

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In addition to feminist studies, this work uses epigraphy, archaeology and classical sources, as well as recent developments in historiography, to understand Nabataean society and Nabataean women in particular. The author has highlighted to main study areas. The first is to investigate whether Nabataean women enjoyed a high status that was particular to their society and history. The second related enquiry is to investigate what made it possible for Nabataean women in the first century BCE-CE to become visible in inscriptions and numismatics (i.e. prominent in that period, place and time)? In other words what are the factors that allowed women such status? And were they factors particular to Nabataean women, their society or history? A further interesting objective of this book is to question the assumption of subordination of women in pre-Islamic Arabia.

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In addition to feminist studies, this work uses epigraphy, archaeology and classical sources, as well as recent developments in historiography, to understand Nabataean society and Nabataean women in particular. The author has highlighted to main study areas. The first is to investigate whether Nabataean women enjoyed a high status that was particular to their society and history.

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In 1894, the Vereniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht (VvVK) (Association for Women's Suffrage) was founded by Wilhelmina Drucker. One of the co-founders was Aletta Jacobs who had already played a huge role in the rise of feminism in the Netherlands. In 1916 this association proudly counted more than 20,000 members that consisted of both men and women. From the turn of the century all attention was turned towards fighting for women's electoral rights. These fighters consisted mainly of liberal women and they tried to achieve women's suffrage by means of public meetings, a monthly magazine, handing out pamphlets and in most cases, burning buildings. These (often somewhat violent) methods of struggle did, however, have an effect; in 1917 women were given the right to run for offices and in 1919, the right to vote. This was a huge win for women because it meant they could finally vote and be voted for.
(Mehmet Can Avat)

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Wilhelmina Drucker's feminism was radical in its pertinently egalitarian outlook. She not only advocated equal suffrage for men and women, but rather equal rights in every conceivable social domain: the labour market, education, sexuality, marriage, housekeeping, legislation, and all else. In doing so, she didn't limit herself to legislation alone, but took on every social convention that sanctioned or codified gender inequality. Unmistakably inspired by the renowned nineteenth-century Dutch freethinker, writer and social critic Multatuli (nom de plume of Eduard Douwes Dekker), she further chose to speak freely about women's sexual behaviour and desires as being equally real as men's. These libertarian beliefs, added to the import of Drucker's radical approach to feminism within the Protestant culture that defined the Netherlands at the time.

To Drucker, economic autonomy for women was paramount, regardless of their marital status or motherhood. Many contemporaries would dismiss as 'man-hate' or 'ultra-feminism' what was in fact her pertinent battle against gender inequality in every field. As her campaign would necessarily entail an attack on the privileges of men - both individuals and men in general - in what she would openly coin the 'sex struggle', analogous to socialist 'class struggle', her reputation as 'man-hater' became firmly established.

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Wilhelmina Drucker’s feminism was radical in its pertinently egalitarian outlook. She not only advocated equal suffrage for men and women, but rather equal rights in every conceivable social dom...

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1925'te kadınların sadece yerel seçimlerde oy hakkı bulunabiliyordu. 1945'te ise; kadınların oy verme hakkının dışında, kadınların genel seçimlere katıldığı ilk seçim yılı olmuştur.
(Enes Sefa Doğan)

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Dil bağlantıları, başlığın karşısında sayfanın en yukarısında yer alıyor.

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18 Ağustos 1920'de, ABD anayasasına getirilen 19. deşiklikle amerikalı kadınlar, neredeyse 1 yüzyıl süren mücadelenin sonunda seçme ve seçilme haklarını elde etmişlerdir.
(Rabia Gökçe Tunca)

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15 Aralık 1945'te seçim yasasının revize edilerek yirmi yaşın üzerindeki kadınların seçimlerde oy kullanmasına izin vermesiyle gerçekleşti.
(Caner Demir)

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Women's suffrage in Japan | Wikipedia audio article

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28 Mayıs 1918'de, Azerbaycan Demokratik Cumhuriyeti tarafından kabul edilen Bağımsızlık Bildirgesi, eşitlik ilkesini, seçme ve seçilme hakkını kabul etti. Bunun neticesinde Azerbaycan, Doğu'da kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkını veren ilk ülke oldu.
(Emirhan Karaman)

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1950 yılında kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkı tanındı.1730-1796 yılları arasında kadın hareketi öncüsü Velu Nachiyar.
(Gizem Çelenk)

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Norveç'te kadınlara oy hakkı 1913'te tanınmıştır.
Norveç'in ilk kadın savunucusu; Camilla Collett, 19. yüzyılın en önemli Norveçli kadın yazarıdır. Norveç'in ilk kadın hakları savunucusu olarak kabul edilir.
(Emirhan Karaman)

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23 Ocak 1813| Norveç'in ilk kadın hakları savunucusu Camilla Collett doğdu

Yazılarıyla ev ve bakım işlerinin kadınlara yıkılması, kadınların ekonomik bağımsızlığa sahip olmamalarını ve evlilik içinde kadının statüsünü hedef alan Collett'i yakından tanıyalım mı?

23 Ocak 1813'te Kristiansand'da Camilla Colney Wergeland adında doğan Camilla Collett, 1895'te Kristiania'da (şimdiki Oslo) öldü. Camilla Collett, 19. yüzyılın en önemli Norveçli kadın yazarıdır. Norveç'in ilk kadın hakları savunucusu kabul edilir. Takma adla yazdığı ilk ve tek romanı "Reisin Kızları" 1855'te yayımlandığında, dönemin kız çocuğu eğitimi, evlilik ve erkeklerin egemen olduğu toplumsal yapıyı hedef aldığı için skandala yol açtı:

"... düğün dediğimiz eğlence korkunç. Gelinin güzelliğinin ve kızaran yanaklarının seyircilere sunulmasından söz etmek bile istemiyorum. Düğünler talihsizler için icat edildi. Eski zamanlarda düzenlenen kurban törenlerindeki ziller ve davullarla aynı amaca hizmet ediyor, kurbanı uyuşturuyorlar, geçici de olsa acı çekmesini ve ağlamasını boğuyorlar ... "

ÖNCÜ BİR KADIN YAZAR

"Reisin Kızları" romanı ve artık kendi adıyla yazdığı diğer yazıları ile Camilla Collett sadece Norveç'teki kadın hareketi üzerinde değil, aynı zamanda Henrik Ibsen, Alexander L. Kielland ve Jonas Lie gibi yazarlar üzerinde de büyük bir etkiye sahip oldu. 1854'te romanını yazdığında Camilla Collett 42 yaşındaydı. Erkek kardeşi Norveç'in en tanınmış romantik şairlerinden Henrik Wergeland gibi o da yazmaya düşkündü. 25 yıldır mektuplar ve günlükler yazıyordu.

Tarzı kolay anlaşılacak ve akıcı, ancak güçlü ve dolambaçsızdı. Reisin Kızları sadece Norveç'in ilk psikolojik ve gerçekçi romanı değil, aynı zamanda Norveç'te yayımlanan ilk romandır. Deneme ve makaleleri değişik antolojilerde toplandı. Kadın hakları, erkek ve kadınlara yönelik çifte ahlak ve fuhşun kaldırılması konusundaki görüşleri giderek yaygınlaşmaya başladı.

Yazılarında ev ve bakım işlerinin kadınlara yıkılması, kadınların ekonomik bağımsızlığa sahip olmamaları nedeniyle mantık evliliğine zorlanması ve evlilik içinde kadının statüsünü hedef aldı. Döneminin romanlarındaki kadın imgelerini eleştirel olarak inceleyen Camilla Collett, feminist edebiyat eleştirisinin de öncülerindendi. Yaşamının sonuna doğru, hem 1880'lerde ortaya çıkan kadın hareketinden hem de ondan esinlendiklerini itiraf eden yeni nesil erkek yazarlardan hak ettiği takdiri gördü.

Camille Collett, 1884 yılında yeni kurulan Norveç Kadın Hakları Derneği'nin (Norsk Kvinnesaksforening) fahri üyesi ilan edildi.

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23 Ocak 1813| Norveç'in ilk kadın hakları savunucusu Camilla Collett doğdu

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Yazılarıyla ev ve bakım işlerinin kadınlara yıkılması, kadınların ekonomik bağımsızlığa sahip olmamalarını ve evlilik içinde kadının statüsünü hedef alan Collett'i yakından tanıyalım mı?

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Fransa'da 4 Ekim 1944'de yapılan yasa değişikliğiyle kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkı verildi. 29 Nisan 1945'te ilk defa belediye seçimlerine katılan kadınlar 21 Ekim 1945'te de ilk defa parlamento seçimlerinde oy kullandılar.

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1893'te meclis seçimlerinde kadınların oy hakkı bulunuyordu. Kadınların seçilme hakkı ise, 1919'da tanınmıştır. Ayrıca kadınların parlamento seçimlerinde aday olma hakkı da, 1919'da tanınmıştır.
(Enes Sefa Doğan)

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Kategori:Yeni Zelanda'da feminizm - Vikipedi

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Dil bağlantıları, başlığın karşısında sayfanın en yukarısında yer alıyor.

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1917'de Rusya ve eski Sovyet cumhuriyetlerinden bir kısmında da kadınlar seçme ve seçilme hakkı elde etmişlerdir. Bu hak 1918 yılı genel seçimlerinde ilk defa kullanılmıştır.
(Ahsen Sıla Gökpınar)

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Cezayirde kadınlar seçme ve seçilme hakkını 1962 yılında elde etmişlerdir . Ancak 2007 yılında  peçeli kadınların oy kullanması yasaklanmıştır.
(Rabia Gökçe Tunca)

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Amira Merabet, a 34-year-old woman, was burned alive in the Eastern Algerian town of El Khroub in August. Her crime: refusing a man's advances.

The murder shocked Algeria, and protests were held across the country - in Constantine, Oran, Algiers and Béjaïa - to pay tribute to female victims of violence.

This was not a crime without precedent. In Béjaïa, Merabet's photo was placed among that of women assassinated by Islamists during the 1990s. They included 17-year-old Katia Bengana, who was killed for refusing to wear the hijab.

The linking of these two murders shows that memories of the civil war that raged from 1992 to 2002 remain vivid in Algeria. And Merabet's death shows that Algerian women's struggle for rights is neither over nor forgotten.

Revolutionary women

Female activists have long challenged their marginalisation in male-dominated environments. And Algerian women's struggles go back to the revolutionary war of 1954-1962.

In 1956, Algerian women participated in a series of terror bomb attacks launched by a nationalist guerrilla network. The campaign was later popularised by Gillo Pontecorvo's 1966 film The Battle of Algiers.

In 1958, during a nationalist meeting at the Casablanca Labour Exchange, a group of Algerian women spoke before hundreds of men, saying:

You make a revolution, you fight colonialist oppression but you maintain the oppression of women; beware, another revolution will certainly occur after Algeria's independence: a women's revolution!

The women had to speak up because the nation's anti-colonial revolution was so strongly dominated by men. But their words could also be seen as the indirect result of French colonialist propaganda, which claimed to want to "emancipate" Muslim women, but which was also intended to counter Algeria's nationalist struggle during 1957-1959.

Indeed, the colonial authorities' campaign of unveiling Muslim women led to the showcasing of "emancipated women" to promote French ideals.

Women intellectuals in Algeria

In 1947, the anti-colonial Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (MTLD) created the Association of Algerian Muslim Women (AFMA) despite its patriarchal structure.

Run by Mamia Chentouf, the AFMA promoted a type of feminism that was devoted to charitable activities, acknowledged and defended the biological differences between men and women, and affirmed Arab-Muslim culture.

Between 1949 and 1950, the MTLD's newspaper L'Algérie libre published a lecture by Lebanese feminist Anbara Salam Al Khalidi highlighting women's participation in Arab civilisation; solidarity messages from Egyptian feminist Doria Shafik; and echoed debates within the Arab-Muslim world about the "role of women".

The newspaper argued the issue could only be resolved in a cultural framework free of Western influence.

The Algerian revolution that followed, and the violence against women it entailed (arrest, torture, rape and murder) undoubtedly contributed to wider recognition of women's involvement in the anti-colonial struggle. It demonstrated that a woman such as Nassiba Kebal, a young activist who was arrested and mistreated by colonial authorities, could suffer as much as any other activist.

Still, progressive statements promoting gender equality in a free Algeria faced conservatism from nationalists little accustomed to female activism.

Veils and short skirts

Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, Algerian women in France were also critical to developing narratives of feminism in the Muslim context.

The French-based Algerian Workers' Trade Union (USTA) passed a motion during its first convention in 1957 on " Algerian woman's liberation" and appointed Kheira Moujahadi to represent a delegation of working women on its executive committee.

The union was close to the Algerian National Movement (MNA), and chaired by veteran nationalist leader Messali Hadj

The USTA's newspaper, La Voix du travailleur algérien, published in 1958 an article by a woman known as Yamina B. which argued for emancipation by giving a voice to Algerian working women. Young female unionists such as Baya Maanane and activist Fatma Mezrag also promoted women rights to male audiences during May 1 Labour Day meetings that same year in Northern France.

The second convention of the USTA passed a motion on Algerian women's emancipation, after women publicly expressed their discontent with their situation. Some, like A. Hedjila, criticised the French authorities' unveiling "masquerade" and stressed that women's emancipation belonged to unionists.

For Messalists, the evolution of women's status was not "an issue of veil or short skirt".

But the USTA's efforts to advance women's rights were not enough. Unionist Fatma Mezrag said in 1959 in Lille, a working class town in the north of France, that fighting colonialism would not be enough to liberate Algerian women. She said men had to address their selfishness, lust and oppression.

She clearly recognised that French colonialism wasn't the only obstacle on the path of Algerian women's liberation.

This singular feminist movement ended with the collapse of Messali Hadj's movement on the eve of Algerian independence that cool place in 1962.

And despite the progressive views of some male leaders within the country, Algerian women couldn't directly challenge religious oppression, economic exploitation, or nationalist patriarchy in a newly independent Algeria.

Still, history shows that they could, if only temporarily, shift the conversation in favour of equality, modernity and emancipation, especially among the working class.

The struggle continues

In recent years, there has been a revival in interest in the history of the Algerian women's movement from colonial to post-colonial eras.

This is largely because women are still having to fight for equality in Africa's largest country.

Across Algeria, women are protesting against unemployment and campaigning for their rights.

They are doing so not as pioneers, but as members of a women's movement that goes back generations.

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Algerian feminism and the long struggle for women's equality

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Amira Merabet, a 34-year-old woman, was burned alive in the Eastern Algerian town of El Khroub in August. Her crime: refusing a man's advances. The murder shocked Algeria, and protests were held across the country - in Constantine, Oran, Algiers and Béjaïa - to pay tribute to female victims of violence.

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Kadınların seçme ve seçilme hakkı, eşit haklar uğruna verilen uzun bir mücadelenin ardından 12 Kasım 2018’de Almanya’da yasalaştı: Bu, feminizmin tarihindeki bir kilometre taşıdır. Yine de, syaset ve toplumdaki hak eşitliği bugün hala her yerde hayata geçmediği için, ilk nesil kadın hakları savunucularını -talepler değişikliğe uğrasa da- sürekli yeni savunucular izledi.
(İlayda Saka)

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Ana içeriğe geç

Kadınların seçme ve seçilme hakkı, eşit haklar uğruna verilen uzun bir mücadelenin ardından 12 Kasım 2018'de Almanya'da yasalaştı: Bu, feminizm in tarihindeki bir kilometre taşıdır. Yine de, syaset ve toplumdaki hak eşitliği bugün hala her yerde hayata geçmediği için, ilk nesil kadın hakları savunucularını -talepler değişikliğe uğrasa da- sürekli yeni savunucular izledi.

Marie Juchacz

Sosyal demokrat, kadın hakları savunucusu ve işçi sosyal yardım kuruluşu Arbeiterwohlfahrt'ın kurucusu Marie Juchacz (1879 -1956) 1918'de kadınların seçme ve seçilme hakkının savunucuları arasında sayılıyordu. 1919'da Ulusal Meclis için adaylığını koydu ve diğer siyaset kadınlarıyla birlikte Weimar Cumhuriyeti 'nin ilk parlamentosundaki 423 sandalyenin 37'sini kazandı. Büyük Meclis'in toplantısını açan ilk kadın sıfatıyla o gün şu sözleri söyledi: „Bu hükümetin yaptığı, çok doğal bir şeydi; meclis, şimdiye kadar kadınlardan haksız yere esirgenen bir şeyi onlara verdi."

Friederike Nadig

Friederike Nadig (1897 - 1970) „ anayasanın anaları " arasında sayılıyordu. Arbeiterwohlfahrt'ta gönüllü çalışma yürüttü ve 20 yaşında Almanya Sosyal Demokrat Partisi SPD'ye üye oldu. İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın ardından 1948'de, anayasa taslağını hazırlayan Parlamento Konseyi'ne atandı. Bu konseyde başka üç kadın daha yer alıyordu. Nadig, Anayasa'nın 3. Maddesine geçirtmeyi başardığı hak eşitliğinin en ateşli savunucuları arasında sayılır.

Alice Schwarzer

Feminist dergi „Emma" nın kurucularından Alice Schwarzer (1942 doğumlu), en tanınmış Alman feministidir. 1970 yılında muhabir olarak Paris'e giden gazeteci olan Schwarzer, burada feminist yazar Simone de Beauvoir ile dostluk kurdu. 1971'de Almanya'da, yaklaşık 400 kadının kürtaj yaptığını açıkladığı „Stern" dergisinin „Kürtaj Yaptırdık" başlıklı ana kapak konusunun yazılmasında başı çekti. Schwarzer, günümüzde de yazar, sunucu ve televizyon sohbet programlarının konuğu olarak hak eşitliği mücadelesi veriyor.

Anne Wizorek

Anne Wizorek (1981 doğumlu), 2013'te Almanya'da günlük hayattaki cinsiyetçilik konusunda bir tartışmayı tetikleyen #aufschrei (çığlık) etiketiyle tanındı. Yazar ve blogçu Wizorek, kadınlara karşı şiddet ve ırkçılık Konularında yazıyor. Wizorek öncelikli olarak sosyal medya kanallarını kullanıyor, ama „Çünkü, Çığlık Yetmez. Bugünün Feminizmi İçin" başlıklı bir de kitap yazdı. Wizorek, cinsiyet değişikliği yapmış kişilerin haklarının da savunuculuğunu yapıyor.

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Hak Eşitliği ve Kadın Hakları Mücadelesi 1918 - 2018: Almanya'nın bu dört kadın hakları savunucusunu tanımalısınız.

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1918’de İngiliz Parlamentosu  Halk Kanunu Beyanı  yasasını geçirerek, Büyük Britanya ve İrlanda seçim sisteminde bir reform yaptı. Bu kanun, 21 yaş üzeri tüm erkeklere ve 30 yaş üzeri kadınlara, kendileri veya kocaları, 5 pound üzeri değere sahip mülkiyete sahip oldukları sürece oy kullanma hakkı verdi. Böylece seçmen sayısı 5.2 milyondan 12.9 milyona çıktı. Daha sonra bu kanun, kadınların seçme hakkı eşitliği lehinde 1928’de değiştirilerek 21 yaş üzeri tüm kadınlara mülkiyet sahibi olmasına bakılmaksızın seçme hakkı verdi. 5 milyon kadın böylece seçimlerde oy kullanma hakkına sahip oldu.
(Mehmet Can Avat)

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12 Kasım 1918'de Avusturya kadınlara oy hakkı vermiş, onu takip eden günlerde 30 Kasım 1918'de Almanya'da kadınların seçme ve seçilme hakkı yasayla garantilenmiş ve 19 Ocak 1919 seçimlerinde kadınlar ilk defa oy kullanmıştır.
(Ahsen Sıla Gökpınar)

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Timeline of Women's Right to Vote in Europe : Every Month

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Birleşik Krallık'ın ilk sulh hakimi Emily Murphy'nin içinde bulunduğu aktivistlerin çalışmaları sonucu, Alberta'da ilk kez 1916 yılında, kadınlar seçme hakkını elde ettiler. Quebec bölgesi hariç, kadınlar seçme hakkını 1916 da kazanmıştır. Seçilme hakkını 1919' da kazanmışlardır. 1916 da Murphy’yi derinden etkileyecek bir olay yaşanmıştır. Fuhuşla suçlanan bir kadının davası, uygunsuz olması gerekçesiyle kadınların izlemesine kapatılmıştır. Mahkeme salonunda hem olayları izleyenlerin hem de yargılayanların tamamı erkekti. Murphy bunun bir haksızlık olduğunu, en azından onu yargılayanların kadın olması gerektiğini düşündü. Söz konusu haksızlığa tepki olarak 1916’da Kanada’nın ilk kadın yargıcı oldu. Murphy ilk davasında almış olduğu karara karşı bir avukat tarafından eleştirildi. Avukatın savunmasına göre Murphy bir insan değildi. İnsan olmayan biri, bir davayı yargılayamazdı. 1867 tarihli Anayasaya göre “insan” kavramının tanımında “kadının” yeri yoktu. Çünkü insan erkeği belirten “he” zamiri kullanılarak tanımlanmıştı. İşte bu gerekçeyle Murphy yargıçlık görevinden alındı .Kadının insan olarak görülmediği bir toplumda kadınlar insan olduklarını kanıtlamak zorundaydı. “İnsanların Davası” adıyla açılan dava ülke çapında ün saldı. 1929 yılının Ekim ayında Danışma Kurulu kadınların da resmi olarak insan sayılmasına karar kıldı ve Murphy görevine geri dönebildi. İnsanın yeniden tanımlanmasıyla kadının Anayasa’da önüne çıkabilecek engel ortadan kalktı. Cinsiyetçiliğe karşı kazanılmış bir zafer bir kadının değil, onunla birlikte birçok kadının birlikte güçlü bir ses oluşturmasıyla kazanılmıştır. Çünkü kadınlar birlikte güçlü!
(Sarptuğ Akyıldız)

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Nisan 1931 oy hakkına sahip olmuştur. Ancak 23 yaşın üzerindeki tüm vatandaşlar için eşit seçim hakları kabul edildi. Kadınların oy kullanabildiği ilk seçimde, 1933'te sağcı partiler galip geldi.
(Caner Demir)

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Women's suffrage in the Spanish Second Republic period was the result of efforts dating back to the mid-1800s. Women and men working towards universal suffrage had to combat earlier feminist goals that prioritized social goals, including access to education, political rights such as a woman's right to vote and equal wages. As a middle class developed and women gained more access to education, they began to focus more on the issue of suffrage but this was often around specific ideological philosophies; it was not tied into a broader working class movement calling for women's emancipation.

Between 1877 and 1930, several attempts were made to give women the right to vote. The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera would see a two-year period where women held the right to vote, from 1924 to 1926. Because of a move from an elected congress to an appointed government, no elections were held in this period and women never went to the polls. Unsuccessful attempts to give women suffrage also took place in 1877, 1907, 1908 and 1918. Despite this, Primo de Rivera's royal decree and the arguments put forward in that period would prove influential during the debate in the period to come.

The Second Republic would see women granted full emancipation, including the right to vote, on 1 October 1931 with women going to the polls only twice: on 2 November 1933 and again in 1936. The right to vote came after the passing of a constitution after elections in June 1931. Both sides of the suffrage movement had women representing their causes in one of the greatest duels between Spanish parliamentarians. Clara Campoamor Rodríguez represented those seeking full emancipation for women, while the left-leaning Victoria Kent Siano represented conservative and Republican views seeking to prevent women's right to vote. Campoamor claimed that women's access to the ballot box was an ethical obligation for the Congress and that Spanish women had won it having battled on behalf of the Republic for a long time. Kent argued women were not yet ready to vote as they were not sufficiently educated to make an informed decision, submitting to the wishes of their husbands and the Church, a position supported by the conservatives although they had different reasons for resisting women's suffrage.

Following Francisco Franco's victory in the Spanish Civil War, neither women nor men would be able to vote in national elections until 1977, two years after his death.

Spanish women did not hold the same status as citizens as men from 1800 to 1931. Single Spanish women enjoyed a few more legal rights than their married peers once they reached the age of 23. At that point, unmarried women could sign contracts and run businesses on their own behalf. Married women needed the approval or involvement of their husbands to undertake such matters as changing their address, accepting an inheritance, or owning property or a business. All women in this period were denied the right to vote or run for political office. Catholicism played a huge role in Spanish political thinking in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Religion required strict gender roles, which led to the repression of Spanish women and fostered ingrained sexism across the whole of Spanish society. Society, through the Catholic Church, dictated that the role of women was to marry and bear children. They were to be invisible in society outside the domestic sphere. Violations of these norms was often met with violence.

Near universal male suffrage in Spain dated only to 1890. The first vote related to women's suffrage came in May 1877, when seven deputies in the conservative congress, suggested giving women the right to vote if they were of legal age, heads of households exercising parental authority. This initiative failed and would not be revisited for another 30 years.

Suffrage as an in issue appeared in women's publications in places like Valencia, the Balearic Islands and Barcelona from the late 1900s to the early 1930s, but were often part of a demand for female emancipation through education and broader changes in laws to protect social changes as women increasingly entered the workforce. Benita Asas Manterola, Pilar Fernández Selfa, Carmen González Bravo and Joaquín Latorre were among the more important voices in newspapers in this regard. Overall, feminists movements were much more concerned with providing women with an education that was equitable to that of men instead of securing the right to vote. Women like Belén Sárraga and Ana Carvia created the Asociación General Femenina in 1897, and other women created La Unión Femenina in 1895 in Huelva, La Federación Provincial in 1898 in Málaga and Hijas de la Regeneración that same year in Cádiz. Their efforts would lead to women having the right to attend university recognized by Ministerio Público in 1910.

During this period, the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) did not generally want to address women's rights as they saw the movement as bourgeois. They wanted to focus on union organization. This contrasted little from the international socialist movement, which always had problems with feminism and women's rights. The International Socialist Congress, Stuttgart 1907 issued a statement in favor of women's suffrage, but said the movement needed to come from the proletariat. The conditional support was because men believed that women's rights should only come after universal male suffrage. Including women's suffrage more openly would hinder their efforts. The limited inclusion came about as a result First International Conference of Socialist Women which was being held concurrently in the same building.

For a brief time between July 1907, Congressional President Antonio Maura had discussed the possibility of giving women the right to vote under limited conditions, including they be were widowed heads of households and they paid their taxes. Despite being aided by the left and by Republicans, Maura's efforts proved ineffectual even with conditions requiring heads of household status and no possibility of women running for office; there was no perceived pressing social need by the conservative majority to give women to vote, and more important domestic problems like a war with Morocco were on the horizons, along with an economic recession.

A year later, Count of Casa-Valencia, this time in the Senate, with support from Francisco Pi y Arsuaga in the Congress, would press the issue again. The 1908 attempt lacked restrictions that Maura had been willing to make to see its passage. It would have allowed all women aged 23 and older to vote. Unlike the 1907 efforts, the 1908 votes came within a few votes of passing. According to Concha Fagoaga, for the first time, those that argued against women's suffrage argued that it would lead to disastrous political results, and women would be overly influenced by Church officials. This was the first time a woman had argued along these lines, and it would soon be taken up by others. Carmen de Burgos wrote in a newspaper that year of the parliamentary debate in 1908, "while the English fight in a devilish way for their civic ideals, while the French claim to affirm in laws the guarantee of their selfishness, while the Russians know how to die protesting from tyranny, we, the Spanish, remain indifferent to everything." Margarita Nelken wrote in at the time that "putting a vote in the hands of women is today, in Spain, performing one of the greater yearnings of the reactionary element so that Spanish women, really lovers of freedom, must be the first to postpone their own interest for the progress of Spain." Nelken did not believe Spanish women were ready to vote as they were not educated enough to do so, a position she continued to hold for more than 25 years. The suffrage topic was brought up again in 1919, with Manuel de Burgos y Mazo, a conservative lawmaker, raising it in Congress, with the goal of tabling legislation to have a vote on women's right to vote. With no support, his initiative did not even come up for a vote though it would inspire feminists over the next two years. A petition then was put before the Cámara in 1919 that Parliament should address the issue of women's suffrage again. This was followed up in February 1920 with Valencia's Progreso de la Mujer also creating a petition for the matter to be considered. Cruzada de Mujeres Españolas, led by Carmen de Burgos, would again try to get parliament to address the issue, by giving equality in the vote and in terms of broader civil and political rights.

National Association of Spanish Women (ANME) was founded in 1918. Headed by María Espinosa, it lobbied for women's right to vote. The Female Republican Union was created by Clara Campoamor to advocate for women's suffrage in Spain. Campoamor, María Lejárraga and Regina García established the Foundation for Women to advocate for women's legal equality in Spain during the Second Republic. Their argument for women having the right to vote was largely based upon ideological grounds.

Starting in the 1920s, the efforts of women to get the right to vote intensified as part of a broader western movement that saw women demanding equal rights. These efforts post-dated efforts in other Western countries like the United States, France and Great Britain because feminism in Spain did not emerge as a powerful movement until much later as a result of a delay in the emergence of a Spanish middle class. Suffrage as a topic among this feminist group would largely disappear from 1918 until 1931, as women focused more on social changes than on political goals.

The socialist Lidia Falcón argued that the Socialist men's position would deter women from adhering to the party, or would result in only including women who believed in subservience to men. Falcón further argued this position would make feminists enemies of the party, a development that was born out by 1921, when Socialist men decided that to stop any attempt to promote the rights of women as they did not believe it was the time to push for electoral reforms.

When political activity occurred by women in the pre-Republican period, it was often spontaneous. Although they were also often ignored by left-wing male political leaders, their riots and protests represented increasing political awareness of the need for women to be more active in social and political spheres to enact change in order to improve their lives.

The 8 March 1924 Royal Decree's Municipal Statue Article 51 for the first time included an appendix which would allow electoral authorities on a municipal level to list women over the age of 23 who were not controlled by male guardians or the state to be counted. Article 84.3 said unmarried women could vote in municipal elections assuming they were the head of household, over the age of 23, not prostitutes and their status did not change. Changes were made the following month that allowed women who met these qualifications to run for political office. Consequently, some women took advantage of this political opening, ran for office and won some seats as councilors and mayors in municipal governments where elections were held. This was a surprise move by Primo de Rivera in giving women the right to vote, and was largely viewed as a way of shoring up his electoral base ahead of scheduled elections the following year. This brief period saw many political parties try to capture the women's vote before the elections were eventually cancelled. Manuel Cordero of El Socialista wrote in June 1924 of a right wing view stating that "the feminine vote supposes a revolutionary act and it seems strange that it is a reactionary who has projected this reform in Spain." Socialist representative María Cambrils was pleased with women being given the right to vote, but balked at the restrictions placed upon female voters. PSOE's leader Andrés Saborit also supported this claiming that socialism needed to expand on how it saw women as transformational agents in society, and not allow the Catholic Church to monopolize on how women were defined in Spanish culture. Some Catholics tried to capitalize on this for their own political interests, achieving success when local elections in some places saw 40% of their total votes come from women. By the time of the next national elections, the constitution giving women the right to vote was no longer in force as a new constitution was being drafted. The arguments made around the 1924 Royal Decree would later play a critical role in the debates around women's suffrage in the Second Republic.

Women gained access to national representation during the 1927-1929 legislative period as a result of the Decree of 12 September 1927. Its Article 15 stated: "to it may belong, without distinction, men and women, single, widowed or married, these duly authorized by their husbands and as long as they do not belong to the Assembly [...]. Its designation will be made nominally and by order of the Presidency, agreed in the Council of Ministers before October 6 next."

The 1927-1929 session also began the process of drafting a new Spanish constitution that would have fully franchised women voters in Article 55. The article was not approved. Despite this, women were eligible to serve in the national assembly in the Congreso de los Diputados, and 15 women were appointed to seats on 10 October 1927. Thirteen were members of the National Life Activities Representatives ( Spanish: Representantes de Actividades de la Vida Nacional). Another two were State Representatives ( Spanish: Representantes del Estado). These women included María de Maeztu, Micaela Díaz Rabaneda and Concepción Loring Heredia. During the Congreso de los Diputados's inaugural session in 1927, the President of the Assembly specifically welcomed the new women, claiming their exclusion had been unjust.

The abdication of king of Spain in 1930 would spell the end of the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, and usher in the era of the Second Republic.

One of the most important aspects of the Second Republic for women is that they were formally allowed to enter the public sphere en masse. The period also saw a number of rights available to women for the first time, including suffrage, divorce and access to higher education. These resulted from feminist activities that pre-dated the Second Republic and continued throughout its durationg.

Women exercising the right to vote during the Second Spanish Republic, 5th of November 1933.

One of the first laws implemented in the Second Republic following the approval of a new constitution allowed women to vote and to run for political office. This was covered under Article 36 of Chapter III of the Constitution of the Second Republic, and came into force on 1 October 1931. The first women to win seats in the Cortes were Clara Campoamor Rodríguez, Victoria Kent Siano and Margarita Nelken y Mansbergen. They won these seats in June 1931, several months before women were given the right to vote. They were joined in February 1936 by Matilde de la Torre, Dolores Ibárruri and Federica Montseny. Nelken and Kent had both opposed giving women's suffrage, arguing most women would vote for conservatives because of the influence of their husbands and the clergy, thus undermining the Spanish Republic. Campoamor, in contrast, was a strong advocate of women's suffrage. The duel between Campoamor and Kent over women's suffrage was the most significant of its kind in Spain's parliamentary history. The measure in the constitution passed on 1 October 1931 as Article 36, stating, "Citizens of either sex, over twenty-three years of age, shall have the same electoral rights as determined by the laws." Despite Nelken's opposition to women's suffrage, PSOE members overwhelmingly supported the issue when it came to the vote with 161 in favor and 131 against. 83 of Nelken's fellow 115 PSOE deputies supported the motion. With its passage, Spain became the first Latin country to offer universal suffrage. The inclusion was supported by Article II of the new constitution, which provided equality under the law for both sexes.

Montseny became Spain's first female minister, serving as the Minister of Health and Public Assistance from September 1936 to May 1937.

Elections in the Second Republic

"República Española" (1931) by painter Teodoro Andreu.

The Spanish monarchy ended in 1931. Following this and the end of the Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, the Second Republic was formed, with three elections before it was replaced by the Franco dictatorship. These elections were held in 1931, 1933 and 1936.

Following the failure of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, Spain set about writing a constitution. The initial draft did not give women the right to vote, though it did give them the right to run for office on 8 May 1931 for the June elections. Women would be unable to vote until the following election cycle. Three women won seats in Spain's national congress, the Cortes, in the 1931 elections: Clara Campoamor Rodríguez, Victoria Kent Siano and Margarita Nelken y Mansbergen.

Campoamor, in arguing for women's suffrage before the Cortes on 1 October 1931, that women were not being given the right to vote as a prize, but as a reward for fighting for the Republic. Women protested the war in Morocco, those in Zaragoza protested the war in Cuba, while even larger numbers protested the closure of Ateneo de Madrid by the government of Primo de Rivera. Campoamor also argued that women's inclusion was fundamental to saving the Republic by having a politically engaged populace, so that the errors of the French Republic would not be repeated. Her speech in the Cortes, called the 1 - 0 speech, said, "Women! How can you say that when women show signs of life by the Republic shall be granted as a reward for the right to vote? Have they not fought women for the Republic? Is that in speaking with praise Women workers and university women are not singing their capacity? [...] How can it be said that women have not fought and need a period, long years of the Republic, to demonstrate their capacity? The men?"

Kent, in contrast, received much more support from Spain's right, including Catholics and traditionalists, during this period of constitutional debate as she, alongside Nelken, opposed women's suffrage. Kent and Campoamor became involved in a grand debate over the issue, receiving large amounts of press related to their arguments around women's suffrage. They, like many others on the conservative side, believed that women were not educated enough to vote, and that their votes would be little more than proxy votes for men and the Catholic Church. Kent stated: "It is not a matter of capacity, it is a matter of opportunity for the Republic. [...] To become attached to an ideal, time is needed to experience it. [...] And were women liberated in their conscience, I would rise today in front of all the Cortes to ask for the feminine vote." The day of the vote, Kent said, "It is necessary, honorable deputies, to postpone the feminine vote because I would need to see the mothers in the street as a criterion for supporting it, asking for schools for their children." Nelken compared the need for women's suffrage to that of Prussian peasant women in 1807. They would not know what to do with emancipation, and would tremble with fear at the thought of not having someone tell them what to do.

Men and women wait at Escuela Biteri in Hernani to vote in the 1933 elections.

For the first time, for the 19 November 1933 elections, women were permitted to vote in the national elections. They had earned the constitutional right to vote after the measure was adopted on 1 October 1931. In many places, the number of women exceeded the number of men at the polls, with over seven million women casting a ballot. The victory of conservative factions in the 1933 elections was blamed on women, and their voting practices in that election. They were viewed as being controlled by the Church. Basque women were able to go to the polls in regional elections 15 days before the national elections on 5 November 1933. La Voz de Guipúzcoa newspaper in Donostia said of the day, "It was Sunday when, for the first time in our city, the women went to the ballotbox, consulted for the issue of their vote in favor of the Statute. And the woman answered, coming in greater numbers than the male at first hour, as soon as the tables were set up at eight o'clock in the morning."

Campoamor, along with Kent, lost her seat in the Cortes following the 1933 elections. The most active of the three women elected in 1931, she had been heckled in the congress during her two-year term for supporting divorce. She continued to serve in government with an appointment as head of Public Welfare later that year. However, she left her post in 1934 protesting the government response to the 1934 Revolution of Asturias.

Nelken faced similar problems in the Cortes. Her mother was French and her father was a German Jew. As a consequence, before she was allowed to sit in 1931, Nelken had to go through special bureaucratic procedures to insure she was a naturalized Spanish citizen. Her political interests were looked down upon by her male peers, including Prime Minister Manuel Azaña. Her feminist beliefs worried and threatened her male colleagues in the Cortes. Despite this, she was re-elected in 1933, facing attacks in the media. She proved a constant irritant to male party members who sometimes resorted to racist attacks in the Cortes to quieten her down. Still, she persevered, winning at the elections in 1931, 1933 and 1936. Disillusionment with the party led her to change membership to the Communist Party in 1937.

Women's political organizations

Clara Campoamor created the Female Republican Union ( Unión Republicana de Mujeres) during the early part of the Second Republic. The Female Republican Union was interested only in advocating for women's suffrage, maintaining that women having the right to vote was the only ethical option available to the government. It was often polemicist in its opposition to Kent's group Foundation for Women, and its opposition to women's suffrage.

Victoria Kent and Margarita Nelken founded the Foundation for Women ( Asociación Nacional de Mujeres Española) in 1918. The Foundation for Women was a radical socialist organization at its inception, aligning with the PSOE. The organization opposed women's suffrage, even as its founders sat in the Cortes. The belief was if women were given the right to vote, most would vote as instructed by their husbands and the Catholic Church. This would fundamentally damage the secular nature of the Second Republic, by bringing in a democratically elected right-wing government.

No elections were held during the Spanish Civil War. Following the victory of fascist forces, the rights of both men and women were severely limited. Elections would not be held in Spain until 1977, following the death of Franco

References

1. de Ayguavives, Mònica (2014). Mujeres Libres: Reclaiming their predecessors, their feminisms and the voice of women in the Spanish Civil War history (Masters Thesis). Budapest, Hungary: Central European University, Department of Gender Studies.

2. ^ "Los orígenes del sufragismo en España" (PDF). Espacio, Tiempo y Forma (in Spanish). Madrid: UNED (published January 2015). 16: 455-482. 2004.

3. * Braunthal, Julius, ed. (1967). History of the International: Volume 1: 1863-1914. New York: Frederick A. Praeger. ISBN 978-1121956728.

4. Ryan, Lorraine (January 2006). Pelan, Rebecca (ed.). A Case Apart: The Evolution of Spanish Feminism.

5. ^ Díaz Fernández, Paloma (2005). "La dictadura de Primo de Rivera. Una oportunidad para la mujer" [The Primo de Rivera's dictatorship: An opportunity for women] (PDF). Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. 17: 175-190.

6. Giménez Martínez, Miguel Ángel (Summer 2018). "La representación política en España durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera". Estudos Históricos (64 ed.). Rio de Janeiro. 31 (64): 131-150. doi:10.1590/S2178-14942018000200002.

7. "85 años del voto femenino en España: el triunfo de Clara Campoamor que acabó con ella". (in European Spanish). 19 November 2018.

8. Hastings, Alex (18 March 2016). "Mujeres Libres: Lessons on Anarchism and Feminism from Spain's Free Women". Scholars Week. Western Washington University. 1.

9. Ripa, Yannick (2002). "Féminin/masculin : les enjeux du genre dans l'Espagne de la Seconde République au franquisme". Le Mouvement Social (in French). La Découverte. 1 (198): 111-127. doi:10.3917/lms.198.0111.

10. ^ "Texto íntegro del discurso de Clara Campoamor en las Cortes". El País (in Spanish). 1 October 2015. ISSN 1134-6582.

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Women's suffrage in the Spanish Second Republic period - Wikipedia

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Women's suffrage in the Spanish Second Republic period was the result of efforts dating back to the mid-1800s. Women and men working towards universal suffrage had to combat earlier feminist goals that prioritized social goals, including access to education, political rights such as a woman's right to vote and equal wages.

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1930'daki belediye seçimlerinde oy hakkını kazanan kadınlar 1934'ten itibaren milletvekili seçimlerine de katılabildiler.
Fakat kadınların siyasi hayata katılma ve oy hakkı için mücadeleleri 1934'ten çok önce, dünyadaki birinci dalga feminist harekete paralel olarak başlamıştı.
Bkz: Nezihe Muhittin, Kadınlar Halk Fırkası (1923) ve Kadınlar Birliği.
(Umut Azak)

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Nezihe Muhiddin, kadınların bugünkü haklarını elde etmesinde başat bir rol üstlense de tarih sayfalarında çok yer bulamayan bir kadın. Cumhuriyet döneminde kadınların seçme ve seçilme hakkı, çalışma hakkı gibi birçok konuyu dile getiriyor ve bunlar için mücadele ediyor.

Muhiddin, 15 Haziran 1923'te Kadınlar Halk Fırkası'nı resmi olarak kurmak istiyor. Ancak istenilen taleplerin uygun görülmemesi sebebiyle reddediliyor. Kadınlar Halk Fırkası'nı kurmak isteyen kadınlar vazgeçmiyor ve yeni bir tüzükle 7 Şubat 1924'te Kadınlar Birliği'ni kuruyorlar.

Ancak kadınlar için hak talep ettikçe, egemenlerin de Nezihe Muhiddin'e uyguladıkları baskı artıyor. Türk Kadınlar Birliği'nin mühürlenmesi, Nezihe Muhiddin'in yolsuzluk ile suçlanması ve ardından Kadınlar Birliği'nden ihracı bu durumun sadece birkaç örneği.

Daha sonrasında kendini yazmaya adayan Muhiddin'in hayatı ise tarihte muammalarla dolu.

Belgesel çalışması

Nezihe Muhiddin'in hayatına ve kadın mücadelesindeki rolüne odaklanan "Kadın Olmanın Günahı" belgeseli ise tam da bu bilinmezlikleri açığa çıkarmayı amaçlıyor.

"Kadın Olmanın Günahı" 8 Şubat 2019 Cuma günü saat 18.00'de yönetmeni Ümran Safter ve danışmanı Yaprak Zihnioğlu'nun katılımıyla Kadın Eserleri Kütüphanesi'nde gösterilecek.

Muhiddin'in Kadınlar Halk Fırkası'ndan Türk Kadınlar Birliği'ne uzanan hak mücadelesini "Kadın Olmanın Günahı" belgeselinin yönetmeni Ümran Safter ve 'Kadınsız İnkılap/ Nezihe Muhiddin, Kadınlar Halk Fırkası, Kadın Birliği' kitabının yazarı Yaprak Zihnioğlu ile konuştuk.

"Kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkının bahşedildiği algısı var"

Belgeselin oluş hikâyesini Ümran Safter şöyle anlatıyor:

"Nezihe Muhiddin'i ben de herkes gibi bilmiyordum. Bize öğretilen tarih kitaplarında yazılı olan bir isim değil. Ne ilkokulda, ortaokulda ne de lisede hiçbir tarih kitabında Nezihe Muhiddin'in ve Kadınlar Halk Fırkası'nın ismi yok. Nasıl kurulduğu, kimin kurduğu, nasıl mücadeleler verdikleri hakkında ya da Osmanlı ve erken cumhuriyet dönemi kadın hareketi hakkında bilgi yok. Ben Nezihe Muhiddin'i Yaprak Zihnioğlu'nun 'Kadınsız İnkılâp' kitabıyla tanıdım. Daha sonra hakkında birkaç gazete makalesi okudum. Çok ilgimi çekti. 'Neden Nezihe Muhiddin'in filmi yapılmasın' dedik. Üstelik Nezihe Muhiddin filmi yapılırken de Osmanlı'daki kadın hareketi, erken cumhuriyet kadın hareketini de anlatabilirim diye düşündüm. Çünkü herkes şöyle sanıyor: Kadınlara seçme ve seçilme hakkı bir şekilde verilmiş, lütfedilmiş, bahşedilmiş. Öyle bir tarih öğretisi var. Aslında o dönemde ciddi bir kadın hareketi var."

Belgeseli yaparken görüntü sıkıntısı çektiklerini söyleyen Safter, Nezihe Muhiddin'e ait birkaç görüntü ve Muhiddin'in yakını Mizyal Karaçam Şengil'den alınan görüntüler dışında görselin olmadığını söylüyor. Safter, bu sebeple animasyon ve canlandırma ile Nezihe Muhiddin'in hayatını anlattıklarını belirtiyor.

"Mezarı dahi yıllarca yapılmadı"

Hakkında pek kaynak olmayan Muhiddin hakkında belgesel hazırlamanın zorluğunu ise şöyle anlatıyor:

"Nezihe Muhiddin ile ilgili çalışılmış bir biyografi kitabı yok. Kadın Halk Fırkası çalışılmış, Türk Kadınlar Birliği çalışılmış ama Nezihe Muhiddin şahıs olarak çalışılmamış. 1950-58 yılları arasında Nezihe Muhiddin'in ne yaptığı tam bir muamma. Çok fazla çalıştık, çok fazla kütüphanede vakit geçirdik. Bazı şeylere ulaştık evet. Son yazdığı makalelere ulaştık. Kadın Gazetesi'nde ve Resimli Şark Gazetesi'nde yazıyor. Bu makalelere ulaşabildik ama yazdığı bazı kitaplara ulaşamadık. O arşive ne oldu kimse bilmiyor.

"Ölümü bile muamma. Bazıları, akıl hastanesi olan Lape Hastanesi'nde öldüğünü, bazıları da evinde kalp krizi geçirerek öldüğünü ama Lape Hastanesi evine çok yakın olduğu için oraya sevk edildiğini söylüyor. Bu da muamma. Böyle bir kayda da ulaşamadık. Yıllarca mezarı dahi yapılmamış. Ta ki üç yıl öncesine kadar. Bir kara delikle karşılaştık açıkçası. Bu yüzden araştırma safhamız çok uzun sürdü. Ama yine de Yaprak Zihnioğlu'nun kitabı 'Kadınsız İnkılâp' kitabı bize büyük oranda ışık tuttu."

Sabiha Sertel de kurucular arasında

Nezihe Muhiddin'in hak mücadelesini konu alan "Kadınsız İnkılâp" kitabının yazarı Yaprak Zihnioğlu, Kadınlar Halk Fırkası'nın Mayıs 1923'te kurulduğunu ve kurucularının kadın derneklerinde aktif rol aldıklarını söylüyor. Zihnioğlu, Kadınlar Halk Fırkası'nın kurucu ve faal üyeleri arasında Osmanlı Hanımları Esirgeme Derneği, Hilal-i Ahmer ve Donanma Cemiyeti Kadınlar Şubesi, (Selanik) Teali-i Vatan Cemiyeti'nden kadınların da olduğunu belirtiyor.

Nezihe Muhiddin dışında Kadınlar Halk Fırkası'nın kurucuları arasında Latife Bekir Çeyrekbaşı, Naciye Hanım, Seniye Hanım, Nimet Remide, Nesime İbrahim, Matlube Ömer, Naciye Naim, Faize Atıf, Zeliha Hanım yer alıyor.

Türk Kadın Birliği'nin (TKB) kurucuları arasında ise Aliye Esad, Güzide Osman, Sabiha Zekeriya Sertel bulunuyor. Şükûfe Nihal, kurucu olarak yer almasa da Kadınlar Birliği'nde aktif rol oynuyor.

"Aydınlanmacı ilkelerle gerçekleştirmeye çalıştı"

Nezihe Muhiddin'in kadın mücadelesindeki rolünü Zihnioğlu şöyle anlatıyor:

"Nezihe Muhiddin, 'kadınlık mefkûresini' (idealini), bugünün deyişiyle feminizmi, Cumhuriyetin kuruluş yıllarına taşıyan öncü bir feminist aktivist. Nezihe Hanım, Erken Dönem Osmanlı-Müslüman-Türk hareket-i Nisvanının (kadın hareketinin) 'kadınlık mefkûresini' öncellerinin savunduğu üzere İslamî değerlerin değil, Aydınlanmacı ilkelerin yönlendirdiği bir düşünsel çerçeve içinde gerçekleştirme çabasındaydı. Nezihe Muhiddin'in yaşamı boyunca benimsediği ve 'kendi mefkûrem' diye adlandırdığı 'kadınlık mefkûresi' kadınların yaşadığı sorunların anlaşılması, bilinç düzeyine çıkarılması ve çözüm önerileriyle birlikte kadınların toplumsal arzuları; ne olmak, nasıl olmak istedikleri ve kadınların talep ettiği sosyal ve siyasal tüm hakları ifade ediyordu.

"Nezihe Muhiddin'in düşüncesinde kadınlığın kurtuluşu ve feminizm, öncelikle kadınların insan addedilmeleri, sivil yaşama katılabilmeleri, toplumun üyeleri olarak kamu alanında yer almaları, toplumsal konumlarının yükselmesi, kadın eğitimindeki kısıtların tamamıyla kaldırılması ve mesleklere girebilmeleri, erkeklerle eşit düzeyde yurttaşlar ve toplumsal rolleri üstlenebilen rasyonel, akıl yürüten modern insanlar haline gelmeleri isteği ve inancı demektir. Cumhuriyet'in kuruluş yıllarında kadın hakları için mücadele eden Nezihe Muhiddin, siyaset alanını kadın bakış açısından genişletmek ve siyasete kadınların aktif katılımı için uğraştı."

"Cumhuriyet rejimi 'kadınsız' kadın inkılâbı gerçekleştirdi"

Zihnioğlu, Kadınlar Birliği üyesi kadınların yeni Cumhuriyet hükümetinden siyasal katılım hakkını talep ettiklerini ancak bu feminist mücadelenin Kemalist tek parti iktidarının yönlendirmesi sonucu 1927'de bastırıldığını söylüyor.

Egemen iktidarın Kadınlar Birliği'ne bakış açısını Zihnioğlu şöyle anlatıyor:

"Türk Kadınlar Birliği'ne göre, inkılâp kadınlarla birlikte gerçekleşmeliydi. Feminizmi düşünsel ve pratik olarak hayata geçirmek hedefiyle Nezihe Muhiddin ve TKB Grubu bir baskı grubu oluşturarak 'dışarıdan' hükümete taleplerini kabul ettirmek istedi. KHF'nin (Kadınlar Halk Fırkası) kuruluşu ve etkinlikleri, hükümete danışılmadan gerçekleştirildiği için, ilk gününden itibaren iktidar tarafından 'rejime muhalefet' olarak algılandı.

"Ve kurucu Cumhuriyet rejimi "kadınsız" kadın hakları inkılâbını gerçekleştirdi. Görünüşteki kadın haklarından yana söylemine karşın Cumhuriyet'in kurucu kuşağı, kadınları ulusun yaratıcıları, etken bireyler, siyasi failler/eyleyiciler olarak görmedi. Kemalistlere göre kadınlar yeni rejimin siyaset-dışı, edilgen, seyirci ve destekleyicisi olmalıydı. Patriarkal ve indirgemeci bir yaklaşımla kadınların toplumdaki rolü 'vatana asker/evlat yetiştiren anneler' olarak tanımlandı."
Fatmagül Berktay belgeselin bir kısım çekimlerinin yapıldığı ve arşivinden de yararlanılan Kadın Eserleri Kütüphanesi'nde belgesel için konuşuyor
Belgeselin senaryosunu Ahsen Diner yazdı. Belgeselde Yaprak Zihnioğlu, Fatmagül Berktay, İpek Çalışlar, Senem Timuroğlu, Lerna Ekmekçioğlu, Nükhet Sirman, Müge Telci, Yeşim Arat başta olmak üzere birçok kadın akademisyen, Nezihe Muhiddin'i anlatıyor. Filmde kullanılan animasyonlar ise İngiliz sanatçı May Kindred Boothby'nin imzasını taşıyor. Filmin galası kadınların seçme ve seçilme hakkını kazandıkları günün yıldönümü olması vesilesiyle 5 Aralık 2018'de Kadir Has Üniversitesi'nde yapılmıştı. (EA/HK)

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KADIN OLMANIN GÜNAHI BELGESELİ: Resmi Tarihin Yok Saydığı Bir Kadın: Nezihe Muhiddin

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Kadın Olmanın Günahı belgeselini çeken Ümran Safter ve belgeselin danışmanı Yaprak Zihnioğlu Nezihe Muhittin'i anlatıyor. Belgesel 8 Şubat'ta Kadın Eserleri Kütüphanesi'nde gösterilecek.