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Video on the Rohingya's General Circumstances

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The Rohingya are an ethnic group, the majority of whom are Muslim, who have lived for centuries in the majority Buddhist Myanmar. Currently, there are about 1.1 million Rohingya in the Southeast Asian country.

The Rohingya speak Rohingya or Ruaingga, a dialect that is distinct to others spoken throughout Myanmar. They are not considered one of the country's 135 official ethnic groups and have been denied citizenship in Myanmar since 1982, which has effectively rendered them stateless.

Nearly all of the Rohingya in Myanmar live in the western coastal state of Rakhine and are not allowed to leave without government permission. It is one the poorest states in the country, with ghetto-like camps and a lack of basic services and opportunities.

Due to ongoing violence and persecution, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have fled to neighbouring countries either by land or boat over the course of many decades.

Where are the Rohingya from?

Muslims have lived in the area now known as Myanmar since as early as the 12th century, according to many historians and Rohingya groups.

The Arakan Rohingya National Organisation said: "Rohingyas have been living in Arakan from time immemorial," referring to the area now known as Rakhine.

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On April 7, five Rohingya were rescued off the island of Sumatra.

During the more than 100 years of British rule (1824-1948), there was a significant amount of migration of labourers to what is now known as Myanmar from today's India and Bangladesh. Because the British administered Myanmar as a province of India, such migration was considered internal, according to Human Rights Watch ( HRW).

The migration of labourers was viewed negatively by the majority of the native population.

After independence, the government viewed the migration that took place during British rule as "illegal, and it is on this basis that they refuse citizenship to the majority of Rohingya," HRW said in a report issued in 2000.

This has led many Buddhists to consider the Rohingya Bengali, rejecting the term Rohingya as a recent invention created for political reasons.

Why aren't they recognised?

Shortly after Myanmar's independence from the British in 1948, the Union Citizenship Act was passed, defining which ethnicities could gain citizenship. According to a 2015 report by the International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School, the Rohingya were not included. The act, however, did allow those whose families had lived in Myanmar for at least two generations to apply for identity cards.

Rohingya were initially given such identification or even citizenship under the generational provision. During this time, several Rohingya also served in parliament.
IN PICTURES: Rohingya refugees search for shelter in Bangladesh
After the 1962 military coup in Myanmar, things changed dramatically for the Rohingya.

All citizens were required to obtain national registration cards. The Rohingya, however, were only given foreign identity cards, which limited the jobs and educational opportunities they could pursue.

In 1982, a new citizenship law was passed, effectively rendering the Rohingya stateless. Under the law, Rohingya were again not recognised as one of the country's 135 ethnic groups. The law established three levels of citizenship. In order to obtain the most basic level (naturalised citizenship), proof that the person's family lived in Myanmar before 1948 was needed, as well as fluency in one of the national languages. Many Rohingya lack such paperwork because it was either unavailable or denied to them.

As a result of the law, their rights to study, work, travel, marry, practice their religion and access health services have been and continue to be restricted. The Rohingya cannot vote, and even if they navigate the citizenship test, they must identify as "naturalised" as opposed to Rohingya, and limits are placed on them entering certain professions such as medicine or law or running for office.

How are they persecuted?

Since the 1970s, a number of crackdowns on the Rohingya in Rakhine State have forced hundreds of thousands to flee to neighbouring Bangladesh, as well as Malaysia, Thailand and other Southeast Asian countries. During such crackdowns, refugees have often reported rape, torture, arson and murder by Myanmar security forces.
READ MORE: A month of misery for Myanmar's Rohingya
After the killings of nine border police in October 2016, the government blamed what it claimed were fighters from an armed Rohingya group and troops started pouring into the villages of Rakhine State. A security crackdown on villages where Rohingya lived ensued, during which government troops were accused of an array of human rights abuses including extrajudicial killing, rape and arson - allegations the government denied.

In November 2016, a UN official accused the government of carrying out ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya. It was not the first time such an accusation has been made.

In April 2013, for example, HRW said Myanmar was conducting a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya. The government has consistently denied such accusations.

In August, residents and activists have described troops firing indiscriminately at unarmed Rohingya men, women and children. The government, however, has said nearly 100 people were killed after armed men from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) launched a raid on police outposts in the region.

In February 2018, the Associated Press released a video showing what they say is the site of a massacre and at least five undisclosed mass graves of Rohingya in Myanmar. The UN's special rapporteur to Myanmar said violence against the Rohingya bears the hallmarks of genocide.

Myanmar's government razed at least 55 villages once populated by Rohingya, destroying with them evidence of crimes against the minority, according to Human Rights Watch.

The rights groups released images in February that showed between December 2017 and mid-February, areas that were once full of buildings and greenery had been completed cleared.

HRW described the actions by Myanmar security forces as an "ethnic cleansing campaign" and called on the UN and Myanmar's donors to demand an end to the demolitions.

A total of 362 villages have been destroyed either completely or partially since Myanmar's military began a campaign against the Rohingya in August last year, according to HRW.

How many Rohingya have fled Myanmar and where have they gone?

Since the late 1970s, nearly one million Rohingya have fled Myanmar due to widespread persecution.

According to the most recently available data from the United Nations in May, more than 168,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar since 2012.

Following violence that broke out last year, more than 87,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh from October 2016 to July 2017, according to the International Organization for Migration.
READ MORE: 'I want to take my last breath without fear of attacks'
Many Rohingya also risked their lives trying to get to Malaysia by boat across the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea. Between 2012 and 2015, more than 112,000 made the dangerous journey.

Prior to the violence that began in August 2017, the UN estimated that there are as many as 420,000 Rohingya refugees in Southeast Asia. Additionally, it said there were around 120,000 internally displaced Rohingya.

Since the violence in Myanmar's northwest began, more than 650,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh, the UNHCR said. It added that more than 1,000 people, mostly Rohingya, may have been killed in Myanmar.

What do Aung San Suu Kyi and the Myanmar government say about the Rohingya?

State Chancellor Aung San Suu Kyi, who is the de facto leader of Myanmar, has refused to really discuss the plight of the Rohingya.

Aung San Suu Kyi and her government do not recognise the Rohingya as an ethnic group and have blamed violence in Rakhine, and subsequent military crackdowns, on those they call "terrorists".

The Nobel Peace Prize laureate does not have control over the military but has been criticised for her failure to condemn the indiscriminate use of force by troops, as well as to stand up for the rights of the over one million Rohingya in Myanmar.
OPINION: Aung San Suu Kyi's inexcusable silence
The government has also repeatedly rejected accusations of abuses. In February 2017, the UN published a report that found that government troops "very likely" committed crimes against humanity since renewed military crackdowns began in October 2016.

At the time, the government did not directly address the findings of the report and said it had the "the right to defend the country by lawful means" against "increasing terrorist activities", adding that a domestic investigation was enough.

During Pope Francis' visit to Myanmar in November 2017, Myanmar's army chief told the pope that there was "no discrimination" in the country and praised the military for maintaining "peace and stability".

In September 2016, Aung San Suu Kyi entrusted former UN chief Kofi Annan with finding ways to heal the long-standing divisions in the region. While many welcomed the commission and its findings, which were released this August, Azeem Ibrahim, a senior fellow at the Center for Global Policy, argued it was just a way for Aung San Suu Kyi to "pacify the global public opinion and try to demonstrate to the international community that she is doing what she can to resolve the issue".

Annan was not given the mandate to investigate specific cases of human rights abuses, but rather one to look at long-term economic development, education and healthcare.
REPORTER'S NOTEBOOK: They look at us with hope, but we can only document their despair
When setting up the commission, Aung San Suu Kyi's government said it would abide by its findings. The commission urged the government to end the highly militarised crackdown on neighbourhoods where Rohingya live, as well as scrap restrictions on movement and citizenship.

Following the release of the August report, the government welcomed the commission's recommendations and said it would give the report "full consideration with the view to carrying out the recommendations to the fullest extent ... in line with the situation on the ground".

On the latest round of violence, Aung San Suu Kyi blamed a "huge iceberg of misinformation" on the crisis, without mentioning the Rohingya who have fled to Bangladesh.

On September 19, she gave a televised address, condemning "all human rights violations" in Rakhine, without specifically mentioning the Rohingya.

She said that Myanmar was ready "at any time" to verify the status of those who had fled the violence in the last month. She did not specify who would be qualified to return and did not elaborate on how the verification process would work.

Her speech was criticised by Rohingya refugees, as well as activists who accused her government of "burying their heads in the sand".

The government has often restricted access to northern Rakhine State for journalists and aid workers. Aung San Suu Kyi's office has also accused aid groups of helping those it considers to be "terrorists".
OPINION: Myanmar needs to get serious about peace
In January, Yanghee Lee, a UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, said she was denied access to certain parts of Rakhine and was only allowed to speak to Rohingya who had been pre-approved by the government.

The country has also denied visas to members of a UN probe investigating the violence and alleged abuses in Rakhine.

What does Bangladesh say about the Rohingya?

There are more than half a million Rohingya refugees living in mostly makeshift camps in Bangladesh. The majority remain unregistered.

Bangladesh considers most of those who have crossed its borders and are living outside of camps as having "illegally infiltrated" the country. Bangladesh has often tried to prevent Rohingya refugees from crossing its border.
READ MORE: My name is Arba Khatun, I am Rohingya
In late January, the country resurrected a plan to relocate tens of thousands of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar to a remote, flood-prone island that has been called "uninhabitable" by rights groups. Under the plan, which was originally introduced in 2015, authorities would move undocumented Myanmar nationals to Thengar Char in the Bay of Bengal.

Rights groups have decried the proposal, saying the island completely floods during monsoon season. The UN also called the forced relocation "very complex and controversial".

Most recently, Bangladesh's foreign minister labelled the violence against the Rohingya in Myanmar "a genocide". The country's National Commission for Human Rights also said it was considering "pressing for a trial against Myanmar, and against the Myanmar army at an international tribunal" on charges of genocide.

Bangladesh's Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina visited a Rohingya refugee camp in September and called on the UN and the international community to pressure Myanmar's government to allow the return of hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees.
READ MORE: Bangladesh medics struggle to cope with Rohingya influx
She said that Bangladesh would offer the refugees temporary shelter and aid, but that Myanmar should soon "take their nationals back".

Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have told Al Jazeera that the government's aid thus far as been inadequate, with many saying they haven't received any kind of government help.

Refugees in Bangladesh have been banned from leaving the overcrowded border areas. Police check posts and surveillance have been set up in key transit points from stop Rohingya from travelling to other parts of the country.

What does the international community say about the Rohingya?

The international community has labelled the Rohingya the "most persecuted minority in the world".

The UN, as well as several rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have consistently decried the treatment of the Rohingya by Myanmar and neighbouring countries.

The UN has said that it is "very likely" that the military committed grave human rights abuses in Rakhine that may amount to war crimes, allegations the government denies.
OPINION: Only international pressure can save Rohingya now
In March, the UN adopted a resolution to set up an independent international mission to investigate the alleged abuses. It stopped short of calling for a Commission of Inquiry, the UN's highest level of investigation.

The UN investigators must provide a verbal update in September and a full report next year on their findings.

Rights groups have criticised the government's reluctance to accept the UN investigators.

Human Rights Watch warned that Myanmar's government risked getting bracketed with "pariah states" like North Korea and Syria if it did not allow the UN to investigate alleged crimes.
READ MORE: Myanmar - UN probe 'can only aggravate' Rakhine tension
In response to the latest round of violence, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned of the risk of ethnic cleansing, calling on Aung San Suu Kyi and the country's security forces to end the violence.

In early September of last year, Guterres also warned of a looming "humanitarian catastrophe" if the violence did not end.

UN human rights chief Zeid bin Ra'ad al-Hussein urged Myanmar to end its "brutal security operation" against the Rohingya in Rakhine, calling it a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing".

Both UN officials said they completely supported the findings of the advisory commission, led by Kofi Annan, and urged the government to fulfil its recommendations.

In November 2017, Pope Francis visited Myanmar and while he did not explicitly use the word "Rohingya", he said that there needs to be acceptance and respect for all ethnic groups in the country.

In April, the chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Court (ICC) asked the court to rule if it had jurisdiction over the deportations of Rohingya people from Myanmar to Bangladesh.

A ruling affirming its jurisdiction could pave the way for prosecutors to investigate whether crimes against humanity were committed.
OPINION: The Rohingya crisis and the role of the OIC
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), formerly known as the al-Yaqeen Faith Movement, released a statement under its new name in March 2017, saying it was obligated to "defend, salvage and protect [the] Rohingya community".

The group said it would do so "with our best capacities as we have the legitimate right under international law to defend ourselves in line with the principle of self-defence".

The group is considered a "terrorist" organisation by the Myanmar government.

In its March statement, the ARSA added that it does "not associate with any terrorist group across the world" and does "not commit any form of terrorism against any civilian[s] regardless of their religious and ethnic origin".

The statement also said: "We [...] declare loud and clear that our defensive attacks have only been aimed at the oppressive Burmese regime in accordance with international norms and principles until our demands are fulfilled."

The group has claimed responsibility for an attack on police posts and an army base in Rakhine State. According to the government, nearly 400 people were killed, the majority of whom were members of the ARSA. Rights groups, however, say hundreds of civilians have been killed by security forces.

Rights group Fortify Rights said it has documented that fighters with the ARSA "are also accused of killing civilians - suspected government 'informants' - in recent days and months, as well as preventing men and boys from fleeing Maungdaw Township".

On September 9, the group declared a month-long unilateral ceasefire in Rakhine to enable aid groups to address the humanitarian crisis in the area.

"ARSA strongly encourages all concerned humanitarian actors to resume their humanitarian assistance to all victims of the humanitarian crisis, irrespective of ethnic or religious background during the ceasefire period," the group said in a statement, adding that it calls on Myanmar's military to also temporarily lay down arms.

According to the International Crisis Group, the ARSA has ties to Rohingya living in Saudi Arabia.

The Myanmar government formally categorised the group as a "terrorist" organisation on August 25.

What is the repatriation deal?

In November 2017, Bangladesh and Myanmar signed a deal for the return of 650,000 Rohingya refugees, who fled in the recent violence.

Both countries agreed to complete a voluntary repatriation in two years. The plan is based on a similar agreement that was signed in the 1990s to repatriate Rohingya who have fled a previous crackdown led by the Myanmar military.

Myanmar set up two reception centres and what it is believed to be a temporary camp near the border of Rakhine to receive the first arrivals.

"We have been tortured, killed and our houses burnt, we want Myanmar citizenship and ID cards saying we are Rohingya. I don't want to go to another camp in Myanmar if Bangladesh and the rest of the world can protect our rights, then we will go back, but not yet," Syed Alam, a Rohingya refugee told Al Jazeera.

On the deal, Director of Human Rights Watch's ( HRW) refugee rights programme said: "Before the start of actual returns, Myanmar should agree to a set of prerequisites for return."

That includes "unfettered, independent monitoring" of returnees, restoration of lost homes and properties among others.

On April 14, the Myanmar government announced in a Facebook post that a family of five had returned to the country, a move that was denounced by Rohingya rights groups as "staged" and a "publicity stunt".

Images accompanying the social media post on Saturday showed five individuals receiving identification cards - which do not grant citizenship - from uniformed Myanmar officials, and getting medical help and living provisions from health and social workers.

According to the Rohingya Blogger, a watchdog and Rohingya rights website run by activists in Europe, the individuals in the photos are not Rohingya refugees, but family of a local administrator in Taung Pyo Latya.

The reported repatriation came days after Myanmar's social welfare minister, Win Myat Aye, visited a Rohingya camp in Bangladesh's border area of Cox's Bazar.

During the visit, Win announced that Myanmar is ready for the repatriation of Rohingya.

But Ursula Mueller, the a UN senior humanitarian official, warned that there "critical issues of freedom of movement" that Myanmar's government needs to address before beginning repatriation, AFP news agency reported.

UNHCR has also said that the "conditions in Myanmar are not yet conducive for returns to be safe, dignified and sustainable", adding that "the responsibility for creating such conditions remains with the Myanmar authorities, and these must go beyond the preparation of physical infrastructure to facilitate logistical arrangements."

WATCH: Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh

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The Rohingya are an ethnic group, the majority of whom are Muslim, who have lived for centuries in the majority Buddhist Myanmar. Currently, there are about 1.1 million Rohingya in the Southeast Asian country. The Rohingya speak Rohingya or Ruaingga, a dialect that is distinct to others spoken throughout Myanmar.

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In 2017, the Myanmar military repeatedly launched attacks on the Rohingya Muslims, sacking settlements, and killing citizens. Though the government denies the accusations of genocide, the refuges from Myanmar have testified to extreme violence and abuse. In an effort to escape persecution, the Rohingya's have fled or migrated to many neighboring countries such as Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan. So far, Bangladesh has housed the most Rohingya Muslims, with 600,000 refugees in one camp alone. The Rohingya voice that they will not return to Myanmar until the promise of citizenship has been made by the government.

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Brief Video on the Rohingya Migration

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The Rohingya are among the world's most persecuted ethnic minorities - haunted by the past and denied a future.

As the coronavirus pandemic sweeps across the world and into their squalid refugee camps, they're confronted by another grim prospect: separation from loved ones.

"There's Covid-19, it's quite clearly spreading in the camps. But the Rohingya will not go to get tested," said Phil Robertson, deputy director of Asia at Human Rights Watch.

"They are afraid of being taken from their family, they are afraid of being isolated, they're afraid of being taken to this horrible detention island called Bhasan Char - which is in the middle of nowhere... It's like a Rohingya Alcatraz," he said, referring to the former island prison in San Francisco.

The Rohingya are a Muslim minority from Rakhine state in western Myanmar - formerly known as Burma. Most fled their homes after the military launched a brutal crackdown in August 2017.

Today, nearly a million Rohingya refugees live in cramped, temporary housing in the Bangladesh district of Cox's Bazar, home to one of the world's largest settlement camps.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees told CNBC there were 50 confirmed cases of Covid-19 and 5 deaths among the refugees in Cox's Bazar as of July 1. Testing was ramped up to 700 a day, and about 0.06% of the 860,000 Rohingya in the camps have been tested. Additionally, Myanmar's health ministry reported 10 confirmed cases in Rakhine, UNHCR said.

It's hard to know the true extent of the outbreak among the Rohingya, argued Robertson.

"People are refusing to go. I think the only people you're really seeing that turn up and get tested are the people who are gravely ill, and have no other choice ... they need to get treatment or they may die."

"We have noticed a decline in the number of refugees approaching health facilities for COVID-19 symptoms in the last weeks," said Louise Donovan, a communications officer at UNHCR. She said there appears to be "fear and anxiety among refugees," as those who volunteered to be tested had to be isolated for precautionary reasons.

Additionally, an internet shutdown in camps in Bangladesh and some towns in Rakhine "has meant that people in some villages are unaware of the Covid-19 outbreak," Human Rights Watch said.

Flight from Rakhine

Often referred to as "the most persecuted minority in the world," the Rohingya have endured decades of oppression and human rights abuses.

A citizenship law in 1982 stripped them of their nationality, making them one of the world's largest stateless communities.

While there have been large migrations to Bangladesh since the 1970s, none was as rapid and massive as the August 2017 exodus that thrust the Rohingya crisis onto the world stage.

More than 740,000 Rohingya were violently uprooted in the months that followed, driven by a brutal military crackdown that reportedly killed thousands of Muslims.

At least half of those who arrived in Bangladesh were children. It was a migration that was "unprecedented in terms of volume and speed," the UN said.

Hundreds of victims and witnesses described scenes of indiscriminate killing, including of children and the elderly. Victims spoke of torture, rape, looting and destruction. Satellite images showed hundreds of villages razed.

Myanmar's security forces said it was a counter-offensive aimed at rooting out terrorism. What sparked the campaign was a series of attacks carried out by Rohingya extremists, who killed 12 members of the Burmese security forces in August 2017.

The UN condemned the operation as a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing" and its High Commissioner for Human Rights at that time slammed the response as "clearly disproportionate" and "without regard for basic principles of international law."

Approximately 600,000 Rohingya are still inside Myanmar "living under threat of genocide," said the UN's fact-finding mission on Myanmar.

Calls for accountability

The Rohingya want justice, Robertson said. They want those who committed the crimes against them to be held accountable.

Myanmar's de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been accused of failing to protect the Rohingya. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate, once touted as the embodiment of democracy, has been criticized for forsaking the oppressed.

In a January op-ed for the Financial Times, Suu Kyi defended her government. She noted that the UN's independent commission interviewed close to 1,500 witnesses, but she claimed the report said that "some refugees may have provided inaccurate or exaggerated information."

While acknowledging that "the report details killing of civilians, disproportionate use of force, looting of property, and destruction of abandoned homes of Muslims," she maintained that the commission "found no evidence of genocide."

Robertson from Human Rights Watch strongly criticized the former democracy icon.

"She has moved beyond just being a bystander - or someone who wasn't involved - to become part of the cover-up," he said.

The Myanmar government did not respond to CNBC's request for comment.

What the future holds

Education brings hope for a brighter future to the Rohingya children, said Shairose Mawji, Bangladesh chief of field services at UNICEF.

"Education not only brings knowledge and skills, it also brings hope to children and help counter the frustration and despair of their situation," Mawji told CNBC in an email. "Without adequate opportunities for learning, they are more exposed to dangers of trafficking, child marriage, exploitation and abuse."

There are currently more than 465,000 Rohingya refugee children in Bangladesh.

The country agreed in January to grant 10,000 Rohingya students access to a formal school curriculum, a pilot program targeted at those from grades six to nine. It will eventually expand to others, Mawji said.

Still, only about 13% of teenage boys and 2% of adolescent girls have access to education in the camps, said the UN children's agency, pointing out that girls were disproportionately affected.

Rights groups hailed the pilot program as a small victory, but Robertson was quick to point out that 10,000 kids "is not a lot when you're talking about over a million refugees."

"What you see is a stunting of the educational aspirations of the Rohingya - an entire generation of children who are not getting educated," he added.

The UNHCR was more hopeful.

"With the right investment in education, Rohingya children can begin to chart their own destinies and contribute more to their communities," Mawji said.

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From stateless to displaced, the Rohingya are still searching for hope years after fleeing Myanmar

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The Rohingya are among the world's most persecuted ethnic minorities - haunted by the past and denied a future. As the coronavirus pandemic sweeps across the world and into their squalid refugee camps, they're confronted by another grim prospect: separation from loved ones. "There's Covid-19, it's quite clearly spreading in the camps.

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Migration Population Map

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Migration Map

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Forced migration is when humans have no choice but to relocate. In the Rohingya Migration, Rohingya's are fleeing for their lives, with no choice but to move for necessities of survival. Their villages are often destroyed, and family members separated, leaving no other option but to leave the country.

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International migration involves movement across international boundaries. Rohingya's have been leaving Myanmar, migrating to foreign and neighboring countries, especially Bangladesh. As refugees, they cross international boundaries when abandoning Myanmar and entering a different country.

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Chain migration is a pattern of migration that develops when migrants move along and through kinship links. Though not blatantly stated, many families of Rohingya Muslims, follow the same path as their relatives who have escaped before them. An extended family tends to land up in the same refugee camp, with an exception of unfavorable incidents.

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Immigration wave is the phenomenon whereby different chain migrations build upon to create a swell in migration from one origin to the same destination. The Rohingya's created an huge immigration wave when moving in swells to refugee camps in Bangladesh. Furthermore, many refugees lean towards the same migration path as pervious Rohingya migrants.

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Push factors are the negative conditions and perceptions that induce people to leave and migrate to a new location. The Myanmar military marched in and destroyed many villages, inserting damage which produces negative conditions, such as food shortage, inducing people to leave and migrate. Moreover, word of destruction travels, sending thoughts of negative perception through numerous other citizens.

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Step migration is the movement to a distant destination that occurs in stages. The migration map shows that Rohingya Muslims have moved to bordering countries, as well as quite distance ones. Many of the refugees take locational stepping stones, stopping in various camps along the way, finally making it to their eventual destination.

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Every Migration Flow Generates a Return or Countermigration

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Every Migration Flow Generates a Return or Countermigration

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This migration law briefly applies to the Rohingya Migration with respect to counter migration because the Rohingya agreed to return to Myanmar only on terms of permanent citizenship. Otherwise, desperate conditions in Myanmar have prevented the Rohingya from contemplating a return or countermigration.

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The Majority of Migrants Move a Short Distance

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The Majority of Migrants Move a Short Distance

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This law of migration relates to the Rohingya Migration by statistics which reveal that the majority of refugees seek refuge in Bangladesh, one of the closest bordering countries to Myanmar. Compared to other countries, Bangladesh is easily accessible by land and sea, resulting in the highest number of Rohingya refugees.

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Migrants Who Move Longer Distances Tend to Choose Big-City Destinations

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Migrants Who Move Longer Distances Tend to Choose Big-City Destinations

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This migration law applies from a different perspective by proving that most Rohingya refugees tend to choose camps of original bigger populations and sizes. The probability is higher for a migrating Rohingya to pick a camp in Bangladesh due to its level of development opposed to one in Thailand.

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Urban Residents are Less Migratory Than Inhabitants of Rural Areas

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Urban Residents are Less Migratory Than Inhabitants of Rural Areas

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This law of migration does not refer to the Rohingya migration as much due to the fact that most are forced to migrate because of numerous push factors. Nevertheless, there is a chance that smaller villages would be the first targeted by attacking forces, pushing those residents to migrate first instead of urban area inhabitants.

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Families Are Less Likely to Make International Moves Than Young Adults

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Families Are Less Likely to Make International Moves Than Young Adults

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This migration law proves true, when single young adults in Rohingya communities are more likely to flee abroad alone and first, with a better chance of making it. Families with old and young, tend to stay behind until leaving is absolutely necessary for survival. Still, unbearable conditions often push all to eventually evacuate.