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Counter-Coup

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Women exposed to the war in their growing years exhibit reduced adult stature, increased likelihood of being overweight, earlier age at first birth, and lower educational achievement.

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Patrick Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu (born on 26 February 1937 - 29 July 1967) was a Nigerian military officer who played a leading role in the January 15, 1966 military coup, an event that derailed Nigeria's nascent democracy and introduced military rule to Nigeria.

Nzeogwu was born in the Northern Region's capital of Kaduna to Igbo parents from the Mid-Western Region- Okpanam Town, near Asaba in the present day Delta State, belonging to the Anioma people of Nigeria. Nzeogwu attended Saint Joseph's Catholic Primary School in Kaduna for his elementary education and for his secondary education attended the competitive Saint John's College in Kaduna, where he became close friends with Christian Anufuro.[1]

In March 1957, Nzeogwu enlisted as an officer-cadet in the Nigeria Regiment of the West African Frontier Force and proceeded on a 6-month preliminary training in Ghana, then Gold Coast. He completed his training in Ghana by October 1957 and proceeded to the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst where he was commissioned as an infantry officer in 1959. He later underwent a platoon officer's course in Hythe and a platoon commander's course in Warminster [2]

On his return to Nigeria in May 1960, Nzeogwu was posted to the 1st Battalion in Enugu where Major Aguiyi-Ironsi was the second-in-command under a British officer.[3] He was later posted to the 5th Battalion in Kaduna where he became friends with Olusegun Obasanjo.[3] His Hausa colleagues in the Nigerian Army gave him the name "Kaduna" because of his affinity with the town.[4]

After serving in the Congo in 1961, Nzeogwu was assigned as a training officer at the Army Training Depot in Zaria for about 6 months before getting posted to Lagos to head up the military intelligence section at the Army Headquarters where he was the first Nigerian officer.[5] The forerunner of the Nigerian Army Intelligence Corps (NAIC) was the Field Security Section (FSS) of the Royal Nigerian Army, which was established on 1 November 1962 with Captain PG Harrington (BR) as General Staff Officer Grade Two (GSO2 Int). The FSS was essentially a security organization whose functions included vetting of Nigerian Army (NA) personnel, document security and counter intelligence. Major Nzeogwu was the first Nigerian Officer to hold that appointment from November 1962 to 1964. As a military intelligence officer, he participated in the treasonable felony trial investigations of Obafemi Awolowo and other Action Group party members. According to Olusegun Obasanjo, "Chukwuma had some scathing remarks to make about [Nigeria's] national security, and about those who were being investigated. If he had his way, he said, his treatment of the whole case would have been different".[6]

Nzeogwu reportedly antagonised some army colleagues in his capacity as a military intelligence officer and even clashed with the Minister of State for the Army, Ibrahim Tako Galadima also known as Galadima Bida.[5] Consequently, he was posted to the Nigerian Military Training College in Kaduna where he became Chief Instructor.[5]

In the early hours of 15 January 1966, Nzeogwu led a group of soldiers[7] on a supposed military exercise, taking them to attack the official residence of the premier of the north, Sir Ahmadu Bello in a bloody coup that saw the murder of the Premiers of Northern and Western Nigeria. The Prime Minister ( Abubakar Tafawa Balewa), a federal minister ( Festus Okotie-Eboh), and top army officers from the Northern and Western regions of the nation were also brutally murdered. From the existing government, the premier of the Eastern region ( Michael Okpara), the Igbo President of the Nigerian federation ( Nnamdi Azikiwe) and the Igbo Army Chief ( Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi) were notable survivors.

Maj. Nzeogwu had started his preparation by organizing a two-day night exercise "Damisa" (Operation Tiger) to train soldiers in new fighting techniques. The exercise was approved by authorities of the 1st Brigade Headquarters apparently unaware of the real intentions of Maj. Nzeogwu and the Brigade Major, Maj. Alphonso Keshi had sent circulars to all units operating under the Brigade to contribute troops towards the success of the exercise. By the time Maj. Keshi realized "exercise Damisa" was actually a Military rebellion it was absolutely too late to counter the operation.

Nzeogwu's modus operandi in the North contributed in no small measure to the success of the revolution in Northern Nigeria.

According to a Nigerian Police Special Branch Report, Nzeogwu executed at least 4 army and police security personnel including one of the men on his team (Sergeant Daramola Oyegoke). Nzeogwu also participated in the execution of Col. Raph Shodeinde, his superior officer at the Nigerian Military Training College and is reported to have shot indiscriminately at fleeing women and children.[8]

After waiting for an early morning radio announcement from Major Adewale Ademoyega in Lagos which did not take place because of the failure of the coup in Lagos, Major Nzeogwu made an mid-afternoon announcement, declaring martial law in Northern Nigeria.

Following the announcement from Kaduna, and information that Nzeogwu was gathering forces to attack Lagos which was a huge possibility at the time, Commander of the Army, Maj. Gen. Aguiyi Ironsi sent emissaries led by a man Maj. Nzeogwu heavily respected, Lt. Col. Conrad Nwawo, to Kaduna to negotiate peace talks with Maj. Nzeogwu and a possible surrender. Maj. Nzeogwu set conditions which Gen. Ironsi agreed to.

Aguyi Ironsi assumed power, and Nzeogwu was later arrested in Lagos on 18 January 1966 contrary to agreements earlier reached between Nzeogwu and Ironsi.

He was in the company of Lt. Col. Nwawo.[citation needed ]

On 30 May 1967, Biafra declared its independence from Nigeria; this was spurred by the incessant killing of Igbos in Northern Nigeria and the refusal of then military head of state General Yakubu Gowon to mobilize security personnel to stop the killings. [9]

[10].[citation needed ]

On 29 July 1967, Nzeogwu - who had been promoted to the rank of a Biafran Lt. Colonel - was trapped in an ambush near Nsukka while conducting a night reconnaissance operation against federal troops of the 21st battalion under Captain Mohammed Inuwa Wushishi.[11]

He was killed in action and his corpse was subsequently identified.[12] After the defeat of Biafra and the end of the war, orders were given by the Head of the Nigerian government, Major General Yakubu Gowon, for him to be buried at the military cemetery in Kaduna with full military honours.[13]

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Patrick Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu (born on 26 February 1937 - 29 July 1967) was a Nigerian military officer who played a leading role in the January 15, 1966 military coup, an event that derailed Nigeria's nascent democracy and introduced military rule to Nigeria.

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Supporters of the Indigenous People of Biafra, a separatist group, in southeast Nigeria in May. Nigeria's president, Muhammadu Buhari, declared the group a terrorist organization last month. Credit... Stefan Heunis/Agence France-Presse - Getty Images

By Tony Iyare and

LAGOS, Nigeria - In recent days, independence votes in restive parts of Spain and Iraq have captured the world's attention, leading to street clashes, angry threats from aggrieved politicians and even heated words from a king.

But long-simmering tensions over separatist movements in West Africa have also sent huge crowds into the streets and led to deadly government crackdowns and fears of more bloodshed.

In Cameroon, 17 people were killed in recent days during protests in English-speaking areas, where some residents have called for splitting off from French-speaking parts of the nation, Amnesty International said.

In Nigeria, a movement in the southeast seeking independence from the rest of the country has also gained steam - 50 years after a civil war over the same issue left one million people dead in one of the region's deadliest conflicts.

Last month, Nigeria's president, Muhammadu Buhari, declared a separatist group, the Indigenous People of Biafra, a terrorist organization and unleashed a military offensive in the region.

In Cameroon, the military has been deployed in English-speaking areas, where the government blocked social media websites for at least the second time this year.

Security forces have been accused of killing protesters in both areas, and neither nation's government has engaged in meaningful dialogue with residents who want to form their own country.

But the harsh responses are only fueling the separatist movements, potentially intensifying calls to break apart the nations, analysts say. "The excluded are fighting back in the language of exclusion, and it's not pretty," said Chidi Odinkalu, a former chairman of the National Human Rights Commission in Nigeria. "The way out is to run an inclusive country. It's doable."

Hostilities with the central government in Nigeria's southeast have simmered ever since the Nigerian civil war started 50 years ago, when a self-declared Republic of Biafra tried to break off from the rest of the nation. Tensions have continued in the decades since the rebellion, and picked up momentum this year.

As the country wondered about the health of Mr. Buhari, who has spent more than 100 days in London receiving medical treatment for a mystery illness, people poured into the streets in the southeast to support a movement to create a new state or break off into a separate nation, as the area tried to do in the late 1960s.

Last month, the military deployed tanks and helicopters in the region. Separatists say that their supporters have been killed and tortured by the military.

Troops encircled the home of the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu, and his supporters tried to fight them off with sticks. Reuters reported that bullet holes were found in the house, and that two of its journalists saw six bullet-riddled bodies in the morgue. Separatists said the six people were killed during what they said was a raid by troops on Mr. Kanu's home. The whereabouts of Mr. Kanu is unknown.

Maj. Gen. D. D. Ahmadu, the Nigerian Army's chief of training and operations, said the military had targeted bandits and other criminals operating in the region, adding that separatists were not being singled out. Yet another military exercise was being planned for the region, raising fears of more violence to come.

"They humiliate and dehumanize the civilian population," said Wole Soyinka, a playwright, activist and Nobel laureate. "This type of unacceptable habit, this sense of military superiority, is beginning to creep back into this nation."

President Buhari has spoken out harshly against the agitators. In August, he gave a stern warning to those who had "crossed the national red lines by daring to question our collective existence as a nation."

"Nigeria's unity is settled and not negotiable," he said. "We shall not allow irresponsible elements to start trouble, and when things get bad they run away and saddle others with the responsibility of bringing back order, if necessary with their blood."

Besides the secessionist movement in Nigeria, the country is also engaged in a war with Boko Haram in the northeast, while also grappling with battles between farmers and herdsmen.

"This ought to be the preoccupation of the Nigerian Army at this point of our historical annals," said Sylvester Odion Akhaine, an associate professor of political science at Lagos State University, referring to the other conflicts.

In Cameroon, protests started nearly a year ago when English speakers in the northwest and southwest began demanding an end to what they say is discrimination by the French-speaking majority.

Lawyers fed up with new laws that were never translated into English started speaking out. They complained that the government sent judges who could not speak English well to fill their courthouses. They were soon joined by teachers, professors and other citizens who closed shops and schools to protest against a government that they say has failed to live up to its constitutional requirement for a bilingual nation.

Protests continued through most of this year. Numerous demonstrators were jailed, and officials shut down the internet. At least two protesters were killed when the security forces fired live ammunition at rallies. Many children in English-speaking regions have not been in school for the past 11 months.

Through the months of agitation, and with Cameroonians abroad organizing protests, a small separatist movement began to gain momentum. Its supporters are now calling for a new nation that they want to be called Ambazonia.

More violence broke out last month when three police officers were wounded by an improvised bomb. The attack has drawn the ire of government officials whose support comes from French-speaking areas. Cameroon's communications minister compared secessionists to the Islamist terrorist group Boko Haram.

On Oct. 1, officials sent soldiers and military helicopters to demonstrations in English-speaking regions where protesters were calling for independence. Supporters of Ambazonia hoisted their flags in several villages. The government issued a curfew and travel restrictions.

Amnesty International said it confirmed 17 deaths in the protests, with some of the victims reported to have been shot by soldiers. John Fru Ndi, the chairman of an opposition party that has the support of many English-speaking people in the country, estimated that as many as 30 people were killed. News media outlets also reported the deaths of security officers. Last week, the State Department said in a statement that the Cameroonian government's use of force "to restrict free expression and peaceful assembly, and violence by protestors" was "unacceptable."

The demonstrations in Cameroon took place on the anniversary of the English-speaking region's independence more than 50 years ago. For four decades, Cameroon was split into English and French territories. In 1961, the territories then unified into one republic made up mostly of French speakers as well as an English-speaking minority that adhered to British common law. English speakers have long complained that they get fewer resources from the government than their French counterparts do.

Mr. Ndi said he had repeatedly called on President Paul Biya to travel to the English-speaking parts of the country to open a dialogue with secessionists. But that has not happened, Mr. Ndi said, though the government did free some leaders of the movement who had been jailed. Protesters say that others are still are being unjustly imprisoned.

Mr. Biya, in office since 1982, has made it clear that he does not support any split of the nation. He has been spending time recently in Switzerland, where he often goes for vacations, but on Oct. 1 he released a statement on Facebook calling for peaceful dialogue.

"Let me make this very clear: it is not forbidden to voice any concerns in the Republic," he said on his official page. "However, nothing great can be achieved by using verbal excesses, street violence, and defying authority."

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In Nigeria and Cameroon, Secessionist Movements Gain Momentum

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By Tony Iyare and LAGOS, Nigeria - In recent days, independence votes in restive parts of Spain and Iraq have captured the world's attention, leading to street clashes, angry threats from aggrieved politicians and even heated words from a king.

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Remembering Nigeria’s Biafra war that many prefer to forget

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Fifty years from the end of Nigeria’s civil war three people on the losing side reflect on its impact.

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Find local businesses, view maps and get driving directions in Google Maps.

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SYND 14 1 70 SCENES OF REFUGEE CAMP FOR BIAFRANS

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POST-WAR EFFECTS (short-term and long-term)

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POST-WAR EFFECTS (short-term and long-term)

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- 3 million people dead
-corruption of the ruling class
-thousands die of hunger every week
-economic deprivation
-homeless, helpless children
-government is accused of missing investments in the southeast
-propaganda opened world‘s eyes to problems in developing countries

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political, economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions between Christian Igbo and the Muslim north

—> wanted the dominant position
—> the “oil problem“ —>
Igbos felt they were
deprived by the British
when Nigeria gained
independence

Igbo were persecuted in northern regions of Nigeria -> fled to home territory in southeast

Founded independent state of Biafra in May 1967

1966: Muslim Hausas began massacring the Christian Igbos: 80.000 - 100.000 Igbo killed in pogroms

Nigerian soldiers led by Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu started a coup and killed 22 people including the Prime Minister of Nigeria

few month later: Hausa-Fulani staged a counter-Coup—> murder of Nigeria‘s military Head of State and lots of Igbo

—> that was the beginning of the civil war

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The story of the coup and how it happened started leaking out, first from the military barracks and then from the international media.

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As they approached the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation they saw the soldiers around but did not know what was happening. They were not scared, even though they found the commotion a bit peculiar.

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Nigeria's civil war explained - BBC News

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1970 - 1975

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6 July 1967 – 15 January 1970

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1961 - 1966

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flag of Biafra