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"Why We Cry at the Movies" (Credible Website)

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"Why We Cry at the Movies" (Credible Website)

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Huw Oliver, a writer for Vice, wrote the article “Why We Cry at the Movies.” The question that triggered the creation of this article was: why do people enjoy the movie ‘Love Actually’ so much? She doesn’t understand that for her personally, she would never shed a tear of sorrow for the film. But she understands that we all cry over something cinematic, all have fallen in love with individual performance, and we've all shaken our fists at a bad guy. Cinema clearly has a sort of sensational ability to affect every one of the individuals’ emotions. We relate to our past, current, and future life experiences. Oliver notices that this is one of the big ideas explored in Flicker: Your Brain on Movies, a new book by Dr. Jeffrey Zacks, professor of psychology at Washington University in St Louis. She decided to contact Zacks to ask some questions behind the art of cinema. Dr. Zacks explains to Oliver that our brains have evolved to their current form well before the cinema was around, meaning that we're processing these fictional narratives now with the same brains our pre-technology ancestors were using to observe woolly mammoths in the distance 50,000 years ago, which is a fact that can go some way to explaining the psychology behind why we react so enthusiastically to films. Oliver then conducts an experiment to measure behaviors to film. She started with simple little homemade movies, then anti-movies. Each individual has a different perspective on each film. Oliver concluded that these perspectives are associated with an emotion program, and that emotion program tends to come online when we watch movies. Filmmaker’s main principle is to exaggerate a natural life experience. When you look at in detail, when you interact with people and they begin to cry, if it gets too intense then we'll both tend to look away. In a film you can have someone break down, the camera getting closer to their face, have them stare at you crying and feel something extremely different. Filmmakers exaggerate that facial aspect way outside the range that we'd experience in real life. The strategic choices made by filmmakers and their use editing, sound, and music in a way that's congruent with what you are seeing in the facial aspect, don’t underestimate the power of music to produce these emotional effects. This article and study demonstrate how films impact our emotions, giving me further insight into my project.

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This article originally appeared on VICE UK.
I find hard to understand why people enjoy Love Actually so much, let alone why some shed tears of passionate sorrow every time they watch it. Mind you, we've all cried over something cinematic (me, during 12 Years a Slave). We've all fallen in love with an individual performance (Marion Cotillard, every time). And we've all shaken our fists at a bad guy (fuck you forever, Warden Samuel Norton).

So cinema clearly has some sort of sensational ability to affect every one of our emotions, and we're pretty much all susceptible. For this reason, we might conclude that we process the events we see on the big screen in the exact same way as real-life goings-on. This is one of the big ideas explored in Flicker: Your Brain on Movies, a new book by Dr. Jeffrey Zacks, professor of psychology at Washington University in St Louis.

As well as asking why we sometimes find it hard to distinguish between fiction and reality, suggesting that we can't pinpoint the precise "sources" of our memories, Zacks explains how our brains had evolved to their current form well before cinema was around. This basically means that we're processing these fictional narratives now with the same brains our pre-technology ancestors were using to observe woolly mammoths in the distance 50,000 years ago-a fact that can go some way to explaining the psychology behind why we react so enthusiastically to films.

This idea formed the basis of my conversation with Zacks when I gave him a call last week.

VICE: When did you first start thinking about the neuroscience of film-watching? And what inspired you to write this book?
Jeffrey Zacks: In my day job at my lab we study how people understand and remember everyday activity, and we have serious purposes for doing that. We're interested in diagnosing and assisting people with brain diseases and brain injuries, and improving educational interfaces.

To do all of that serious stuff we started showing people movies, starting with simple little homemade movies that we made ourselves, measuring their behavior and their brain activity while they watched them. When I first started doing it we were trying to make anti-movies-movies that were as un-movie-like as possible, as much like real life as possible. But I quickly realized that the movie-ness of them was super-interesting, and we've increasingly become interested in that side of the experience.

One idea that fascinates me is that of the "mirror" principle, and how this might account for how we get so emotionally wrapped up in films and mimic the emotions we see on the screen, like crying excessively during mushy romantic dramas. Could you elaborate on this concept?
That's an important one for me, because in real life I'm a pretty mellow, stoic person, but I can catch myself crying at movies that are just dumb movies-and it doesn't even have to be a good one. I'm not alone; I meet people all the time who tell me exactly the same thing unprompted. So one part of the mechanism behind that is this "mirroring" or mimetic component, and it's really powerful. If you see somebody doing something, you are prone to performing a matching action.

Now, there's another process that's happening at the same time, and sometimes they point in the same direction, sometimes in different directions, and that's that you're also prone to doing an action that had been successful in the past in such a situation.

So if someone reaches out to shake your hand, if they reach out with their right hand, mirroring might have you reaching out with your left hand, which would be the mirror image of it. But you've got a lot of practice that things go better if you reach out with your right hand and shake hands with them. So those are two systems often racing to compete, but both of them have the result of producing a response in your body. And then once that response is produced in your body, it's a response that's associated with an emotion program, and that emotion program tends to come online.

So are we actually experiencing sadness in such scenarios, or is it a sort of post hoc thing, in that we adopt these physical features-such as crying-and only then become sad as a result?
It's totally real, but what you just said is totally right. William James wrote 115 years ago that we think that we sweat because we're afraid and that we cry because we're sad, but it's just as true that we're afraid because we sweat and that we're sad because we cry.

We think that the kind of primary thing in an emotion is the subjective label that we give it. But emotions are these integrated programs: They involve brain systems and peripheral systems, and behavior, and subjective experience. And it's all one thing.

What kind of experiments and studies have you looked at that might back up this idea in relation to film?
One experiment done by colleagues elsewhere basically sought to evoke emotion programs by getting people to adopt the physical poses associated with those emotions without realizing that they're adopting an emotion-related pose.

So I can tell you to do something like hold a pencil between your teeth. Put it so it's pointing left and right and hold it between your teeth. And it turns out that that forces you to pose your muscles into the form of a smile. But nobody thinks about that as smiling. But sure enough, if you do that for a while, and we ask you how you're feeling or how much you like a movie, you feel happier and you rate the experience as more pleasant.

How have filmmakers honed techniques to induce such emotionally intense and authentic reactions, and what are some examples of such techniques?
The main principle is that they can take the range of stimulation that we experience in natural life and just exaggerate it. It's intuitive that if I'm seeing someone else emoting, smiling, or crying, that can have a bigger effect on me if it's one person who's physically closer to me than if it's a face in a crowd of a thousand.

Just think about it: normally when we're interacting with people and someone starts crying, if it gets too intense then we'll both tend to look away. But in a film you can have someone break down and just keep a close-up on their face, and have them 20ft tall, staring at you, crying. And filmmakers will do that. Of course that's going to tug at our heartstrings. What they're doing is exaggerating that facial aspect way outside the range that we'd experience in real life.

At the same time, they're able to use editing and sound and music in a way that's congruent with what we're seeing in the facial aspect. You can't underestimate the power of music to produce these emotional effects.

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This article originally appeared on VICE UK. I find hard to understand why people enjoy Love Actually so much, let alone why some shed tears of passionate sorrow every time they watch it. Mind you, we've all cried over something cinematic (me, during 12 Years a Slave).

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"Emotional State of Being Moved Elicited by Films: A Comparison With Several Positive Emotions" (Credible Website)

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"Emotional State of Being Moved Elicited by Films: A Comparison With Several Positive Emotions" (Credible Website)

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This research article was written to investigate the facial and physiological activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved. We elicited the emotional states of being moved, amusement, attachment, and calmness by presenting participants with film clips; we assessed their electromyographic, electrodermal, and cardiac responses to the films. Furthermore, they used a high- and low-arousal moving film to examine the effect of different levels of arousal on facial and physiological responses to moving films. They then compared facial and physiological responses to positive-emotion and emotionally neutral films. They wanted to find the association between positive emotions and emotional Responses and there have been several positive emotional states that have been investigated to date. These include affection, amusement, contentment, and happiness. Although there have only a few studies have examined the emotional responses that are associated with the experience of being moved. In the experiment, they used films to examine whether the level of arousal influences facial and physiological responses to moving films. Participants included twenty-eight adults varying from women to men, age range 20–36 years. All the participants had a normal or corrected-to-normal vision and had no history of neurological or mental disorders. They then used six types of film stimuli that depicted the following emotions. After each movie, there was a recovery period with administered a questionnaire that assessed emotional feelings. After the experiment was complete, the study showed that film clips can successfully induce the emotional state of being moved. In comparison to other types of positive emotions, the emotional state of being moved was characterized by an increase in corrugator muscle activity, which was modulated by the level of arousal of the emotional state of being moved. In contrast to past findings on music-induced chills, the emotional state of being moved was not associated with an increase in cardiac activity. This finding may be attributable to the greater attentional demands of film stimuli. This article gives further insight into how film stimuli create a certain emotion in an individual as well as the differences between emotions.

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Automotive Human Factors Research Center, National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology (AIST), Tsukuba, Japan

Kao Corporation, Kansei Science Research, Tokyo, Japan

This study investigated the facial and physiological activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved. We elicited the emotional states of being moved, amusement, attachment, and calmness by presenting participants with film clips; we assessed their electromyographic, electrodermal, and cardiac responses to the films. Further, we used a high- and low-arousal moving film to examine the effect of different levels of arousal on facial and physiological responses to moving films. We compared facial and physiological responses to positive-emotion and emotionally neutral films. Analysis of subjective emotion scale ratings revealed that the films had successfully elicited the target positive emotions and that the high- and low-arousal moving films had elicited the feeling of being moved in accordance with the anticipated level of intensity. In comparison to the other types of positive-emotion films, the two moving films resulted in an increase in corrugator electromyography activity and skin conductance responses, which in turn were modulated by the arousal level of the moving films. However, cardiac measures such as heart rate did not differ across the different film conditions. These results suggest that film clips can elicit different intensities of the emotional state of being moved and that facial muscle and electrodermal activities but not cardiac activity characterize the film-induced emotional state of being moved.

Introduction

Emotions are multicomponential responses that include coordinated changes in subjective feelings, behaviors, and physiological activities (e.g., Frijda, 1986, 1993; Scherer and Moors, 2019). Most previous studies on emotions have mainly focused on emotional responses such as facial muscle movements and autonomic nervous activities that are associated with negative emotions (e.g., fear, anger). These studies have found that discrete negative emotional responses are highly differentiated (e.g., Cacioppo et al., 2000; Friedman, 2010). In contrast, the question of whether discrete positive emotional responses are differentiable has received substantially lesser attention. However, recent studies have begun to address this issue (for a review, see Shiota et al., 2017).

Association Between Positive Emotions and Emotional Responses

Previous studies have examined the facial and physiological activities that are associated with several positive emotions (for a review, see Kreibig, 2010). Traditionally, positive emotions have been linked to one expressive display, namely, the Duchenne smile (e.g., Ekman, 1992), which is characterized by increased activation of the zygomaticus major and orbicularis oculi muscles. However, recent studies have shown that positive emotions are not necessarily associated with smiles. For instance, Campos et al. (2013) examined the expressive display patterns of eight emotional states: amusement, awe, contentment, gratitude, interest, joy, love, and pride. They found that amusement, joy, contentment, love, and pride resulted in smiles that varied in intensity, whereas awe and interest did not result in smiles. The findings of this and other studies suggest that positive emotions are not necessarily associated with smiles but may be associated with divergent patterns of facial muscle activity (e.g., Shiota et al., 2003). Similarly, positive emotions can also be associated with divergent patterns of physiological activity (for a review, see Kreibig, 2010). For instance, it has been reported that happiness is associated with an increased (e.g., Neumann and Waldstein, 2001), an unchanged (e.g., Levenson, 1992), or a decreased (e.g., Krumhansl, 1997) heart rate (HR). These findings suggest that positive emotional states are not necessarily associated with one specific emotional response pattern but may be associated with divergent patterns of facial and physiological activities.

Previous studies have shown that divergent patterns of facial and physiological activities are attributable to differences in the method of emotion induction (e.g., Cacioppo et al., 2000; Stemmler et al., 2001). Specifically, previous studies have reported that the method of emotion induction itself has an effect on facial and physiological activities (e.g., McGinley and Friedman, 2017). In other words, the different types of stimuli that are used to induce emotions (e.g., images, music, film clips) require varied attentional and cognitive processes, which in turn may have unique effects on facial and physiological activities. Previous studies have demonstrated that attentional and cognitive processes have an impact on facial and physiological activities (e.g., van Boxtel and Jessurun, 1993; Waterink and van Boxtel, 1994; Overbeek et al., 2014). For instance, facial muscle activities are influenced not only by emotional components but also by a large variety of activities that are unrelated to emotional components such as mental effort, task involvement, and anticipation of sensory stimuli (for a review, see van Boxtel, 2010). Further, it is widely known that the orienting effect of attention to external stimuli (e.g., images, film clips) can cause changes in a variety of physiological activities (e.g., Sokolov, 1990; Stekelenburg and van Boxtel, 2002; Bradley, 2009). From this standpoint, any effect of positive emotions must be considered alongside the activities that result from emotion induction (e.g., Christie and Friedman, 2004; McGinley and Friedman, 2017).

Several positive emotional states have been investigated to date. These include affection, amusement, contentment, and happiness (for a comprehensive review, see Kreibig, 2010, 2014). However, only a few studies have examined the emotional state of being moved. Menninghaus et al. (2015) have recently proposed that the emotional state of being moved is associated with both a positive and negative valence and that such states are elicited by critical life and relationship events including deaths, births, friendships, and parent-child interactions. Tokaji (2003) found that joy and sadness are the two preeminent emotions that are involved in the experience of being moved. This suggests that the emotional state of being moved can be categorized as a mixed emotional state (e.g., Menninghaus et al., 2015; for a review, see Zickfeld et al., 2019).

To date, only a few studies have examined the emotional responses that are associated with the experience of being moved. Some studies have examined the relationship between the experience of being moved and bodily sensations using self-report measures (for a review, see Zickfeld et al., 2019). This line of research has found that the experience of being moved is associated with specific bodily sensations such as tears (e.g., Tan and Frijda, 1999), a warmth in the center of the chest (e.g., Schubert et al., 2016), or the experience of chills (e.g., Koelsch, 2010). However, these studies have used self-report measures but not facial and physiological measures. Facial and physiological activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved have been partially examined within the context of music-induced chills (for a review, see Koelsch, 2010). Previous studies have reported that the chills that are induced by auditory stimuli (i.e., music and the recitation of poems) are associated with increases in corrugator muscle activity (e.g., Wassiliwizky et al., 2017), HR, electrodermal activity, and respiratory rate, thereby implicating the involvement of sympathetic nervous activation ( Craig, 2005; Guhn et al., 2007; Grewe et al., 2009; Salimpoor et al., 2009, 2011; Mori and Iwanaga, 2014, 2017). Since chills are closely related to the emotional state of being moved (for a review, see Koelsch, 2010), these findings may be interpreted as implying that the emotional state of being moved is associated with an increase in corrugator muscle and sympathetic nervous activities.

The Present Study

Although facial and physiological activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved have been partially investigated in relation to the experience of chills, the respective studies have certain limitations. First, previous studies have examined only facial and physiological activities that are associated with the occurrence of chills. Although chills are closely related to the emotional state of being moved (for a review, see Koelsch, 2010), they are not sufficient indicators of the emotional state of being moved (for a review, see Zickfeld et al., 2019). Therefore, it is necessary to directly examine the association between the experience of being moved and facial and physiological activities. Second, previous studies on the experience of chills have been mainly conducted within the domain of music, and most studies have used music to induce chills. However, as discussed earlier, the varied characteristics of different emotion induction methods have unique effects on facial and physiological activities (e.g., Christie and Friedman, 2004), which in turn can result in divergent patterns of facial and physiological activities that are associated with different emotional states (e.g., Cacioppo et al., 2000; Stemmler et al., 2001). This suggests that facial and physiological activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved may differ in accordance with the method of emotion induction. Third, none of the past studies have compared the emotional state of being moved and other types of positive emotions. Therefore, it remains unclear whether the emotional state of being moved is different from other types of positive emotions.

The present study was designed to examine the aforementioned issues by inducing emotions using film clips. Film clips are widely used to elicit several emotions (for a review, see Rottenberg et al., 2007) including mixed emotions (e.g., Hemenover and Schimmack, 2007; Kreibig et al., 2013), and the resultant emotions have been validated against self-reports. Film clips can also be used to elicit the facial and physiological responses that are associated with positive, negative, and mixed emotions (for a review, see Kreibig, 2010; Kreibig and Gross, 2017). In the present study, the emotional state of being moved was elicited by presenting participants with film clips while electromyographic (EMG), electrodermal, and cardiac activities were assessed. We used two moving films (i.e., movies with a moving storyline), namely, a high- and low-arousal film, to examine whether the level of arousal influences facial and physiological responses to moving films. Furthermore, we compared facial and physiological responses to moving films using films that also elicited other types of positive emotions such as amusement, attachment, and calmness to examine whether the elicited emotional state of being moved is distinct from the other types of positive emotions. These specific types of positive emotions were chosen because their facial and physiological responses have been relatively well characterized in the existing literature (for a review, see Kreibig, 2010; Shiota et al., 2011; Nittono and Ihara, 2017). This allowed us to compare the emotional state of being moved and other types of positive emotions. In accordance with Shiota et al. (2011) suggestion, we compared facial and physiological responses to positive-emotion films (i.e., those that were specific to the aforementioned positive emotions) and an emotionally neutral film. If the emotional state of being moved varies across different emotion induction methods, then facial and physiological responses to the two moving films must differ from those that have been reported in previous studies on music-induced chills (i.e., increases in corrugator muscle activity, HR, and electrodermal activity) (e.g., McGinley and Friedman, 2017). Furthermore, if the emotional state of being moved that is elicited by film clips is distinct from other types of positive emotions, then facial and physiological responses to the two moving and other positive-emotion films must be different (e.g., Shiota et al., 2011).

Materials and Methods

Participants

Twenty-eight adults (women: n = 16, men: n = 12; age range = 20-36 years, M age = 22.36 years) participated in this study. They were recruited through social media and by email based on contact information that had been stored in a research database. The final sample size was ascertained based on the sizes of samples that were used in previous studies that have investigated facial and psychophysiological responses to emotional films (for a review, see Kreibig, 2010). All the participants had normal or corrected-to-normal vision and had no history of neurological or mental disorders. Written informed consent was obtained from all the participants as per the protocols that have been formulated by the Safety and Ethics Committee of the National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology (AIST).

Stimuli and Apparatus

We used six types of film stimuli that depicted the following emotions: high-arousal moving (HA-MOV), low-arousal moving (LA-MOV), amusement (AMUSE), attachment (AT), calmness (CAL), and neutral (NE) emotions. The film stimuli were selected based on the criteria that have been recommended by Gross and Levenson (1995): length, intelligibility, intensity, and discreteness. In the pilot study, 12 participants were asked to watch the films and rate their subjective emotional feelings on discrete (amusement, feeling moved, attachment, and calmness) and dimensional (valence and arousal) emotion scales. The results showed that the target emotions were successfully elicited in each emotion condition. The film stimuli varied in duration from 94 to 183 s ( M = 133 s). The durations of the film stimuli were varied to ensure that the content is clear, sensible, and facilitative of a progression toward the climax. All the film stimuli except the neutral film stimulus had audio content.

The HA-MOV film was a drama about a doctor who saves the life of a sick man who had provided him with food and shelter when he was a young boy. The LA-MOV film was a drama that depicted how a man apologizes to his grandmother for hurting her in the past and realizes the preciousness of familial bonds. The AMUSE film entailed a comedy routine about a young man who hits the wrong target while fencing. The AT film showed a baby who was laughing and sleeping. The CAL film showed natural scenes of flowers in a park. The NE film was a non-commercial screensaver that has been recommended by Rottenberg et al. (2007). The contents of the films were similar to those that have been described in previous research reports (e.g., Gross and Levenson, 1995; Rottenberg et al., 2007; Ge et al., 2018), thereby suggesting that the films are representative of each target emotion. None of the participants were familiar with any of the film stimuli.

The presentation of visual and auditory stimuli was controlled using a Presentation software (Neurobehavioral Systems) that was installed on a laptop (Lenovo, ThinkPad W540). All visual stimuli were presented on a 22-inch LCD monitor (Dell, E2210) at a viewing distance of 60 cm under low ambient illumination. The audio content of the film stimuli was transmitted through headphones (Audio-Technica, ATH-AD900X) using an audio interface (Steinberg, UR44). The intensity of the transmitted sound was set to a comfortable listening level prior to the commencement of the experimental session.

Procedure

The participants were individually tested in a laboratory. After they arrived at the laboratory, they were briefly informed about the study, following which they signed an informed consent form. Next, the participants were seated in front of a computer screen, and the sensors for the physiological measures were attached. To conceal the fact that their facial muscle activities were being recorded, the participants were led to believe that their skin temperatures were being measured by the sensors that were placed on their facial muscles. After the sensors were attached, the participants were asked to remain seated on the chair and relax for 5 min while keeping their eyes open to habituate them to the laboratory and sensors. After the resting period had ended, the six film stimuli were presented. The order of film presentation was pseudorandomized across participants. The presentation of each film was preceded by a 2-min baseline period and followed by a 2-min recovery period. The durations of the baseline and recovery periods was determined in accordance with those that have been used in previous studies that have used emotional films (e.g., Gross and Levenson, 1997; Kreibig et al., 2007) to limit carryover from one film to the next ( Rottenberg et al., 2007). During the baseline and recovery periods, the words "Relax on a chair" were displayed at the center of the monitor, and the participants were asked to relax with their eyes open. The experimenter entered the room at the end of the recovery period of each film presentation and administered a questionnaire that assessed emotional feelings.

Measures

Subjective Ratings

The participants rated the extent to which they felt moved, amused, attached, and calm when they watched the film clips on a discrete emotion scale that entailed a 9-point scale, which ranged from 0 ( not at all) to 8 ( very strong). The target words were "being moved," "amused," "attachment," and "calm" for the HA-MOV/LA-MOV, AMUSE, AT, and CAL films, respectively. The participants also rated the valence and arousal of the emotions that were elicited by the film clips on a dimensional emotion scale that entailed a 9-point scale. The response anchors ranged from 0 ( unpleasant) to 8 ( pleasant) for valence and 0 (sleepy) to 8 ( highly aroused) for arousal.

Facial and Physiological Measures

All physiological signals were recorded using a digital amplifier (Brain Products, BrainAmp ExG) and a software package (Brain Products, Brain Vision Recorder). The facial EMG activities of the corrugator supercilii and zygomaticus major muscles were measured using Ag/AgCl electrodes with a 4-mm-diameter Ag/AgCl detection surface that was placed over the corrugator supercilii and zygomaticus major muscles of the left side of the face. The interelectrode distances (center-to-center) were approximately 12 mm. The impedance of all the electrodes was reduced to less than 10 kΩ. The raw EMG signals were bandpass filtered at 10-1000 Hz and digitized at a sampling rate of 1000 Hz. The signals were subjected to 50-Hz notch filtering, 30-400-Hz digital bandpass filtering, rectification, and were smoothed with a time constant of 200 ms (cf. van Boxtel, 2010).

Electrocardiograms (ECGs) were recorded using Ag/AgCl electrodes in a standard lead II configuration. The ECG signals were bandpass filtered at 0.1-1000 Hz and digitized at a sampling rate of 1000 Hz. R-peaks were detected using a peak detection function (Billauer, Version 3.4.305) in MATLAB (MathWorks, Inc., MATLAB2010b). R-peaks were checked for artifacts and ectopic beats, and they were corrected when necessary. Subsequently, RR intervals (ms) were converted into HR (bpm).

Skin conductance responses (SCRs) were measured using two Ag/AgCl disposable electrodes that were filled with isotonic electrolyte paste and placed on the palmar side of the distal phalanges of the index and middle fingers of the left hand. The electrodes were connected to a skin conductance level/response unit (Vega Systems, DA-3b) that imposed a constant voltage of 0.5 V across them ( Fowles et al., 1981). A high-pass filter of 0.04 Hz was applied to the recording. As recommended by Shiota et al. (2011), we counted the number of non-specific SCRs that were recorded during film viewing. Valid SCRs were defined as increases of at least 0.05 μS that had occurred when the participants were viewing the films. The total number of valid SCRs that were recorded during each film viewing epoch was counted. SCRs that had occurred for less than 5 s after the commencement of the film clip were not included in the total count in order to exclude the SCRs that had been elicited by the commencement of film presentation. The SCR data of four participants (2 men and 2 women) were excluded because they contained excessive recording artifacts.

Data Analysis

Subjective Ratings

In order to examine whether the film stimuli had elicited the target emotions, we conducted planned comparisons of the target and each non-target emotion on discrete emotion scale ratings using two-tailed paired t-tests ( Sato et al., 2007). One-way repeated-measures analyses of variance (ANOVA) were conducted to examine differences in the valence and arousal ratings of the dimensional emotion scale across the six film conditions: HA-MOV, LA-MOV, AMUSE, AT, CAL, and NE films. The Greenhouse-Geisser epsilon (ε) correction was applied when the data violated the assumption of sphericity. Effect sizes were estimated by computing partial eta squared () values. Planned comparisons were executed using two-tailed paired t-tests. The level of significance was set as 0.05.

Facial and Physiological Measures

Physiological data were processed using a customized biosignal analysis software that was written in MATLAB. Period averages were computed for each baseline and film presentation period (e.g., Kreibig et al., 2013). With regard to corrugator and zygomaticus EMG activities, change scores were quantified as a percentage of the mean EMG level during the baseline period immediately preceding each film stimulus (e.g., van Boxtel, 2010). Change scores for HR were calculated by subtracting the average score for the immediately preceding baseline period from the average score for the subsequent film presentation period. For SCRs, we used the total number of valid SCRs that were recorded during each film presentation period ( Shiota et al., 2011). The significance of the difference between these scores and their respective baseline scores was tested using two-tailed paired t-tests for each film condition. Further, one-way repeated-measures ANOVA was conducted to examine differences in the aforementioned scores across the six film conditions: HA-MOV, LA-MOV, AMUSE, AT, CAL, and NE. The Greenhouse-Geisser epsilon (ε) correction was applied when the data violated the assumption of sphericity. Effect sizes were estimated by computing partial eta squared () values. We conducted specific planned comparisons using two-tailed paired t-tests to compare (a) the NE condition against each positive-emotion film condition and (b) the HA-MOV and LA-MOV conditions. The level of significance was set as 0.05.

Results

Subjective Ratings

Table 1 shows the means for the discrete emotion scale ratings in each film condition. Planned comparisons between the target and each non-target emotion in each film condition were conducted. In the HA-MOV condition, the ratings for feelings of being moved were significantly higher than those for all the other emotion words [ ts(27) = 11.76, 7.48, and 6.61, for amusement, attachment, and calmness, respectively; ps < 0.01]. Moreover, in the LA-MOV condition, the ratings for feelings of being moved were significantly higher than those for all the other emotion words [ ts(27) = 7.81, 3.40, and 4.70 for amusement, attachment, and calmness, respectively; ps < 0.01]. Furthermore, in the AMUSE condition, the ratings for amusement were significantly higher than those for all the other emotion words [ ts(27) = 12.48, 8.11, and 8.32 for feelings of being moved, attachment, and calmness, respectively; ps < 0.01]. Additionally, in the AT condition, the ratings for attachment were significantly higher than those for all the other emotion words [ ts(27) = 10.20 and 6.34 for feelings of being moved and attachment, respectively; ps < 0.01], except calmness ( p > 0.1). Finally, in the CAL condition, the ratings for calmness were significantly higher than those for all the other emotion words [ ts(27) = 8.84, 9.36, and 7.68 for feelings of being moved, amusement, and attachment, respectively; p s < 0.01].

Table 1. Descriptive statistics for discrete emotion scale ratings in each film condition.

Figure 1 shows the valence and arousal ratings in each film condition. One-way ANOVA (levels: 6 film conditions) was conducted with valence ratings as the dependent variable. There was a significant main effect for film condition [ F(5,135) = 14.96, p < 0.01, = 0.36]. Post hoc comparisons revealed that valence ratings were significantly lower in the NE condition than in any other condition ( ps < 0.01). No other comparison yielded statistically significant results ( ps > 0.1). Next, one-way ANOVA (levels: 6 film conditions) was conducted with arousal ratings as the dependent variable. There was a significant main effect for film condition [ F(5,135) = 31.97, p < 0.01, = 0.54]. Planned comparisons revealed that, when compared to the NE condition, arousal ratings were higher in the HA-MOV [ t(27) = 3.24, p < 0.01] and AMUSE [ t(27) = 2.29, p < 0.01] conditions and lower in the AT [ t(27) = 3.06, p < 0.05] and CAL [ t(27) = 5.42, p < 0.01] conditions. Arousal ratings were significantly higher in the LA-MOV condition than in the AT [ t(27) = 3.16, p < 0.01] and CAL [ t(27) = 6.16, p < 0.01] conditions. Conversely, arousal ratings were significantly lower in the LA-MOV condition than in the HA-MOV [ t(27) = 4.58, p < 0.01] and AMUSE [ t(27) = 5.79, p < 0.01] conditions. Arousal ratings did not differ significantly between the LA-MOV and NE conditions ( p s > 0.1).

Figure 1. Mean (±SE) ratings for the dimensional emotion scales. HA-MOV, arousal moving; LA-MOV, low arousal moving; AMUSE, amusement; AT, attachment; CAL, calmness; NE, neutral.

Facial and Physiological Measures

Figure 2 shows the means for facial EMG activities, HR, and SCRs for each film condition. Corrugator EMG activity had significantly increased from baseline levels in the HA-MOV [ t(27) = 4.18, p < 0.01], LA-MOV [ t(27) = 3.63, p < 0.01], CAL [ t(27) = 2.39, p < 0.05], and NE conditions [ t(27) = 3.22, p < 0.01] but not the AMUSE and AT conditions ( ps > 0.1). One-way ANOVA (levels: 6 film conditions) was conducted using the change scores for corrugator EMG activity. There was a significant main effect for film condition [ F(5,135) = 8.57, p < 0.01, ε = 0.60, = 0.24]. Planned comparisons revealed that the change scores for corrugator EMG activity were higher in the HA-MOV condition [ t(27) = 2.04, p < 0.05] and lower in the AMUSE [ t(27) = 3.31, p < 0.01], AT [ t(27) = 3.02, p < 0.01], and CAL [ t(27) = 2.21, p < 0.05] conditions, when compared to the NE condition. The change scores for corrugator EMG activity in the LA-MOV condition did not differ significantly from those in the HA-MOV and NE conditions ( p s > 0.1).

Figure 2. Means (±SE) for facial and physiological measures in each film condition. Asterisks show the significant differences from the NE condition: ∗p < 0.05, ∗∗p < 0.01.

Zygomaticus EMG activity had significantly increased from baseline levels in the AMUSE condition [ t(27) = 2.63, p < 0.01] but not the HA-MOV, LA-MOV, AT, CAL, and NE conditions ( ps > 0.1). One-way ANOVA (levels: 6 film conditions) was conducted using the change scores for zygomaticus EMG activity as the dependent variable. There was a significant main effect for film condition [ F(5,135) = 6.56, p < 0.05, ε = 0.22, = 0.20]. Planned comparisons revealed that the change scores for zygomaticus EMG activity were higher in the AMUSE [ t(27) = 2.73, p < 0.05] and AT [ t(27) = 2.09, p < 0.05] conditions than in the NE condition. The change scores for zygomaticus EMG activity in the HA-MOV and LA-MOV conditions did not differ significantly ( p > 0.1).

The number of SCRs had significantly increased from baseline levels in the HA-MOV [ t(27) = 5.53, p < 0.01], LA-MOV [ t(27) = 3.96, p < 0.01], AMUSE [ t(27) = 5.04, p < 0.01], AT [ t(27) = 3.63, p < 0.01], CAL [ t(27) = 3.33, p < 0.01], and NE [ t(27) = 3.56, p < 0.01] conditions. One-way ANOVA (levels: 6 film conditions) was conducted with the number of SCRs as the dependent variable. There was a significant main effect for film condition [ F(5,115) = 6.31, p < 0.01, ε = 0.70, = 0.22]. Planned comparisons revealed that, when compared to the NE condition, the number of SCRs was higher in the HA-MOV [ t(23) = 3.48, p < 0.01], LA-MOV [ t(23) = 2.68, p < 0.05], and AMUSE [ t(23) = 3.86, p < 0.01] conditions. Moreover, the number of SCRs was higher in the HA-MOV condition than in the LA-MOV condition [ t(23) = 2.14, p < 0.05].

Discussion

This study investigated the facial and physiological activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved, which was elicited using film clips. Comparisons of the subjective ratings for target and non-target emotions showed that the ratings for target emotion words were significantly higher than those for non-target emotion words. This suggests that the anticipated target emotions were successfully elicited in each film condition. The results of the analyses that were conducted using dimensional emotion scale ratings showed that the valence ratings were higher in the HA-MOV, LA-MOV, AMUSE, AT, and CAL conditions than in the NE condition. However, the valence ratings did not differ between the HA-MOV, LA-MOV, AMUSE, AT, and CAL conditions. This indicates that all the emotion films were perceived to be equally positive. Arousal ratings differed between the different film conditions: high levels of arousal characterized the HA-MOV and AMUSE conditions, moderate levels of arousal characterized the LA-MOV condition, and low levels of arousal characterized the AT and CAL conditions. Taken together, these results, which were derived from subjective ratings, prove that the film stimuli that were used in this study successfully elicited the target positive emotions.

Facial and Physiological Activities That Are Associated With the Emotional State of Being Moved

Corrugator EMG activity and the number of SCRs were higher in the HA-MOV condition than in the NE condition. The number of SCRs in the LA-MOV condition were higher compared to that in the NE condition and lower compared to that in the HA-MOV condition. Corrugator EMG activity in the LA-MOV condition was intermediate between HA-MOV and NE conditions, although statistical analyses did not directly support this result. These results indicate that the facial and physiological activities in the HA-MOV and LA-MOV conditions were characterized by similar response patterns. The emergent increase in corrugator EMG and electrodermal activities in response to the two moving films is consistent with the results of previous studies on chills that were evoked using music and the recitation of poems ( Craig, 2005; Guhn et al., 2007; Grewe et al., 2009; Salimpoor et al., 2009, 2011; Mori and Iwanaga, 2014, 2017; Wassiliwizky et al., 2017). Therefore, when taken together with the results of analyses of subjective ratings, the present results indicate that the emotional responses that are associated with the emotional state of being moved in response to film clips is similar to those that are associated with music-induced chills in terms of facial muscle and electrodermal activities.

However, the results that were observed for HR diverged from past findings on music-induced chills. The change scores for HR in the HA-MOV and LA-MOV conditions did not differ from those in the NE condition. This result is inconsistent with past finding that the chills that are evoked by music are associated with an increase in HR ( Grewe et al., 2009; Salimpoor et al., 2009, 2011). This discrepancy may be attributable to differences in the methods of emotion induction that were used in the past and present studies. Specifically, the findings of previous studies suggest that the induction of emotions using different types of stimuli (e.g., images, music, film clips) requires distinct attentional and cognitive processes that can affect facial and physiological activities (e.g., Cacioppo et al., 2000; Stemmler et al., 2001). Further, most of the previous studies have evoked chills using auditory stimuli such as music and the recitation of poems ( Craig, 2005; Guhn et al., 2007; Grewe et al., 2009; Salimpoor et al., 2009, 2011; Mori and Iwanaga, 2014, 2017; Wassiliwizky et al., 2017). In contrast, in the present study, we used film clips to elicit emotions. The attentional and cognitive processes that are involved in stimulus processing can differ between music and film clips. In particular, film clips are known to demand greater attention because they entail dynamic displays that engage both the visual and auditory modalities (e.g., Rottenberg et al., 2007). It is well known that attention to the external environment causes cardiac deceleration as a result of the activation of the parasympathetic branch and sympathetic withdrawal (for a comprehensive review, see Bradley et al., 2012). In the present study, there was a decrease in HR from baseline to the time of film viewing in each film condition. This suggests that an attentional focus on the film stimuli caused a deceleration in HR. In other words, the high attentional demands of the film stimuli might have overpowered the effects of the emotional state of being moved and resulted in a deceleration in HR. Therefore, the anticipated increase in HR might not have emerged in the present study. This suggests that emotion induction methods may affect the emotional state of being moved at least when it is operationalized in terms of cardiac activity.

The present study also showed that the facial and physiological activities that were observed in the HA-MOV and LA-MOV conditions were characterized by similar response patterns. However, the intensities of these activities were higher in the HA-MOV condition than in the LA-MOV condition. The analytic results that were derived from arousal ratings showed that the HA-MOV film elicited higher levels of subjective arousal than the LA-MOV film. It has been established that SCRs reflect rapid fluctuations in eccrine sweat gland activity, which is caused by sympathetic nervous activation ( Boucsein, 2012). Therefore, the present results that pertain to SCRs suggest that the HA-MOV film elicited higher levels of physiological arousal than the LA-MOV film. These results demonstrate that the film clips elicited different arousal levels for the emotional state of being moved and that the facial and physiological activities that are associated with being moved increase as a function of arousal level.

Comparisons With Other Types of Positive Emotions

We also assessed typical facial and physiological responses to films that induce amusement, attachment, and calmness. The results revealed that zygomaticus EMG activity and number of SCRs were higher in the AMUSE condition than in the NE condition. On the other hand, corrugator EMG activity was lower in the AMUSE condition than in the NE condition. The increase in zygomaticus and electrodermal activities that result from the viewing of films that induce amusement has been repeatedly observed in previous studies (for a review, see Kreibig, 2010). Zygomaticus EMG activity was higher in the AT condition than that in the NE condition, whereas corrugator EMG activity was lower in the AT condition than in the NE condition. These results are consistent with past findings that the viewing of stimuli with baby schema (e.g., an infant's face) increases zygomaticus EMG activity (e.g., Nittono and Ihara, 2017). The number of SCRs and change scores for HR did not differ between the AT and NE condition. This finding is also consistent with past findings that pictures that depict human or animal babies are associated with lower levels of arousal and fewer changes in physiological activities ( Bradley et al., 2001; Sherman et al., 2009). Corrugator EMG activity was lower in the CAL condition than that in the NE condition, whereas SCRs and HR did not differ between the CAL and NE conditions. These results are also consistent with past findings that pictures and films that depict natural scenes are associated with lower levels of corrugator EMG activity (e.g., Bradley et al., 2001) and sympathetic withdrawal (for a review, see Kreibig, 2010).

The results of this study revealed that there are differences in the patterns of facial muscle activities that characterize the emotional state of being moved and other types of positive emotions: viewing the two moving films increased corrugator EMG activity, whereas viewing the other films decreased corrugator EMG activity. Given that valence ratings did not differ across the different positive-emotion conditions, the results that emerged for corrugator EMG activities clearly contradict past findings that corrugator muscle activity shares an inverse linear relationship with affective valence (e.g., Larsen et al., 2003). This discrepancy can be attributed to attentional and cognitive demands. It has been suggested that stimuli that elicit the emotional state of being moved is associated with intense involvement, cognitive interpretation, and focused attention (for a review, see Brattico et al., 2013). Previous studies have also reported that attentional and cognitive activities are associated with an increase in corrugator muscle activity (e.g., van Boxtel and Jessurun, 1993; Waterink and van Boxtel, 1994; Overbeek et al., 2014). Therefore, it is possible that the greater demand for attentional and cognitive resources that were necessitated by the viewing of moving films caused the observed increase in corrugator muscle activity. Another possible interpretation pertains to the emotional ingredients that constitute the feeling of being moved. Menninghaus et al. (2015) have suggested that the emotional state of being moved is associated with both positive and negative valence and that joy and sadness are the two key ingredients of the emotional state of being moved. It has been reported that sadness is associated with an increase in corrugator muscle activities (e.g., Schwartz et al., 1976). Therefore, it is possible that the increase in corrugator EMG activities that resulted from the viewing of the two moving films was caused by the induction of sadness. This interpretation is consistent with previous findings that the emotional state of being moved is associated with both positive and negative valence and that it can be categorized as a mixed emotional state (e.g., Menninghaus et al., 2015; for a review, see Zickfeld et al., 2019). Future studies should examine whether the facial muscle activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved are distinct from those that are associated with pure sadness.

The change scores for HR did not differ across different film conditions. However, this does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that the cardiovascular activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved are not distinct from those that are associated with other types of positive emotions. Previous studies have shown that other measures of cardiovascular activity such as cardiac output and total peripheral resistance demonstrate different response patterns for negative emotions (for a review, see Kreibig, 2010). Therefore, future studies should examine whether the cardiovascular activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved are distinct from those that are associated with other types of positive emotions using different measures of cardiovascular activity such as blood pressure, cardiac output, and total peripheral resistance.

Limitations and Future Directions

The present study demonstrated that film clips can elicit the emotional state of being moved and that it is characterized by an increase in corrugator muscle and electrodermal activities. However, it is important to note the several limitations of this study.

First, the size of the sample that was used in this study was relatively small, and it consisted of an unequal number of male and female participants. Consequently, this study lacked sufficient power to reliably examine potential moderators. In particular, sex may be an important moderator. It is well known that there are sex differences in the intensities and patterns of emotional responses (e.g., Kring and Gordon, 1998; Bradley et al., 2001; Overbeek et al., 2012). Therefore, future studies should use larger samples that consist of an equal number of male and female participants to examine sex differences in the film-elicited emotional state of being moved.

Second, the present results were derived from data that were obtained from young adults. However, previous studies have found that there are developmental changes in emotional responses (for a review, see Charles and Carstensen, 2010). Therefore, it is possible that other groups of individuals who are younger and older than the present sample will demonstrate different patterns of facial and physiological responses to moving films.

Third, we used only one film clip to induce each target emotion because long testing durations were expected to strain the participants. Film clips are widely used to elicit emotions in research studies ( Rottenberg et al., 2007). However, film clips differ from each other on many potentially confounding characteristics (e.g., complexity, presence and number of human figures, presence or absence of background music, stimulus characteristics). It is noteworthy that, in the present study, the film clips that were used in the positive-emotion conditions had audio content, whereas the film clips that were used in the neutral condition did not have audio content; these differences may also explain the observed differences in facial and physiological activities across the different conditions. Therefore, the facial and physiological responses that were observed in this study may also be attributable to the confounding influence of stimulus characteristics rather than to emotions per se. In order to overcome this limitation, future research studies must use alternative research methodologies to test the generalizability of the present findings (e.g., by using several film clips to induce an emotion).

Conclusion

The present study demonstrated that film clips can successfully induce the emotional state of being moved. In comparison to other types of positive emotions, the emotional state of being moved was characterized by an increase in corrugator muscle activity, which was modulated by the level of arousal of the emotional state of being moved. In contrast to past findings on music-induced chills, the emotional state of being moved was not associated with an increase in cardiac activity. This finding may be attributable to the greater attentional demands of film stimuli.

Ethics Statement

This study was carried out in accordance with the recommendations of the Safety and Ethics Committee of the National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology with written informed consent from all subjects. All subjects gave written informed consent in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. The protocol was approved by the Safety and Ethics Committee of the National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology.

Author Contributions

KK designed and performed the experiments, analyzed the data, and wrote the manuscript in consultation with SH, KS, and AO.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

References

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Emotional State of Being Moved Elicited by Films: A Comparison With Several Positive Emotions

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This study investigated the facial and physiological activities that are associated with the emotional state of being moved.

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"How Movies Can Change Our Minds" (Credible Website)

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"How Movies Can Change Our Minds" (Credible Website)

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Movies often still have the power to provoke national debate. John Guida from The New York Times asks the question: Do they also have the power to affect our view of government? Michelle C. Pautz, an associate professor of political science at the University of Dayton, suggests films can act as an influence in all sorts of decisions. Dr. Pautz believes young viewers may be especially open to the influence of movies since they contribute to the political socialization of people. She also notes that films can be a great mechanism for conversation and reflection. Its a form of art out as people of all social classes experience movies, from the working class to the super-rich, and it provides a common experience for society to talk about issues. For example, discussing race relations (racism) is still a hard subject for Americans, but one can much more easily talk about a movie that might then lead to a conversation about those more sensitive topics. For Dr. Pautz, movies can be a great mechanism for conversation and reflection. They can also help us understand societal opinions, help us understand institutions, and even demystify aspects of society. While film affords us all a wonderful form of entertainment, we have to stop and think that there’s more to it than just entertainment, there are all sorts of messages being conveyed. This article shows how films change us and the way we as individuals think. This gives further insight into the impact films have on us.

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Research suggests that Americans bring their ambivalence about government to the multiplex — but also that they sometimes come away with less of it.

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"Colour In Storytelling" | The Cinema Cartography(Video)

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"Colour In Storytelling" | The Cinema Cartography(Video)

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Color has changed due to the creation of films. How we describe the texture and the feeling of color is so personal to what we have seen, specifically from films. How can color tell a story? In film school, there is no definition or guideline of the philosophy of color or light. Each color is personal to another in a different way, but its the strategic choices made by the filmmaker that gives a certain color meaning. Film has always been about the visual, as color is an essential component of storytelling. One specific form of storytelling is metaphoric storytelling, which is when color is used throughout the movie to gain attention to a shift in the story or give an important hint. Colors are used to differentiate multiple different stories but are used to set an atmosphere. Particular colors are used in particular ways; there are no set guidelines to how you use color, but you do have to understand the cognitive effects it has. When you put a color in a scene that doesn't fit in, it creates discordance and obtains the audience's attention towards something strategic. This is an association to a certain subject or an idea, so when you see that color somewhere else in the future you associate it with that a particular subject. In conclusion, there is a reason behind every color choice in film. Films are told through the colors used throughout it. If you pay attention to the color used in the film, it may tell more of the story than the words. This video helps demonstrate how color has more of an impact than the music or words itself, telling us more of the story. This video was beautiful and a great source of how films affect our emotions.

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How Film Scores Play with Our Brains(Video)

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How Film Scores Play with Our Brains(Video)

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Music plays a huge role in heightening realism in films. Different film scores can completely alter the mood of a scene. Music is one of the most important aspects of movies, so how does music contribute to the emotional weight of a scene? This video shows the power of a film's score and how it plays with your brain to make you feel a certain way or emotion. In films, the heroes oftentimes get an uplifting theme, in a chase scene the music has a fast tempo, and in sad scenes, the music is slow and somber. Specific sounds and music are used for the viewer to biological associate when the intent of it, such a scary high pitch score associating with stress and danger. It's similar to an alarm on your phone, when it goes off it unsettles us psychologically. In contrast, in the movie Jaws, we hear scary music before the danger, the anticipation is what is unsettling. The fact that we know what's about to happen and the character doesn't. There are four key elements to a film's score. The first key is convincing the atmosphere of the film, for example, a western which we can hear has a distinct sound. The second key is the music underlining psychological unspoken refinements, such as the shifts in the characters' moods. One moment they are happy and cheerful, and the music changes to show that they are now sad or depressed. The third key is continuity, such as when the same song is played in different scenes, or a cue that something is beginning. The last key is finality, the end or accomplishment song that's emotional ad uplifting like in a successful attempt at resolving conflict. We also have to acknowledge that sometimes music is just there to fill the silence. More importantly, sometimes directors choose to not use any music at all, just the dialogue, and ambient noise. The psychology of scores and music in films is essential and it creates an atmosphere to remember. This video demonstrates how film scores impact a film, and how that strategic score choice will later impact the viewer's emotion, giving further insight into the details it takes a viewer to understand a film.

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5 Brilliant Moments of Camera Movement(Video)

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5 Brilliant Moments of Camera Movement(Video)

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Similar to how the color choices and music is chosen has an incredible impact on the overall story of a film, the movement of the camera can move the story too, even without us realizing it. Five brilliant little camera movements do just that. The camera has a voice in the film and its saying look at this and this, giving is information embedded in the move. The camera separates itself from the story and the character and so often enough that we begin to hear it on its own, with its voice. The first movement is the "slow push in." It tells us don’t just look, look harder, there's something beneath the eye that the camera wants us to see, using simple camera talk. The second movement is the opposite of the push-in, and that's the creep out. It's almost like its abandoning the character or the object in the shot. It inches away like whats happening in the film, revealing the drifting off of the connection in the film, such as a relationship between a couple. The camera clues the story and the emotional weight of it. The third movement is the turn away, to hide off from what's about to happen, maybe its obvious or maybe its for the audience to decide. The camera is leaving no hope for the escape as it closes the door to an alternate ending, giving us no control over what's about to happen. The camera is deciding for us that its too much to view, keeping us safe. Without this movement, so much would be lost as so much is happening within it. The fourth movement the wondering away, as if it had its viewpoint or mind. It shows that it has lost interest in the story for a moment, asking us to interpret it on our own, so poetic. Lastly, the fifth movement is the camera yelling, the fast dolly rushing in telling us "oh no something happened!" Again, the camera is saying look here, somethings happening and wants to give us a clue that the characters aren't giving us. This video demonstrates how not only does color and music impact the emotion we have on films, but the voice of the camera on us. This video gives further insight into the details it takes a viewer to understand a film.

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On Repeat: Why People Watch Movies and Shows Over and Over (Evidence Towards Audience)

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On Repeat: Why People Watch Movies and Shows Over and Over (Evidence Towards Audience)

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Derek Thompson, a staff writer at The Atlantic, writes on the concept of why people watch films and TV shows over and over again. He describes human beings as creatures of repetition when it comes to entertainment, and watching the same film isn't so abnormal. We as humans don’t care about the next big thing, we're all suckers for the last big thing. So what is the reason why do we spend so much time with stories whose endings we already know? This question has entranced philosophers, anthropologists, economists, and psychologists for centuries. The most durable theories fit roughly into four categories: habits, addictions, rituals, and status-quo bias. Habits, like going for a run to begin your day are almost automatic. We don’t even have to think about them, and that's part of their value. Addictions, like smoking, are like habits on evil steroids. They are unmanageable and lead to physical dependence. Then there are rituals, unlike addictions, we choose our rituals to be symbolic and expressive rather than be ruled by them, they’re infrequent. Lastly, there's status-quo bias, the observation that people tend to stick with previous decisions because the cost of coming to a new decision is mentally exhausting. Recent research has shown there are four reasons why so many people prefer their entertainment stuck on repeat. The simple reason is that an individual just really likes that movie. They want to remind themselves what happened and pick up on smaller details that they could appreciate once they caught up to the overall plot. The nostalgic reason is that it's nice to watch familiar movies merely because they are familiar, it can be nice to remember the past merely because it's the past. We like to watch an old movie to extract a fondness about the way things were and to remember the past feels good. The therapeutic reason is that they can't surprise us. We know how they end, and we know how we'll feel when they end. This makes the re-consumption of entertainment a bit like emotional regulation. New books, movies, and TV shows can deliver spectacular thrills, but they can also waste our time and disappoint us while old movies never disappoint us. The existential reason is that it allows a reworking of experiences as consumers consider their own particular enjoyments and understandings of choices they have made presenting us with new perspectives. This article shows how all are affected by films, not just by the curiosity of new releases, but the familiarity of old films. They give us all sorts of reliefs and stimuli, greatly impacting our emotions. This article is evidence towards my target audience.

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The glory of old films, memories, and the existential therapy of nostalgia

William Hong / Reuters

The millisecond that Dumb and Dumber clicks into focus on the television screen, something magical happens to me. It can be a terrible day, a stressful day, or a sick day, but within seconds of seeing Jim Carrey's bowl cut, I'm 10 years old again. The number of movies I have once memorized is small ( The Lion King, A Few Good Men, and, inexplicably, While You Were Sleeping), but Dumb and Dumber is perhaps the only one where I have reasonably thought, "I could perform this entire film from start to finish, on my own." On multiple occasions in college, I think I tried.

I'm a creature of repetition when it comes to entertainment: Law and Order marathons drift by on lazy Saturday afternoons, Arrested Development episodes stream at night, and certain lugubrious British singers, particularly those sounding like they have a cold, play relentlessly in my earbuds. In all the hours I've spent re-consuming movies, shows, books, and songs, I could have learned a real skill, like playing an instrument or speaking several languages. Instead, I've perfected fake skills, like performing an uncanny impersonation of Jack Nicholson's final courtroom monologue.

Going back to the same pop-culture fare for seconds, thirds, and thirtieths isn't so abnormal. If anything, my re-consumption habits are tame compared to some of you, who have have read Harry Potter more than 10 times, watched Friday more than 100 times, and spent more of your waking life with The West Wing than Aaron Sorkin. Musicologists estimate that for every hour of music-listening in the typical person's lifetime, 54 minutes are spent with songs we've already heard. Forget the next big thing. We're all suckers for the last big thing.

Pop culture is a relentless machine of newness and manufactured surprise. We queue around the block for new comic-book-movie installments and crash HBO Go to watch season finales. And yet, I have spent 100 hours of my life watching a movie I could perform verbatim in my living room.

Why do we spend so much time with stories whose endings we already know?

* * *

The question "why do people do the same thing over and over?" has entranced philosophers, anthropologists, economists, and psychologists for centuries. "That which is repeated has been, otherwise it could not be repeated, but the very fact that it has been makes the repetition into something new," wrote Kierkegaard (whom I have not re-read).

The most durable theories fit roughly into four categories: habits, addictions, rituals, and status-quo bias.

Habits, like going for a run to begin your day, are regular and automatic. We don't even have to think about them, and that's part of their value. Addictions, like smoking, are like habits on evil steroids. They are unmanageable and lead to physical dependence. Then there are rituals, like Thanksgiving or wearing lucky socks before presentations. Unlike addictions, we choose our rituals to be symbolic and expressive rather than be ruled by them. Unlike habits, they're infrequent.

Finally there's status-quo bias, the observation that people tend to stick with previous decisions, because the cost of coming to a new decision is mentally exhausting. Perhaps you recognize one of these excuses ...

"I don't love this job, but whatever, I don't want to look for a new one."

"[I've already decided for reasons I don't remember that] Global warming is a myth, and you can't persuade me otherwise."

"No, I won't go to Club Monaco. Gap's pants are fine. I'm a Gap person!"

When Cristel Antonia Russell and Sidney Levy interviewed people who had re-read a book, re-watched a movie, or revisited a sentimental site, their experiences didn't neatly fit into any of these categories. Instead, Russell and Levy found that people sought out familiar entertainment for specific reasons-to recapture a lost feeling, for example, or to appreciate the passage of time. Summing up their research, here are four reasons why so many people prefer their entertainment stuck on repeat.
The Simple Reason
The least complicated reason why people re-watch a movie (e.g.) is that ... well, they really like that movie!

If this explanation sounds too unsophisticated for you, feel free to use intensely multi-syllabic names for the phenomenon, like "reconstructive consumption." That's the term Russell and Levy use to describe interviewees who re-watched episodes of Battlestar Galactica and Seinfeld to remind themselves what happened and pick up on smaller details that they could appreciate once they caught up to the overall plot.

Watching something again and again seems like it would make entertainment lose its initial appeal. But psychologists have found that repetition breeds affection. Familiar fare requires less mental energy to process, and when something is easy to think about, we tend to consider it good. A movie we've seen seven times before is blissfully easy to process.

The scientific term for this is "mere exposure effect," meaning that we like something more merely because we've been previously exposed to it. So there is evidence not only that we replay songs that we like, but also that-up to a certain point!-we like songs the more often that we play them.
The Nostalgic Reason
The same way that it's nice to watch familiar movies merely because they are familiar, it can be nice to remember the past merely because it's the past.

The word nostalgia-a combination of the ancient Greek words nostos (homecoming) and algos (pain)-was coined in the 17th century to describe a neurological disease among depressed Swiss mercenaries fighting abroad. The theory was that soldiers were homesick for the snow-capped mountains, or perhaps cognitively impaired by the constant ringing of cowbells in Swiss pastures (seriously, that was the theory). In the four centuries since its unlikely birth, nostalgia has transformed from a dubious disease into a bona fide business model, fueling pop-culture retrospectives on VH1 and Simpsons marathons on FXX.

Clay Routledge, a psychologist who studies nostalgia at North Dakota State University, says there are two strains of this cultural affliction: historical (a nostalgia for the past, in general) and autobiographical (nostalgia for an individual's past, specifically). Sometimes, we watch an old movie to extract a fondness about the way things were. Often, we are more self-interested than that. In one of Routledge's studies, subjects exposed to popular songs and and lyrics from their younger days were more likely to report feeling "loved" and that "life is worth living."

We like repeating pop culture experiences because they help us remember the past, and the act of remembering the past feels good. Heidegger called it "redredging." The researchers offer another term: regressive re-consumption. It's using entertainment as a time machine to revisit a lost memory.
The Therapeutic Reason
One particularly affecting subject in Russell and Levy's study, who goes only by the name "Nelson," reports going on a trip to Florence and Siena, Italy, to retrace a vacation he had taken decades earlier with his wife and two young children. Forty years later, Nelson had lost his wife and his son. He carefully planned the trip to refill his memory bank, stopping at the same sites, hotels, and restaurants. It was "a kind of pilgrimage, a sentimental journey," Nelson recalled, "to reconcile myself to this time of my life."

Using nostalgia as a kind of therapy isn't uncommon. It might even be prudent. One study on nostalgia found that it offered physical comfort in the form of warmth. Not only are cold temperatures more likely to trigger our instincts to seek nostalgic fare, but also "music-evoked nostalgia predicted increased physical warmth," according to the cutely named study Heartwarming Memories.

One of the nice things about old movies is that they can't surprise us. We know how they end, and we know how we'll feel when they end. This makes the re-consumption of entertainment a bit like "emotional regulation," Russell and Levy write. New books, movies, and TV shows can deliver spectacular thrills, but they can also waste our time and disappoint us. Old movies never disappoint us: We get older, they stay the same age. Returning to familiar entertainment is, to be perfectly stiff about this sort of thing, emotionally efficient. We'll get exactly the emotional payoff we're looking for-no surprises.
The Existential Reason
A year ago, at my college reunion, I was walking through the south stretch of campus, on a golden fall day in Chicago, and I suddenly felt a bracing urge to listen to Jeff Buckley. I hadn't heard Buckley in years, perhaps since graduation. Most famous for his cover of "Hallelujah," he only recorded one major album before he died in a drowning accident, and I had it on loop the entire summer of 2004, into my September pre-orientation, and through my first month of school.

Replaying his music nine years later was like opening a time capsule and watching its treasures react to fresh oxygen. Inside the songs lived not only the memories of my first crush, my first journalism lecture, and my first 5 a.m. debate, but also the time-won answers to all of those anxieties-the knowledge of a failed romance, a magazine job I loved, and the fact that my 5 a.m. friend was getting married.

"The dynamic linkages between one's past, present, and future experiences through the re-consumption of an object allow existential understanding," Russell and Levy write. "Reengaging with the same object, even just once, allows a reworking of experiences as consumers consider their own particular enjoyments and understandings of choices they have made." This isn't mere nostalgia or therapy. It's pop culture as palimpsest-an old memory, overlaid with new perspective.

Later in the afternoon, after I had walked around campus enough to remember why I stopped listening to Jeff Buckley, I came across an old roommate. Like me, he was a rabid rewatcher of movies, particularly Goodfellas and '90s comedies, and the kind of person who would happily tune into Billy Madison or a Jim Carrey film every day of the week. "How was your summer?" he asked.

"It's ironic," I said, "but I just got back from Aspen."

"Mmmmmmm," he replied without missing a beat. "Cali for nia! B'yooootiful."

We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to letters@theatlantic.com.

Derek Thompson is a staff writer at The Atlantic, where he writes about economics, technology, and the media. He is the author of Hit Makers and the host of the podcast Crazy/Genius.

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On Repeat: Why People Watch Movies and Shows Over and Over

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The glory of old films, memories, and the existential therapy of nostalgia The millisecond that Dumb and Dumber clicks into focus on the television screen, something magical happens to me. It can be a terrible day, a stressful day, or a sick day, but within seconds of seeing Jim Carrey's bowl cut, I'm 10 years old again.

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5 Reasons Watching Movies is Actually Good for You (Blog)

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5 Reasons Watching Movies is Actually Good for You (Blog)

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This blog written by Chris Smith, a copywriter and editor of the musicMagpie Blog, writes about the five reasons why watching films good for individuals. He discovers
according to some scientists, laughter can boost the immune system and decrease the hormones associated with stress too. One study by the University of Maryland looked at the effects of comedy films specifically. The researchers found that laughing at the film shown caused the subjects’ blood vessels to dilate by 22%, lowering blood pressure and reducing stress. As for sad films, they can have a positive effect on your brain chemistry too. Research from Oxford University suggests that watching a traumatic film boosts the production of endorphins, a chemical associated with increased pain tolerance and, ironically, feeling good. Films can help on a psychological level too, to the extent that some therapists now prescribe films as a form of treatment. A different study found that rewatching films that you’ve already seen is good for you too. It is relaxing since our brains find them easy to process and the predictability is comforting. FIlms also inspire us to be a better individual in society, have a major effect on real life, whether we realize it or not. Along with making us better people, films can also have a major effect on our personal development too. In America, The Karate Kid caused a full-on karate boom, while Rocky has inspired countless people to take up boxing. They make you smarter, for example, a good documentary or an intelligent historical drama can educate you on important issues and events in a much more interesting and enjoyable way than a dry old textbook. Watching films can change our perspective on the people and issues we encounter every day, as well as increasing our understanding and sensitivity to people and issues in places we may never visit. Lastly, escapism is also necessary sometimes. We just want t get away from the world and with a good film, it takes you out of your life, and into the screen. This article gives support to how films are good for us, helping further give insight to my project.

In summary, here are the 5 reasons films are good for us:
- Laughter is the best medicine (and so is crying)
- Rewatching films: comfort and promotes a positive outlook
- They can inspire you to be a better person
- They make you smarter
- Escapism is necessary

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Remember when your parents told you you'd go square-eyed if you watched too much TV?

Well, they're wrong (kinda). Watching a movie is actually pretty good for you. Here's why!

Laughter is the best medicine... and so is crying
Photo by Jordan Whitfield on Unsplash
The American author Kurt Vonnegut once wrote, "Laughter and tears are both responses to frustration and exhaustion. I myself prefer to laugh, since there is less cleaning do to do afterward."

It turns out Kurt was onto something. According to some scientists, laughter can boost your immune system and decrease the hormones associated with stress too.

One study by the University of Maryland looked at the effects of comedy movies specifically. The researchers found that laughing at the film shown caused the subjects' blood vessels to dilate by 22%, lowering blood pressure and reducing stress.

Sad films can have a positive effect on your brain chemistry too. Research from Oxford University suggests that watching a traumatic film boosts the production of endorphins, a chemical associated with increased pain tolerance and, ironically, feeling good.

Movies can help on a psychological level too, to the extent that some therapists now prescribe movies as a form of treatment. Practitioners of cinema therapy suggest watching a movie that mirrors your current worries - like Forgetting Sarah Marshall if you've just broken up with someone or Predator if you're dealing with an indestructible killer from space - can shift your perspective on your problems and help you deal with them better.

Rewatching movies is good for you

A 2012 study found that rewatching a movie is relaxing because our brains find them easy to process and the predictability is comforting. Remember that the next time someone questions you watching Robocop for the 200 th time.

The nostalgia evoked by rewatching your favourite movie can have positive effects too. Nostalgia is often associated with wistfulness and melancholy, but recent research suggests it promotes a positive outlook, boosts self-esteem and improves our connection with friends and family.

They can inspire you to be a better person

Movies have a major effect on real life, whether we realise it or not. Take Sideways, for example; Paul Giamatti's character spends most of the movie dissing Merlot and talking up Pinot Noir and, lo and behold, Pinot Noir sales increased by 16% after the film's release.

They can also have a major effect on our personal development too. In America, The Karate Kid caused a full on karate boom, while Rocky has inspired countless people to take up boxing. It's not just sports either; The Dude from The Big Lebowski has inspired a movement dedicated entirely to taking it easy.

In short, watching a movie can inspire you to make positive changes in your life - even if it's only a small change!

They make you smarter

... although that obviously depends on which film you watch! But a good documentary or an intelligent historical drama can educate you on important issues and events in a much more interesting and enjoyable way than a dry old textbook.

Movies can make you more emotionally intelligent too. The legendary film critic Roger Ebert once described movies as "...like a machine that generates empathy. It lets you understand a little bit more about different hopes, aspirations, dreams, and fears." Watching films can change our perspective on the people and issues we encounter every day, as well as increasing our understanding and sensitivity to people and issues in places we may never visit.

Escapism

No matter who you are or what you do, sometimes you just need to get away from everything for a while. And what better way to do that than to watch a schmaltzy movie with two impossibly beautiful people falling in love, or a fantasy epic with elves duking it out against orcs?!

Here are the five main reasons watching movies is good for you:

1. Laughter is the best medicine (and so is crying)

2. Rewatching movies is comforting and promotes a positive outlook

3. They can inspire you to be a better person

4. They make you smarter

5. Escapism is necessary

We've got a huge range of movies available on DVD and Blu-Ray on the musicMagpie Store right now, with prices starting from just £1.19 delivered! Click to below to check out our full range and buy DVDs!

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5 reasons watching movies is actually good for you

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Remember when your parents told you you'd go square-eyed if you watched too much TV? Well, they're wrong (kinda). Watching a movie is actually pretty good for you. Here's why! Laughter is the best medicine... and so is crying Photo by Jordan Whitfield on Unsplash The American author Kurt

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Movie Violence Acutely Affects Food Choices in Young Adults (Peer Reviewed Website)

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Movie Violence Acutely Affects Food Choices in Young Adults (Peer Reviewed Website)

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Extensive research has been conducted to investigate the effects of media violence on attitudes, behaviors, and cardiovascular health; however, only a few studies have examined its effect on appetite, eating behavior and food preferences. Little attention has been given to understand how the movie genre manipulates the physiology and the eating behavior of individuals. The present study aimed at investigating the acute effect of violent content in movies on appetite perception, heart rate, and blood pressure, along with food preferences and intake in young individuals. One experiment took several participants who were randomly assigned to either watch a violent movie or a non-violent narrative movie. Measurements including anthropometry, heart rate, blood pressure, and grip strength were taken and appetite, as well as stress perception, were assessed. Subjects were then provided with an individual snack tray containing various items to be consumed ad libitum. The results were post-intervention, the experimental group had a higher consumption of fatty and salty food items compared to the control group. Out of the 42 participants in the experiment, 62% consumed more than two fatty items and 71.4% consumed more than two salty food items. No significant difference in the consumption of sugary items was observed between the two groups. In conclusion, movie violence affects eating behavior and may promote weight gain. This academic journal gives an example of how film effect or eating habits, giving further information on how films affect our emotions.

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Seeing the other in Cinema: Inter-Religious Connections Through the Senses (Peer Reviewed Website)

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Seeing the other in Cinema: Inter-Religious Connections Through the Senses (Peer Reviewed Website)

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This article asks about the processes of “seeing the other” using the medium of cinema. Author Brent Rodriguez-Plate discusses films including Baraka, West Bank Story, Eve and the Fire Horse, and Babette's Feast. Each demonstrates unique perspectives on distinct religious traditions, exploring differences as well as resemblances. Two consequences emerge. First, films are not merely 'escape' that people watch and then forget about. Instead, what we see “on-screen” changes our relationships with other people “off-screen.” Watching movies becomes part of the social construction of reality, constructing our understandings of race, religion, gender, nationality, and ethnicity. Thus, films that demonstrate strong inter-religious connections may affect our perceptions of seeing each other. Second, comparing these films allows us to see how inter-religious connections are not merely about 'dialogue', but about shared food, smells, sights, and spatial locations. The sensate body stands at the heart of religious life, as well as the heart of inter-religious connections. This article gives further insight into how cinema impacts more than just our current state of mind.

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Seeing the other in Cinema- Inter-Religious Connections Through the Senses 