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Justice is the concept of fairness. Social justice is fairness as it manifests in society. That includes fairness in healthcare, employment, housing, and more. In a socially-just society, human rights are respected and discrimination is not allowed to flourish. What's the origin of the phrase "social justice?"

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OPPRESSION: CULTURAL IMPERIALISM

Oppression (disadvantage and injustice) is not solely the product of deliberate action but can result from social practices that are informed by specific values and norms. Importantly, 'oppression may arise not just because society actively seeks to disadvantage some groups of people but rather because of the effects of societal norms, laws and unchallenged assumptions' ( Northway 1997 p 738). Oppression can result from both commission and omission.

Chapter 3 introduced Young's five 'faces' of oppression, which included cultural imperialism (Young 1990). Cultural imperialism, described by Northway (1997 p 738) as being 'the primary form of oppression experienced by disabled people', refers to the process by which a defined group is demeaned, devalued and stereotyped by those values of the dominant culture that are established as seemingly universal norms or common-sense (Lugones & Spelman 1983, Young 1990). Young (1990 p 123) claims that 'culturally imperialist groups project their own values, experience, and perspectives as normative and universal'. Thus, the cultural imperialism of colonial racism in apartheid South Africa, for example, informed specific interpretations of the Bible and of biology to justify the withholding of civil rights from those deemed 'inferior'. The function of this ideology was to preserve, protect and perpetuate minority white power; ideology and power, in combination, served a specific purpose. Indeed, ideology served to maintain power and dominance with such effectiveness that the white minority group wielded the majority of power and the statistical majority was accorded minority status.

Charlton (1998) observed that the dominant culture portrays certain beliefs concerning superiority and inferiority as natural and taken-for-granted, rather than as historically and culturally specific. Devalued groups are 'submerged in negative stereotypes' (Barnes & Mercer 2003 p 88). Central to cultural imperialism is the desire to assert the "normality" and "superiority" of the dominant group, hence critics contend that the purpose of displaying negative imagery of disabled people in literature, film and the media is to affirm how different 'they' are from 'us', and thus how admirably normal 'we' are (Thomson 1997a). Lorde (1984) claimed that the 'mythical norm' is always at the edge of consciousness.

Disability has been used to represent the deviance of difference from valued gender "norms". In the eighteenth century, for example, it was believed that 'what makes a woman elegant, makes a man deformed' (cited in Deutsch & Nussbaum 2000b p 12). The argument that deviance serves as a foil against which "normality" can be claimed was explored in Chapter 3.

Disability has also been used to represent the deviance of difference from valued racial "norms". The freak shows of the nineteenth century displayed people with evident physical/mental impairments and the native people of colonized countries under the single heading of "freaks" (Bogdan 1988). Davis (2001) notes that this practice expressed a form of nationalism, with disabled people viewed, not as citizens (with rights), but as aliens. The list of "inferior races" included all non-European people and those who were blind, deaf, hunchbacked, intellectually impaired and mentally ill (Scholnick 2002).

Postcolonial theorists have sought to expose the 'ideological nature of representation and the ways in which powerful representations become the "true" and accepted ones, despite their stereotypical and even caricatured nature' (Ashcroft & Ahluwalia 1999 p 63). From the perspective of postcolonial theory, cultural imperialism can be seen as one dimension of the process through which certain groups of people are marginalized. Moreover, it is because the ideas that benefit those wielding more social power enjoy such pervasive cultural circulation that they tend to be reproduced and perpetuated with little challenge. Thus, the idea that disabled people are both inferior and fundamentally deviant has been reinforced by the work of academics, authors, playwrights, artists, historians, film-makers and others.

Although people with different impairments and social positions do not share the same perspectives or experiences as other disabled people, 'there is a cultural gulf between the disabled and the non-disabled; to become disabled is to enter a different world' (Wendell 1996 p 65). Because disabled people do not regularly see themselves in dominant forms of representation, such as television, theirs is a largely unscripted world.

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2.2 The Orthodox Diaspora

Economic pressures and political oppression both led to the migration of Orthodox populations in the course of the twentieth century. Communist rule in Russia and Eastern Europe was among the most potent of the forces that propelled communities into exile. The number of North American immigrants from Russia was swelled by the Russian revolution and civil war of the post-1917 period. Communist rule in Eastern Europe after 1945 also brought Ukrainians, Rumanians, Serbs, Albanians, and Bulgarians to the new world. Meanwhile, Greeks had arrived in considerable numbers after their expulsion from Asia Minor in 1922-3. There were also Palestinians after 1948. In due course Orthodoxy came to be recognized as one of the 'major' religions of the USA.

However, there was never a united church administration. The attempt to form a largely English-speaking 'Orthodox Church in America' (1970) did not meet with universal approval. Apart from a Greek archdiocese, which retained its links with the patriarchate of Constantinople, there was a bewildering variety of national jurisdictions, and not infrequently more than one of each. Many immigrants preferred to retain their languages and customs. Even (or especially) in exile their church life was a function of national identity. Similar fragmentation was to be observed elsewhere (Western Europe or Australia, for example).

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2 Gender and Women's Agency

Accompanying the focus on women's oppression, disadvantages, and gender inequalities has been research on women's agency in shaping the spaces and places of their lives. Research in political geography and on environment and development provide good examples. Both exemplify ways in which feminist scholarship has contributed to revealing the linkages between not only production and reproduction but also between 'public' and 'private' spaces, questioning the validity of envisioning these as binary divisions. Studies of political struggles in Latin America (Radcliffe and Westwood 1993) show women invoking their 'private' identities as mothers to enter the public spaces to protest against state violence. These women have transgressed in public spaces, for example, seeking out clandestine cemeteries, taking and publishing photographs of the tortured and 'disappeared,' and visiting prisons. Yet they also incorporate traditional 'private' caring responsibilities of women into their public projects-organizing health and child care services and providing food and clothing for refugees. Similarly, research on Palestinian women under Israeli occupation argues that their resistance in the public political arena has been sharpened by military incursions into the secluded private spaces of the home, and by their needs to defend their children in the streets (Mayer 1994).

The motivations and tactics of environmental protests have also been interpreted in gendered terms. Women's activism may be stimulated by concerns for the health of their children and families; their public protests may draw on domestic symbols in public protests (for example, the Spanish women who nightly banged their cacerolas (saucepans) in protest against toxic waste dumps (Bru, in Rocheleau et al. 1996)). However, the feminist geographic literature on the environment reveals complex relationships. In this vein, Rocheleau et al. (1996) elaborated the concept of feminist political ecology. They demonstrate the importance of gender differences in access to and control over resources; how gendered knowledge is reflected in a science of survival; and the gendered nature of environmental politics and grassroots activism that is linked with women's redefinition of their identities and recognition of new environmental problems.

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OPPRESSION: MARGINALIZATION

Many disability theorists refer to the 'oppression' of disabled people: a result of domination and of ideologies of superiority and inferiority (e.g. Charlton 1998, Oliver 1990). Oppression describes the disadvantage and injustice experienced by some social groups (Northway 1999). Young (1990) identified five 'faces' of oppression that have provided theorists with a conceptual framework with which to examine the situation of disabled people: marginalization, exploitation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism and violence. These dimensions of oppression are raised by theorists throughout this book and will each be explored in more depth as they arise.

Marginalization has been shown to be the product of ideologies that create deviancy, abnormality and inferiority. More than just ideas, ideologies have direct consequences: marginalization, for example, results from material and social deprivation and powerlessness due to a lack of access to employment and other rights of citizenship (Young 1990). A further dimension of marginalization is segregation and confinement (Said 1993). Disabled people have a history of being confined within residential institutions and are frequently denied access to public spaces (Gleeson 1999a, Imrie 1996).

Bickenbach (1993 p 143) argued that disabled people share with members of 'discredited "races"' the experience of having 'an identifiable difference that sets them apart from the "normals"'. From his own experience of acquired impairment, Murphy (1990 p 5, 127) observed that disabled people are 'outsiders': 'marginal' people, occupying a 'tenuous position at the edge of society'. Ideologies provide the justification for marginalizing certain groups; specific social practices produce marginality.

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22.3 The Cultural Circuit of Capitalism: Management Accounting and Control

Rather than viewing capitalism as a system of oppression, Thrift (2005) conceptualizes capitalism as dynamic and emergent:

For quite a few people, capitalism is not just hard graft. It is also fun. People get stuff from it - and not just more commodities. Capitalism has a kind of crazy vitality. It doesn't just line its pockets. It also appeals to gut feelings. It gets involved in all kinds of extravagant symbioses. It adds to the world as well as subtracts.
Thrift (2005, p. 1)

This chapter is an exemplar of this crazy vitality. The biodiversity market is a new and vibrant market, being constructed on a proliferation of knowledges, which have largely evaded capitalism until now. The accounting academy is contributing to this emergent market with the construction of academic impacts, publication targets, research income, promotions, and so forth, around biodiversity expertise. The biodiversity market comprises many intangible attributes similar to modern forms of capitalism. There is the emergence of theoretical enterprises, made up of "virtual" notions (organizational networks, the knowledge economy, the new economy, and communities of practice) with "success" measured by the tools of soft capitalism, which somewhat mimics a "touchy-feely replay of Taylorism" (Thrift, 2005, p. 6). Management accounting gurus have contributed with multidimensional performance measurement systems like the balanced scorecard, aimed at the monitoring and controlling the intangible assets including employee skills, knowledge and know-how (Kaplan and Norton, 1996, 2001). Simons (1994, 2013) explains the role of formal accounting systems, such as the balanced scorecard, to encourage organizational learning, stimulate new ideas and strategies. Referring to these as "interactive controls," Simons suggests they are positive and inspirational-these are "the yang: forces representing sun, warmth, and light" (2013, p. 9). Nevertheless, the tension set by this supposedly "soft" management control practice is somewhat cynical, aimed at improved productivity, profit maximization, and growth (Thrift, 2005). Thus, accordingly soft capitalism would recognize the broader management accounting function as furthering the other versions of Simons' boundary and diagnostic controls, "the yin: forces representing darkness and cold" (2013, p. 9).

Even scarier than soft capitalism, is the biodiversity crisis and the knowledge that the capitalist system must race to construct new markets that deliver sustainable development in a timely manner. As highlighted in the earlier plea from the media, the economic ideals must be converted (by accounting) to concrete realities, so the market contracting can win before we default on our contract with nature (Serres, 1995). This makes the vast repertoire of materials, generated by the academy, all important in the framing of what is consumed and disseminated and adopted in practice. The debates that claim the capitalist ideals are the source of the biodiversity problem (Gray, 2002, 2010) and, that accounting intervention should not be used to address the conflicts inherent in advanced capitalism (Brown and Frame, 2005; Antheaume, 2007), are the necessary noise. These academic debates also contribute toward the social construction of perfect markets. The very debates calling for emancipatory and radical change, an ontological shift taking us outside capitalism and away from the innate contradictions between economic growth and the natural resources available to achieve this growth, are also important contributors in the production and consumption of knowledge. As the media become involved and the idle chitchat in the corridors and cafeterias of large corporate buildings voice similar concerns; if the noise is loud enough, practices might be influenced.

Thrift's (2005) cultural circuit of capitalism (as highlighted in Figure 22.1, below) provides a guide to study the dissemination of managerial knowledge. The institutionalized producers and consumers of managerial concepts draw together all sorts of knowledge and opportunities, even from the surprisingly important informal as well as formal interactive control, which "stimulate organizational learning and the emergence of new ideas and strategies" (Simons, 1994, 2013, p. 7). The loop of institutionalized producers and consumers is involved in exchanging ideas, promoting a particular sort of knowledge and a particular sort of practical theory (Seal, 2010, p. 96). In efforts toward utopian capitalist market ideals, the process and actors can be studied as they address the biodiversity crisis that is impacting decision making over resource allocation and the protection of the resource base of all raw materials, including clean air and fresh running water. The cultural circuit of capital does not offer simple, straightforward, and unproblematic exchange-it is "a feedback loop which is intended to keep capitalism surfing along the edge of its own contradictions" (Thrift, 2005, p. 6).

As highlighted in the opening quote, one way of creating a biodiversity market is the use of media to draw attention to the "crisis" and ensure biodiversity impacts are part of the political economy, are well understood, evoke passionate outbursts on a global scale, and expectations of equilibrium in supply and demand, a ubiquitous part of everyday life. The mature MBA students in business schools are ingesting and reproducing academic knowledge on biodiversity. Articles and cases provide practical examples that become part of managerial discourse (for example, the institutionalized Harvard Business School contributions); "sustainability" management consultants are packaging their services and selling to their clients. Accounting professional services firms, KPMG, Deloitte, EY, and PwC are included in this category and contribute with vast amounts of technical guidance on accounting for biodiversity. Overlapping is the creation of the management guru (management-driven gurus, such as Porter and Eccles and sustainability-driven gurus, such as Gray, Elkington, Epstein, Jones, and so forth)-who is espousing new theories to "hook" their managerial audiences with their solutions to the biodiversity crisis. Seal (2010, p. 7) explains: "As accomplished performers in their own right, management gurus usually combine some technical managerial knowledge with important psychological skills with which they reassure their managerial audiences." As we will be shown later in this chapter, practicing managers also prepare technical models and write articles for audiences, both inside and outside the corporate boundaries. Accounting's professional bodies have likewise engaged heavily, individually and collectively through groups, such as the Accounting Bodies Network, the Integrated Reporting Council (IIRC), and the Prince's Accounting for Sustainability Project (A4S), to advance accounting for sustainability. Supported by the "big four" accounting firms, the new integrated reporting approaches and new methodologies have been developed to acknowledge a broader repertoire of capital inputs, not only financial in operational activities (IIRC, 2013; Eccles and Serafeim, 2013; Stubbs and Higgins, 2014). They are actively working to ensure sustainability is embedded in business strategies and accounting practices within the firm.

Like a whirlpool, drawing in a plethora of ideas, some theories in capitalism are institutionalized into practice. Together, the theories of capitalism (i.e., economics) and the theories in capitalism (i.e., formal and informal management accounting and control mechanisms) make up the production and consumption of management knowledge and the "theoretical enterprise" (Thrift, 2005; Seal, 2010).

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THE VALUE OF A WEIGHT NEUTRAL STANCE: PART 4

The HAES model draws upon the general research on health and well-being to identify its important aspects: pleasurable physical activity, restful sleep, social support, safety, and freedom from stigma. Note that different mixtures of individual motivation and the broader environment are critical to each of these elements. The HAES model not only focuses on an individual's choices, but also on changing our cultural, social, and ecological environments to support well-being.

Because one of the central vehicles for the oppression of fat people is the contention that they cannot be healthy, HAES advocates argue that healthcare providers must recognize their role in designing and carrying out programs, albeit with the best of intentions, which are actually making people sicker ( Isono, Watkins & Lian, 2009). The Academy for Eating Disorders initiated a statement in December 2009 along with all the other major eating disorders organizations, calling for a change in focus from weight-based programs to health, as stated by AED President Susan Paxton, PhD, FAED:

There is concern that we have lost sight of the importance of avoiding harm in the process of addressing obesity. Further, we cannot ignore the opportunity to create a healthier environment, where people of all sizes are given the opportunity to lead healthy and productive lives, instead of singling out individual groups for reform based on weight alone.

(Academy for Eating Disorders, 2009)

Another useful document addressing these issues is the Academy for Eating Disorder's Guidelines for Childhood Obesity Prevention Programs (Danielsdottir, Burgard & Oliver-Pyatt, 2009). The guidelines argue for health-based, rather than weight-based, interventions that focus on the health of all children and measure health outcomes rather than weight per se. They urge program developers to reduce stigma, teasing, and bullying, and to focus on reducing environmental barriers that prevent people from having access to nutritious foods and pleasurable and safe physical activity.

Individual healthcare practice, public health programs, workplace programs, and even diagnostic criteria, could all become more weight neutral. Current definitions of ED sometimes incorporate weight references or frank criteria that lead to harm. For example, a strict reading of the DSM-IV-R (American Psychiatric Assocation, 1994) dictates refraining from giving an AN diagnosis unless the patient is 15% below "minimally normal body weight." Despite some room for individual determination, most clinicians are forced to wait to give the diagnosis until the patient is well-entrenched in the disease. I have seen fat patients who really should be given an AN diagnosis, as they restrict, are intensely afraid of gaining weight, are rigidly focused on food and exercise, and may even have lost their periods. If we imagine the pathological process of AN as the problem, and the weight loss as the result, it makes little sense to have to wait until the disease is at a critical, life-threatening stage to name it a problem. If you are in a plane that loses an engine at 40,000 feet, you wouldn't want to have to wait to take action until you were at 10,000 feet.

These examples suggest that we need to address broader forces in order to improve public health. Many HAES practitioners are activists systemically challenging the policies and social norms that harm people across the weight spectrum. But while we are trying to change the culture we also have much to offer our individual clients.

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Challenges for the Future

Gender analysis has a strong potential to address the oppression between and among groups of women/girls and men/boys. However, it faces several challenges. The first challenge is to create a global gender agenda to further the struggle for equality. It would be naive to believe that uncoordinated gender analysis projects, by themselves, are effective. They cannot effectively resist or indeed defeat the globalized neo-liberal agenda which impacts more harshly on women than on men. Lacking a global gender agenda, it is questionable if gender equality can ever be achieved.

The second challenge is to engage industrialized nations in the search for gender equality. Although many have ratified conventions like CEDAW, their operationalization of that commitment is often minimal. They too often seem to see gender analysis as an activity which needs to be undertaken in the nations to which they give aid rather than in their own backyards. They seem reluctant to expose the gender inequalities which so clearly still exist in their own industrialized nations. This reluctance also subverts the global gender agenda and is a major stumbling block to the realization of gender equality.

The third challenge is to extend the existing networks and alliances in the global struggle for gender equality. Currently, the movement is driven primarily by nongovernment organizations and women. Gender is related to issues of the environment, peace, sustainability, and partnerships by gender activists with those issues are essential. In addition, men must be made accountable for women's ongoing disadvantage. This is particularly important since men continue to hold the majority of decision-making positions in the world. Although there are men who are allies in the struggle for women's equality, there are many more who, through their silences, allow women's oppression to continue.

Fortunately, adult educators are able to face these challenges with optimism. In the adult education sector, there are global organizations of women and men committed to gender analysis. They have been active for decades and have driven the global gender agenda with unfailing enthusiasm and commitment. These include the Gender Education Office (GEO) of the International Council for Adult Education, Development Alternatives with Women (DAWN) and Red de Educacion Popular entre Mujeres (REPEM). Our support for their work is a key to gender equality.

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LIMINAL STATUS AND OPPRESSION

Chapter 3 introduced the five 'faces' of oppression that were first delineated by Young (1990). Marginalization and cultural imperialism have already been discussed (Chapters 3 and 5) and this is an appropriate place to explore the other three dimensions of oppression: powerlessness, exploitation and violence. These are all interlinked concepts. Cultural imperialism perpetuates negative stereotypes, prejudices and discrimination against disabled people. Social and geographical marginalization, informed by cultural imperialism, create the sort of isolation that makes people easy prey for those wishing to abuse them (Westcott 1994). People who are powerless are especially vulnerable to neglect and abuse, exploitation and violence (French 1994c).

Feminists have worked hard to portray men as dominating and exploitative and women as caring and life-affirming and, indeed, the majority of health professionals are women who are paid to care. This ideology should not blind us to the reality that performing a paid, nurturing role 'does not necessarily mean that [women] value or respect that mode of relating as much as they may revere ... the assertion of power', coercion and domination (hooks 1989 p 94). Twigg (2000) observed that research on nursing homes and institutions exposes darker, more manipulative dimensions; noting that 'care' is not always kind but can constitute an expression of power. Although critical of patriarchal domination and control over women's (able) bodies, feminists have failed to challenge the coercive control and domination by women over other bodies (hooks 1995), such as those of disabled people (the majority of whom are women). Power is central to all relationships between people in unbalanced social positions and is irreducible to simplistic gender dualisms. The health professions rather successfully portray themselves as benevolent, altruistic and client-centred - especially to themselves - yet little research has been undertaken to determine whether this equates with clients' experiences of rehabilitation and hospitalization. Intellectual rigour, ethics and accountability require that we continually challenge such hegemonies and seek to interrogate the evidence that supports or contests these ideologies.

Macfarlane (1996 p 13) notes that many disabled people define the care they have received as being 'oppressive, often of a custodial nature and provided in a controlled way'. Notably, those in residential institutions or rehabilitation facilities often have no control over who can touch their bodies or provide their personal care (Westcott 1994). Indeed, powerlessness is a defining characteristic of institutional care (Goffman 1961).

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Conclusion

Indigenous peoples and communities have faced long histories of cultural oppression and dislocation. Recognition of this history and its impact across the generations is essential to develop ethically sound and culturally safe approaches to mental health services as population-level promotion of youth well-being and resilience. However, the challenges that youth face are not only related to historical events but reflect ongoing structural inequalities and dilemmas, involving political, economic, and bureaucratic structures that maintain negative stereotypes, racism, and discrimination; geographic isolation with limited educational and vocational opportunities; and collective marginalization and disempowerment. These structural problems point to the need for changes not only within Indigenous communities but also in the larger society among non-Indigenous people and institutions ( Saul, 2014).

Indigenous youth increasingly participate in a wired world in which they are linked to a global youth culture that promotes values that may be at odds with local traditions and immediate opportunities. At the same time, the Internet holds the prospect of new educational, health, community and vocational opportunities that may make small, remote settlements viable places to advance a wider range of life projects and provides an opportunity to deliver mental health promotion interventions to remote communities (Kral, 2010).

Adults who are acutely aware of what they have lost and who want to reconnect with elders often drive cultural revitalization projects. However, evidence from our own and other studies indicates that many Indigenous youth are hungry for cultural knowledge. Indeed, the enthusiasm expressed by youth in our program served to engage parents in cultural learning projects. The need to valorize and reconnect with a devalued and suppressed collective history and identity is shared by many. Moreover, acknowledging and valuing one's roots need not conflict with being fully engaged in learning and benefitting from new technologies, knowledge, and ways of being. Youth today face the prospect of increasingly fluid and hybrid identities fed by multiple cultural streams and need space to find their own unique trajectories in relation to their histories, communities, and global society.

An ecosocial approach to mental health promotion is especially apposite for Indigenous youth and communities because it is consonant with core cultural values that emphasize interdependence with others and with the environment. This way of thinking is important not only in addressing the specific needs of Indigenous youth but in coming to grips with the major planetary challenges of climate change, urbanization, migration, and global mental health.

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Ecofeminism and Peace

Analyses of the intersectionality of race, class, and gender oppression have been applied in the arena of environmental activism. Ecofeminism has developed as an international movement that includes academic feminists and first and third world environmentalists. Ecofeminism encompasses a variety of approaches to thinking about and acting on behalf of the environment, but all ecofeminists recognize the necessary linkage between a healthy ecology and healthy lives for women and children. Ecofeminists view patriarchy as responsible for both the oppression of women, the poor, and indigenous people and for systems of production and consumption which view nature as a commodity to be used and discarded. Vandana Shiva has argued that in pursuit of an illusion of progress, Third World development projects designed to promote industrialization on the Western model have enriched their Western sponsors while doing little if anything to alleviate the poverty of Third World people. Worse, they have tended to replace small-scale indigenous ecological practices with large-scale degradation of the environment. Shiva distinguishes between material poverty and spiritual poverty. While Third World material poverty is real and highly visible, it is also relative to the supposed superior standard of living of the developed nations. The spiritual poverty in the midst of material plenty of the developed nations - demonstrated by high rates of mental illness, drug addiction, and personal violence - and the relation between spiritual poverty and estrangement from nature, is less visible to Westerners themselves, but still very real.

Sandra Harding and other feminist philosophers of science have argued that science and technology have played a leading role in worldwide patriarchal dominance. The supposed value-neutrality and objectivity of scientific method has cloaked science and its resulting technological advances in an aura of certainty and inevitability. In reality, science has been firmly in the control of and has conferred its benefits upon the wealthy and powerful. Its pretense to being a progressive force for all humankind has served to conceal such damaging results as destabilizing and polluting military technologies, exploitation of natural resources, and unchecked consumption. Harding and others have argued that it is important to recognize the validity of non-Western and indigenous methods of acquiring knowledge. It is also necessary to acknowledge that social contexts and value systems influence all forms of knowledge production, including Western science, so that these practices and their results can be properly examined and critiqued. In the absence of these critiques, science and technology will continue to be a force for widening the gap between the richer and poorer nations, resulting in increasing misery and political instability.

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Oppression (disadvantage and injustice) is not solely the product of deliberate action but can result from social practices that are informed by specific values and norms. Importantly, 'oppression may arise not just because society actively seeks to disadvantage some groups of people but rather because of the effects of societal norms, laws and unchallenged assumptions' ( Northway 1997 p 738).

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Jamila Lyiscott is a “tri-tongued orator;” in her powerful spoken-word essay “Broken English,” she celebrates — and challenges — the three distinct flavors of English she speaks with her friends, in the classroom and with her parents. As she explores the complicated history and present-day identity that each language represents, she unpacks what it means to be “articulate.”