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Growing up in New Jersey I heard the phrase “yous guys” and “yous”  more than the average person. I never thought it was odd until relatively recently when a family member said it around a friend that I met at NYU (who is not from the northeast) and they immediately commented saying, “you mean you guys?”. Even writing this now there is a red line below “yous” trying to tell me that the word is incorrect. Typically the attitude around “yous guys” is that only those who think their family is in the mafia, “rednecks”, and people from New Jersey, Philadelphia, and Long Island use it (see Urban Dictionary definitions) and while being from any of those areas is not inherently an insult, there is a widely held preconceived notion about the people in those areas that is not positive (see meme about NJ). When looking into the origins of “yous” and “yous guys”, I found that it was created by Irish immigrants who were switching between Gaelic and English as Gaelic has a second-person plural and English does not so they figured they’d add an “s” to the end of “you” (see Chicago Tribune article). This phrase later found itself being seen as less educated in the mid-1900s, “It was part of the vocabulary of the show's main character, Archie Bunker, who was portrayed as an unsophisticated bigot. In popular culture, ‘youse’ became associated with cabdrivers, bartenders and other blue-collar white ethnics, who were thought of as reactionary and uneducated. Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo, a tough-talking Italian ex-cop, said ‘youse.’ Baby boomers didn't want to sound like ‘Archie Bunker types,’ so they stopped saying ‘youse.’” (Chicago Tribune). People that weren’t a part of those groups deemed it incorrect because of the associate tied to being a part of the groups that do use it. I do not think their dislike is justified because I do not think there is a right and wrong way of speaking, but given that I am from an area that uses this phrase I am definitely biased. Also, given that Merriam-Webster has a definition for "yous", I think that disliking the phrase is more so rooted in disliking the groups who say it and the association with saying it as well. I don’t see anyone in particular advocating for its use because I feel like those who use it are not concerned with the opinions of those who don’t. I also think that because the generation that started the phrase “yous” and “yous guys” are all either old or have passed away, there is no desire for the younger generations advocate for something they did not create and something that is seen as wrong by everyone else. I personally am very neutral about the usage of “yous” and “yous” guys as it never became integral to my vocabulary and I have friends and family that do and do not use it. I do, however, think that as we are straying away from using gendered language, the use of phrases like “ya’ll” and “youse” could increase in popularity.

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A friend and I were looking for a restaurant near the corner of 105th and Western, when a voice called out to us from the sidewalk.

"Are youse lost?"

"Youse" is not a word youse hear much anymore. But I think we should bring it back. It's vastly preferable to the term that replaced it, "you guys."

Unlike most languages, English lacks a standard second-person plural. In Spanish, a group of people is address as ustedes. In German, ihr. English speakers have had to invent a variety of linguistic kluges to deal with this gap. None is more awkward or, sadly, more widespread, than "you guys."

The Dictionary of American Regional English defines "you guys" thusly: "orig. chiefly Northern; now widespread. Used as a second pers plu pron; orig used only in reference to males, but now generally used as a genderless pronoun." As the entry indicated, "you guys" was introduced by Northern speakers, and only for groups of men. Now it's used everywhere, for mixed-sex and even all-female groups. Politicians and athletes apply it to the faceless media horde:

*"What do you guys want me to do?" Cleveland Cavaliers forward LeBron James asked reporters who accused him of second-guessing his coach. "Turn off my brain because I have a huge basketball IQ?"

*President Barack Obama ended news conferences with "Thanks you guys; I appreciate it."

One obvious problem with "you guys" is that it's gendered. In any other context, "guy" refers to a male, but a sorority girl will tell her sisters, "Thanks, you guys; I had an awesome time."

"Youse" originated in Ireland among speakers switching from Gaelic to English. Gaelic has a second-person plural, sibh, and the Irish thought their newly acquired language ought to have one, too. So they conceived the neat solution of adding an "s" to "you" to make it plural. Irish immigrants brought "youse" to the United States, and it was once widely used in cities where they settled. (It's still widely used in Ireland.) The word can now be heard mainly among older people in ethnic neighborhoods of New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Buffalo, Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis, as well as in the mining communities of Michigan's Upper Peninsula. (The Southwest Sider who asked my friend and me if we were lost was definitely Irish, because after asking if we were lost, he offered us a beer and invited us to join him to watch the mourners arriving at a wake across the street.) In Pittsburgh, the word is " yinz," a contraction of the Scots-Irish "you uns."

Both words are much less common than they were in the early-to-mid 20th century, and are considered less prestigious and less educated than "you guys." I have a theory that the television sitcom "All in the Family" contributed to the demise of "youse." It was part of the vocabulary of the show's main character, Archie Bunker, who was portrayed as an unsophisticated bigot. In popular culture, "youse" became associated with cabdrivers, bartenders and other blue-collar white ethnics, who were thought of as reactionary and uneducated. Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo, a tough-talking Italian ex-cop, said "youse." Baby boomers didn't want to sound like "Archie Bunker types," so they stopped saying "youse."

"I heard it a lot when I was young," a Buffalonian who grew up in the 1940s and '50s told me. My late father-in-law, who grew up in Cincinnati during the same era, reverted to "youse" at the end of his life.

I once met a young Pittsburgher who worked at a sports memorabilia store called, of course, Yinzers. He objected to the decline of Pittsburgh's distinctive second-person plural: "My teachers told me to say 'you guys' instead of 'yinz.' I don't see what's wrong with 'yinz.' It's what makes us distinctive as a city."

("Yinz" is heard less often in everyday speech, but recently, Pittsburghers protesting President Donald Trump's immigration order chanted, "No hate, no fear, yinz are welcome here.")

In the South, "y'all" is considered perfectly acceptable among all classes of people. "Youse" and "yinz" should be treated the same way, and take back some of the linguistic territory they've lost to "you guys."

They may have an opening, because "you guys" could become less acceptable to a generation more conscious of gender issues. A list titled "Check, Yourself ..." from the University of Wisconsin at River Falls suggests avoiding "you guys" because it "Erases the identities of those who are in the room. Generalizing a group of people to be masculine." My sister-in-law, who is from Houston, and says "y'all," doesn't understand "you guys." "I'm not a guy," she says. On the new "One Day at a Time" TV show, hipster Schneider corrects himself after calling a group of women "you guys." Ironically, one of the characters he apologizes to is played by Rita Moreno, who made "Hey, you guys" a catchphrase on "The Electric Company" in the 1970s.

If there's one thing I've learned about language, it's that every generation has its own sound, and its own vocabulary. Youse can count on it.
Edward McClelland is the author of "How to Speak Midwestern."

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A friend and I were looking for a restaurant near the corner of 105th and Western, when a voice called out to us from the sidewalk. "Are youse lost?" "Youse" is not a word youse hear much anymore. But I think we should bring it back.

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Yous guys are all wrong. Yous guys is a northeast phrase (often used by jersey girls and long islanders) meaning you guys. The extra 's' is not silent and is added for no reason whatsoever.

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*could not find original creator of the image as it has circulated the internet on different platforms for years*

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Being from NJ, I very frequently hear, and use myself,  “I don’t want nothing”. While it is not technically wrong from a descriptive standpoint, prescriptively speaking the “correct” thing to say would be “I don’t want anything”. Saying “I don’t want nothing”, or really just using double negatives in general, is seen as a less educated form of speech, an idea reinforced by the article by One Minute English where they state that when being interviewed (not being in a casual setting) one should use “I don’t want anything” instead. I do find myself switching to a prescriptively correct version of speech around those I don’t know or that I am trying to impress (ie. new friends, employers, adults, etc) because my form of speech using the double negative is seen as less educated and I am taken less seriously although they effectively mean the same thing. Another reason for this pattern of speech for myself and my family is that we speak Spanish in the house and in Spanish you always use double negatives, “ella no hace nada” directly translates to “she didn’t do nothing” yet people in Spanish speaking countries don’t face nearly the same level of discrimination for using double negatives as we do in English speaking countries.

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"I didn't do anything" is correct in standard English grammar. In many parts of the English-speaking world, people say "I didn't do nothing".

When you have a negative sentence(did not in this case), you need to use "anything". "Nothing" is a word that you can use to make a sentence negative so there is no need to use "did not".

I didn't do anything (meaning and usage)

We often use" I didn't do anything" in the context of excusing ourselves from doing something wrong.
It wasn't me, I didn't do anything.
I didn't do nothing (meaning and usage)

I didn't do nothing is a double negative.

Double negatives can often have a positive meaning but this is not the case in this situation.

When people say "I didn't do nothing" they mean that they didn't do anything wrong.

Nothing is a negative word so you only need to say:

Many people argue around the world that "I didn't do nothing" is uneducated and. It is incorrect grammar but this phrase is common around the English-speaking world and I don't think people should be judged or labeled "uneducated".

We all have different ways of speaking and there is no one way that is correct.

An English exam/Job Interview

If you are taking an exam or doing a job interview, it is best to use "I didn't do anything".

In an English exam, you will receive fewer points as it is incorrect grammar and during a job interview, you are being judged on your ability to communicate among other things.

Is the sentence "I didn't do nothing" correct?

"I didn't do nothing" is grammatically incorrect but common non-standard English. This means that it is common around the English-speaking world even though it is incorrect.

Did nothing or did not do anything?

"Did nothing" and "did not do anything" have the same meaning.
There was a fire in the house but she did nothing. There was a fire in the house but she didn't do anything.
Both sentences have the same meaning.

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"I didn't do nothing" or "I didn't do anything"? Which is correct? - One Minute English

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"I didn't do anything" is correct in standard English grammar. In many parts of the English-speaking world, people say "I didn't do nothing". When you have a negative sentence(did not in this case), you need to use "anything". "Nothing" is a word that you can use to make a sentence negative so there is no ...

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Are "I don't want anything" and "I don't want nothing" the same?

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Jean Rafenski Reynolds's answer: The meaning is the same. "I don't want anything" is Standard English. "I don't want nothing" is colloquial and nonstandard. If you're aiming for a professional career, you need to be careful to use "I don't want anything." "I don't want nothing" is an error calle...

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Another example is the pronunciation of “ll”, "r", and “s” in Spanish. If you asked an Argentinian and a Cuban to both say “my name is __ and you will call me later today” the Argentinian would say, “mi nombre es __ y me [ʃ]amarás más tarde hoy” using the voiceless post alveolar fricative to pronounce the “ll” while the Cuban would say “mi nombre e[]  __ y me [ʎ]amará[] má[] ta[l]de hoy” using the voiced palatal lateral approximant for the “ll’, the post alveolar lateral approximant for the “r”,  and dropping the “s” from the ends of the words completely. While both sentences mean the same thing, the Cuban accent/dialect is seen as worse and less educated than the Argentinian way of speaking. This is because the prescriptively correct way of speaking Spanish is based off of Spain and Mexico and the further an accent varies from those two the worse it is perceived as shown in the study done at FIU. Having my parents be from Argentina and Cuba I have an especially odd accent that I get made fun of for by my friends from Mexico and Spain. While I am comfortable speaking in my accent in front of them, when speaking Spanish in a classroom setting, when tutoring someone, or when meeting someone new or important I do my best to switch to a Spaniard way of speaking to be better perceived.

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Rioplatense Spanish (), also known as Rioplatense Castilian, is a variety of Spanish spoken mainly in and around the Río de la Plata Basin of Argentina and Uruguay. It is also referred to as River Plate Spanish or Argentine Spanish. It is the most prominent dialect to employ in both speech and writing. Many features of Rioplatense are also shared with the varieties spoken in south and eastern Bolivia, and Paraguay. This dialect is often spoken with an intonation resembling that of the Neapolitan language of Southern Italy, but there are exceptions.

As Rioplatense is considered a dialect of Spanish and not a distinct language, there are no credible figures for a total number of speakers. The total population of these areas would amount to some 25-30 million, depending on the definition and expanse.

Rioplatense is mainly based in the cities of Buenos Aires, Rosario, Santa Fe, La Plata, Mar del Plata and Bahía Blanca in Argentina, the most populated cities in the dialectal area, along with their respective suburbs and the areas in between, and in all of Uruguay. This regional form of Spanish is also found in other areas, not geographically close but culturally influenced by those population centers (e.g., in parts of Paraguay and in all of Patagonia). Rioplatense is the standard in audiovisual media in Argentina and Uruguay. In the northeast of Uruguay there exists a variety of Portuguese influenced by Rioplatense Spanish, known as Riverense Portuñol.

The Spanish brought their language to the area during the Spanish colonization in the region. Originally part of the Viceroyalty of Peru, the Río de la Plata basin had its status raised to Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776.

Until the massive immigration to the region started in the 1870s, the language of the Río de la Plata had virtually no influence from other languages and varied mainly by localisms. Argentines and Uruguayans often state that their populations, like those of the United States and Canada, comprise people of relatively recent European descent, the largest immigrant groups coming from Italy and Spain.

Several languages, especially Italian, influenced the criollo Spanish of the time, because of the diversity of settlers and immigrants to Argentina and Uruguay:

1870-1890: mainly Northern Italian, Spanish, Basque, Galician, Portuguese speakers and some from France, Germany, and other European countries.

1910-1945: again from Spain, Southern Italy, Portugal and, in smaller numbers, from across remainder Europe; Jewish immigration-mainly from Russia and Poland from the 1910s until after World War II-was also significant.

English speakers-from Britain and Ireland-were not as numerous, but were a substantial number as well.

European settlement decimated Native American populations before 1810, and also during the expansion into Patagonia (after 1870). However, the interaction between Spanish and several of the native languages has left visible traces. Words from Guarani, Quechua and others were incorporated into the local form of Spanish.

Some words of Amerindian origin commonly used in Rioplatense Spanish are:

From Quechua:

guacho or guacha (orig. wakcha "poor person, vagabond, orphan"); the term for the native cowboys of the Pampas, gaucho, may be related.

choclo/pochoclo (pop + choclo, from choqllo, corn) -- popcorn in Argentina

From Guaraní: pororó-popcorn in Uruguay, Paraguay and some Argentine provinces.

See Influences on the Spanish language for a more comprehensive review of borrowings into all dialects of Spanish.

Rioplatense Spanish distinguishes itself from other dialects of Spanish by the pronunciation of certain consonants.

Like many other dialects, Rioplatense features yeísmo: the sounds represented by ll (historically the palatal lateral /ʎ/) and y (historically the palatal approximant /ʝ/) have fused into one. Thus, in Rioplatense, se cayó "he fell down" is homophonous with se calló "he became silent". This merged phoneme is generally pronounced as a postalveolar fricative, either voiced [ʒ] (as in English or the French j) in the central and western parts of the dialect region (this phenomenon is called zheísmo) or voiceless [ʃ] (as in English or the French ch), a phenomenon called sheísmo that originated in and around Buenos Aires but has expanded to the rest of Argentina and Uruguay.

As in most American dialects, also, Rioplatense Spanish has seseo (/θ/ and /s/ are not distinguished). That is, casa ("house") is homophonous with caza ("hunt"). Seseo is common to other dialects of Spanish in Latin America, Canarian Spanish and Andalusian Spanish.

In popular speech, the fricative /s/ has a very strong tendency to become 'aspirated' before another consonant or pause (the resulting sound depending on what the consonant is, although stating it is a voiceless glottal fricative, [h], would give a clear idea of the mechanism). /s/ may also be aspirated at the end of a word and before another word beginning in a vowel, though this is less common. Word-final intervocalic s-aspiration is more frequent in northern Argentina. For example, esto es lo mismo "this is the same" is pronounced something like [ˈehto ˈeɦ lo ˈmiɦmo], but in las águilas azules "the blue eagles", /s/ in las and águilas might remain [s] as no consonant follows: [las ˈaɣilas aˈsules], or become [h]: [lah ˈaɣilah aˈsuleh].

The phoneme /x/ (written as ⟨g⟩ before ⟨e⟩ or ⟨i⟩, and as ⟨j⟩ elsewhere) is never glottalized to [h] in the Atlantic coast. That phenomenon is common to other coastal dialects in Latin American Spanish, but not the Rioplatense dialect. Rioplatense speakers always realize it as [x].

In some areas, speakers tend to drop the final /r/ sound in verb infinitives and the final /s/ in most words.[citation needed ] This elision is considered a feature of uneducated speakers in some places, but it is widespread in others, at least in rapid speech.

Many Argentinians merge /ɲ/ into /nj/, meaning that huraño "unsociable" and uranio "uranium" are pronounced the same.

is a relatively common allophone of /b/. Some speakers employ it in emphatic pronunciation, especially when pronouncing words spelled with ⟨v⟩.

Aspiration of /s/, together with loss of final /r/, tend to produce a noticeable simplification of the syllable structure, giving Rioplatense informal speech a distinct fluid consonant-vowel-consonant-vowel rhythm:[citation needed ]

Si querés irte, andate. Yo no te voy a parar.

"If you want to go, then go. I'm not going to stop you."

[si keˈɾe ˈite ãnˈdate | ˈʃo no te ˈβoj a paˈɾa]

Preliminary research has shown that Rioplatense Spanish, and particularly the speech of the city of Buenos Aires, has intonation patterns that resemble those of Italian dialects. This correlates well with immigration patterns. Both Argentina and Uruguay have received large numbers of Italian settlers since the 19th century.

According to a study conducted by National Scientific and Technical Research Council of Argentina Buenos Aires and Rosario residents speak with an intonation most closely resembling Neapolitan. The researchers note this as a relatively recent phenomenon, starting in the beginning of the 20th century with the main wave of Southern Italian immigration. Before that, the accent was more like that of Spain, especially Andalusia, and in case of Uruguay, the accent was more like Canarian dialect.

One of the features of the Argentine and Uruguayan speaking style is the : the usage of the pronoun vos for the second person singular, instead of tú. In other Spanish-speaking regions where voseo is used, such as in Chile and Colombia, the use of voseo has at times been considered a nonstandard lower speaking style, whereas in Argentina and Uruguay it is standard.

The second person plural pronoun, which is vosotros in Spain, is replaced with ustedes in Rioplatense, as in most other Latin American dialects. While usted is the formal second person singular pronoun, its plural ustedes has a neutral connotation and can be used to address friends and acquaintances as well as in more formal occasions (see T-V distinction). Ustedes takes a grammatically third- person plural verb.

As an example, see the conjugation table for the verb amar (to love) in the present tense, indicative mode:

^ Ustedes is used throughout most of Latin America for both the familiar and formal. In Spain, outside of Andalusia, it is used only in formal speech for the second person plural.

Although apparently there is just a stress shift (from amas to amás), the origin of such a stress is the loss of the diphthong of the ancient vos inflection from vos amáis to vos amás. This can be better seen with the verb "to be": from vos sois to vos sos. In vowel-alternating verbs like perder and morir, the stress shift also triggers a change of the vowel in the root:

For the -ir verbs, the Peninsular vosotros forms end in -ís, so there is no diphthong to simplify, and Rioplatense vos employs the same form: instead of tú vives, vos vivís; instead of tú vienes, vos venís (note the alternation).

The imperative forms for vos are identical to the imperative forms in Peninsular but stressing the last syllable:

Hablá más fuerte, por favor. "Speak louder, please" (habla in Peninsular)

Comé un poco de torta. "Eat some cake" (come in Peninsular)

When in Peninsular the imperative has one syllable, a vowel corresponding to the verb's class is added (stress remains the same):

Vení para acá. "Come over here" (ven in Peninsular)

Hacé lo que te dije. "Do what I told you" (haz in Peninsular)

Exceptions to this include:

Decime dónde está. "Tell me where it is" (Dime in Peninsular). The second syllable is stressed.

The verb ir (to go) is never used in this form. The corresponding form of the verb andar (to walk, to go) substitutes for it.

The plural imperative uses the ustedes form (i. e. the third person plural subjunctive, as corresponding to ellos).

As for the subjunctive forms of vos verbs, while they tend to take the tú conjugation, some speakers do use the classical vos conjugation, employing the vosotros form minus the i in the final diphthong. Many consider only the tú subjunctive forms to be correct.

Espero que veas or Espero que veás "I hope that you see..." (Peninsular veáis)

Lo que quieras or (less used) Lo que quierás/querás "Whatever you want" (Peninsular queráis)

In the preterite, an s is sometimes added, for instance (vos) perdistes. This corresponds to the classical vos conjugation found in literature. Compare Iberian Spanish form vosotros perdisteis.

Other verb forms coincide with tú after the i is omitted (the vos forms are the same as tú).

Si salieras "If you went out" (Peninsular salierais)

In the old times, vos was used as a respectful term. In Rioplatense, as in most other dialects which employ voseo, this pronoun has become informal, supplanting the use of tú (compare in English, which used to be formal singular but has supplanted the former informal singular pronoun thou). It is used especially for addressing friends and family members (regardless of age), but may also include most acquaintances, such as co-workers, friends of one's friends, etc.

Although literary works use the full spectrum of verb inflections, in Rioplatense (as well as many other Spanish dialects), the future tense tends to use a verbal phrase ( periphrasis) in the informal language.

This verb phrase is formed by the verb ir ("to go") followed by the preposition a ("to") and the main verb in the infinitive. This resembles the English phrase to be going to + infinitive verb. For example:

Creo que descansaré un poco → Creo que voy a descansar un poco (I think I will rest a little → I think I am going to rest a little)

Mañana me visitará mi madre → Mañana me va a visitar mi vieja (Tomorrow my mother will visit me → Tomorrow my mother is going to visit me)

La visitaré mañana → La voy a visitar mañana (I will visit her tomorrow → I am going to visit her tomorrow)

The present perfect (Spanish: Pretérito perfecto compuesto), just like pretérito anterior, is rarely used: the simple past replaces it. However, the Present Perfect is still used in Northwestern Argentina, particularly in the province of Tucumán.

Juan no ha llegado todavía → Juan no llegó todavía (Juan has not arrived yet → Juan did not arrive yet)

El torneo ha comenzado → El torneo empezó (The tournament has begun → The tournament began)

Ellas no han votado → Ellas no votaron (They have not voted → They did not vote)

But, in the subjunctive mood, the present perfect is still widely used:

No creo que lo hayan visto ya (I don't believe they have already seen him)

Espero que lo hayas hecho ayer (I hope you did it yesterday)

In Buenos Aires a reflexive form of verbs is often used - " se viene" instead of " viene'', etc.

In Chilean Spanish there is plenty of lexical influence from the Argentine dialects suggesting a possible "masked prestige" otherwise not expressed, since the image of Argentine things is usually negative. Influences run across the different social strata of Chile. Argentine tourism in Chile during summer and Chilean tourism in Argentina would influence the speech of the upper class. The middle classes would have Argentine influences by watching football on cable television and by watching Argentine programs in the broadcast television. , a "popular" tabloid, regularly employs lunfardo words and expressions. Usually Chileans do not recognize the Argentine borrowings as such, claiming they are Chilean terms and expressions. The relation between Argentine dialects and Chilean Spanish is one of "asymmetric permeability", with Chilean Spanish adopting sayings of the Argentine variants but usually not the other way around. Despite this, people in Santiago, Chile, value Argentine Spanish poorly in terms of "correctness", far behind Peruvian Spanish, which is considered the most correct form.

Some Argentine words have been adopted in Iberian Spanish such as pibe, piba "boy, girl", taken into Spanish slang where it produced pibón, "very attractive person".

Bongiovanni, Silvina (2019), "An acoustical analysis of the merger of /ɲ/ and /nj/ in Buenos Aires Spanish", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, doi:10.1017/S0025100318000440, S2CID 151047029

Coloma, Germán (2018), "Argentine Spanish" (PDF), Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 48 (2): 243-250, doi:10.1017/S0025100317000275, S2CID 232345835

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Rioplatense Spanish (), also known as Rioplatense Castilian, is a variety of Spanish spoken mainly in and around the Río de la Plata Basin of Argentina and Uruguay. It is also referred to as River Plate Spanish or Argentine Spanish. It is the most prominent dialect to employ in both speech and writing.

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Caribbean Spanish ( Spanish: español caribeño, [espaˈɲol kaɾiˈβeɲo]) is the general name of the Spanish dialects spoken in the Caribbean region. The Spanish language was introduced to the Caribbean in 1492 with the voyages of Christopher Columbus. It resembles the Spanish spoken in the Canary Islands, and, more distantly, the Spanish of western Andalusia.

More precisely, the term refers to the Spanish language as spoken in the Caribbean island nations of Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico, as well as on the Caribbean coasts of Panama, Colombia and Venezuela.

Seseo, where /θ/ and /s/ merge to /s/, as in the rest of the Americas, in the Canary Islands and in southern Spain.

Yeísmo, where /ʎ/ and /ʝ/ merge to /ʝ/, as in many other Spanish dialects.

/s/ is debuccalized to [h] at the end of syllables, as is common in the southern half of Spain, the Canaries and much of Spanish America: los amigos [lo(h‿)aˈmiɣo(h)] ('the friends'), dos [ˈdo(h)] ('two'). It may also be elided entirely. Syllable-final [s] is always or mostly pronounced in the formal speech, like TV broadcasts.

Syllable-initial /s/ is also sporadically debuccalized, although this process is documented only in certain areas, such as parts of Puerto Rico: cinco centavos [ˈsiŋkohenˈtaβo], la semana pasada [laheˈmanapaˈsaða].

As a reaction to the stigmatization of s-debuccalization and elision, hypercorrections are frequent. For example, speakers may say catorces año for catorce años '14 years'. These hypercorrections are called hablar fisno 'speaking finely', with an extra, hypercorrect 's'.

/x/ pronounced [h], as is common in Andalusia, the Canary islands and various parts of South America.

lenition of /tʃ/ to [ʃ] mucho [ˈmut͡ʃo]→[ˈmuʃo], as in part of Andalusia or in Chile.

Word-final /n/ is realized as a velar nasal [ŋ] (velarization). It can be elided, with backwards nasalization of the preceding vowel: [pan]→[pã]; as in part of Andalusia.

Deletion of intervocalic and word final /d/, as in many Spanish dialects: cansado [kãnˈsao] ('tired'), nada [ˈnaða]→[ˈna] ('nothing'), and perdido [perˈði.o] ('lost'), mitad [miˈtad]→[miˈta]

Syllable final 'r' has a variety of realisations:

1. lambdacism /ɾ/→[l] porque [poɾke]→ [polke]

2. assimilation to following consonant, causing gemination. carne [ˈkaɾne]→[ˈkanːe], [ˈveɾðe]→[ˈvedːe]. Most notable of Spanish spoken in and around Havana.

3. /ɹ/ is a common realization in middle and upper classes in Puerto Rico under the influence of English.

4. vocalization of /ɾ/ to /j/ hacer [aˈseɾ]→[aˈsej] in the Cibao region of the Dominican Republic.

/r/ is devoiced to [] in the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico: cotorra [koˈtora]→[koˈtor̥a] and realised as a uvular fricative [ʀ], [χ] (uvularization) in rural Puerto Rican dialects

Several neutralizations also occur in the syllable coda. The liquids /l/ and /ɾ/ may neutralize to [j] (Cibaeño Dominican celda/cerda [ˈsejða] 'cell'/'bristle'), [l] (alma/arma [ˈalma] 'soul'/'weapon', comer [koˈme(l)] 'to eat'), or as complete regressive assimilation (pulga/purga [ˈpuɡːa] 'flea'/'purge'). The deletions and neutralizations (/ɾ/→/l/→/j/→∅) show variability in their occurrence, even with the same speaker in the same utterance, which implies that nondeleted forms exist in the underlying structure. That is not to say that these dialects are on the path to eliminating coda consonants since such processes have existed for more than four centuries in these dialects. Guitart (1997) argues that it is the result of speakers acquiring multiple phonological systems with uneven control, like that of second language learners.

In Spanish there are geminated consonants in Caribbean Spanish when /l/ and /ɾ/ in syllabic coda are assimilated to the following consonant. Examples of Cuban Spanish:

As in all American variants of Spanish the third person plural pronoun ustedes has supplanted the pronoun vosotros/vosotras.

Voseo is now completely absent from insular Caribbean Spanish. Contemporary commentators such as the Cuban Esteban Pichardo speak of its survival as late as the 1830s (see López Morales 1970:136‑142) but by the 1870s it appears to have become confined to a small number of speakers from the lowest social strata. In the north west of Venezuela, in the states of Falcon and Zulia, in the north of the Cesar department, in the south of La Guajira department on Colombia's Atlantic coast and the Azurero Peninsula in Panama voseo is still used.

The diminutive (ito, ita) takes the form (ico, ica) after /t/: pato→patico , pregunta→preguntica . BUT perro→perrito .

Possibly as a result of the routine elision of word-final [s], some speakers may use [se] as a plural marker, but generally this tendency is limited to words with singular forms that end in a stressed vowel: [kaˈfe] [kaˈfese] 'coffees', [soˈfa] café 'coffee' → [soˈfase] 'sofas'.sofá 'sofa' →

The second-person subject pronouns, tú (or in Central America) and usted, are used more frequently than in other varieties of Spanish, contrary to the general Spanish tendency to omit them when meaning is clear from the context (see Pro-drop language). Thus, tú estás hablando instead of estás hablando. The tendency is strongest in the island countries and, on the mainland, in Nicaragua, where voseo (rather than the use of tú for the second person singular familiar) is predominant.

So-called "wh-questions", which in standard Spanish are marked by subject/verb inversion, often appear without the inversion in Caribbean Spanish: "¿Qué tú quieres?" for standard "¿Qué quieres (tú)?" ("What do you want?").

Arias, Álvaro (2019). "Fonética y fonología de las consonantes geminadas en el español de Cuba". Moenia. 25, 465-497.

Boyd-Bowman, Peter (1975), "A sample of Sixteenth Century 'Caribbean' Spanish Phonology.", in Milán, William G.; Staczek, John J.; Zamora, Juan C. (eds.), 1974 Colloquium on Spanish and Portuguese Linguistics, Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, pp. 1-11

Guitart, Jorge M. (1997), "Variability, multilectalism, and the organization of phonology in Caribbean Spanish dialects", in Martínez-Gil, Fernando; Morales-Front, Alfonso (eds.), Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages, Georgetown University Press, pp. 515-536

Gutiérrez-Bravo, Rodrigo (2008), "Topicalization and Preverbal Subjects in Spanish wh-interrogatives", in Bruhn de Garavito, Joyce; Valenzuela, Elena (eds.), Selected Proceedings of the 10th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, Somerville, MA: Cascadilla, pp. 225-236

Labov, William (1994), Principles of Linguistic Change: Volume I: Internal Factors, Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers

Lipski, John M. (1977), "Preposed Subjects in Questions: Some Considerations", Hispania, 60 (1): 61-67, doi:10.2307/340393, JSTOR 340393

Lipski, John M. (1993). On the Non-Creole Basis for Afro-Caribbean Spanish.

Lipski, John M. (1997). "En busca de las normas fonéticas del español" (PDF). In Colombi, M. Cecilia; Alarconi, Francisco X. (eds.). La enseñanza del español a hispanohablantes : praxis y teoría (in Spanish). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. pp. 121-132. ISBN 9780669398441.

Cedergren, Henrietta (1973), The Interplay of Social and. Linguistic Factors in Panama, Cornell University

Poplack, Shana (1979), Function and process in a variable phonology, University of Pennsylvania

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Caribbean Spanish ( Spanish: español caribeño, [espaˈɲol kaɾiˈβeɲo]) is the general name of the Spanish dialects spoken in the Caribbean region. The Spanish language was introduced to the Caribbean in 1492 with the voyages of Christopher Columbus. It resembles the Spanish spoken in the Canary Islands, and, more distantly, the Spanish of western Andalusia.

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People in Miami likely judge others on how they speak Spanish, according to a new FIU study.

In the study, participants listened to audio recordings of three native Spanish speakers from Barcelona, Spain; Bogota, Colombia and Havana, Cuba and rated the accents for different attributes tied to income, profession and family background.

People who speak European Spanish are perceived as being more educated, having higher income and having a white-collar job, as well as coming from a family with more money, according to FIU sociolinguist Phillip M. Carter. People who speak Cuban Spanish are perceived as being less educated, having lower income and coming from a family with less money than Spaniards, as well as having blue-collar jobs. People who speak the Colombian variety fall somewhere in between, depending on the category, but participants had the strongest opinions on the European and Cuban varieties.

Carter, an associate professor in FIU's Department of English, says oftentimes, people will identify country of origin based on how someone speaks. Yet, when someone uses language and language differences to make assessments about non-linguistic attributes, including education, employment and income, it may reinforce stereotypes.

"What if instead of participating in a research study, these listeners were in charge of making education, employment, housing or health care decisions?," Carter said. "People can make life-changing decisions based on how others speak. That's a really, really big deal."

Carter points out stigmatized Spanish varieties are associated with countries with large indigenous, black and low-income populations. Spanish varieties with more prestige are associated with countries where people think of themselves as being ethnically European and middle-class. This, Carter says, comes out in the way people perceive each other in Miami.

"On the one hand, I'm not surprised given Eurocentric ideologies that build Spain up as 'la madre patria,' but on the other hand I'm surprised this is happening here in Miami," Carter said. "Cubans have had the most success here, yet people don't embrace Cuban Spanish, at least when making snap judgements about income and employment. You'd think people in Miami would look favorably on it given the successes of Cuban-Americans in these domains."

In Miami-Dade County, where nearly 64 percent of people spoke Spanish at home between 2009-2013, according to the U.S. Census, Cubans and Cuban-Americans are the numerical majority, and they are among the economic and political elite. Compared to other Hispanic groups in the country, Cubans have higher incomes, are more educated, are more likely to own a home, and are more likely to have health insurance.

The study was completed by nearly 300 participants - 67 percent identified as Latino/Latina and 52 percent identified as native Spanish-speakers. Most of the participants were undergraduate college students from FIU. The audio recordings were of three men who read the same passage. Each man is in his early 30s, college-educated in his native country, and has lived and been employed in Miami-Dade County for at least one year.

In the study, participants assessed different statements related to income, employment and family background on a scale of 1 to 5, where one indicates disagreement and five indicates agreement.

On the likelihood of working as an attorney, participants gave the European voice an average of 3.4, the Colombian a 2.8 and the Cuban a 2.7.

On the likelihood of working in a cell phone store, participants gave the Colombian and the Cuban an average of 3.1 and Spaniard an average of 2.6.

On the likelihood of coming from a family that provided opportunities to get ahead, participants gave the European voice an average of 3.7, the Colombian an average of 3.3 and the Cuban an average of 3.2.

On the likelihood of coming from a family that was poor, the Cuban voice was given an average of 3.4, the Colombian an average of 3.3 and the European an average of 2.9.

The Spaniard was assigned an annual income of $62,300, which was $12,625 more per year than the Cuban and $13,125 more than the Colombian.

The study is a collaboration with the University of Texas at Austin. It was recently published in the journalLatino Studiesand is part of a special volume examining different Latino and Latina populations in Miami.

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How people speak Spanish drives judgment, new study finds

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People in Miami likely judge others on how they speak Spanish, according to a new FIU study. In the study, participants listened to audio recordings of three native Spanish speakers from Barcelona, Spain; Bogota, Colombia and Havana, Cuba and rated the accents for different attributes tied to income, profession and family background.

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The first example I found is in Washington Heights of a row of storefronts. I found that in this predominantly Latin neighborhood there were many storefronts written either half or entirely in Spanish. This kind of advertising makes sense for the area the stores are in because a large portion of the population speaks Spanish primarily and may not speak English at all. An example is the “Casa de Empeño” or the pawn shop. On this storefront, all of the big and bold text is in Spanish, ie. “compramos oro y reloj” and “joyeria”, to draw in more people in that neighborhood but because there will always be people that speak just English in these neighborhoods (not growing up speaking Spanish, gentrification, etc.) they included on the windows the phrases “pawn shop” and “we buy gold” in English to ensure they can get the most amount of information across to everyone and increase the number of people who come in. The same principle goes for the bakery next door which advertises they sell “bizcocho para todo tipo de eventos” and “cakes for all types of events” in order to appeal to both Spanish and English-speaking groups. In contrast, my second example is in West Village, one of the most expensive zip codes in the US where the majority of people living there, as well as passing through there, are to a certain extent wealthy and white. On the window of this luxury store, Sandro is advertising for their seasonal sale on their windows entirely in English. They are aware of the kind of people their store attracts (their SES and somewhat correlated with their primary language as well). Having family that doesn’t speak English very well and having grown up around neighborhoods like Washington Heights, I was exposed to Spanish storefronts more often than not as a kid because that is what my non-English speaking family understood best. Because of this, the part of my family that doesn’t speak English perfectly like myself is less likely to enter a store like Sandro and if they do they will likely not be aware there is a sale going on as advertised in the windows. There is also a sense of comfort granted when entering an establishment you know will speak your language and understand you that is not provided in neighborhoods like West Village.

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Something that exemplifies covert prestige is the stereotypical Italian New York accent. The way that Italians from New York pronounce certain words like “mozzarella”, “capicola”, and “sfogliatella” (to name a few examples) is different than is prescriptively correct, ie. differently from mainland Italy. While dropping the last vowel in these words and rounding out sharp plosives to be more velar is not necessarily a bad thing, it is definitely a distinguishing feature of New York Italian speech. This exemplifies covert prestige because it is a feature held by this one group of people in particular and can be easily spotted by outsiders to classify a person as belonging to that group. I feel like this variant is seen as pretty neutral if not slightly negative as it is essentially exclusively blue-collar Italian families that use this variant (which is very neutral) but because of the long history of the mafia in New York, it is also associated with the mob. A friend of mine uses this variant in her day to day as she and her family are New York Italians and she said that growing up, and even to this day, when people meet her and/or her family one of the first things that she is asked is if they are a part of the mafia. Whether they are joking or not is not the problem, the issue is that the first association people have with her speech pattern is something that she and her family have no ties to at all and something that is very negative. She feels most comfortable speaking this way around her family and others that use the same variant as her as this speech pattern is a big part of her identity, but because of the connotation to the mob, when she is in a more professional setting or around people she is not familiar with that don’t speak like her, she will use a more prescriptively correct varient.

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I am choosing to do my paper on ordering. I have collected a few data points but have not been able to reach my target as I have been very sick this week. I am planning on spending a considerable amount of time this weekend and different coffee shops/fast food chains that attract different people (ie. starbucks vs. dunkin) and recording the way the people order as well as their demographic.

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Hi Lola, I'm sorry to hear you've been sick. I'd be happy to meet with you if you need help coming up with a plan to get caught up with data collection.
- Alden

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I am about 3/4 of the way done with collecting data. I have data collected at "high end" cafes like Felix Roasting Co. but would like to get more on more casual places like bodegas/delis or even the pete's coffee shop in Kimmell as well. I am hopeful that I will be done collecting data over the weekend.

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It sounds like you're making good progress, Lola, and I'm confident you'll be able to get all 120 tokens, hopefully before Monday's recitation.
- Alden

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In this article, the author discusses words and phrases that women should include in their vocabulary that they should learn at a young age in an attempt to not be belittled by men daily. While the article is very general and basically recounts anecdotal stories from different women’s conversations with men, I do find it very convincing because I personally encounter and observe this happening to other women every day. As we discussed in class, women do use language differently than men do as women typically use it to foster intimate relationships with the people around them and try not to seem superior to anyone while men do the opposite and feel the need to be seen as superior and independent to the people around them (Tannen’s model). While the women in these examples may be utilizing “women’s language”, it is very clear that the men see them as subordinate which is why they are more likely to talk over a woman than a man. I find it both interesting and disturbing that we need to teach women and girls to say things like “stop interrupting me” and “I just said that” and that I inherently view these phrases as rude when in reality they are just establishing boundaries. While I personally use more secure or “strong” language in my day to day conversations than the average person might, especially with friends and family, I find it sort of ironic that I have been described my whole life as someone who is very confrontational and can come across as intimidating when in reality I just don’t like when people interrupt me and I talk more like a man than how a women supposedly should. While this article is biased in the sense that there is no objectivity when talking about how someone should or should not speak unless we are speaking prescriptively, I do not think it is biased because it is written by a woman about experiences she and other women have had with men and serves as a guideline for how to navigate a male dominated world.

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This article updated from original, which appeared in Role Reboot.

In fifth grade, I won the school courtesy prize. In other words, I won an award for being polite. My brother, on the other hand, was considered the class comedian. We were very typically socialized as a "young lady" and a "boy being a boy." Globally, childhood politeness lessons are gender asymmetrical. We socialize girls to take turns, listen more carefully, not curse and resist interrupting in ways we do not expect boys to. Put another way, we generally teach girls subservient habits and boys to exercise dominance.

I routinely find myself in mixed-gender environments (life) where men interrupt me. Now that I've decided to try and keep track, just out of curiosity, it's quite amazing how often it happens. It's particularly pronounced when other men are around.

This irksome reality goes along with another -- men who make no eye contact. For example, a waiter who only directs information and questions to men at a table, or the man last week who simply pretended I wasn't part of a circle of five people (I was the only woman). We'd never met before and barely exchanged 10 words, so it couldn't have been my not-so-shrinking-violet opinions.

These two ways of establishing dominance in conversation, frequently based on gender, go hand-in-hand with this last one: A woman, speaking clearly and out loud, can say something that no one appears to hear, only to have a man repeat it minutes, maybe seconds later, to accolades and group discussion.

After I wrote about the gender confidence gap recently, of the 10 items on a list, the one that resonated the most was the issue of whose speech is considered important. In sympathetic response to what I wrote, a person on Twitter sent me a cartoon in which one woman and five men sit around a conference table. The caption reads, "That's an excellent suggestion, Miss Triggs. Perhaps one of the men here would like to make it." I don't think there is a woman alive who has not had this happen.

The cartoon may seem funny, until you realize exactly how often it seriously happens. And -- as in the cases of Elizabeth Warren or say, Brooksley Born -- how broadly consequential the impact can be. When you add race and class to the equation the incidence of this marginalization is even higher.

This suppressing of women's voices, in case you are trying to figure out what Miss Triggs was wearing or drinking or might have said to provoke this response, is what sexism sounds like.

These behaviors, the interrupting and the over-talking, also happen as the result of difference in status, but gender rules. For example, male doctors invariably interrupt patients when they speak, especially female patients, but patients rarely interrupt doctors in return. Unless the doctor is a woman. When that is the case, she interrupts far less and is herself interrupted more. This is also true of senior managers in the workplace. Male bosses are not frequently talked over or stopped by those working for them, especially if they are women; however, female bosses are routinely interrupted by their male subordinates.

This preference for what men have to say, supported by men and women both, is a variant on "mansplaining." The word came out of an article by writer Rebecca Solnit, who explained that the tendency some men have to grant their own speech greater import than a perfectly competent woman's is not a universal male trait, but the "intersection between overconfidence and cluelessness where some portion of that gender gets stuck."

Solnit's tipping point experience really did take the cake. She was talking to a man at a cocktail party when he asked her what she did. She replied that she wrote books and she described her most recent one, River of Shadows: Eadweard Muybridge and the Technological Wild West. The man interrupted her soon after she said the word Muybridge and asked, "And have you heard about the very important Muybridge book that came out this year?" He then waxed on, based on his reading of a review of the book, not even the book itself, until finally, a friend said, "That's her book." He ignored that friend (also a woman) and she had to say it more than three times before "he went ashen" and walked away. If you are not a woman, ask any woman you know what this is like, because it is not fun and happens to all of us.

In the wake of Larry Summers' "women can't do math" controversy several years ago, scientist Ben Barres wrote publicly about his experiences, first as a woman and later in life, as a male. As a female student at MIT, Barbara Barres was told by a professor after solving a particularly difficult math problem, "Your boyfriend must have solved it for you." Several years after, as Ben Barres, he gave a well-received scientific speech and he overhead a member of the audience say, "His work is much better than his sister's."

Most notably, he concluded that one of the major benefits of being male was that he could now "even complete a whole sentence without being interrupted by a man."

I've had teenage boys, irritatingly but hysterically, excuse what they think is "lack of understanding" to [my] "youthful indiscretion." Last week as I sat in a cafe, a man in his 60′s stopped to ask me what I was writing. I told him I was writing a book about gender and media and he said, "I went to a conference where someone talked about that a few years ago. I read a paper about it a few years ago. Did you know that car manufacturers use slightly denigrating images of women to sell cars? I'd be happy to help you." After I suggested, smiling cheerily, that the images were beyond denigrating and definitively injurious to women's dignity, free speech and parity in culture, he drifted off.

It's not hard to fathom why so many men tend to assume they are great and that what they have to say is more legitimate. It starts in childhood and never ends. Parents interrupt girls twice as often and hold them to stricter politeness norms. Teachers engage boys, who correctly see disruptive speech as a marker of dominant masculinity, more often and more dynamically than girls.

As adults, women's speech is granted less authority and credibility. We aren't thought of as able critics or as funny. Men speak more, more often, and longer than women in mixed groups ( classrooms, boardrooms, legislative bodies, expert media commentary and, for obvious reasons religious institutions.) Indeed, in male-dominated problem solving groups including boards, committees and legislatures, men speak 75% more than women, with negative effects on decisions reached. That's why, as researchers summed up, "Having a seat at the table is not the same as having a voice."

Even in movies and television, male actors engage in more disruptive speech and garner twice as much speaking and screen time as their female peers. This is by no means limited by history or to old media but is replicated online. Listserve topics introduced by men have a much higher rate of response and on Twitter, people retweet men two times as often as women.

These linguistic patterns are consequential in many ways, not the least of which is the way that they result in unjust courtroom dynamics, where adversarial speech governs proceedings and gendered expression results in women's testimonies being interrupted, discounted and portrayed as not credible according to masculinized speech norms. Courtrooms also show exactly how credibility and status, women's being lower, are also doubly affected by race. If Black women testifying in court adopt what is often categorized as "[white] women's language," they are considered less credible. However, if they are more assertive, white jurors find them "rude, hostile, out of control, and, hence [again], less credible." Silence might be an approach taken by women to adapt to the double bind, but silence doesn't help when you're testifying.

The best part though is that we are socialized to think women talk more. Listener bias results in most people thinking that women are hogging the floor when men are actually dominating. Linguists have concluded that much of what is popularly understood about women and men being from different planets, verbally, confuses "women's language" with "powerless language."

There are, of course, exceptions that illustrate the role that gender (and not biological sex) plays. For example, I have a very funny child who regularly engages in simultaneous speech, disruptively interrupts and randomly changes topics. If you read a script of a one of our typical conversations, you would probably guess the child is a boy based on the fact that these speech habits are what we think of as "masculine." The child is a girl, however. She's more comfortable with overt displays of assertiveness and confidence than the average girl speaker. It's hard to balance making sure she keeps her confidence with teaching her to be polite. However, excessive politeness norms for girls, expected to set an example for boys, have real impact on women who are, as we constantly hear, supposed to override their childhood socialization and learn to talk like men to succeed (learn to negotiate, demand higher pay, etc.).

The first time I ran this post, I kid you not, the first response I got was from a Twitter user, a man, who, without a shred of self-awareness, asked, "What would you say if a man said those things to you mid-conversation?"

Socialized male speech dominance is a significant issue, not just in school, but everywhere. If you doubt me, sit quietly and keep track of speech dynamics at your own dinner table, workplace, classroom. In the school bus, the sidelines of fields, in places of worship. It's significant and consequential.

People often ask me what to teach girls or what they themselves can do to challenge sexism when they see it. "What can I do if I encounter sexism? It's hard to say anything, especially at school." In general, I'm loathe to take the approach that girls should be responsible for the world's responses to them, but I say to them, practice these words, every day:

"Stop interrupting me,"

"I just said that," and

It will do both boys and girls a world of good. And no small number of adults, as well.

Writer

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This article updated from original, which appeared in Role Reboot . In fifth grade, I won the school courtesy prize. In other words, I won an award for being polite. My brother, on the other hand, was considered the class comedian. We were very typically socialized as a "young lady" and a "boy being a boy."

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In this article, the author provides examples of words and phrases that women should remove from their vocabulary because it makes them sound more passive and insecure. This article, like the first one, is also written as an effort to have women not be talked over or dismissed by men. While some of these phrases I have not heard since I was younger, for example saying that someone does something “like a girl”, I do find myself saying the majority of these expressions daily. Something the author prompts the reader to do is to count how many times they say “sorry” in a day and after trying that activity and prompting a male friend to do it as well I found that I said “sorry” 14 times that day while he had said it once (and it was actually a part of an apology because he had stepped on someone's foot while I was apologizing for things like being in someone's way at the grocery store or taking too long to get my NYU ID out). I also found that I said “does that make sense?” and variations of “I’m no expert” very often as well. In reflecting what we learned in class, this article is a way to dismantle Lakoff’s dominance model as these phrases are a part of “women’s language” and they reinforce the idea that we are dismissive, insecure, and inferior to men. This article does not use quantitative data either but I do find it convincing because like the first article, I find myself and the women around me using these phrases multiple times every day. This article is unbiased in the same way the first one is, this article is written by a woman who is speaking from her experience as well as citing other women's experiences and advice.

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13 Phrases Women Need to Remove from Their Vocabulary

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You're much more than your clothes or behavior: What you say conveys the real you. Avoid these phrases to boost your presence and confidence.

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One instance of emojis being used in a referential way is when a friend and I were figuring out what we wanted to do for dinner. After I had suggested that we get Mexican food for dinner, he suggested we get Italian food for dinner instead. He did this by using a spaghetti emoji and a wine glass emoji to reference Italian food as well as using the Italian flag emoji before (which you can very faintly see in the background of the text). I thought this was a very effective way to tell me that he wanted to get Italian food because I immediately understood what the emojis referred to. I find that my friends and I will use emojis in a referential way more often than my parents, aunts, and uncles will since they tend to use emojis as they would likely say something like “let’s have Italian food” followed by those emojis.

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One instance of emojis being used in an expressive way is when a friend had texted me that she and the person she was staying with in New York were both not feeling well and so she had to cancel our plans for that night. For context, we graduated high school together and she currently attends college far from here so due to distance and COVID we have not seen each other in years. To further express her remorse for having to cancel our plan she added the crying emoji. While I do think that she was being sincere and that the emojis were used as a way to further express that, I have found myself and my friends using the same crying emoji as a way to show that we are laughing so hard we are crying and so I felt it was less effective than she had intended. I think using the emoji with tears welling up in its eyes or the emoji with a single tear running down its face would have been more effective because, as far as my understanding goes, those two emojis do not represent anything other than sadness.

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An instance of emojis being used in a phatic way is the use of little emojis to continue a conversation. In this example, my friend used the super happy smiling emoji to show that he was happy with the plans we had made. While I think the emoji did a good job of telling me he was excited, I do not think it was effective in a phatic way since it did not further the conversation or maintain our relationship in the same way as “how are you” or “what’s up” might have. I think that phatic phrases are much more difficult to produce through emojis because I have found that I and the people I text use emojis to supplement our conversations, not to take over them. To use an emoji in a phatic way, there would have to be a societal understanding that certain emojis like the hand waving emoji for example mean “hey” or “what’s up” as opposed to just a wave. If this were the case, then the emoji would be able to take its place in producing a phatic message but since this is not widely accepted to be the case, sending a waving emoji can mean many things (hello, goodbye, hey, etc.).