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Mills, John Stuart (1999). "The Subjection of Women" 

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Mills, John Stuart (1999). "The Subjection of Women" 

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According to Mill, if something is natural, is it just? What differs him from Rousseau?

According to John Stuart Mill, people have historically accepted various forms of governance as natural, but this does not imply that they are correct or just. For example, the domination of men over women is a universal tradition, but this does not mean it should be considered natural. Similarly, the domination of one race or class over others has often been accepted as natural, but Mill argues that it is neither fair nor just. Therefore, "unnatural" often simply means "unusual," and because people perceive the customary as natural, this can perpetuate injustices and inequalities. At the same time, he notes the existence of different natures among people, with some having free natures and others having slave natures. For instance, while the Greeks were considered to have a free nature, barbarian races like the Thracians and Asians were seen as having a slave nature.

In contrast to thinkers like Rousseau, he questions the natural justice of domination and emphasizes the necessity of preserving equality by granting women the same opportunities for development as men. At the same time, Mill emphasizes the importance of understanding the influences that shape human character and highlights that many commonly held beliefs about gender are based on superficial observations and prejudices. He criticizes the tendency to attribute certain characteristics to entire groups of people based on limited evidence or societal norms.

According to Rousseau, the roles that men and women played were naturally determined by their differences, with men usually taking on more active and public roles and women occupying more passive and domestic roles. On the other hand, Mill defended equality of opportunity and freedom for women from male-imposed societal dictates or restrictions, as well as their right to define their roles and professions.

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Why is monarchy not as durable as the subjection of women? Why does Mill believe that women’s subjection is one of the most durable forms of injustice?

Monarchy may not be as durable as the subjection of women for various reasons. Firstly, monarchies often rely on a single individual or family to maintain power, making them vulnerable to internal conflicts, external pressures, and revolutions. Unlike deeply entrenched social systems like the subjection of women, monarchs can be overthrown or changed more easily as they do not permeate every aspect of society and are not dependent on the actions of a single ruler.

Mill argues that the subjection of women is one of the most enduring forms of injustice due to a variety of factors that contribute to its permanence. He points out that the system to which women are subject is universal, unlike absolute monarchy, which has been rejected by some prosperous nations throughout history. This universality demonstrates that the subjection of women is deeply embedded in social structures and norms across cultures and periods. She also emphasizes that it is the male half of the human race that directly benefits from the subjection of women. Unlike absolute monarchy, where power is concentrated in the hands of a single person, the subjection of women provides immediate satisfaction to the dominant group (men) and reinforces its continuity. This common good for a broad segment of society creates a strong incentive to maintain the status quo. Finally, the dynamics of women's subjection operate within close personal relationships, such as families, that encourage control and make resistance difficult. Those who benefit from the subjection of women are strategically positioned to prevent uprisings or challenges, utilizing constant surveillance and intimate power dynamics to maintain the status quo. Together, these factors contribute to the enduring nature of women's subordination, cementing women's status as one of the most enduring forms of injustice, even during social evolution and change.

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Pateman, Carol (1989). "Feminism and Democracy".

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Pateman, Carol (1989). "Feminism and Democracy".

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What are public and private spheres? And how are they related to gender inequality?

The public and private spheres are conceptual divisions that delineate different aspects of social life based on gender roles. The public sphere encompasses activities related to politics, economics, and public discourse, traditionally associated with men. It is regarded as the domain of citizenship and public life. In contrast, the private sphere refers to the realm of the household, family, and personal relationships, traditionally associated with women. It is considered outside the realm of politics and citizenship.These spheres are intimately linked to gender inequality. The division between public and private spheres reinforces and perpetuates traditional gender roles and power imbalances. Women have historically been confined to the private sphere, limiting their access to political power, economic opportunities, and public decision-making processes. This relegation of women to the private sphere assigns them the role of caregivers and devalues their contributions to society. It reinforces the notion that women's primary role is within the family, while men are expected to participate in public and political life. This gendered division restricts women's full and equal participation in society and has been a significant driver of gender inequality.

Overcoming gender inequality requires challenging and dismantling the division between the public and private spheres. It needs to recognize and address the structural and cultural barriers that limit women's opportunities and perpetuate gender roles. Achieving gender equality within democratic societies necessitates reimagining the public and private spheres as interconnected and interdependent, where individuals have equal access to the political, economic, and social spheres of life, regardless of gender. It requires transforming societal norms, policies, and institutions to promote genuine inclusivity and ensure that women's voices and experiences are fully recognized and valued in all aspects of public and political life. Overall, Pateman's analysis underscores the interconnectedness of the public-private divide and gender inequality and highlights the need for transformative change to create a more just and equitable society.

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According to Pateman, what is the biggest failure of liberal writers with respect to gender equality?

According to Pateman, one of the biggest failures of liberal writers regarding gender equality is their neglect of addressing sexual inequality and the patriarchal structure of the liberal state within the framework of democratic theory and practice. Liberal theorists of democracy, whether they support or critique the existing system, often overlook the challenges that arise when attempting to extend liberal principles to women while preserving the division between private and political life, a central tenet of liberal democracy. They fail to consider whether concepts like freedom and consent hold the same meaning and relevance for women as they do for men, thereby implicitly assuming that "individuals" and "citizens" are exclusively male.

This failure is significant because it still perpetuates the marginalization and subordination of women within democratic societies. By not addressing sexual inequality, liberal writers fail to challenge the prevalent social norms, practices, and convictions that undermine the formal political equality of women. They disregard the fact that, despite legal reforms and the introduction of universal suffrage, deeply rooted beliefs and social structures continue to restrict women's full participation and perpetuate gender-based discrimination. By neglecting to confront these issues, liberal theorists overlook the systemic barriers that hinder women from attaining genuine equality within democratic systems.

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Fiona Robinson. “Rethinking Human Security”. 

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Fiona Robinson. “Rethinking Human Security”. 

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The book challenges traditional security studies by examining how normative and ontological views of security reinforce power dynamics and perpetuate conditions of insecurity. It proposes a rethink of security through a critical feminist ethics of care perspective. Critical security studies, including perspectives from schools like Copenhagen, Aberystwyth, and Paris, have often prioritized state discourse and overlooked gendered power dynamic. While these schools address the concept of security in different ways, critical security studies have generally prioritized state discourse and ignored gendered power dynamics. Feminist security studies are a rapidly growing field and includes perspectives from the Global South. Rather than limiting security to individual rights, these studies consider how daily relationships, networks of care, and responsibility create a sense of security. A feminist ethics of care approach highlights the importance of care relationships for safety in everyday life, while showing how gender, race, class, and geopolitics shape accounts of safety. This approach questions dominant discourses by presenting alternative realities and proposes to reframe security as a political theory. It acknowledges different understandings of security beyond state power, especially for marginalized groups. The concept of human security offers a perspective that changes the traditional state-centered security paradigm. This new approach aims to ensure security by meeting the basic needs of individuals, not just limited to military threats. These are often expressed as "freedom from poverty" and "freedom from fear." This concept, which emerged especially in the 1990s, expands the definition of security by directing the attention of the international community to individuals and communities rather than states. However, this approach is also subject to some criticism. Feminists in particular argue that the human security perspective ignores the specific threats women face. They think that issues such as violence against women are not adequately addressed and that human security policies neglect the safety of women. Additionally, it is among the criticisms that human security policies do not take gender inequality into account and do not adequately understand the security needs of women. Besides feminist critiques, some scholars question the normative and theoretical framework underlying the concept of human security. For example, there are those who argue that human security should be addressed with an approach focused on care and relationship rather than a rights-based perspective. This approach emphasizes the relational nature of human existence and suggests that security includes not only the rights of individuals but also networks of care and relationships within society. The ethics of care perspective allows us to rethink human security by challenging concepts that traditionally emphasize the autonomous individual and individual rights. This perspective emphasizes that human existence and security are fundamentally in relationship with others and rejects the dichotomy between the individual and the collective. Instead, it focuses on the interdependence of people and the importance of relationships of responsibility and care. The ethics of care addresses human security as being about the provision of robust, equitable and well-resourced networks of care at various levels, not merely protection from external threats or protection of individual rights. It recognizes that the provision and distribution of care plays an important role in shaping individuals' experiences of safety and insecurity. The perspective of care ethics leads us to examine how attitudes towards care shape our understanding of human security. It emphasizes the importance of caregiving responsibilities in contexts such as conflict, economic restructuring, environmental disasters and health crises. It also emphasizes the need to address power dynamics in the provision and distribution of care and highlights the gendered, racialized, and class-based dimensions of care and caregiving. This perspective allows us to ask critical questions such as who experiences insecurity, how its relational context affects security, and what resources and support systems are needed to create safer communities and societies. This approach requires a better understanding of how social, economic and cultural factors shape experiences of insecurity and the role of care in addressing these. Ultimately, it prompts critical questions about insecurity, its relational context, and the resources needed to create safer communities and societies.

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Thompson, L.,  Ahmed, S., & Khokhar, T., "Defining Feminist Foreign Policy: A 2021 Update."

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Thompson, L.,  Ahmed, S., & Khokhar, T., "Defining Feminist Foreign Policy: A 2021 Update."

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This article analyzes current feminist foreign policies and proposes a comprehensive definition in consultation with feminist activists and academics. The global trend to declare foreign policy feminism is growing, with many countries adopting feminist foreign policies (FFP) and others considering or pledging to implement the policy. Sweden led the way in 2014, followed by Canada, Luxembourg, France, Mexico, Spain, and Libya in 2017. There are rumours or promises that other countries, such as the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Australia, will adopt similar policies. In 2021, the Global Partner Network for Feminist Foreign Policy was announced, aiming to encourage the learning and adoption of a shared framework for feminist foreign policy. However, despite the increasing adoption of feminist foreign policies, there is a lack of clear definitions of what these policies entail. However, the lack of clear definitions of these policies leads some countries to include women and gender in existing paradigms.

Sweden's feminist foreign policy (FFP) is the oldest and most comprehensive, focusing on women's rights, resources, and increased female representation. It covers foreign and national security policies, development cooperation, and trade and promotion. The policy is based on the principle of the "Three Rs" and includes annual action plans addressing human rights, conflict prevention, and economic empowerment. However, it has been criticized for focusing solely on women and ignoring LGBTQIA+ rights.
Canada's journey towards a feminist foreign policy began in 2017 with the launch of the Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP). Canada adopts a broad feminist approach with sectoral policies such as the Trade Diversification Strategy and the Second National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security. Luxembourg's government announced in 2018 that it would implement a feminist foreign policy, focusing on social and political representation of women, equal opportunities in education, employment, social services, health, land and property rights, women's sexual and reproductive health and rights, and the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and intersex people.
France's feminist foreign policy, also known as "feminist diplomacy," is based on three principles: comprehensive, rights-based, and gender-based. The comprehensive approach emphasizes gender inclusion in diplomatic priorities, while the rights-based approach integrates human rights principles into humanitarian and development policies. The gender-based approach incorporates gender equality perspectives into all policies.
Mexico's feminist foreign policy started in 2019 with the speech of the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the United Nations General Assembly. The policy aims to integrate the gender perspective in all areas of foreign policy, combat gender-based violence, and contribute to the foreign policy development of women.
Spain moved up to the sixth position in the world rankings for feminist foreign policy by releasing the Feminist Foreign Policy Guide in 2021. This guide mandates structural changes within the Foreign Service to align internal practices with equity and equal opportunity principles.

At the Generation Equality Forum in Paris, Najla Mangoush, Libya's Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of International Cooperation, pledged to adopt a feminist foreign policy. This made Libya the first African country to take steps in this direction. While Mangoush emphasized that feminist foreign policy will play an important role in ensuring the stability of Libya, she based the roots of the policy on women, peace, and security. Libya plans to implement this policy through various reforms.

Feminist foreign policy has become more widely known in recent years, with countries such as Mexico and Libya adopting it. This demonstrates the opportunities created by a feminist perspective in the field of global cooperation. However, critics raise concerns about the implementation of these policies and the persistence of inequalities. The development of feminist foreign policy requires deeper research and improvements in areas such as intersectionality, rights, resources, representation, research, reporting, and access. At its core, feminist foreign policy prioritizes peace, gender equality, and environmental integrity while challenging colonialist, racist, patriarchal, and male-dominated power structures.

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Blanchard, Eric M. "Gender, International Relations, and the Development of Feminist Security Theory". 

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Blanchard, Eric M. "Gender, International Relations, and the Development of Feminist Security Theory". 

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In this article, the intersection of gender, international relations, and feminist security theory is explored, highlighting the traditional exclusion of women and their concerns from national security discourses. A feminist critique of traditional international relations theories, such as realism, reveals their tendency to marginalize women and overlook gender dynamics. This critique prompts a reconceptualization of security, expanding it beyond military threats to encompass economic, environmental, and social dimensions. By emphasizing the role of masculinity and femininity in shaping security policies, feminist security theory advocates for a more inclusive and comprehensive approach to security. Ultimately, integrating feminist perspectives into international relations contributes to a more equitable and sustainable understanding of security, promoting the active participation of women in shaping security policies for a more peaceful world.

Feminist Security Theory (FST) challenges conventional notions of state protection for women, arguing that the state is complicit in perpetuating gender-based violence and structural inequalities. While the state may offer limited protection, FST contests the idea of protection as a justification for state power, likening it to a protection racket that reproduces hierarchies and structural violence. Moreover, FST criticizes the state's denial of women's agency as societal protectors, reinforcing their role as protected despite potential threats from their ostensible guardians. Structural violence, a key concept in FST, highlights the economic and environmental insecurity faced by individuals due to political and economic oppression. FST emphasizes the need to politicize and challenge such structures while advocating for global economic restructuring to address issues like gendered division of labor and environmental degradation. Additionally, FST rethinks the traditional concepts of peace and war, interrogating the conflation of peace with security and the masculine associations with war. It explores women's roles in wartime, recognizing their experiences as victims, protesters, promoters, and participants. Wartime sexual violence, often overlooked in traditional international relations discourse, is analyzed as a political and symbolic tool used to achieve political goals. Moreover, FST examines women's participation in peace movements and the military, highlighting both the benefits and challenges they face. Masculinity is also scrutinized within FST, revealing how hegemonic masculinities sustain security practices and perpetuate gendered power dynamics. Overall, FST offers a critical lens through which to understand and challenge the gendered dimensions of security, peace, and conflict.

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Walby, S. ‘The European Union and Gender Equality: Emergent Varieties of Gender Regime’.

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Walby, S. ‘The European Union and Gender Equality: Emergent Varieties of Gender Regime’.

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This article examines the effects of the growth of the European Union (EU) on gender equality. The two main problems are the different patterns of inequality in gender relations and the nature of the EU's mandates. These issues question whether the EU's strategy for gender equality only benefits women who conform to traditional male roles. Furthermore, the EU's powers over gender inequality may be influenced by factors such as local decision-making and the impact of globalization. The article presents a variety of views on the EU's partnership in reducing gender inequality. It highlights the influence and limitations of the EU through legal directives on equal treatment in employment. Among these limitations is the fact that the EU's focus on standard employment may neglect women working in non-standard forms of work, and that equal treatment laws can often ignore deep-rooted causes of inequality. Also, issues such as the fact that the EU may differ on gender equality due to institutional differences between member states and that it does not intervene in the main areas of gender inequality are addressed. These limitations emphasize the need to understand the determinants of gender equality and the interaction of different elements within the gender regime. Therefore, it is important to address theoretical debates about gender regimes and the powers of a government in a globalized age. The concept of "gender regime" is approached with different understandings in various disciplines in the social sciences.

The definition of this concept in the field of research and the nature of the relationship between the elements of the gender regime are important. In political science, the concept of "system" in the study of international relations is used to explain the nature of relations between states, and then it turns into the concept of "regime". The nature of the relationship between the elements of the gender regime is also important, and the models range from simple one-dimensional scales to complex structure. It is argued that there is a gender regime transformation from home to public in industrial countries, and the differences of this transformation are examined in three main types: market-oriented, welfare state-oriented and regulatory policy-oriented. To understand the consequences of this transformation, the distinction between the form of gender regime and the degree of gender inequality is important. Moreover, there are two main debates about the potential of the EU to create a gender regime in the context of globalization. The first is whether globalization reduces political and social differences; the second is the necessity of spreading similar values around the world. These debates are considered in the context of social inclusion and feminism, two important political activities and institutions that ensure the uniqueness of the EU. Feminism in Europe generally does not target the state and prefers to establish independent feminist organizations instead of the state. However, in recent years, it has been stated that the focus of feminist politics has turned to the state and legal regulations. An understanding of the EU's mandates and policy-making processes is important for assessing the impact of feminism. It has been stated that feminism is effective in the EU, especially in issues such as employment, and it has been stated that the spheres of influence of the EU's gender equality policies have expanded. There are three types of political pressure groups in civil society to advance women's political interests, such as feminist movements, elected women's representatives, and gender units in the government bureaucracy. The EU's gender equality policies and institutional structure have taken various measures to increase women's political influence and promote gender equality. Among these, the gender equality unit of the EU Commission and the role of the EU Parliament are important. Shortly, the EU's powers are broad and complex, but its equality policies are increasingly deepening and broadening.

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Şirin, T. "Europe, European feminism, and women in Turkey."

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Şirin, T. "Europe, European feminism, and women in Turkey."

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Tekeli's article mentions that Turkey, which has a history full of military dictatorships and an undemocratic constitution, faces significant obstacles to democratization due to its rapidly growing population and underdeveloped economy. She argues that the country is expected to be the most densely populated and youngest member of the European Community by 1995. The country's economy is mainly based on agriculture, and per capita income is low, unemployment is high, foreign debt is high, and inflation rates are high. In this context, the socioeconomic dynamics of regional imbalances and income inequality have become complex. Religion plays a central role in Turkish society. However, approximately one-third of the population consists of Muslims who do not practice their religion. Turkey's relations with Europe improved over time, and it first tried to conclude a cooperation agreement with the European Community in 1959 to avoid being at a disadvantage compared to Greece. However, Turkey's enthusiasm faded after Greece's integration into the EEC was halted by the military junta in 1969. At the same time, Turkey's perceptions of Europe have changed, with Europe now seen as a bastion of human rights and democracy. The admission of Greece, Spain and Portugal to the European Community significantly influenced Turkish public opinion, transforming Europe into a concrete frame of reference based on values such as freedom, equality, solidarity, human rights and democratic participation. Although women in Turkey are diverse in terms of social class, urban or rural origin, region and culture, they face widespread gender inequality. By the early 20th century, Turkish women, like their Western counterparts, advocated for education, employment and voting rights. They identified the reform of the patriarchal family system regulated by Islamic law as a central issue. While the Republican reforms pioneered by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk led to the establishment of a secular state and the elimination of the religious underpinnings of the legal system, they also fostered the perception of "state feminism". This perception suggested that Turkish women had achieved full equality with men and led to the closure of women's organizations such as the Turkish Women's Union in 1935. This marked the end of the first wave of feminism in Turkey. the dominant framework of women's rights activism. The 1960s and 1970s saw a revival of leftist ideas in Turkey, and this also affected Turkish opposition politics. However, the dominance of Stalinist and patriarchal ideologies among these movements prevented the spread of Western feminist ideas. The emergence of young feminist women in Turkey occurred only after the 1980 military coup. Primarily urban, middle-class, and well-educated, these feminist activists began to question gender inequality using concepts such as patriarchal domination, sexism, and sexual discrimination. From the mid-1980s, they launched colorful campaigns to raise awareness of women's issues, including petitions for government action against discrimination, campaigns against domestic violence and sexual harassment, and attempts to establish shelters for battered women. However, these actions were met with ridicule and disdain. In the following years, she contributed to increasing women's awareness of the oppression they were subjected to. Kemalist women initially defended their beliefs but eventually realized the inequalities in the Kemalist reforms, especially the Civil Code. Feminists have advocated amending Article 152, which designates the husband as the head of the family. However, later a distinction emerged between Kemalist and feminist women regarding the secular state. Although both agreed on the importance of democracy and the protection of women's rights, feminists emphasized respect for individual women's choices and were skeptical of radical secularism. Feminist criticism has influenced political parties, including the Social Democratic People's Party, and conservative parties such as the Fair Path Party and the Motherland Party. Finally, she also emphasizes that the Feminist movement has also influenced fundamentalist Islamic women, and some of these women struggle to access educational and professional opportunities without compromising their religious identity, symbolized by the headscarf.

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Diner, C. & Toktaş, S. "Waves of feminism in Turkey."

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Diner, C. & Toktaş, S. "Waves of feminism in Turkey."

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This study also depicts the historical progress of the Turkish feminist movement. It examines the development of this movement in the first, second, and third waves, as well as the contemporary effects of Kurdish nationalism, political Islam, globalization, and international civil society. The evolution of the women's movement in Turkey is explained by making use of three feminist perspectives and waves that parallel similar developments in the Western world. The first wave in Turkey mirrored its Western counterpart, focusing on civil and political rights in line with early 20th-century Kemalist ideals of equality. The second wave, which emerged in the 1980s, reflects the themes of second-wave feminism in the West, addressing issues such as violence against women, sexual oppression, and misrepresentation in the media. The 1990s marked a significant turning point in Turkey's women's movement, as various groups like the Islamist, Kurdish nationalist, and LGBT+ movements emerged, causing divisions within feminism. These movements brought forth different perspectives on women's issues, leading to ideological tensions within the feminist movement. Kurdish nationalism highlighted the dual exploitation faced by Kurdish women within patriarchal tribal systems and by Turkish state policies. Political Islam, on the other hand, criticized Western imperialism and tried to integrate feminist politics with Islamic values, especially through protests against the headscarf ban.

Since the establishment of the Republic in 1923, Turkey has undergone reforms toward modernization and Westernization, including granting women rights like suffrage and legal equality with men. However, the closure of the Turkish Women's Union in 1935 signaled the end of the first wave of feminism. Political turmoil until the 1980s hindered women's political participation, but after the second wave of feminism, women, particularly urban, middle-class professionals, began advocating for change, addressing issues like violence against women. Women's movements led to the establishment of organizations, research centers, and programs focusing on women's issues. The state also took steps to improve women's rights and signed international treaties against discrimination. Since the 1990s, the feminist movement has been influenced by political Islam and Kurdish nationalism, leading to polarization within the movement. Kurdish and Islamist feminists emphasized community-specific issues and critiqued mainstream Turkish feminism. Globalization and NGO-led feminist movements have further shaped contemporary trends in Turkey's feminist movement. Women's NGOs are increasingly effective in promoting social development and rights, but criticisms have emerged regarding their profit-driven nature and hierarchical structures. While the NGOization of feminism has increased interest in women's rights, it has also sparked debates about the effectiveness and direction of these initiatives.

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Code Pink, Raging Grannies, and the Missile Dick Chicks: Feminist Performance Activism in the Contemporary Anti-War Movement

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Code Pink, Raging Grannies, and the Missile Dick Chicks: Feminist Performance Activism in the Contemporary Anti-War Movement

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Kutz-Flamenba’s study considers how feminist performance activist groups such as Code Pink, Raging Grannies, and Missile Dick Chicks used creative protests to challenge traditional gender roles and oppose war. These groups highlight the effects of war on women and criticize the relationship between militarism and patriarchy. Performance activism includes elements such as costumes, skits, songs, and dance. These groups aim to attract and maintain attention by challenging social norms. Overall, her performances subvert traditional notions of femininity and encourage audiences to think about gender, war, and activism.

Feminist performance activism has deep roots in historical movements and is inspired by second-wave feminism and women's activism for a variety of social causes. Examples include the "Miss America" ​​protest in 1969; activists parodied beauty pageants by crowning a live sheep and throwing items symbolizing the oppression of women into the "Freedom Trash Can." Similarly, WITCH (International Women's Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell) challenged gender norms in 1968 by dressing as witches and "bewitching" the New York Stock Exchange. In 1985, Guerrilla Girls emerged in response to a museum exhibition that excluded female artists; She used humor and provocative clothing, such as gorilla masks, to challenge assumptions about women. These historic actions influenced contemporary groups such as Code Pink, whose performances recalled the "Women's Pentagon Protest" of 1980 and included symbolic puppets representing different stages of protest. This continuity highlights the enduring power of feminist performance activism to challenge norms and draw attention to social issues. This feminist performance activism is divided into groups such as Code Pink, Raging Grannies, and Missile Dick Chicks.

Firstly, Code Pink uses performance as a core strategy to engage women in activism and support its agenda. The color pink, symbolizing inclusivity and accessibility, is used at the center of the performances. By making pink clothing readily available, including free items from second-hand stores, participation is encouraged without a significant financial commitment. Their performances range from highly structured actions, such as forming the word "peace" with naked bodies, to more spontaneous and fluid activities, such as walking with giant puppets. These performances blur the lines between artists and observers, inviting participation and emphasizing collective action. Code Pink's performances aim to increase participation and expand the organization by presenting a non-threatening image of female activists as pacifist caretakers. The use of pink reassures observers as it challenges gender norms by combining civil disobedience with traditional feminine imagery.

Raging Grannies, on the other hand, uses performance as a form of activist expression. He uses satire and songs to convey political messages. They emerged in Victoria, British Columbia in 1986 and have spread globally, forming "crowds" of activist groups. Their philosophies emphasize the power of older women to challenge societal norms and address a variety of social and environmental issues. Their performances often include traditional grandmotherly attire, including floral dresses and shawls, reinforcing their old lady identities. At the heart of their activism is the rewriting of familiar folk tunes with politically charged lyrics. These satirical songs are performed during protests, inviting the audience to participate and blurring the lines between performers and observers. Raging Grannies challenge stereotypes of older women and break gender norms by maintaining the character of maternal and caring figures while delivering confrontational lyrics. Their performances aim to subvert expectations by highlighting the wisdom and agency of older women in social and political activism.

Missile Dick Chicks, a New York-based artist-activist group, employs a distinct presentation strategy compared to Code Pink and Raging Grannies. They challenge gender norms broadly, wearing bright red, white, and blue costumes with "Missile Dicks" extending from the pubic area. Each costume involves significant time and material investment. Their formal performances include singing and dancing routines with lyrics altered to reflect anti-war and anti-Bush sentiments. Unlike Code Pink and Raging Grannies, who use traditional or maternal imagery, Missile Dick Chicks deliberately undermine gender norms, portraying stereotypical conservative housewives in patriotic attire with exaggerated negative traits. Their costumes link militarism with masculinity and satirize women who support the militaristic and capitalist status quo. Through their bold and provocative performances, they challenge societal expectations and confront gendered notions of power, war, and activism, emphasizing the intersection of gender, militarism, and capitalism to provoke thought and spark debate.

Feminist performance activist groups such as Code Pink, Raging Grannies, and Missile Dick Chicks found success by effectively integrating their gender-focused messages into the anti-war movement. Their performances attracted the attention of the mass media and protesters alike and contributed to the legitimation of their agenda through media coverage. These groups used different strategies to attract audience attention. While Code Pink encouraged participation with less formal performances, the Raging Grannies and Missile Dick Chicks preferred to create a formal distinction. The success of each is evident in their high visibility, media attention, popularity and rapid growth. However, as performances become more formal, a situation may arise where boundaries between participants and audiences become rigid and spontaneous participation may be inhibited. Therefore, to attract new supporters, it is important for performance activist groups to rely on accessible and transferable costumes and fluid performance boundaries. In the future, important questions will arise regarding the role of feminist organizing within social movements addressing issues such as war and militarism. Additionally, debates regarding the strength of the narrowly structured feminist concept of the women's movement will continue. Exploring these issues through further scholarly work will help us better understand the dynamics of contemporary activism and its impact on social change.

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Krook, Mona Lena.  "Violence Against Women in Politics." 

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Krook, Mona Lena.  "Violence Against Women in Politics." 

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This study highlights the significant progress made in women's democratic political participation worldwide in recent years. Despite progress in women's political participation, there is a disturbing trend of physical attacks, intimidation and harassment against female politicians, activists and voters. These disturbing actions pose a serious threat to democracy by aiming to restrict women's political participation and reinforce gender norms. Traditionally, society has associated men with the public sphere of politics and women with the private sphere such as home and family, leading to hostility towards female leaders. While some women accept sexism and misogyny in politics as a cost of doing business, attitudes are changing as more attention is drawn to the obstacles women face. Female politicians, activists, and voters face unique challenges, including sabotage of political campaigns, online bullying of feminist activists, and coercion of female citizens by religious or traditional leaders. These efforts aim to exclude women from political life and send the message that women should not participate in politics. Furthermore, attacks on women in Politics are attacks on democracy itself, violating the rights of half the world's population and undermining the integrity of the electoral process. Tackling these abuses is vital to achieving gender equality and promoting strong democracies.

Violence against women in politics is a global problem that affects elected officials, journalists, activists, and voters. Despite efforts to address this issue through normative statements, action plans, and training programs, it remains a significant challenge. Women in politics face various forms of violence, including physical assault, intimidation and harassment, aimed at silencing them and discrediting their leadership. These attacks often stem from misogynistic attitudes and aim to preserve traditional gender roles and undermine democratic institutions. Cultural factors and the capacity of the state also affect the prevalence and forms of violence against women in politics. In this article, violence against politically active women is classified in five main forms: physical, sexual, psychological, economic and symbolic. These forms aim to exclude women from public life and can often overlap or escalate if one form does not achieve its intended effect. Addressing this multifaceted issue requires comprehensive strategies at national, regional and global levels to protect women's rights and ensure their full participation in political life. Additionally, violence against politically active women includes physical, sexual, psychological, economic and symbolic violence, targeting women as women, undermining democracy and deterring their participation in public life. Perpetrators of violence can include political opponents, criminals, community and religious leaders, security forces, and even women's party colleagues and family members. At the same time, addressing violence against politically active women is vital to upholding democratic principles and human rights. Joint efforts are needed to expose and condemn such violence and to create environments where women can freely and safely participate in politics.