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Why are teen shows getting darker and darker? 

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Why are teen shows getting darker and darker? 

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-Teen drama has changed dramatically in the past 10 to 20 years. While Buffy the Vampire Slayer paved the way for teen horror in the late-'90s to early-2000s, it certainly wasn't the norm as far as teen television goes.
-That doesn't mean that horrific events didn't intrude on these soapy realities: In one dramatic episode of One Tree Hill, the students of Tree Hill High School survive a school shooting. Degrassi, too, included a school shooting episode, leading to the character (played by Drake, actually) losing his ability to walk.
-While the shows might delve into serious topics relevant to teenagers today—sex, drugs, relationships—everything is presented through the lens of horror and noir.
-these outlandish plot points may be reflective of the problems teenagers face today—political and personal crises more sinister than those encountered in the '90s and early 2000s.

Found in an educational journal article

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Why Are Teen TV Shows Getting Darker And Darker?

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Hallucinations, seizures, shootings, stabbings, a drug called "fizzle rocks"-these are just some of the things the students at Riverdale High are dealing with on this season of the CW's Riverdale. Taking place under the noir narration of South Side Serpent gang leader and lead character, Jughead Jones, the show is just one example of the dark, gothic trend of teen television today.

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Mental health representation in graphic novels 

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Mental health representation in graphic novels 

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-"Has the potential for destigmatizing mental health issues" through representation in comics
-Such accounts have become increasingly common since the 2000s, not only in the United States
-Examples include Bitter Medicine: a graphic memoir of mental illness (2010), published in Canada by a pair of brothers, one of whom suffered schizophrenia at a time when mental healthcare in Canada was not being recognized very well
-As more comics portray mental illnesses in a sympathetic way, more mental health patients and their
caregivers could feel comfortable sharing their stories through comics, too.

This was found in an educational paper from Providence College

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-The more TV shows portray mental health issues onscreen, the more viewers will hopefully be aware and empathetic of disorders offscreen.
- EX: This is Us
"The show is letting people see that everybody from every walk of life could potentially be feeling the same way that you are or suffering from this in some form or another,"
-Never has an animated series felt so real. Netflix's Bojack Horseman beautifully captured self-sabotaging tendencies driven by depression.

Found on a blog from a qualified source

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Keep scrolling to see our top picks for how TV has handled mental health storylines that made us feel less alone.

uniquely lives up to its name in spotlighting mental health. Perfectionist Randall (Sterling K. Brown) suffers from panic attacks, while brother-in-law Toby (Chris Sullivan) battled depression in season four. The family also grapples with multi-generational addiction, post-traumatic stress disorder and body insecurity. Star Mandy Moore even applauded the series portrayals of relatable-and often overlooked-mental health concerns.

"The show is letting people see that everybody from every walk of life could potentially be feeling the same way that you are or suffering from this in some form or another," Moore told Huffington Post in 2019. "I hope that by talking about it on this big television show, that people can see it's not something that should be stigmatized. We have the ability to talk about it, see it and recognize that it's normal...There are means to getting through it. Realize that you do matter."

The FX series was, at one point, was the best thing on TV. It's a bold statement, but for a twisted love story about two people who seemingly hate each other, You're The Worst was gloriously bingeable. From dealing with military veteran PTSD experiences to obsessive emotional turmoil, Worst wasn't afraid to show the "ugly" sides of people. Yet it was Gretchen ( Aya Cash) and her series-long challenge to live with clinical depression that felt the most relatable. Cash's magnificent performance that oscillated between sarcastic public relations boss babe hustler and a woman who couldn't get out of bed redefined the term dark comedy. Showrunner Stephen Falk revealed that the series wanted to focus on Gretchen's "coping mechanisms" and how even her relationship with Jimmy ( Chris Greere) couldn't miraculously cure her depression.

"That's one of the most common complaints from people suffering from clinical depression: that people want it to be over and that's not how it works," Falk explained to The Hollywood Reporter in 2015. "It's easy to write a very complex, f--ked up character and not get a hint into the origin or the issues that lead to someone burning down their apartment, constantly getting DUIs or never being able to get the UPS tags off their door. When we started thinking about depression, it clicked and made a lot of sense. A lot of people in the creative community suffer from that, and we have a lot of experience with it."

This perhaps lesser-known series premiered in March 2020 but quickly made waves with BBC fans. In My Skin tells the story of a Welsh teenager struggling to find her identity while grappling with her mother's debilitating bipolar disorder. The critically-acclaimed series was somewhat autobiographical for creator Kayleigh Llewellyn, who based the dynamic after her own relationship with her mom who suffered from bipolar disorder Type 1. In My Skin uniquely showcases not only those struggling with mental health disorders but also their friends and family affected by the diagnosis.

"The love you have for your mother or father is so deep-seated, there's a contradiction: you love the person, but you also feel ashamed of them, because you're a teenager and you don't know any better," Llewellyn shared with The Guardian. "To give an accurate representation of what it is to care for someone who's mentally ill, you have to show it warts and all. I hope that anyone who has either mental health issues or has been a carer for a mentally ill person just feels seen. That they watch it and say 'Someone gets me'-and feel a hand on their shoulder."

Despite having "crazy" in the title, the CW series did succeed in showcasing mental health disorders with a clear and honest take. It helped that Rebecca ( Rachel Bloom) was also just so lovable as a character. The series shifted from depression, fixation and anxiety, to revealing Rebecca's borderline personality disorder diagnosis. With songs (yes, it is a musical!) like "Antidepressants Are So Not a Big Deal," Crazy doesn't make mental health seem so...crazy.

Creator Bloom credited 1995 film Welcome to the Dollhouse with inspiring her to write Crazy. " Welcome to the Dollhouse was the closest thing I saw at the time to how I actually felt-this darkness, this feeling of being 'other'-ed," Bloom told "So I hope my honesty helps other people come to terms with themselves."

Never has an animated series felt so real. Netflix's BoJack Horseman beautifully captured self-sabotaging tendencies driven by depression. Titular character BoJack, voiced by Will Arnett, is a washed up sitcom star whose career has been plagued with drug dependency, existential crises and apathy. BoJack's descent into his troubled past and family history is unparalleled, and creator Raphael Bob-Waksberg harnessed the medium of animation to illustrate (literally) the effects of mental illness. The Emmy-winning series concluded after six seasons in 2020, and audiences are still reeling from the masterpiece that Bob-Waksberg helmed.

"I am proudest of my show...when people have told me, 'I talk about your show with my therapist to describe how I am feeling. Your show gives me language to identify the way that I see the world that before now I was unable to articulate,'" he explained to "If our show can be a way for people to go, 'Oh, I'm kind of like that part of it too, even if the whole thing doesn't apply to me but that part of it speaks to me. What does that mean about me? Are there ways to change that and who can I talk to about that now that I see that this is a thing that is not just about me?' I think that is a good thing."

Lena Dunham has become known for many things over the years, but one of her greatest contributions to the screen has been giving a voice to those with Obsessive Compulsive Disorder. In , Dunham's Hannah Horvath truly struggles with OCD, and it's not presented for comedic purposes which past TV franchises have thrived on. Dunham discussed why she wanted to bring her personal struggle with the anxiety disorder to the surface, calling it "scarier than any sex scene" to film.

"Obsessive-compulsive disorder doesn't follow any rules of logic. I wish my OCD had been helpful enough to force me to organize my socks," Dunham described to NPR. "When you talk to somebody who has OCD, their habits are super specific, and so I wouldn't really know how to perform anybody else's version of it. I kind of just had to do my own and hope it translated." Who else can't stop thinking about that heartbreaking Q-tip scene with Adam (Adam Driver) rushing to the hospital?

The Netflix series was chock full of A-listers like , Justin Theroux and Sally Field but it was lead star and his performance as Owen, a newly-diagnosed schizophrenic, that grounded the show. Writer Patrick Somerville adapted the story from a Norwegian series of the same name, and added in his own personal experiences with mental health professionals like his neurologist father and psychotherapist wife.

"There's this thing that happens where when somebody becomes 'other' - the rest of the people in the family can't love him [or] her properly anymore," Somerville explained to . "It's like a slow letting go of love and support, and it's somewhat not intentional, but every person who's involved in it has a different relationship with it. All of that was really fascinating to me in telling Owen's story and in trying to tell a story that people with mental illness would respond to."

In the Amazon Prime Video anthology series Modern Love, Anne Hathaway gave a scene-stealing performance as woman with bipolar disorder trying to date. Through manic soaring highs involving dance sequences to the dreary lows of depression, the episode powered through the entire range of emotions. For the actress, the role "wrecked" her emotionally. "For a month afterwards, I couldn't find my equilibrium," the Oscar winner said during the 2019 TV Critics Association press tour. "It expanded my compassion so much for people that have no choice in this matter, and it made me really honored to be asked to be a part of this story."

OCD comes in many forms, but most diagnoses are coupled with intrusive thoughts. The HBO Max series Pure-based on Rose Cartwright's titular book-spotlights a specific type of OCD based in X-rated, out of control thinking. Part coming of age story, part mental health PSA, Pure is packed with plenty of laughs but also solemn moments of feeling trapped in one's own mind.

Screenwriter Kirstie Swain detailed the "challenge of taking the very interior experience of mental illness and translating it into action on TV" and staying true to the disorder itself. "OCD is also a very repetitive disease," Swain told Channel 4. "It doesn't have a beginning middle and an end. Intrusive thoughts don't just neatly resolve themselves in a three-act structure, and that was something that was also a big consideration when we were developing the show and in addressing the real condition versus the fictional stories. This show is ultimately about finding your people and if one person watches it and feels less alone, then I'll be happy."

Peacock is live now! Check out NBCU's streaming service here.

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How TV Shows Are Tackling the Relatable Struggle of Mental Health - E! Online

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Keep scrolling to see our top picks for how TV has handled mental health storylines that made us feel less alone. Peacock is live now! Check out NBCU's streaming service here.

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Can representation in TV shows help teens with mental health? 

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Can representation in TV shows help teens with mental health? 

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-Popular television shows and movies can bolster teenagers' mental health and help them cope with bullying, sexual assault, suicidal thoughts, substance abuse and depression when these issues are depicted with empathy and appropriate resources are provided, a report published today by UCLA's Center for Scholars and Storytellers shows.
-Recent research has shown that children between the ages of 11 and 17 are more likely than any other age group to report moderate to severe anxiety and depression
-The center conducted several studies examining Netflix's controversial series "13 Reasons Why," a teen drama that first aired in 2017 and drew both worldwide acclaim and condemnation for its graphic depictions
-Nearly all the teens — 62 of 68 — who watched the program reported having looked for information on mental health topics related to what they saw. A vast majority of them also reported discussing the issues it raised with others — especially suicide, mental health and bullying. (When watching 13 Reasons Why)

From a journal article

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Popular television shows and movies can bolster teenagers' mental health and help them cope with bullying, sexual assault, suicidal thoughts, substance abuse and depression when these issues are depicted with empathy and appropriate resources are provided, a report published today by UCLA's Center for Scholars and Storytellers shows.>

And the need is great. Recent research has shown that children between the ages of 11 and 17 are more likely than any other age group to report moderate to severe anxiety and depression, said Yalda Uhls, founder and executive director of the center and an adjunct assistant professor of psychology.

Even before the pandemic, teen suicide rates were rising, along with reported symptoms of anxiety and depression, she noted. At the same time, nearly half of young adults say they still perceive a stigma attached to receiving mental health treatment.

The center conducted several studies examining Netflix's controversial series "13 Reasons Why," a teen drama that first aired in 2017 and drew both worldwide acclaim and condemnation for its graphic depictions of suicide, sexual assault, domestic violence, bullying, homelessness and school shootings. Uhls and her team wanted to learn how the program impacted the mental health of teens who viewed it.

In a study of 157 children between the ages of 13 and 17 from across the country, 68 watched Season 3 of "13 Reasons Why," while the others did not. All participants completed a survey at the beginning of the study about mental health, depression, bullying, sexual assault and related topics and another at the end that asked, among other questions, whether they had sought out information about these issues.

The group that watched the show also answered questions about whether, and with whom, they discussed the show and whether what they viewed led them to seek further information on the topics raised.

Nearly all the teens - 62 of 68 - who watched the program reported having looked for information on mental health topics related to what they saw. A vast majority of them also reported discussing the issues it raised with others - especially suicide, mental health and bullying.

"Our research found that when teens watch TV shows that portray mental health issues, they actually talk about it with their peers, parents and partners," Uhls said. "Our results demonstrate that these kinds of challenging and realistic stories inspire youth to talk about and learn more about mental health."

The average age of participants was 15; 52% were female and 48% male. About 55% were white, 19% were Hispanic, 17% were Black and slightly more than 6% identified as multiracial.

The study, which is highlighted in the Center for Scholars and Storytellers report, has been accepted for publication in the Journal of Medical Internet Research and is scheduled to be published in August.

The center also commissioned a study by media research and analytics company MarketCast that tracked more than 1.29 million Twitter mentions of "13 Reasons Why" over a total of three weeks to examine the conversation surrounding the show on social media.

Among the findings: Social engagement was particularly high when the show's actors provided mental health resources, like when Devin Druid, who plays one of the main characters, posted resources and shared an article in which he discussed sexual assault. Viewers also used posts of emotionally charged scenes and behind-the-scenes content on social media to engage in conversations about difficult subjects.

In addition, the show's producers created a website featuring videos by the actors, crisis-line numbers and links to resources to help viewers navigate the topics raised in various episodes.

The report recommends that, like the producers of "13 Reasons Why," studios create and provide credible, engaging resources with accurate information to accompany TV shows and films designed for teens that address mental health and related issues. Examples include toolkits developed by public health experts that are designed to support teens as they discuss these issues with parents and friends.

Uhls said she hopes the center's new research will inspire efforts by film and television executives to produce meaningful shows that improve viewers' lives.

"Together, we can normalize talking about mental health by bringing together scholars and content creators to unlock the power of research-informed storytelling," she said. "This study provides much-needed evidence to advance the conversation about how a popular show can impact adolescent mental health and the lessons to be drawn from it. Accurate information combined with compelling storytelling works well."

Co-authors of the report are Jordan Levinson, a UCLA graduate student in psychology; Laurel Felt, a senior fellow with the center; Elise Tsai, a UCLA research assistant; and Ellen Wartella, a professor of communication at Northwestern University.

Melinda French Gates' Pivotal Ventures and the University of Wisconsin-Madison's Technology and Adolescent Mental Wellness program funded the center's mental health initiative, of which the current report is a part.

The center published a report earlier this year assessing the values emphasized by television programs popular with tweens over each decade from 1967 to 2017.

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Can TV shows help teens navigate bullying, depression and other mental health issues?

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Popular television shows and movies can bolster teenagers' mental health and help them cope with bullying, sexual assault, suicidal thoughts, substance abuse and depression when these issues are depicted with empathy and appropriate resources are provided, a report published today by UCLA's Center for Scholars and Storytellers shows.> And the need is great.

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Attitude of teens while watching a movie (Blog from a qualified source)

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Attitude of teens while watching a movie (Blog from a qualified source)

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-Using a number of characteristics related to the motivational, emotional and cognitive spheres, significant changes were revealed.
-After watching the film, postgraduate students’ attitudes towards elderly people changed in a positive way, while undergraduate students’ negative assessments only worsened. The revealed opposite trends can be explained by individual differences of respondents, which include age
-However, the question of the efficiency of films remains open in psychology. In general, this is a key issue for mass communication research: how much emotion, cognition and behavior are changed under the influence of mass media

From the National Library of Medicine

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Abstract

Nowadays films occupy a significant portion of the media products consumed by people. In Russia, cinema is being considered as a means of individual and social transformation, which makes a contribution to the formation of the Russian audience's outlook, including their attitudes towards topical social issues. At the same time, the question of the effectiveness of films' impact remains an open question in psychological science. According to the empirical orientation of our approach to the study of mass media influence, our goal was to obtain new data on the positive impact of films based on specific experimental research. The task was to identify changes in the attitudes of young people, as the most active viewers, towards topical social issues after watching a specifically selected film. Using a psychosemantic technique that included 25 scales designed to identify attitudes towards elderly people, respondents evaluated their various characteristics before and after watching the film. Using a number of characteristics related to the motivational, emotional and cognitive spheres, significant changes were revealed. At the same time, significant differences were found in assessments of the elderly between undergraduate students and postgraduate students. After watching the film, postgraduate students' attitudes towards elderly people changed in a positive way, while undergraduate students' negative assessments only worsened. The revealed opposite trends can be explained by individual differences of respondents, which include age, educational status as an indicator of individual psychological characteristics, the experience of interaction with elderly people and, as a result, attitudes towards elderly people at the time before watching the movie. The finding that previous attitudes mediate the impact of the film complements the ideas of the contribution of individual differences to media effects. Most of the changes detected immediately after watching the movie did not remain over time. A single movie viewing did not have a lasting effect on viewers' attitudes, and it suggests the further task of identifying mechanisms of the sustainability of changes.

Keywords: psychology of cinema, influence of mass media, impact of films, attitudes, attitudes towards elderly people

1. Introduction

With the development of information technology, a person's immersion in the field of mass media is steadily increasing. A significant portion of consumed media products is occupied by cinema. According to sociological surveys, going to the cinema is the most popular way of spending leisure time in Russia today ( http://www.fond-kino.ru/news/kto-ty-rossijskij-kinozritel/); the audiences of cinemas are growing, the core of which are 18-24 years olds, as well as the frequency of visits-every tenth Russian goes to the cinema several times a month ( https://wciom.ru/index.php?id=236&uid=1785; https://wciom.ru/fileadmin/file/reports_conferences/2018/2018-04-03_kino.pdf; http://www.fond-kino.ru/news/portret-kinoauditorii-rezultaty-monitoringa-za-i-kvartal-2019-goda/), the opportunities and frequency of Internet viewings is expanding, while interest in TV shows is also increasing. The importance of the role that cinema plays in Russia is also confirmed by the close attention currently being paid to the development of the cinema industry: the priority topics of state financing are defined (e.g., "Law and order: the heroes of modern society in the fight against crime terror, extremism and corruption", "On the continuity of military generations, on the successors of military traditions", "Images, patterns of behavior and creative motivation of our contemporary-a man of labor, in the military or a scientist"), while state programs are being launched to open new cinema theatres in small towns. Сinema becomes a "tool for broadcasting state ideology to the masses" (according to S. Zizek [ 1]), and is also being considered as a "means of individual and social transformation" (according to T. Kashani [ 2]) [ 3]. As a result, films are expected to form beliefs, influence opinions and change attitudes, including towards topical social issues.

However, the question of the efficiency of films remains open in psychology. In general, this is a key issue for mass communication research: how much emotion, cognition and behavior are changed under the influence of mass media [ 4, 5]. There are various concepts about this: from "theories of a minimal effect" to "theories of a strong effect" [ 6]. Thus, for example, cultivation theory considers that mass communication contributes to the assimilation of commonly accepted values, norms and forms of behavior [ 7]; and a meta-analysis of studies leads to the conclusion that there is a relationship between the broadcast mass media image of reality and people's attitudes towards it [ 8, 9]. Despite criticisms, cultivation theory is currently being developed [ 10, 11, 12, 13]. On the other hand, supporters of the opposite viewpoint point out the weak effects of mass communication, caused, for example, by the fact that people are becoming more and more subject of their mass media activity as a result of a wider variety of sources of information now and expanding their choices [ 14, 15].

It seems difficult to identify a single mechanism of mass media impact on the human psyche and behavior and to obtain an unambiguous answer to the question about its efficiency [ 6]. This is due to the interconnection of various factors that mediate the influence of mass media (personal experience, realistic content, depth of identification with heroes, personality traits, etc.) [ 16, 17, 18], as well as those factors that constantly impact persons besides those in the media. Therefore, our thoughts and ideas about this issue are largely based on empirical research data, and are not limited to one theory [ 19].

When referring to research of cinema, we can find data on the diverse effects of film exposure. It should be noted that the effectiveness of the impact is determined by what it is directed at: it is more difficult to change human behavior than to influence opinions or attitudes [ 4, 6]. In this regard, there is still a debatable problem on the influence of the media on the aggressive behavior of people [ 20]. This research focuses on the potential of pro-social, "humanistic" impact of films and their effectiveness in solving topical social issues. The studies reveal the influence of films on people's beliefs and opinions, stereotypes and attitudes. Movies can have a significant impact on gender and ethnic stereotypes [ 21, 22], change attitudes towards certain groups of people and cause newly formed opinions on various issues. For example, HIV films contributed to sympathy to people living with HIV [ 4], TV series with transgender characters contributed to positive attitudes towards transgender persons [ 23]; the portrayal of mental disorders in movies had an effect on people's knowledge about and attitudes toward the mentally ill [ 24, 25]. Also, viewing an empathy-arousing film about immigrants induced more positive attitudes toward them [ 26], and watching a movie offering a positive depiction of gay men reduced homophobia [ 27]. Other films influenced people's attitude towards smoking and their intentions to quit [ 28, 29], while a series with a positive donation message helped viewers to make decisions about their own donation [ 30]. It has been shown that emotional involvement in viewing, evaluated using surveys drawing on theories of social learning and social representations, increases the effectiveness of influence [ 30]; immersion in narrative, that correlates with the need for cognition, and is characterized by a shift of focus from the real world to the depicted one, explains the power of impact within the framework of transportation theory [ 31, 32].

Cinema can change people's opinions on specific issues without affecting more stable constructs: for example, the film "JFK" dedicated to the Kennedy assassination influenced judgments about the causes of this crime, but generally did not change the political beliefs of the audience [ 33]; at the same time, the movies "Argo" and "Zero Dark Thirty" changed viewers' opinions about the U.S. government that reflected in an improvement in sentiments about this government and its institutions [ 34]. Movies create images of other countries and stimulate interest in them. For example, European films shaped young viewers' ideas about other European countries-such results were obtained in a study of the role of films and series in the daily life of young Germans through interviews and focus groups [ 35]. Another study showed that whether the movies were violent, scary or happy, the more the viewers were immersed in the stories, the more favorable impressions they had of the places featured in them [ 36].

Various positive effects of films on children and adolescents were revealed. Dramatic films taught teenagers about social interaction with the opposite sex and adults [ 37], had a positive impact on their self-concept [ 38], and, as shown by experiments, increased ethnic tolerance [ 39]; humanistically oriented movies improved skills of children in communicating with peers, increased their desire to help and understand others [ 40, 41].

One of the prime examples of positive impact is Cli-fi movies, which clearly show what we can expect in the near future, and offers ways to think about what can be done to avoid the darkest predictions. Thus, after watching the film "The Day After Tomorrow" (2004), viewers recognized their responsibility for the Earth's ecology and the need to change consumer attitudes towards nature [ 42]. In general, the screening of films on climate issues increases the number of online requests and media discussions on these issues [ 43].

It should be noted that when analyzing the impact of films, conclusions about their effectiveness are the result of different methodological approaches, which have varying advantages and limitations. Content analysis reveals the images, attitudes, stereotypes broadcast by films (e.g., stereotypical portrayals of India [ 44], or images of scientists and current scientific ideas [ 45]) on large data sets; however, questions remain about effectiveness, strength and sustainability of the impact on the audience. The influence of films can be investigated through a survey of viewers; based on this, conclusions are drawn about the links between a person's attitudes and his/her viewer experience, such as in the study of gender attitudes and their correlations with teen movie-viewing habits [ 21]. In experimental studies, exposure effects are detected using pre- and post-film questionnaires; however, the time interval between testing and a film screening, such as a few weeks before viewing the film or a several days after [ 26, 27, 29], can lead to distortion of the results that are caused by the influence on the viewers' attitudes of other factors besides the film; moreover, usually it is not investigated whether new attitudes are retained over time. Often the effects of films are analyzed in experimental conditions where participants watch only short cut scenes from existing films [ 24], which limits the extrapolation of the results.

According to the empirical orientation of our approach, the goal was to obtain new data on the positive impact of films based on a specific experimental study. The task was to identify changes in young people's attitudes towards topical social issues after watching a specifically selected film. Participants had to watch the full version of an existing fiction film. They were tested just before and immediately after watching the movie in order to avoid the influence of other variables on viewers' attitudes. Repeated testing (two weeks after the first viewing) was intended to reveal the sustainability of the changes caused by the film.

In the process of developing the design of the work, it was specified what attitudes would be studied. The choice was determined, first of all, by the social relevance of the topic, but outside the focus of the media in order to reduce the impact of other media sources, and on the other hand, by the availability of a suitable film. Important topics as ethnic stereotypes, attitudes toward people with disabilities, etc. were considered. However, the choice of the topics had to be restricted for various reasons. For example, identifying attitudes toward certain professions (e.g., engineer), whose prestige has significantly declined in Russia in recent decades, was difficult due to the lack of relevant films popularizing them. At the same time, despite the availability of humanistically oriented films dedicated to people with disabilities, the identification of changes in attitudes to them was complicated by the need to take into account additional factors caused by increased attention to the topic and active discussion in various media, which could distort the influence of a film.

Given the limitations and opportunities for the implementation of research tasks, the subject of this study the attitudes towards elderly people. At present, attention to the topic concerning elderly people is growing in Russia, but there is still a prevalence of negative stereotypes [ 46]. A characteristic manifestation of age discrimination against the elderly-ageism-is a biased attitude towards them, especially among young people, as well as a low assessment of their intellectual abilities, activity and "usefulness" for society.

Studies show that the mass media have a significant impact on negative attitudes towards the elderly [ 47]: children have already demonstrated the same stereotypes of the elderly that were depicted in the media [ 48], while young people at large viewed the elderly in general as ineffective, dependent, lonely, poor, angry and disabled, which corresponded to the negative representations of elderly people in the most popular teen movies that cultivated their stereotypes [ 49]. Research of TV films from the 1980s-1990s revealed the stereotypes of elderly people as being social outsiders [ 50], but at the same time a display of positive prejudice contributed to an increase in tolerance towards them within society.

Improving the attitudes of young people towards elderly people is an important social and educational task, the solution of which involves the use of diverse opportunities. Various social projects can be implemented for this purpose, for example, "friendly visitor" types of programs in which young people visit the elderly [ 51, 52], but also mass media, including films, which have a high potential for impact [ 53, 54]. It was found that watching documentary films had a positive effect on both knowledge about aging and attitudes towards the elderly [ 55]; these films significantly improved empathy towards elderly people among university students [ 56].

We suggested that fiction movies, popular especially among young people, could contribute to changing existing biased attitudes towards elderly people. Based on this, the hypothesis states that there is a connection between watching a positive film about the elderly and changes in young people's attitudes towards them in a positive way.

2. Methods

2.1. Participants

A total of 70 individuals participated in this study. Group one contained 40 students of The State Academic University for Humanities (25% male and 75% female). The average age was 19 (M = 19, standard deviation SD = 2.4). Group two consisted of 30 postgraduate students from Russian Academy of Sciences (47% male and 53 % female). The average age was 24 (M = 24, standard deviation SD = 1.6).

All subjects gave their informed consent for inclusion before they participated in the study. The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and was approved by the local ethics committee (Review Board).

2.2. Materials

2.3. Procedure

The study was conducted in three stages: the respondents filled out the psychosemantic test before watching the film, then immediately after viewing and again in 2 weeks. During stage 3, only group one participated in the study.

The respondents did not see the film before participating in the study.

2.4. Statistical Methods

In accordance with the data characteristics, non-parametric comparative methods were used. To determine the differences in the assessments before and after watching the movie, the Wilcoxon signed-rank test was used. To determine the differences in the assessments between different groups of respondents, the Mann-Whitney U test was used. The IBM SPSS Statistics 20 statistical software package was used for data processing.

3. Results and Discussion

As a result of the preliminary data analysis of the group one (students), significant differences were obtained in the assessments given by them to the elderly before and immediately after watching the movie (Wilcoxon signed-rank test, p < 0.05). However, the analysis of the combined sample (students and postgraduate students) did not reveal such significant differences. Therefore, it was decided to compare the assessments of these two groups of respondents. It appeared that the evaluation of elderly people differed among students and postgraduate students before the film was shown (18 of 25 scales, Mann-Whitney test, p < 0.05). This result could be explained by the individual differences of the participants (students and postgraduates), which led to the necessity to correct the hypothesis and form additional research tasks, including the comparison of groups. Further analysis was carried out separately for each group of respondents, but not for the united group.

Significant differences shown by respondents of the group one before and immediately after watching the film (students) were found in 12 out of the 25 scales ().

The group of students revealed changes associated with ideas about activities. The respondents saw the elderly as having less initiative, and being purposeless and weak. Moreover, they defined elderly people's way of life as more passive, having no desire for knowledge or for living a full life. The results immediately after watching the film demonstrated that the audience perceived the elderly as being those who strived less to learn new things and perceived them to be less positive and more limited in their interests. Also, the changes of assessments related to the emotional sphere were discovered. The elderly were characterized as even more unrestrained and conflict-prone with a tendency towards depression and showing no emotions.

Comparative analysis of assessments of elderly people before and after watching the film, given by respondents of the group two (postgraduate students), showed significant differences on 14 of the 25 scales (). Postgraduate students evaluated the elderly, unlike students, more positively after watching the film. Changes on 9 common scales (purposeless - purposeful, cheerful - prone to depression, passive - initiative, conflict - peaceful, traditional - modern, etc.) for students and postgraduate students turned out to be of different directions. After watching the film, the elderly seemed to be more purposeful, active and successful, responsible and with a good sense of humor. There were changes in assessments of the emotional sphere (more cheerful, peaceful) and cognitive (more intelligent) in references to novelty and life in general (the strive to learn new things, the desire for a full life).

Thus, the data revealed changes in attitude towards the elderly people after watching the film. According to a number of their characteristics related to motivational aspects-regulatory, emotional and cognitive spheres-significant changes were revealed, but the tendency of these changes was unexpected. After group one (students) watched the film, a tendency of worsening assessments was found. It was also determined that before the film, students described the elderly more negatively as being less intelligent and interesting, more conflict prone, angry and aggressive than young people (Wilcoxon signed-rank test, p < 0.01). This generally negative attitude can be explained by a special view of quite young people on the "old age". But why, despite the attempt of the filmmakers to make the image of the elderly positive enough, did the film fail to change students' attitude? Instead, it made the image of elderly persons even less attractive. Meanwhile, there was an opposite trend in group two (postgraduate students). Their assessments of elderly people after watching the film changed for the better. The postgraduate students, unlike undergraduate students, had already demonstrated a more "adequate" view on the elderly before watching the film. Despite a number of negative assessments, the elderly were seen by them as smart and striving for a full life, sociable and interesting.

Comparison of the two groups of respondents confirmed significant differences between students and postgraduate students in the evaluation of the elderly after watching the film (). The assessments given by undergraduate students and postgraduates differed significantly on 21 out of 25 scales.

The opposite tendencies found in assessments after watching the film could be explained by differences in individual characteristics of respondents, which were not initially considered in our study as factors mediating the impact of the film: age of respondents (more subtle differentiation), educational status, as an indicator of individual psychological characteristics and experiences of interactions with elderly people. The suggestion of differences between students and postgraduates by personality is consistent with the results of other studies [ 58], and is indirectly confirmed by the fact that only about 1 out of 40 students become postgraduate students (data for Russia). In our study, differences between students and postgraduate students already manifested in differences in their attitudes towards the elderly before watching the film.

Then the film, which showed some negative aspects of life for elderly people (loneliness, needlessness, diseases, fears, physical limitations "comic" behavior), despite the optimistic ending, could strengthen the negative attitudes of very young people (students) towards the elderly, whose images might not yet be fully formed. On the other hand, postgraduate students might have a more complex view on elderly people, because of age and more diverse interactions with the elderly, for example, in scientific work. In this case, their perceptions of the film could be focused on its positive ideas, strengthening their previously formed positive image of an elderly person. In addition, postgraduate students, who have chosen the scientific career path, most likely have a high level of analytical skills that contributed to more complex perceptions of the world and a deep assessment of the phenomena that could affect their attitudes towards the older generation and the interpretation of their images in the movies. At the same time, the characteristics of the film itself, as well as the cultural differences between its creators and viewers, might cause additional negative impacts on students' perceptions. Comedy, as a genre, could have an opposite effect. Younger people perceived the desire of older characters to give their lives new meanings in their own way and they saw a futility in these attempts. Respondents with more experience could be more tolerant to the specifics of the genre, and their perception of the film was more complicated and implemented in a broader context.

Thus, comparison of the results of the analysis for both groups of respondents suggests that the different changes in viewers' attitudes towards objects of reality that occur after watching a movie can be explained by differences in the attitudes before watching the film. This effect can also be explained by the degree of identification with the characters [ 31, 59, 60], which is influenced by the previous attitudes of the viewers. For example, a study of the impact of films on attitudes towards migrants showed that greater identification with the characters induced more positive attitudes toward immigration, but only when previous prejudice was low or moderate [ 26]. In this regard, the various effects of the film on students and postgraduate students could be caused by the different degrees of their identification with the characters of the film, despite the fact that a large difference in age with the characters could complicate this process for all participants in the study. The conclusion that previous attitudes mediate the impact of the film complements the ideas of the contribution of individual differences to media effects [ 61]. In addition, this conclusion has practical value: in order to achieve the desired impact of films, it is necessary to identify the viewers' individual attitudes before a screening.

At the third stage of the study, it was examined whether changes remained over time. Two weeks after watching the movie, respondents (group one) re-took the test.

Significant differences were found only on 4 scales (strives to a full life - lost the meaning of life, craving for spirituality - limited interests, quickly tired - high in stamina, traditional - modern) (). The continuing changes in the characteristics related to the inferiority and limitations of elderly people's lives may indicate the most striking and memorable moments in the film that had the greatest impact on viewers. The assessments of the other characteristics did not differ significantly from those that were identified before watching the film. That leads to the conclusion that a single movie viewing, in general, did not have a lasting effect on the viewers' attitudes toward the elderly. Most of the changes discovered immediately after watching the movie did not remain over time. Studying the mechanisms of the formation of sustainable changes is a task for future research. One of the directions of such research could be to investigate the influence of additional cognitive processing (e.g., discussion after watching the movie) on the viewers' attitudes towards objects and the sustainability of changes over time.

The correlation between the gender of the respondents and changes in attitudes after watching the film was determined by comparing the assessments separately for males and females in each group. As a result, in group one, women were found to have significant differences in ratings on 13 scales, and men in three, two of which were common (no desire to learn anything - the desire to learn new skills, traditional - modern, Wilcoxon signed-rank test, p < 0.05). The data showed greater changes in the attitudes among women than among men after watching the film. At the same time, a comparison of the male and female participants in the group two did not reveal such results. The analysis found an equal number of significant differences in assessments (on 10 scales) before and after watching the film (Wilcoxon signed-rank test, p < 0.05). Thus, it can be assumed that gender had a lower impact on changes in attitudes after watching a film than other individual characteristics of respondents.

The data on the frequency of watching movies was obtained: 56% of respondents watch movies several times a week and more often, 44%-several times a month and less often. However, there were no differences between these viewers in the assessments before and after watching the film (Mann-Whitney U test, p < 0.05). The degree of general interest in cinema did not affect the change of viewers' attitudes after watching the film.

It was not possible to determine the connection between liking the film and the changes in attitudes, since the differentiation of respondents by this factor was not found. Only six young people noted they did not like the film, while the others gave it a positive evaluation.

The study has limitations caused due to an assumption of no significant differences between students and postgraduates in the effectiveness of the film's impact on them. The revealed differences between undergraduate students and postgraduate students led to the initial sample of young people being divided into two samples with smaller sizes already used during the research. In addition, for the same reason, some variables that could more accurately demonstrate the differences between students and postgraduate students and explain the effects of the film were not considered. The respondents' attitudes before watching the film were taken into account, as well as additional factors on the impact effectiveness, such as the degree of general interest in cinema and liking of the viewed film, which could presumably increase its impacts. But a deeper study, for example, of the processes of identifying viewers with the film characters, probably linked to the viewers' attitudes before watching, could reinforce these findings.

4. Conclusions

As a result of the study, changes in the viewers' attitudes after watching the film were identified. Young people changed their assessments of regulatory, cognitive and emotional characteristics of the elderly people after watching a film about the elderly. At the same time, significant differences were found between students and postgraduate students in their assessments of the elderly. After watching the film, students' negative attitudes towards elderly people got worse, while postgraduate students' assessments, on the contrary, changed for the better. The revealed opposite trends can be explained by individual differences between the respondents, which include age, educational status as an indicator of individual psychological characteristics, experience of interaction with elderly people and, as a result, attitudes towards elderly people at the time before watching the film. Most of the changes in the viewers' attitudes detected immediately after watching the movie did not remain over time.

In general, the study confirms the potential for a positive impact, as in the case of improving the postgraduates' attitudes, but at the same time demonstrates the need to take into account the individual differences of viewers to achieve desired results. In particular, differences in attitudes before watching a movie are probably causes of differences in the effectiveness of the film's impact. The initially negative attitude towards elderly people among students could contribute to the negative influence of the film on them. The obtained results form the basis of further research and pose the important questions: clarifying the contribution of individual differences to the effectiveness of the impact, forecasting the positive influence of movies on different groups of people and determining the mechanisms of the sustainability of changes.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank the engagement and involvement of the research participants.

Funding

The research was carried out within a state assignment of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation, project №0159-2019-0005.

Conflicts of Interest

There is no conflict of interest.

References

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Impact of Films: Changes in Young People's Attitudes after Watching a Movie

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Nowadays films occupy a significant portion of the media products consumed by people. In Russia, cinema is being considered as a means of individual and social transformation, which makes a contribution to the formation of the Russian audience's outlook, including their attitudes towards topical social issues.

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-That is almost double the 2006 rate of 7.9 percent.
-the share of 12 to 17-year-olds receiving treatment for these episodes has not increased majorly over the past years and has instead stagnated around 40 percent of those affected.
-Almost 4 million U.S. adolescents received this treatment in a specialized mental health care facility.

Found in an infographic site...a graph with evidence showing an increase in teenage depression

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The Statista "Chart of the Day" currently focuses on two sectors: "Media and Technology", updated daily and featuring the latest statistics from the media, internet, telecommunications and consumer electronics industries; and "Economy and Society", which current data from the United States and around the world relating to economic and political issues as well as sports and entertainment.

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Infographic: More U.S. Teenagers Are Experiencing Depression

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This chart show the share of U.S. teenagers experiencing major depressive episodes and receiving treatment for them (2006-2018).

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Why American teens are so sad (Academic journal)

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Why American teens are so sad (Academic journal)

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https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/archive/2022/04/american-teens-sadness-depression-anxiety/629524/

-Almost every measure of mental health is getting worse, for every teenage demographic, and it’s happening all across the country.
-Since 2009, sadness and hopelessness have increased for every race; for straight teens and gay teens; for teens who say they’ve never had sex and for those who say they’ve had sex with males and/or females; for students in each year of high school; and for teens in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.

From an educational journal which also contains a graph

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Four forces are propelling the rising rates of depression among young people.

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The United States is experiencing an extreme teenage mental-health crisis. From 2009 to 2021, the share of American high-school students who say they feel "persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness" rose from 26 percent to 44 percent, according to a new CDC study. This is the highest level of teenage sadness ever recorded.

The government survey of almost 8,000 high-school students, which was conducted in the first six months of 2021, found a great deal of variation in mental health among different groups. More than one in four girls reported that they had seriously contemplated attempting suicide during the pandemic, which was twice the rate of boys. Nearly half of LGBTQ teens said they had contemplated suicide during the pandemic, compared with 14 percent of their heterosexual peers. Sadness among white teens seems to be rising faster than among other groups.

But the big picture is the same across all categories: Almost every measure of mental health is getting worse, for every teenage demographic, and it's happening all across the country. Since 2009, sadness and hopelessness have increased for every race; for straight teens and gay teens; for teens who say they've never had sex and for those who say they've had sex with males and/or females; for students in each year of high school; and for teens in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.

So why is this happening?

I want to propose several answers to that question, along with one meta-explanation that ties them together. But before I start with that, I want to squash a few tempting fallacies.

The first fallacy is that we can chalk this all up to teens behaving badly. In fact, lots of self-reported teen behaviors are moving in a positive direction. Since the 1990s, drinking-and-driving is down almost 50 percent. School fights are down 50 percent. Sex before 13 is down more than 70 percent. School bullying is down. And LGBTQ acceptance is up.

The second fallacy is that teens have always been moody, and sadness looks like it is rising only because people are more willing to talk about it. Objective measures of anxiety and depression- such as eating disorders, self-harming behavior, and teen suicides-are sharply up over the past decade. "Across the country we have witnessed dramatic increases in Emergency Department visits for all mental health emergencies including suspected suicide attempts," the American Academy of Pediatrics said in October. Today's teenagers are more comfortable talking about mental health, but rising youth sadness is no illusion.

The third fallacy is that today's mental-health crisis was principally caused by the pandemic and an overreaction to COVID. "Rising teenage sadness isn't a new trend, but rather the acceleration and broadening of a trend that clearly started before the pandemic," Laurence Steinberg, a psychologist at Temple University, told me. But he added: "We shouldn't ignore the pandemic, either. The fact that COVID seems to have made teen mental health worse offers clues about what's really driving the rise in sadness."

Here are four forces propelling that increase.
1. Social-media use
Five years ago, the psychologist Jean Twenge wrote an influential and controversial feature in The Atlantic titled "Have Smartphones Destroyed a Generation?" based on her book iGen. Around 2012, Twenge wrote, she had noticed that teen sadness and anxiety began to steadily rise in the U.S. and other rich developed countries. She looked for explanations and realized that 2012 was precisely when the share of Americans who owned a smartphone surpassed 50 percent and mobile social-media use spiked.

In the past few years, scientists have disputed the idea that social-media use itself makes teenagers miserable. "There's been absolutely hundreds of [social-media and mental-health] studies, almost all showing pretty small effects," Jeff Hancock, a behavioral psychologist at Stanford University who has conducted a meta-analysis of 226 such studies, told The New York Times recently.

But I think Twenge's strongest point is misunderstood. Social media isn't like rat poison, which is toxic to almost everyone. It's more like alcohol: a mildly addictive substance that can enhance social situations but can also lead to dependency and depression among a minority of users.

This is very close to the conclusion reached by none other than Instagram. The company's internal research from 2020 found that, while most users had a positive relationship with the app, one-third of teen girls said "Instagram made them feel worse," even though these girls "feel unable to stop themselves" from logging on. And if you don't believe a company owned by Facebook, believe a big new study from Cambridge University, in which researchers looked at 84,000 people of all ages and found that social media was strongly associated with worse mental health during certain sensitive life periods, including for girls ages 11 to 13.

Why would social media affect teenage mental health in this way? One explanation is that teenagers (and teenage girls in particular) are uniquely sensitive to the judgment of friends, teachers, and the digital crowd. As I've written, social media seems to hijack this keen peer sensitivity and drive obsessive thinking about body image and popularity. The problem isn't just that social media fuels anxiety but also that-as we'll see-it makes it harder for today's young people to cope with the pressures of growing up.
2. Sociality is down
Both Steinberg and Twenge stress that the biggest problem with social media might be not social media itself, but rather the activities that it replaces.

"I tell parents all the time that if Instagram is merely displacing TV, I'm not concerned about it," Steinberg told me. But today's teens spend more than five hours daily on social media, and that habit seems to be displacing quite a lot of beneficial activity. The share of high-school students who got eight or more hours of sleep declined 30 percent from 2007 to 2019. Compared with their counterparts in the 2000s, today's teens are less likely to go out with their friends, get their driver's license, or play youth sports.

The pandemic and the closure of schools likely exacerbated teen loneliness and sadness. A 2020 survey from Harvard's Graduate School of Education found that loneliness spiked in the first year of the pandemic for everyone, but it rose most significantly for young people. "It's well established that what protects teens from stress is close social relationships," Steinberg said. "When kids can't go to school to see their friends and peers and mentors, that social isolation could lead to sadness and depression, particularly for those predisposed to feeling sad or depressed."

This is important to say clearly: Aloneness isn't the same as loneliness, and loneliness isn't the same as depression. But more aloneness (including from heavy smartphone use) and more loneliness (including from school closures) might have combined to push up sadness among teenagers who need sociality to protect them from the pressures of a stressful world.
3. The world is stressful-and there is more news about the world's stressors
Lisa Damour, a clinical psychologist and author, told me that no single factor can account for the rise of teenage sadness. But she believes a part of the answer is that the world has become more stressful. Or, at least, teenagers' perception of the world seems to be causing them more stress.

"In the last decade teenagers have become increasingly stressed by concerns about gun violence, climate change, and the political environment," she wrote in an email. "Increased stress among young people is linked to increasing levels of sadness. Girls, more than boys, are socialized to internalize distress, meaning that they tend to collapse in on themselves by becoming depressed or anxious."

Fears about finances, climate change, and viral pandemics are smashing into local concerns about social approval and setting oneself up for success. "I think of it as a pile-on effect," Steinberg said. "We're coming out of the pandemic, and then suddenly Russia goes to war. Every day, it feels like there's something else. It creates a very gloomy narrative about the world."

This sense of doom doesn't just come from teenagers. It comes from us, the news media, and from the social-media channels through which our work is distributed. News sources have never been more abundant, or more accessible. But journalism also has a famous bad-news bias, which flows from an unfortunate but accurate understanding that negativity generally gets more attention. When we plug our brain into a news feed, we are usually choosing to deluge ourselves with negative representations of reality. A well-known 2019 experiment randomly forced people to stop using Facebook for four weeks before a midterm election. The study found that those who logged off spent more time hanging out with family and friends, consistent with the idea that social-media use displaces pro-social behaviors. It also found that deactivating Facebook "reduced factual news knowledge" while "increasing subjective well-being." We cannot rule out the possibility that teens are sad about the world, not only because the world contains sadness, but also because young people have 24/7 access to sites that are constantly telling them they should be depressed about it.
4. Modern parenting strategies
In the past 40 years, American parents-especially those with a college degree- have nearly doubled the amount of time they spend coaching, chauffeuring, tutoring, and otherwise helping their teenage children. The economist Valerie Ramey has labeled this the " rug rat race." High-income parents in particular are spending much more time preparing their kids for a competitive college admissions process. When I interviewed Ramey about her work in 2019, she told me that she "couldn't believe the amount of pressure our friends were putting on their kids to get ready for college."

The "rug rat race" is an upper-class phenomenon that can't explain a generalized increase in teenage sadness. But it could well explain part of what's going on. And in the 2020 Atlantic feature "What Happened to American Childhood?," Kate Julian described a related phenomenon that affects families a bit more broadly: Anxious parents, in seeking to insulate their children from risk and danger, are unintentionally transferring their anxiety to their kids.

I want to pull out two points from Julian's complex essay. First, children are growing up slower than they used to. Today's children are less likely to drive, get a summer job, or be asked to do chores. The problem isn't that kids are lazy (homework time has risen), or that scrubbing dishes magically dispels anxiety disorders. Rather, Julian wrote, these activities "provide children with two very important things": tolerating discomfort and having a sense of personal competence.

Second, researchers have noted a broad increase in an "accommodative" parenting style. If a girl is afraid of dogs, an "accommodation" would be keeping her away from every friend's house with a dog, or if a boy won't eat vegetables, feeding him nothing but turkey loaf for four years ( an actual story from the article). These behaviors come from love. But part of growing up is learning how to release negative emotions in the face of inevitable stress. If kids never figure out how to do that, they're more likely to experience severe anxiety as teenagers.

Julian highlighted a new treatment out of Yale University's Child Study Center called SPACE, or Supportive Parenting for Anxious Childhood Emotions. Put simply, SPACE forces parents to be less accommodating. If the girl is afraid of dogs, encourage her to play with young puppies. If the boy hates vegetables, caramelize the hell out of some broccoli. This sort of advice is infinitely easier to type than to put into practice. But folding a bit of exposure therapy into modern parenting and childhood might help teenagers grapple with a complex and stressful world.

Other explanations don't fit neatly into the above categories. Maybe drugs are a big factor: One study found that a sixth of the increase in teen suicides was associated with parental opioid addiction. Maybe the authors Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt are right that college campuses and internet culture have come to celebrate fragility. Maybe political polarization is fueling anxiety, not only by creating mutual hatred but also by encouraging people to reject opposing views, which over time reduces their capacity to handle cognitive dissonance in a confusing world.

The truth is I'm not satisfied by any of the above explanations, on their own. But I see no reason to keep them alone. They interact, amplify, and compound. And together they paint a powerful picture.

The world is overwhelming, and an inescapably negative news cycle creates an atmosphere of existential gloom, not just for teens but also for their moms and dads. The more overwhelming the world feels to parents, the more they may try to bubble-wrap their kids with accommodations. Over time, this protective parenting style deprives children of the emotional resilience they need to handle the world's stresses. Childhood becomes more insular: Time spent with friends, driving, dating, and working summer jobs all decline. College pressures skyrocket. Outwardly, teens are growing up slower; but online, they're growing up faster. The internet exposes teenagers not only to supportive friendships but also to bullying, threats, despairing conversations about mental health, and a slurry of unsolvable global problems-a carnival of negativity. Social media places in every teen's pocket a quantified battle royal for scarce popularity that can displace hours of sleep and makes many teens, especially girls, feel worse about their body and life. Amplify these existing trends with a global pandemic and an unprecedented period of social isolation, and suddenly, the remarkable rise of teenage sadness doesn't feel all that mysterious, does it?

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Four forces are propelling the rising rates of depression among young people.