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Complete the crossword, then click on "Check" to check your answer. If you are stuck, you can click on "Hint" to get a free letter. Click on a number in the grid to see the clue or clues for that number.

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Revision

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Major terms and concepts from Unit XIV in Myers Psychology for AP (2e): Social Psychology Learn with flashcards, games, and more - for free.

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Summary

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Detail

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Latane, B., & Darley, J. Bystander "Apathy", American Scientist, 1969, 57, 244-268.

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A summary of Piliavin et al's (1969) study. For students following the OCR AS-level psychology syllabus.

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Core Study

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AS Psychology - Holah.co.uk - Piliavin et al. (subway Samaritan) Study V2

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This is a website full of stuff that should be useful and enjoyable if you are studying OCR psychology

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Field Experiment

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Kitty Genovese: The Murder, the Bystanders, the Crime that Changed America - March 11, 2014

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Kitty Genovese: The Murder, the Bystanders, the Crime that Changed America - March 11, 2014

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non-fiction (literary school or movement)

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Kitty Genovese: The Murder, the Bystanders, the Crime that Changed America - March 11, 2014

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Kevin Cook discusses his new book about the 1964 murder in New York of Catherine "Kitty" Genovese, a crime made doubly notorious because a reported 38 witnesses didn't attempt to stop it. Problem is, according to Cook, much of what we think we know about the incident is wrong. http://kclibrary.org

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Article

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New York Times
Martin Gansberg
March 27, 1964

For more than half an hour 38 respectable, law-abiding citizens in Queens watched a killer stalk and stab a woman in three separate attacks in Kew Gardens.

Twice their chatter and the sudden glow of their bedroom lights interrupted him and frightened him off. Each time he returned, sought her out, and stabbed her again. Not one person telephoned the police during the assault; one witness called after the woman was dead.

That was two weeks ago today.

Still shocked is Assistant Chief Inspector Frederick M. Lussen, in charge of the borough's detectives and a veteran of 25 years of homicide investigations. He can give a matter-of-fact recitation on many murders. But the Kew Gardens slaying baffles him--not because it is a murder, but because the "good people" failed to call the police.

"As we have reconstructed the crime," he said, "the assailant had three chances to kill this woman during a 35-minute period. He returned twice to complete the job. If we had been called when he first attacked, the woman might not be dead now."

This is what the police say happened at 3:20 A.M. in the staid, middle-class, tree-lined Austin Street area:

Twenty-eight-year-old Catherine Genovese, who was called Kitty by almost everyone in the neighborhood, was returning home from her job as manager of a bar in Hollis. She parked her red Fiat in a lot adjacent to the Kew Gardens Long Island Railroad Station, facing Mowbray Place. Like many residents of the neighborhood, she had parked there day after day since her arrival from Connecticut a year ago, although the railroad frowns on the practice.

She turned off the lights of her car, locked the door, and started to walk the 100 feet to the entrance of her apartment at 82-70 Austin Street, which is in a Tudor building, with stores in the first floor and apartments on the second.

The entrance to the apartment is in the rear of the building because the front is rented to retail stores. At night the quiet
neigborhood is shrouded in the slumbering darkness that marks most residential areas.

Miss Genovese noticed a man at the far end of the lot, near a seven-story apartment house at 82-40 Austin Street. She halted. Then, nervously, she headed up Austin Street toward Lefferts Boulevard, where there is a call box to the 102nd Police Precinct in nearby Richmond Hill.

She got as far as a street light in front of a bookstore before the man grabbed her. She screamed. Lights went on in the 10-story apartment house at 82-67 Austin Street, which faces the bookstore. Windows slid open and voices punctuated the early-morning stillness.

Miss Genovese screamed: "Oh, my God, he stabbed me! Please help me! Please help me!"

From one of the upper windows in the apartment house, a man called down: "Let that girl alone!"

The assailant looked up at him, shrugged, and walked down Austin Street toward a white sedan parked a short distance
away. Miss Genovese struggled to her feet.

Lights went out. The killer returned to Miss Genovese, now trying to make her way around the side of the building by the
parking lot to get to her apartment. The assailant stabbed her again.

"I'm dying!" she shrieked. "I'm dying!"

Windows were opened again, and lights went on in many apartments. The assailant got into his car and drove away. Miss Genovese staggered to her feet. A city bus, 0-10, the Lefferts Boulevard line to Kennedy International Airport, passed. It was 3:35 A.M.

The assailant returned. By then, Miss Genovese had crawled to the back of the building, where the freshly painted brown
doors to the apartment house held out hope for safety. The killer tried the first door; she wasn't there. At the second door, 82-62 Austin Street, he saw her slumped on the floor at the foot of the stairs. He stabbed her a third time--fatally.

It was 3:50 by the time the police received their first call, from a man who was a neighbor of Miss Genovese. In two minutes they were at the scene. The neighbor, a 70-year-old woman, and another woman were the only persons on the street. Nobody else came forward.

The man explained that he had called the police after much deliberation. He had phoned a friend in Nassau County for advice and then he had crossed the roof of the building to the apartment of the elderly woman to get her to make the call.

"I didn't want to get involved," he sheepishly told police.

Six days later, the police arrested Winston Moseley, a 29-year-old business machine operator, and charged him with homicide. Moseley had no previous record. He is married, has two children and owns a home at 133-19 Sutter Avenue, South Ozone Park, Queens. On Wednesday, a court committed him to Kings County Hospital for psychiatric observation.

When questioned by the police, Moseley also said he had slain Mrs. Annie May Johnson, 24, of 146-12 133d Avenue, Jamaica, on Feb. 29 and Barbara Kralik, 15, of 174-17 140th Avenue, Springfield Gardens, last July. In the Kralik case, the police are holding Alvin L. Mitchell, who is said to have confessed to that slaying.

The police stressed how simple it would have been to have gotten in touch with them. "A phone call," said one of the detectives, "would have done it." The police may be reached by dialing "0" for operator or SPring 7-3100.

Today witnesses from the neighborhood, which is made up of one-family homes in the $35,000 to $60,000 range with the exception of the two apartment houses near the railroad station, find it difficult to explain why they didn't call the police.

A housewife, knowingly if quite casually, said, "We thought it was a lovers' quarrel." A husband and wife both said, "Frankly, we were afraid." They seemed aware of the fact that events might have been different. A distraught woman, wiping her hands in her apron, said, "I didn't want my husband to get involved."

One couple, now willing to talk about that night, said they heard the first screams. The husband looked thoughtfully at the bookstore where the killer first grabbed Miss Genovese.

"We went to the window to see what was happening," he said, "but the light from our bedroom made it difficult to see the street." The wife, still apprehensive, added: "I put out the light and we were able to see better."

Asked why they hadn't called the police, she shrugged and replied: "I don't know."

A man peeked out from a slight opening in the doorway to his apartment and rattled off an account of the killer's second attack. Why hadn't he called the police at the time? "I was tired," he said without emotion. "I went back to bed."

It was 4:25 A.M. when the ambulance arrived to take the body of Miss Genovese. It drove off. "Then," a solemn police detective said, "the people came out."

The above reported events are true and took place on March 14, 1964.

The brutal murder of Kitty Genovese and the
disturbing lack of action by her neighbors
became emblematic in what many perceived as an
evolving culture of violence and apathy in the
United States. In fact, social scientists
still debate the causes of what is now known
as "the Genovese Syndrome."

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New York Times Martin GansbergMarch 27, 1964 For more than half an hour 38 respectable, law-abiding citizens in Queens watched a killer stalk and stab a woman in three separate attacks in Kew Gardens. Twice their chatter and the sudden glow of their bedroom lights interrupted him and frightened him off.

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To see what effects helping behaviour

1)The type of victim (drunk or ill)

2)The race of the victim (black or white)

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Diffusion of responsibility is a psychological phenomenon in which people are less likely to take action when in the presence of a large group of people.

For example, imagine that you are in a large city on a bustling street. You notice a man fall to the ground and start convulsing as if having a seizure. Many people turn and look at the man, but no one moves to help or call for medical assistance.

Why? Because there are so many people present, no one person feels pressured to respond. Each person might think, "Oh, someone else has probably already called for help" or "No one else is doing anything, so it must not be that serious."

This situation is often used to explain the bystander effect, which suggests that the greater the number of people present, the less likely people are to help a person in distress. This isn't to suggest that people aren't acting because they lack compassion, but they may not be able to process a traumatic situation as it unfolds, especially when others are around.

Darley and Latane on Diffusion of Responsibility

In a series of classic experiments conducted in the late 1960s, researchers John Darley and Bibb Latané asked participants to fill out questionnaires in a room which suddenly began to fill with smoke.

In one scenario the subjects of the experiment were alone when the smoke entered the room.

Seventy-five percent of these subjects reported the smoke to researchers right away. But in another scenario, there was one subject and two people who were part of the experiment in the room. Since those two ignored the smoke, only 10 percent of the "naive" subjects reported the smoke.

Darley and Latané noted that once a person notices that something is happening, a series of important decisions must first be made.

1. The first step involves actually noticing a problem.

2. Next, the individual must decide if what they are witnessing is actually an emergency.

3. Next is perhaps the most critical decision in this process: Deciding to take personal responsibility to act.

4. Then the individual has to decide what needs to be done.

5. Finally, the bystander must actually take action.

What complicates this process is that these decisions often need to be made quickly. There is often an element of danger, stress, emergency, and sometimes personal risk involved. Adding to this pressure-packed situation is the problem of ambiguity. Sometimes it isn't entirely clear who is in trouble, what is wrong, or what needs to be done.

Factors That Influence Diffusion of Responsibility

Researchers have also discovered a number of different factors that can increase and decrease the likelihood that diffusion of responsibility will occur. If bystanders do not know the victim, they're less likely to help and more likely to expect someone else in the crowd to offer assistance.

If onlookers are not really sure what is happening, are unclear about who is in trouble, or are unsure if the person really needs assistance, then they are far less likely to take action.

But people are more likely to help if they feel some sort of connection or personal knowledge of the person in trouble. If a victim makes eye contact and asks a specific individual for help, that person will feel more compelled to take action.

And sometimes, people don't step in to help because they feel unqualified. A person who has received specific training in first aid and CPR will probably feel more capable of offering assistance.

Other Instances of Diffusion of Responsibility

Ever been part of a team at work and felt like not everyone was pulling their weight? This too might be an instance of diffusion of responsibility.

People feel less motivation to work toward a common goal and slackers may even go out of their way to hide how little they're contributing. This is also known as "social loafing."

A much more consequential type of diffusion of responsibility occurs within hierarchical organizations. Subordinates who claim to be following orders avoid taking responsibility for committing what they logically know to be illegal or immoral actions. This kind of group behavior led to such crimes against humanity as the Nazi Holocaust.
Darley, J. M. & Latané, B. "Bystander intervention in emergencies: Diffusion of responsibility." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 8: 377-383. doi:10.1037/h0025589, 1968. Kassin, S., Fain, S. & Markus, H. R. (2014). Social Psychology. Belmont, Calif: Wadsworth.

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How Diffusion of Responsibility Affects the Way We Act in Groups

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Diffusion of responsibility is a psychological phenomenon in which people are less likely to take action when in the presence of a large group of people. For example, imagine that you are in a large city on a bustling street. You notice a man fall to the ground and start convulsing as if having a seizure.

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p11 - 13

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The Bystander Effect Kitty Genovese Murder 

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The Bystander Effect Kitty Genovese Murder 

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Latané and Darley Study

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Piliavin , Kitty Genovese , Latane & Darley

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Piliavin , Kitty Genovese , Latane & Darley

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By Matt W & Gowsigan G