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Pope Francis leads his general weekly audience in St. Peter’s Square...

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Pope Francis leads his general weekly audience in St. Peter’s Square on November 27, 2019 in Vatican City, Vatican.

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Jugadores del América Sub 17 hacen parodia de 'Un violador en tu camino' --- (watch up to 1 min)

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El violador en tu camino emphasises one of the most widespread inequalities faced by Latin Americans today: gender inequalities.

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El violador en tu camino emphasises one of the most widespread inequalities faced by Latin Americans today: gender inequalities.

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Jugadores del América Sub 17 hacen parodia de 'Un violador en tu camino'

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“In Latin America, abortion is legal nationwide and without restrictions as to cause in only four countries: Cuba, Puerto Rico, Uruguay, and Argentina.”

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“In Latin America, abortion is legal nationwide and without restrictions as to cause in only four countries: Cuba, Puerto Rico, Uruguay, and Argentina.”

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However, an estimated 6.5 million abortions take place annually across the region, with 75% of them being unlawful.

Just because abortion is illegal, does not mean it is not happening. It does, however, mean that it’s happening unsafely.

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In this region, public opinion concerning abortion is divided. In a survey conducted in 2020, over one third of Latin Americans said they were in favor of legalizing voluntary pregnancy terminations under certain circumstances (for example, rape). Only 26 percent of respondents thought abortion should be allowed if a woman so decides, but another 29 percent of respondents answered that abortion should be, on principle, forbidden.

Argentina legalizes abortion

Laws regarding abortion and the severity of the situation vary from country to country. Argentina is the latest Latin American country to legalize abortion no matter the cause, up until the 14th week of pregnancy. Before December 2020, when the Argentine Senate passed the new law, voluntary pregnancy interruption was only allowed under certain circumstances: in case of rape and if the pregnant person's health or life was in danger. Recent data shows that women in their twenties were the most affected by the deadly consequences of clandestine abortions in Argentina in their twenties.

Even so, Argentina is one of the Latin American countries with the highest percentage of population supporting abortion legalization: according to a survey, up to 41 percent of respondents either strongly or somewhat agreed that this practice should be decriminalized. Another study showed that 35 percent of Argentinians believed abortion was the pregnant woman's choice to make. Peru was on the other end of the spectrum, as around 40 percent of Peruvians participating in the survey thought abortion should be, as a rule, forbidden.

One big problem, different solutions

In Brazil, pregnancy termination is decriminalized in three situations: if the pregnancy is the result of rape, if performing an abortion is the only way to save the pregnant person's life, or if the fetus suffers from anencephaly. In 2020, the number of post-abortion procedures performed in Brazil rose up to nearly 170 thousand. Most Brazilian women that had an abortion in 2016 were of brown ethnicity, Catholic, and married or in a stable relationship.

In the case of Chile, abortion is legal in very few cases: if the pregnancy poses a life risk, if the fetus is nonviable, or if the pregnancy is the result of rape. In 2020, most legal abortions in Chile were performed because the fetus would not have been able to survive after birth. Even so, only a handful of illegal abortion cases end up in criminal convictions in Chile every year.

In Colombia, abortion is also decriminalized under very specific circumstances: when the pregnant person's physical or mental health is at risk, when the fetus will not survive the gestation (or if its disability would result in an unworthy life), and when the pregnancy is the result of rape, artificial insemination or the implantation of a fertilized egg. Oriéntame and Profamilia are two renowned organizations that assist with unwanted pregnancies in the country.

Finally, in Mexico, the legal status of abortion varies from state to state. Mexico City, Oaxaca, Hidalgo, and most recently Veracruz are the federal entities with the most progressive laws on the matter: pregnancy termination is decriminalized up to twelve weeks of gestation. Medical abortion is, by far, the most common practice to terminate pregnancies in Mexico City. A recent study showed that induced abortion was a decision mostly taken by single women in Mexico. Even with its jurisdictional and 12-week period limitations, Mexico is one of the few Latin American countries that allow voluntary abortions without further restrictions regarding reasons or circumstances.

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In this region, public opinion concerning abortion is divided. In a survey conducted in 2020, over one third of Latin Americans said they were in favor of legalizing voluntary pregnancy terminations under certain circumstances (for example, rape).

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Born Jorge Mario Bergolio to Italian immigrant parents in the Argentinian capital, Buenos Aries in 1936, in 2013 Pope Francis became the first non-European Pope in history.

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Born Jorge Mario Bergolio to Italian immigrant parents in the Argentinian capital, Buenos Aries in 1936, in 2013 Pope Francis became the first non-European Pope in history.

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In 1958, he joined the Jesuits and he was ordained in 1969 (the Jesuits are infamous for their lengthy training process).

Before becoming Pope he was:

Head of the Jesuits in Argentina (1973–1979)

Archbishop of Buenos Aires (1998–2013)

A cardinal (2001-2013)

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Frida Kahlo: The woman behind the legend - Iseult Gillespie --- (watch from 1.21- 1.56)

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Frida Kahlo was born to a mestiza mother and German Jewish father, on 6 th of July 1907. She was disabled by polio at the age of 6. At age 18, she was involved in a bus accident, which left her with chronic pain and medical problems.

Over the course of her life, Frida Kahlo would be known as the creator and muse behind impactful art, heavily influenced by Mexican folk culture.

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Frida Kahlo: The woman behind the legend - Iseult Gillespie

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Increased Inequalities Between the Poor and Rich Due to COVID 19. 

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Increased Inequalities Between the Poor and Rich Due to COVID 19. 

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Written in 2009, Paisaje con mendigos is sadly still very relevant today.

The gap between the rich and poor has only become more prevalent with the Covid-19 Pandemic.

The number of Colombians living in severe poverty increased by 2.8 million in 2020.

According to this article from the Guardian, those from the poorest areas were 10 times more likely to die or be hospitalised with Covid than those from the richest areas, further proof of the horrific gap between rich and poor.

This only further demonstrates the economic inequalities suffered in Latin America.

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ina Reyes, a 39-year-old nurse from the downtrodden neighbourhood of Siloé in the Colombian city of Cali, knows only too well what Covid-19 can do to a person - and to a community. Her mother was hospitalized with the disease, and came close to death.

As a home care nurse, she has seen patients get sick and neighbours die. In the early days of the pandemic, her husband lost his job as a chauffeur, leaving her to provide for their daughter and his parents, who share their home.

"I've seen this virus face-to-face, I know what it can do, and I know how to protect myself against it," Reyes said. "But the real terror is the Colombian government."

Siloé has become the center of a brutal nationwide crackdown on protests against poverty and inequality which have been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic. Demonstrations that began with a general strike on 28 April quickly descended into violence, with images of smoke-filled streets dominating the nightly news.

As many as 37 protesters have been killed across the country, according to Temblores, a local watchdog, while hundreds have been injured by police officers who have shown little restraint with their billy clubs, flash-bangs and teargas.

"This is the Colombia of Centro Democrático," said David López, a community leader in Siloé, referring to the governing party of President Iván Duque. "A country where people are getting poorer and they can't take it any more."

Demonstrators and riot police clash in Cali, Colombia, on 29 April. Photograph: Paola Mafla/AFP/Getty Images

The protests erupted suddenly - ostensibly in response to a since-abandoned plan for tax reform - but they reveal deep social fault lines. Similar demonstrations broke out in late 2019 during a wave of unrest across Latin America.

Colombia was an unequal country then and Covid-19, which has claimed more than 75,000 lives and continues to ravage public health, has only widened the gap between the rich and the poor.

"One of the core dynamics as to why these protests are taking hold so strongly is that there's an enormous gap between the political establishment and the street," said Elizabeth Dickinson, a researcher with International Crisis Group (ICG), a thinktank. "It's almost like they are on two different planets and talking past each other."

Who was the face of implementing those lockdowns? It was the police

Elizabeth Dickinson

Amid one of the longest lockdowns in the world, the number of Colombians living in extreme poverty grew by 2.8 million people last year. Red rags were hung outside homes, in a desperate signal that those inside were hungry. And as people got poorer, they also got sicker, with those from the poorest neighbourhoods 10 times more likely to be hospitalized or die from Covid-19 than those from the wealthiest.

"The level of economic distress is enormous," Dickinson said. "Like the rest of Latin America, Colombia has been hit hard by the pandemic and as a result we have had to live with a year of on-and-off lockdowns - and who was the face of implementing those lockdowns? It was the police."

Colombia's militarized police fought for decades on the frontlines of the country's war against leftist rebel groups and has long been accused of human rights violations; earlier this year, Temblores denounced "structural and systematic" abuses in the force which killed 86 people in 2020.

But relations between the police and the Colombian population further deteriorated during a year in which officers were empowered to slap people with hefty fines for not correctly wearing a mask or for drinking alcohol in public.

Anti-police demonstrations broke out in September after officers in Bogotá killed a lawyer, Javier Ordóñez, with a Taser electrical weapon after initially detaining him for drinking beer on the street. Police kiosks across the capital were torched in the following unrest while the police killed at least 10 protesters.

But the current protests, now entering their 11th day, have been met with even more brutality. Each morning, Colombians wake to news of a new outrage.

A demonstrator holds a flower as she marches in the rain in Bogotá, Colombia, on 5 May. Photograph: Vizzor Image/Getty Images

On Friday morning, the country learned that a truck that carried violent agitators who attacked protesters belonged to the police. Twenty-four hours earlier, news broke that Lucas Villa, a young student who had been filmed dancing merrily at protests in Pereira, a city in the coffee region, had been sent to an intensive care unit after he was shot during a skirmish.

"How difficult a thing is this fear that we feel when night falls in Colombia," tweeted Fernando Posada, a political scientist at University of Los Andes in Bogotá. "Fear of violence, barbarity, pain. And fear of waking up the next morning and reading the horrific reports of the night that passed. This country is heartbreaking."

Few scenes have been quite so hellish as those in Siloé, Reyes's mountainside home, where police have used live rounds, flown Black Hawks just above houses, and fired teargas for nights on end.

To win tomorrow, we have to lose today

Steven Ospina

"They fumigate us like we're insects," Reyes said. "I've seen people with Covid on ventilators who can't breathe and they seem in less pain than the kids drowning in those gases."

Reyes has banded with some neighbours to provide first aid for the injured. Two residents have been killed, with a few still missing. Bloodstains, new each day, reveal the sites of previous night's battle. "Obviously no one is out cleaning the street," the nurse said.

Riot police officers in Bogotá, Colombia, on 5 May. Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Getty Images

The violence has been especially dispiriting for those who hoped for a peaceful future for Colombia when the country signed a historic deal with rebels of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc) in 2016.

That deal, ended five decades of civil war that killed 260,000 people and forced more than 7 million to flee their homes, but also raised hopes that new spaces for the left would finally open in Colombia's political spectrum. Instead, the government has smeared protesters as "vandals" and "terrorists" with links to insurgents.

Protesters have come under criticism for throwing up blockades which have caused food and fuel shortages, and cut off the country's largest seaport, Buenaventura. But those on the streets are adamant that extreme measures are necessary.

"To win tomorrow, we have to lose today," said Steven Ospina, 27, who has lived in Siloé all his life. "This government has been so cruel but we want to de-escalate, that way they can't paint us all as criminals."

Reyes argued that the government's heavy-handed response is self-defeating. "The working classes are the engine of Colombia," she said, ahead of another torturous night of skirmishes outside her home. "If they kill us all they won't have anything for themselves."

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'They can't take it any more': pandemic and poverty brew violent storm in Colombia

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ina Reyes, a 39-year-old nurse from the downtrodden neighbourhood of Siloé in the Colombian city of Cali, knows only too well what Covid-19 can do to a person - and to a community. Her mother was hospitalized with the disease, and came close to death.

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- Gabriel García Márquez (GGM) is one of Latin America’s best-known authors.

- He was born in Colombia’s Banana Zone in 1927, a time of unbending public unrest, with the Banana Massacre occurring in 1928.

- His works, such as One Hundred Years of Solitude and Love in the Times of Cholera, “popularised magical realism in literature”.

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The author describes Santiago, the capital city of Chile, as ‘una hoguera’.

It is personified as an active force that destroys the natural Andean landscape.

The poem is a saddening representation of the effects of modernisation on the Andean landscape.

Modernisation, or urbanisation, is a destruction of culture and heritage. It erases Andean history.

On top of the injustice of the erasure of native culture, the urbanisation highlights the inequalities suffered in Chilean society.

Santiago is an incredibly divided city, with the area in which you are born dictating the quality of education you receive.

According to the Borgan Project, the city of Santiago has high and low class parks.

References

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End femicide in Latin America-- watch up to 1 min

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12 Women Are Killed Every Day in Latin America and the Caribbean Due to Their Gender.

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12 Women Are Killed Every Day in Latin America and the Caribbean Due to Their Gender.

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As highlighted in the video above, of the 25 countries in the world with the highest number of femicides, 14 of them are in Latin America and the Caribbean.

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Representatives of the Amazon Rainforest's ethnic groups and POpe...

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Representatives of the Amazon Rainforest's ethnic groups and POpe Francis march in procession during the opening of the Special Assembly of the Synod of Bishops for the Pan-Amazon Region on October... Get premium, high resolution news photos at Getty Images

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Being an able-bodied, white womxn living in Scotland, the inequality Frida must have suffered is unfathomable to me.

However, through her paintings, she allows us to see things from her point of view. Her artwork allows her agency.

This is the case in her work, Autorretrato en la frontera entre México y EE.UU, 1932.

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The unchecked growth of the COVID-19 pandemic in Latin America is tearing apart the socio-economic fabric of the countrieslocated in that continent. One manifestation of this socio-economic rupture is the emergence of what David Beasley, the Executive Director of UN World Food Programme (WFP), has called a "hunger pandemic". According to WFP, "The socio-economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Latin America and the Caribbean could potentially leave around 14 millionvulnerable people in severe food insecurity this year". Moreover, a UN report entitled "Preventing the COVID-19 crisis from becoming a food crisis: Urgent measures against hunger in Latin America and the Caribbean" states that the "The global economic recession will increase poverty and hunger and other forms of food insecurity, especially in countries with weak social safety nets. ECLAC [Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean] expects the GDP of Latin America and the Caribbean to contract by at least 5.3% in 2020."

Miguel Barreto, the Regional Director of the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) for Latin America and the Caribbean, told that "Our projection paints a stark picture. Our region already has problems related to economic and climate shocks, as well as insecurity and displacement." In Latin America specifically, it is estimated "that if the effects of COVID-19 lead the economically active population to lose 5% of their income, poverty could increase by 3.5 percentage points, while extreme poverty is expected to rise by 2.3 percentage points, equivalent to 13.5% of the region's population, the highest incidence in the last two decades. This means that 15.9 million more people could fall into extreme poverty, bringing the total to 83.4 million people in 2020".

Colombia, the second-most unequal country in Latin America after Honduras, is certainly not insulated from the ongoing hunger pandemic and is experiencing the severe repercussions of neoliberalization. Ivan Duque Marquez's government implemented a lockdown without providing Colombian informal workers with a temporary relief income. This was a disastrous approach because informal workers represent 62.4 percent of the total employed population and constitute one of the largest informal economies in Latin America. With little or no money to buy food supplies, Colombians took to the streets to protest against hunger and according to a protestor named Sandra Patricia Hurtado, "We are dying not from the virus but from hunger." The anti-hunger mobilizations were soon quelled through the imposition of curfew which opened the flow of police and anti-riot forces.

The basis for the present-day hunger pandemic in Colombia was laid through the neoliberal policies of César Gaviria's government known as Apertura (opening-up). Beginning from 1991, Gaviria unleashed a policy package which attempted to pry open and capitalistically crack the Colombian economy through neoliberal measures. These neoliberal policies included the calibrated collapse of social safety net, an aggressive pursuit of an export-oriented economic policy and the ceaseless efforts to attract FDI (Foreign Direct Investment). This neoliberal policy paradigm heralded an agrarian age wherein crops for domestic consumption like barley, soybeans, corn and wheat were replaced by export-oriented crops such as palm oil, fruit and sugarcane. In 1991-2005 period, food imports increased by 424 percent and agro- exports rose by 66 percent. This signifies that "In addition to deepening the insertion of Colombian agriculture into world markets as a supplier of commodity crops and a net food importer, the neoliberalization of the rural landscape raised food prices, affecting Colombian consumers and having adverse impacts on the livelihoods of small farmers engaged in the production of transitional crops". The cultivation of agro-export crops (and the subsequent inception of food insecurity) has been cloaked in the banner of "productive alliances" under which "large agri-business enterprises establish processing plants, credit schemes and transport and infrastructure facilities, whilst making arrangements with local smallholders to convert their plots from production of traditional foodstuffs to agro-export crops such as palm, cocoa or rubber".

The export-oriented crop production of Colombia was supplemented by the economic entrenchment of a rentier agrarian economy which engendered a shift from production to speculation in land use. Through a strategy of accumulation by dispossession, the system of share-cropping, small-holder farming and subsistence farming was slowly colonized by the new logic of rentier-speculative land system. The proletarianization and dispossession of small farmers also included the systematic dismantling of the communal lands of Afro-Colombians in regions such as Chocó and Valle del Cauca. Instead of using the appropriated lands for productive activities such as agricultural food production, the Colombian capitalist class used it for speculative purposes. In order to avoid taxation and legal prosecution for under-using or keeping the land idle, capitalists adopted cattle ranching as a viable method. The Colombian state had carved cattle ranching as a haven for speculation through "government policies such as easing of credit, subsidies, and low taxation on land properties and cattle." These legal-governmental initiatives "provided the institutional contours for the development of rentier rural capital by favoring large cattle ranchers, thus permitting them to use land properties as a hedge against inflation and to evade taxation."

Along with the traditional land oligarchy, the narcobourgeoisie was another major player in the rentier agrarian economy of Colombia. The narcobourgeoisie found land in the rural areas as a convenient method to facilitate "the transformation of illicit capital into land holdings and their legal incorporation into formal land markets through the acquisition of titles". In addition, the flexibility and unenforcement of rural property rights "made it much easier for drug traffickers to launder through acquiring lands than through the financial system, urban real estate, or other businesses, as the state's monitoring and anti money-laundering mechanisms became stronger during the 1990s".The lucrativeness of land speculation was increased by cattle ranching which served as a veneer for unproductive land ownership and promised "low risk, low tax, and high resale value." All the economic benefits associated with rural land acquisition and cattle ranching led the narcobourgeoisie to own 6 million hectares of land in 1998.

Through the augmentation of rentier agrarian economy, the land devoted to food production significantly decreased, the land for cattle ranching exponentially increased, land concentration reached unprecedented heights and the dispossession of small and subsistence farmers intensified. Land dedicated to food production decreased "from 4.6 million hectares in 1987 to 3.9 million hectares in 1999, and even further to 3.7 million hectares in 2004."This decline in land devoted to food production was accompanied by an increase in the land dedicated to cattle ranching "from 12.1 million hectares in 1950 to 17.5 million by 1970, 20.5 million in 1978, 40.1 million in 1987, and 41.2 million hectares in 1999." Land accumulation for speculation and cattle ranching was coupled with a simultaneous process of dispossession in which 5.5 million hectares or 10.8% of agricultural land was appropriated between 1998 and 2008. In the 1980-2010 period, 6.6 million hectares of land were abandoned as a result of displacement. Within the contemporaneous period of 2005 to 2008, "food inflation in the lowest income groups was found to exceed national inflation levels." and "the price of the canasta basica de nutricion (basic food basket) increased between 80% and 90% between the years of 2007-2008", indicating an increase in food insecurity.

With the help of accumulation by dispossession, land ownership was increasingly concentrated in fewer hands and in 1984 ten million hectares of land were in landholdings of more than 500 hectares each and were owned by 12,000 landowners who were predominantly cattle barons. More recently, extreme land concentration was indicated by the National Census of Agriculture in which it was found that 1% of the population owned 81% of Colombian territory. Further, "69.5% of farmers have less than 5 hectares of land. In all, their farms cover just 5.2% of the country's cultivable land. At the opposite end of the scale, 0.2% of farmers have more than 1000 hectares of land, accounting for 32.8% of all agricultural land".

Through the cumulative effects of rentier economy and export-oriented agribusiness crop production, Colombia witnessed the emergence of food insecurity. Food insecurity in Colombia is closely intertwined with the violent processes of displacement and campesino resistance wherein displaced small farmers are ever-exploited by MNCs, agri-business companies and narco-trafficker. All these mutually reinforcing processes of capital accumulation contributed to the immiseration and displacement of Colombians, thus increasing food insecurity. With the introduction of Apertura in the 1990s, "foreign direct investment in Colombia actually grew at an annual average of 55 percent, well above the average growth of the 1980s." This heralded the aggressive economic solidification of predatory MNCs which were later found to be "violating human rights, contributing to the existence of armed actors, contributing to the assassination of trade union leaders, suppressing their workers, clearing people from their lands in order to make room for new operations, or a combination of these".

Colombian Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with other countries such as USA and Canada are also examples of strategically orchestrated attempts to economically impoverish peasants and workers and keep them in a perpetual state of displacement. According to a report produced by Oxfam on the US-Colombia FTA, USA benefitted unfairly from the FTA because it did not weaken its domestic support for production and instead, coerced Colombia into dismantling its Andean Price Band System and Colombian quota administration mechanism which had guaranteed the purchase of crops. In a nutshell, "Colombia guaranteed unconditional access to its domestic market for principal U.S. export products such as rice, corn (maize), wheat, barley, soybeans, beans, oil seeds, chicken, pork, high quality beef, dried milk, and whey, among others. However, in contrast, the United States conditioned the entry of an important Colombian product, sugar, to a duty free quota, and did not guarantee the elimination of non-tariff barriers. "

Similarly, the Canada-Colombia FTA also underscored the undue benefits that the nations of the capitalist core accrue through their imperial power. As per a report produced by Report of the Standing Committee on International Trade, "The overlap between [conflict and natural resources] is sobering. Colombian regions that are rich in minerals and oils have been marked by violence. They are the source of 87% of forced displacements, 82% of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, and 83% of assassinations of trade union leaders in the country... given the violent way commerce is undertaken, profit is extracted, and exports are generated, that Canadian investment in trade would be complicit in that violence." Mark Rowlinson, a member of the Canadian Association of Labor Lawyers, said that "Preferential trade agreements have not generally provided any real mechanism in our submission to ensure that labor rights are protected when implemented by contracting parties....there's no basis to believe that the insertion of labor provisions into a proposed trade agreement between Canada and Colombia will have any positive effect on the labor rights climate in Colombia."

Neoliberal globalization, manifested through FTAs, MNCs and FDI, adversely impacted Colombians by additionally oppressing them in mining, oil and agri-business sectors. Therefore, the domestic displacement of Afro-indigenous communities and small-scale Colombian farmers was complemented by the external exploitation of these classes in other economic sectors. Many a times, the most appropriate choice for a poor Colombian squeezed and suppressed between the increasing non-profitability of food crops and economic exploitation of mining, oil and agribusiness sectors, is to cultivate coca leaves. Apart from the declining prosperity in other occupations, coca cultivation is also attractive because it is more adaptable and less demanding than alternative crops; requires lower inputs than other crops and does not need special skills on the part of the farmer for successful cultivation. But these features of coca cultivation don't directly translate into increased profitability for the farmers.

The Colombian government has been engaged in a bellicose programme to forcibly eradicate coca cultivation through regressive techniques such as aerial fumigation. Colombian efforts to forcibly eradicate Coca plants have been supported by USA through the Plan Colombia programme through which USA has provided more than $10 billion to Colombia. Aerial fumigation is a purely destructive technique due to its inherent tendency to chaotically, coercively and catastrophically confront coca cultivation: "the effects of aerial eradication on coca appear to derive not directly from the fumigation of the plant itself, but rather from the associated side effects of fumigation, namely, violence and indiscriminate disruption of agriculture in coca growing regions. ...The human and economic costs of displacement due to aerial eradication may only perpetuate the poverty and underdevelopment common to agricultural regions already most likely to grow coca, creating an on-going cycle and pattern of transient coca cultivation."

This pattern of transient coca cultivation has been proved by the replanting of half of the destroyed crops in Colombia in 2019 and the increase of 8% in the 2019 Colombian cocaine production, reaching an all-time high. Coca cultivation has snowballed due to Donald Trump's insistence on aerial fumigation, reflected in his dialogue with Ivan Duque Marquez to whom he said that "you're going to have to spray. If you don't spray, you're not going to get rid of them. So you have to spray, with regard to the drugs in Colombia,".

In circumstances like these, politically perforated by corruption, economically penetrated by MNCs and FTAs and disrupted by punctual counter-narcotics operations, the number of internally displaced persons (ICPs) skyrocketed to approximately 9 million, more than Syria's 6.2 million people. According to a book by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO)on Colombia, there is a direct correlation between displacement and food insecurity. For example, "the average food calorie consumption of displaced people was 1752 kcal per day, which is less than the minimum requirement of 2100 kcal per person per day. Additionally, displaced people had higher indices of chronic and acute malnutrition than the host population". Importantly, food insecurity "affects the most vulnerable groups, who were already suffering from food insecurity in their places of origin: children, the elderly, women and indigenous populations and those of African descent. These account for the bulk of the displaced population, 72 percent of total victims."

Despite the entire history of food insecurity in Colombia, it seems that the government is uninterested in this issue. Ivan Duque is continuing to increase food exports with shipments to the U.S. and the Netherlands rising by 6.9% and 31.7%. Consequently, imports reached $1.68 billion between January and March 2019, a 3.5% y-o-y rise. This reflects the growing costs which Colombia has to bear by unequally trading with the Global North. In the agribusiness sector, banana production rose by 2.52% in 2018 and palm oil production "increased by 42% in 2017 to reach 1.6bn tonnes and a total value of over $3.3bn." An interesting development has been the synchronized increase in cattle ranching and narco-dollars. In 2017-18, deforestation, driven by cattle ranching and land grabbing, increased in lockstep with a booming speculative land market. A year after this cycle of deforestation and land speculation cocaine production reached "historic highs". Land grabbing and speculation has been dotted with the killing of more than 77 ex-guerrillas in 2019 (making 2019 the "deadliest year" for ex-FARC combatants) and the simultaneous murder of 120 activists. Through systematic killings of social activists and ex-FARC guerrillas, Ivan Duque Marquez is advancing his agenda which refuses to recognize the hunger pandemic of Colombia.

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The hunger pandemic in Colombia | MR Online

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The unchecked growth of the COVID-19 pandemic in Latin America is tearing apart the socio-economic fabric of the countrieslocated in that continent. One manifestation of this socio-economic rupture is the emergence of what David Beasley, the Executive Director of UN World Food Programme (WFP), has called a "hunger pandemic".

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The Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation on the Amazon Region: Pope Francis' Four Dreams for the Region

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The Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation on the Amazon Region: Pope Francis' Four Dreams for the Region

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The piece is split into four dreams:

A social dream

A cultural dream

An ecological dream

An ecclesial dream.

In a cultural dream, Pope Francis explains we must protect indigenous culture, which highlights one of the gravest inequalities faced in Latin America: the colonisation process.

Is it too little too late from the Catholic Church in terms of preserving indigenous culture that several centuries ago they fought so hard to get rid of?

My answer is yes. The Church still have a massive hold on the region, affecting legal issues such as abortion and gay marriage.

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Pope Francis greets an indigenous woman in Puerto Maldonado, Peru

"The beloved Amazon region stands before the world in all its splendour, its drama and its mystery." Thus begins the Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation, Querida Amazonia.

Significance of the Apostolic Exhortation

In the first two points (2-4), the Pontiff explains "the significance of this Exhortation", enriched with references to documents of the Episcopal Conferences of the countries that make up the Amazon region, as well as of poetry written by poets connected to the Amazon. He emphasizes that he desires "to offer my own response" that the Synod evoked in him and explains that he does not intend to substitute or duplicate the Final Document which he invites us to read "in full". Pope Francis prays that the entire Church might allow itself to be "enriched and challenged" by it and that the Church in the Amazon might strive "to apply it".

The Pope's dreams for the Amazon region

Pope Francis shares his "dreams for the Amazon region" (5-7), whose destiny must concern everyone because that land is also "ours". His "four great dreams" are thus articulated: an Amazon region that "fights for the rights of the poor", that "preserves its distinctive cultural riches", that "jealously preserves its overwhelming natural beauty" and lastly, that the Christian communities might be "capable of generous commitment, incarnate in the Amazon region".

A social dream: the Church at the side of the oppresed

The first chapter of Querida Amazonia is focused on the "social dream" (8). It highlights that "a true ecological approach" is a "social approach" as well and, valuing the "good living" of the indigenous populations, he warns against an "environmentalism" concerned only with the environment. With vibrant tones, he speaks of "injustice and crime" (9-14). The Pope recalls that Benedict XVI had already denounced "the devastation of the environment and the Amazon". The indigenous peoples, Pope Francis warns, suffer a "subjection" on the part of both the local and outside powers. According to Pope Francis, the economic operations that fuel devastation, killing and corruption merit the name of "injustice and crime". With John Paul II, he reiterates that globalization must not become a new version of colonialism.

A social dream: that the poor might be heard regarding the Amazon's future

In the face of so much injustice, the Pope asks that we "feel outrage" and that we "beg forgiveness" (15-19). According to Pope Francis, "networks of solidarity and development" are needed, and he requests everyone to commit themselves, including political leaders. The Pope then dwells on the theme of "a sense of community" (20-22). He recalls that for the Amazonian peoples, human relationships "are steeped in the surrounding nature". Thus, he writes, they experience a real "uprootedness" when they are "forced to migrate to the cities".

A social dream: that the Amazon region become a place of dialogue

The last part of the first chapter is dedicated to the "broken institutions" (23-25) and to "social dialogue" (26-27). The Pope denounces the evil of corruption which poisons the State and its institutions. He also expresses the hope that the Amazon might become "a place of social dialogue", first of all, with the least, and that the voice of the poor might be "the most authoritative voice" in the Amazon region.

A cultural dream: taking care of the Amazon polyhedron

The second chapter is dedicated to the "cultural dream". Pope Francis makes it immediately clear that "to promote the Amazon region" does not mean "colonizing it culturally" (28). He thus uses an image that is dear to him - "the Amazonian polyhedron" (29-32). "Postmodern colonization" needs to be combatted, he says. For Pope Francis, "caring for roots" is urgent (33-35). Citing Laudato si' and Christus vivit, he emphasizes that the "a consumerist vision of human beings" tends to "have a leveling effect on cultures" and this has an effect above all on young people. The Pope asks young people to "take charge of your roots", and to "recover their damaged memory".

A cultural dream: an intercultural encounter rather than a closed "indigenism"

The Apostolic Exhortation then dwells on the "intercultural encounter" (36-38). Even the "supposedly more developed cultures", he observes, can learn from peoples who have "developed a cultural treasure, interacting with nature". Diversity should, therefore, not be "a wall" but "a bridge" which rejects "a completely enclosed 'indigenism'". The last part of the second chapter is dedicated to the theme of "endangered cultures, peoples at risk" (39-40). In any project for the Amazon region, the Pope's recommendation is that "there is a need to respect the rights of peoples". "It will be hard for them to remain unaffected", he adds, if the environment in which they are born and in which they have grown up "is damaged".

An ecological dream: to unify caring for the environment and caring for people

The third chapter proposes "an ecological dream" and is the chapter that is most directly connected with the Encyclical Laudato si'. In the introduction (41-42), the fact that there exists a close relationship between the human being and nature in the Amazon is underlined. Pope Francis emphasizes that taking care of our brothers and sisters as the Lord takes care of us is "the first ecology that we need". Caring for the environment and caring for the poor are "inseparable". Pope Francis then directs his attention to "the dream made of water" (43-46). He cites Pablo Neruda and other local poets regarding the power and beauty of the Amazonas. Through their poetry, the Pope writes, they "help free us from the technocratic and consumerist paradigm that destroys nature".

An ecological dream: sustainable development in the Amazon region

According to the Pope, it is urgent that "the cry of the Amazon region" be listened to. He recalls that the health of the planet depends on its health. There are, he writes, powerful interests which are not only local interests, but are even international. The solution is not, therefore, "internationalizing" the Amazon region; what needs to grow is "responsibility on the part of national governments". Sustainable development, he continues, requires that the people living there be always informed about projects that concern them. In this regard, he hopes that "a legal framework" with "clear boundaries" will be created.

He thus invites us to "the prophecy of contemplation" (53-57). By listening to the indigenous peoples, he underlines, we can love the Amazon region and "not simply use it"; we can find in it "a theological locus, a space where God himself reveals himself and summons his sons and daughters". The last part of Chapter Three is centered on "ecological education and habits" (58-60). The Pope points out that ecology is not a technical theme, but that it includes an "educational dimension".

An ecclesial dream: to develop a Church with an Amazonian face

The final chapter is the longest and is dedicated "more directly" toward pastors and members of the Catholic faithful. Its focus is the "ecclesial dream". The Pope invites us to "develop a Church with an Amazonian face" through a "great missionary proclamation" (61), a "message that needs to be heard in the Amazon region" (62-65). A "social message" is not enough according to the Pope. These peoples have "a right to hear the Gospel", otherwise, "every ecclesial structure would become" an NGO.

A substantial portion is then dedicated to inculturation. Referring to Gaudium et spes, he speaks of "inculturation" (66-69) as a process which brings "to fulfilment in the light of the Gospel" the good that already exists in the Amazonian cultures.

An ecclesial dream: a renewed inculturation of the Gospel in the Amazon region

The Pope then turns his gaze more in depth to the "paths of inculturation in the Amazon region" (70-74). The values present in the indigenous communities, he writes, need to be taken into account "in the process of evangelization". Then, in the next two paragraphs, he dwells on "social and spiritual inculturation" (75-76). The Pope highlights that, given the condition of poverty in which many of those who live in the Amazonian region experience, inculturation needs to have a "markedly social cast". At the same time, however, the social dimension should be integrated with the "spiritual" one.

An ecclesial dream: accessibility of the Sacraments to everyone, especially the poor

The Apostolic Exhortation then indicates the "starting points for an Amazonian holiness" (77-80) which should not copy "models imported from other places". He emphasizes that "it is possible to take up an indigenous symbol in some way, without necessarily considering it as idolatry". It is possible to use "a myth charged with spiritual meaning", he adds, without necessarily considering it to be "a pagan error". The same applies to some religious feasts which, even if they require a "process of purification", "have a sacred meaning".

An ecclesial dream: inculturating the liturgy

Another significant passage in Querida Amazonia is on the inculturation of the liturgy (81-84). The Pontiff notes that the Second Vatican Council had already called for an effort "to inculturate the liturgy among indigenous peoples". In addition, he recalls in a footnote that during the Synod "a proposal to develop an 'Amazonian rite' " emerged. The Sacraments, he states, "should be accessible, especially for the poor". The Church, he adds, recalling Amoris laetitia cannot transform itself into a "toll-house".

An ecclesial dream: sending missionaries to the Amazon region

Connected to this is the theme of the "inculturation of forms of ministry" (85-90) to which the Church must give a "courageous response". According to the Pope, "a more frequent celebration of the Eucharist," must be guaranteed. In this regard, he reiterates, it is important to "determine what is most specific to a priest". The answers, as one finds, is in the Sacrament of Holy Orders which enables the priest to be the sole presider over the Eucharist. How is it possible, then, "to ensure this priestly ministry" in remote zones? Pope Francis urges all the bishops, especially those in Latin America, "to be more generous" in encouraging those who "display a missionary vocation" to choose the Amazon region and invites them to evaluate formation to the priesthood.

An ecclesial dream: fostering the involvement of the laity in the communities

After speaking about the Sacraments, Querida Amazonia dwells on "communities filled with life" (91-98) in which the laity must assume "important responsibilities". For Pope Francis, in fact, it is not a matter "of facilitating a greater presence of ordained ministers". He calls this a "narrow" objective if it does not succeed in awakening "new life in communities". Thus, new "lay services" are called for. Only through an "active involvement of the laity", he reiterates, can the Church respond to the "challenges in the Amazon region". According to Pope Francis, consecrated persons have a special role to play. At the same time, he reminds us of the role of the base communities who have defended social rights. In particular, he encourages the activities of REPAM and "itinerant missionary teams".

An ecclesial dream: new places for women, but without clericalization

A part of the document is dedicated to the "strength and gift of women" (99-103). Pope Francis recognizes that in the Amazon region some communities are only sustained "because of the presence of strong and generous women". He then cautions against reducing "the Church to her functional structures". If that were the case, women would only be given a role insofar as they had access to Holy Orders. According to Pope Francis, the clericalization of women must be rejected, and instead, a feminine contribution that allows the "tender strength of Mary" to be present should be accepted. He thus encourages the creation of new feminine services which - with the public recognition of the bishop - allow their input to affect decisions taken in the community.

An ecclesial dream: Christians fighting together to defend the poor in the Amazon region

According to the Pope, "expanding horizons beyond conflicts" (104-105) is a must as well as allowing the Amazon region to challenge us to "transcend limited perspectives... mired in partial approaches". The fourth chapter then ends on the theme "ecumenical and interreligious coexistence" (106-110). The Pope invites believers to "find occasions to speak to one another and to act together for the common good". "How can we not struggle together?" Pope Francis asks. "How can we not pray and work together, side by side, to defend the poor of the Amazon region?"

Entrusting the Amazon region and its peoples to Mary

Pope Francis concludes Querida Amazonia with a prayer to the Mother of the Amazon Region (111). "Mother, look upon the poor of the Amazon region", he prays, "for their home is being destroyed by petty interests.... Touch the hearts of the powerful, for, even though we sense that the hour is late, you call us to save what is still alive."

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Querida Amazonia: the Pope's Exhortation for a Church with an Amazonian face - Vatican News

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"The beloved Amazon region stands before the world in all its splendour, its drama and its mystery." Thus begins the Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation, Querida Amazonia . In the first two points (2-4), the Pontiff explains "the significance of this Exhortation", enriched with references to documents of the Episcopal Conferences of the countries that make up the Amazon region, as well as of poetry written by poets connected to the Amazon.

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"No cabe duda de que Frida Kahlo es la pintora mexicana más influyente del siglo XX"

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"No cabe duda de que Frida Kahlo es la pintora mexicana más influyente del siglo XX"

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Frida Kahlo is still an influential force on Mexican culture, shown in this article from Architectural Digest (AD).

Her work meant that "Frida tuvo una constante búsqueda de las raíces estéticas de México" (AD).

Her and her art are both central to modern Mexican identity.

Even today, some 65 years after her death, she represents many in Mexico and across Latin America.

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A través de la fantasía y el realismo mágico de sus obras, Frida Kahlo plasmó su propio dolor y sufrimiento a raíz de un accidente que tuvo en su juventud, lo cual la mantuvo postrada en cama durante largos periodos de su vida.

Junto con su esposo, el famoso pintor Diego Rivera, Frida influyó en la difusión del arte popular mexicano posrevolucionario, siendo algunas de sus obras más famosas Las dos Fridas, Unos cuantos piquetitos y Henry Ford Hospital.

Primeros años

Magdalena Carmen Frida Kahlo Calderón, mejor conocida como Frida Kahlo, nació el 6 de julio de 1907 en la Ciudad de México, en la famosa casa ubicada en Coyoacán que hoy es un museo, la Casa Azul. Su padre tenía ascendencia húngaro-alemana y su madre era originaria de Oaxaca.

La niñez de Frida se vio marcada por la poliomielitis, aunque eso no le impidió realizar sus estudios en la Escuela Nacional Preparatoria. Sin embargo, Frida sufrió un trágico accidente en autobús a los 18 años, lo cual le provocó la fractura de varios huesos y lesiones en la espina dorsal que la marcarían de por vida.

Frida, el arte y la política

Debido a la inmovilidad causada por el accidente, Frida comenzó a mostrar interés en el arte. A través de la pintura, la artista expresaba su dolor y sufrimiento provocados por el accidente, pero también la felicidad de estar viva y la esperanza de sus sueños.

Para Frida, la política era un tema relevante. Comenzó a frecuentar ambientes políticos, artísticos e intelectuales, al grado de asistir a reuniones políticas del Partido Comunista de México en el que militaba su futuro esposo, Diego Rivera.

Además, la influencia del nacionalismo revolucionario en México la llevó a crear un estilo único: Frida vestía largas faldas mexicanas, moños trenzados con cintas de colores, acompañados de collares y pendientes de estilo precolombino.

Relación con Diego Rivera

Aunque Diego Rivera militaba en el Partido Comunista de México del cual Frida Kahlo frecuentaba reuniones, ambos se conocieron cuando Frida visitó a Rivera en su taller mientras este trabajaba en una serie de murales para el edificio de la Secretaría de Educación Pública.

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Frida Kahlo, la pintora mexicana más influyente del siglo XX

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A través de la fantasía y el realismo mágico de sus obras, Frida Kahlo plasmó su propio dolor y sufrimiento a raíz de un accidente que tuvo en su juventud, lo cual la mantuvo postrada en cama durante largos periodos de su vida.

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Autorretrato en la frontera entre México y EE.UU, 1932. 

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Kahlo paints herself standing on the border between two worlds.

On her right is the industrialised US, represented by the Ford Factory, and other bits of technology.

On her left, is a Mexico pre-colonisation, represented by wildlife and Aztec iconography.

There is only one link between the two universes: a generator on the US side, which supplies power to the pedestal on which Frida stands. It draws power from the roots of the plants on the Mexican side.

This is a symbol of the inequalities faced in Mexico due to colonisation and neo-colonisation.

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In 1929, Kahlo married Diego Rivera, a prominent Mexican painter, some 21 years her senior.

By the time she married him, he was already a well-established artist, both in Mexico and the USA.

In the US, Kahlo was mainly known as his wife, not an artist in her own right.

This troubled her deeply and is seen in the painting, with the soap box Frida stands upon reading 'Carmen Rivera'.

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Fotografía

Marcel Sternberger y su esposa, Ilse, viajaron a México en 1951 para fotografiar al presidente Miguel Alemán Valdés, así como a otros políticos y empresarios notables. Sin embargo, el momento más interesante sucedió cuando entablaron amistad con dos comunistas radicales: Diego Rivera y Frida Kahlo. Tiempo después, Sternberger los fotografió con su estilo característico, que era una combinación única de técnicas psicológicas y fotográficas.

"Aunque Sternberger casi siempre establecía buenas relaciones con todos sus modelos y llegó a intercambiar correspondencia con algunas de las personalidades más famosas de la época, tuvo un vínculo especial con Frida y Diego", dijo Jacob Loewentheil, autor de The Psychological Portrait, una nueva monografía que publicó Rizzoli con 206 fotografías de personajes importantes, entre los que se encuentran Albert Einstein, Sigmund Freud y George Bernard Shaw.

"Los Sternberger pasaron los siguientes cinco años viajando desde Nueva York, donde vivían, a la Casa Azul". Para Sternberger era importante desarrollar una relación cercana con sus modelos, muchos de los cuales fueron judíos, como él. Según Loewentheil, esto (y parte de la teoría comunista) pudo haber sido lo que influyó en la conexión que se creó entre él, su esposa, Frida Kahlo y Diego Rivera, quienes afirmaban tener una herencia judía, aunque eso se desmintió con el tiempo.

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Diego Rivera y Frida Kahlo junto a su perro Mexico, 1952 Credit... Retrato de Sternberger, cortesía de Frida Kahlo Corporation

En los retratos de Sternberger, se puede ver a Rivera haciendo muecas. Como consta en una conversación grabada en 1952 entre Rivera y Sternberger, que Loewentheil pudo escuchar, el pintor solía hacer esas muecas frente al espejo para estudiar los músculos y rasgos faciales.

"Diego hace muchas muecas e imita a personajes en sus fotografías", dice Loewentheil. "En algunas se le ve con los ojos en blanco; en una trata de imitar a Buda y en otra dice que identifica algo del dios prehispánico del viento en su retrato".

Frida Kahlo luce muy desenvuelta. A pesar de sus serias lesiones en la espalda, con las que batallaba desde 1925, la vemos sentada con la espalda recta, casi haciendo énfasis en su postura, con unos largos pendientes y su tocado de flores.

"Ella quería presentarse con un porte señorial", dice Loewentheil. "Considerando que tenía serias lesiones en la espalda a causa de un accidente en tranvía durante la infancia que la postró en cama durante buena parte de su vida, creo que siempre quiso mostrarse con la espalda recta, como para demostrar que podía sostenerse sola".

Diego Rivera y un niño que se cree que es su nieto Mexico, 1952 Credit... Retrato de Sternberger, cortesía de Frida Kahlo Corporation

No hay registros de qué opinó Frida Kahlo de los retratos, pero la conversación grabada muestra la opinión de Rivera. "Primero que nada, creo que nadie me había tomado unas fotografías más logradas que estas y por primera vez me veo tal como soy, esa parte de mí en los retratos, la mayor parte de mi psicología, mi forma de ser soñadora detrás de la máscara que tengo puesta todo el tiempo, en la vida cotidiana", le dijo a Sternberger.

Aunque el proyecto de Sternberger quedó en el olvido después de su muerte en un accidente automovilístico cuando regresaba a Nueva York desde México, en 1956, sus métodos psicológicos y fotográficos se detallan en un manuscrito póstumo que nunca se publicó.

The Psychological Portrait incluye fragmentos de ese manuscrito que describe las instrucciones precisas del fotógrafo. Sternberger creía que todo buen retratista debía tener diez atributos, como por ejemplo: "una buena educación, a fin de poder compartir el mayor número de intereses con tus modelos".

"Intercambiar conocimientos sobre temas de importancia para sus modelos era el medio por el cual él los hacía involucrarse en una conversación", explica Loewentheil. "Una vez que los modelos estaban absortos en la charla, Sternberger se valía de ese involucramiento para evocar emociones internas y producir los retratos únicos que eran su sello".

Es difícil saber con exactitud de qué hablaron Frida Kahlo, Diego Rivera y Marcel Sternberger. Pero Loewentheil cree que el fotógrafo pudo capturar el vínculo emocional entre la famosa pareja que durante mucho tiempo se ha visto eclipsado por los relatos de su relación tormentosa.

"Creo que en los retratos de Diego y Frida se desprende que, para el matrimonio Sternberger, la pareja se quería", dice Loewentheil y agrega: "Hay unos momentos íntimos muy bellos que se detallan en el libro. La narrativa histórica que tuvimos suele verse limitada por la necesidad de ser breves. Los biógrafos de la pareja pueden hacer énfasis en una cara de su relación, pero la verdad era más compleja".

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Frida Kahlo y Diego Rivera: amor y psique capturados en imágenes (Published 2016)

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Fotografía Marcel Sternberger y su esposa, Ilse, viajaron a México en 1951 para fotografiar al presidente Miguel Alemán Valdés, así como a otros políticos y empresarios notables. Sin embargo, el momento más interesante sucedió cuando entablaron amistad con dos comunistas radicales: Diego Rivera y Frida Kahlo.

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- Identity, both Mexican and individual

- Industrialisation

- Colonialism

- Nature and a loss of nature

- Feminism

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Luisa Rivera's illustrated cover of Cien años de soledad. Picture accessed from Vogue Mexico article.

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One Hundred Years of Solitude, published in 1967, is set against a backdrop of contemporary Latin American history.  

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One Hundred Years of Solitude, published in 1967, is set against a backdrop of contemporary Latin American history.  

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-  The novel tells the multigenerational story of the Buendía family and their village, Macondo, founded by patriarch and matriarch José Arcadio and Úrsula.

-  As readers, we witness the perils of neo-colonialism through the rise and fall of the town of Macondo, which is ultimately swept away due to years of heavy rain after the Banana Massacre, committed by a fictionalised version of the American United Fruit Company. (GGM 2014, Chapter 20)

- The anonymity of the fictional town of Macondo means that the novel can be read not only as a fictionalised version of the region’s struggle to emerge out of colonialism but of every post-colonial country's such struggle.

References:
García Márquez, G. and Rabassa, G., 2014. One hundred years of solitude. London [etc.]: Penguin Books

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"The novel, which went on to sell more than fifty million copies worldwide, spoke directly to a Latin American experience shaped by civil war, immortal-seeming dictatorships, and the United Fruit Company, that symbol of North American oppression."

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It would be difficult to think of an author more universally beloved than Gabriel García Márquez, who died yesterday at 87. It's even more difficult to imagine what contemporary literature would look like without his exuberant brand of literary magic, informed by Borges and Kafka and Faulkner but most of all by the fantastically vivid memory of his storytelling grandmother, with whom he spent his earliest years in a village near Colombia's Caribbean coast-thus inspiring his famous declaration that everything he wrote he knew or heard before he was eight years old. García Márquez was nearly forty when he wrote his masterpiece, One Hundred Years of Solitude, drawing from those memories, recorded in a child's enthralled ear and honed by the frustrating years he spent as a journalist in a country shadowed by dictatorship. In accepting his Nobel Prize in 1982, the author said: "Poets and beggars, musicians and prophets, warriors and scoundrels, all creatures of that unbridled reality, we have had to ask but little of imagination. For our crucial problem has been a lack of conventional means to render our lives believable."

The failure of conventional means-this was the lesson I, like so many other norteamericana students of literature, took away from reading One Hundred Years of Solitude. Reading it suggested the thrilling possibilities of rending reality's fabric: Storms could last for centuries; priests could levitate; the most beautiful girl in town might be dispatched directly to heaven. One could compress time, revealing just how irrevocably the past is alive in the present-and the damage done to reality in the name of tyranny. The novel, which went on to sell more than fifty million copies worldwide, spoke directly to a Latin American experience shaped by civil war, immortal-seeming dictatorships, and the United Fruit Company, that symbol of North American oppression. But to read it again now, nearly a half-century later, is to discover García Márquez' oracular magic: after all, the faultiness of national memory, of wars fought long enough to be forgotten why they are being fought in the first place, feels no less resonant a theme in the USA in 2014 than it must have felt in Colombia in 1967, when the novel was published.

But there was another, more tender, less fantastical strain to García Márquez' potent wizardy: his sense of romance. For the author (who is survived by Mercedes Barcha, his wife of more than 55 years, whom he married after a fourteen-year courtship), love may have been a force too vital to be easily squeezed into the conventions of psychological realism, but it was always emphatically, unquirkily real, even when enabled by a mischievous parrot. Who could read Love in the Time of Cholera, the story of lovers separated for decades who defy every convention-of family, of class, of time -and not want the same? "They no longer felt like newlyweds. . . . It was as if they had leapt over the arduous cavalry of conjugal life and gone straight to the heart of love. They were together in silence like an old married couple wary of life, beyond the pitfalls of passion, beyond the brutal mockery of hope and the phantoms of disillusion; beyond love. For they had lived together long enough to know that love was always love, anytime and anyplace, but it was more solid the closer it came to death." If García Márquez made the magical seem real, he also made the real magical.

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A Tribute to Gabriel García Márquez's Magic

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It would be difficult to think of an author more universally beloved than Gabriel García Márquez, who died yesterday at 87.

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The dark history of bananas - John Soluri --- watch from 1.55- 2.12

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The United Fruit Company's Influence in Latin America

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The United Fruit Company's Influence in Latin America

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The dark history of bananas - John Soluri

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Masacre de las bananeras: una huella imborrable en Ciénaga 90 años después | Noticias Caracol --- watch from 1.00-1.45

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In 1928, the Colombian army opened fire on United Fruit workers and their families, on strike due to inhumane working conditions.

In the novel, the Banana Company acts as a fictionalised version of the American company. It personifies the inhumanity and inequality of neo-colonialism.

GGM’s novel has familiarised the world with the massacre, a mighty feat, considering the government’s attempt to destroy all evidence of it taking place.

A ‘powerful parable of imperialism’, the novel highlights one of the most significant inequalities suffered by neo-colonial societies: exploiting the land and natives for economic gain.

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Masacre de las bananeras: una huella imborrable en Ciénaga 90 años después | Noticias Caracol

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Juan Manuel Roca was born in Colombia in 1946.

He is one of the most respected figures in contemporary Colombian poetry and fiction and has published over 20 books of poetry.

His poem Paisaje con mendigos highlights a problem faced world-over: economic inequality.

A key concept of the poem is the question of poverty. The poet raises the question: Who is responsible for it? Who takes care of it?

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Inequality index: where are the world's most unequal countries? 

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Colombia: One of the Most Unequal Countries in the World

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Colombia: One of the Most Unequal Countries in the World

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34% of the Colombian population live under the poverty line.

40% of total earnings go to the top 10% of Colombian households.

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Measuring comparative levels of global inequality is far from straightforward. Is it fair to focus only on financial inequalities, or should we consider quality of life too? If so, how do you measure it?

There are three key measures of financial inequality: income, consumption and wealth. Usually, the term inequality is used to mean income inequality, as it's the basis for most measures and the best documented of the three.

But there are compelling arguments for using consumption or wealth too. Consumption often tracks income, as people's living standards can be understood through what they consume. Wealth, or accumulated capital, can also be a strong determinant of living standards in an increasingly unequal world.

Of course, monetary measures fail to capture inequalities beyond material standards of living. What about equitable access to healthcare and education, or quality of life for women or minorities in certain countries? Here's a quick guide to some measures of inequality - and how countries compare under them.

Financial inequality

The Gini index is the most widely used measure of inequality (see map above). It looks at the distribution of a nation's income or wealth, where 0 represents complete equality and 100 total inequality. However, it is criticised for being overly sensitive to what happens to people in the middle, and not so good at picking up changes at the extremes, where there has been a growing focus in inequality research.

Using the most recent figures, South Africa, Namibia and Haiti are among the most unequal countries in terms of income distribution - based on the Gini index estimates from the World Bank - while Ukraine, Slovenia and Norway rank as the most equal nations in the world.

The current top and bottom five countries according to the Gini index

The Palma ratio is an alternative to the Gini index, and focuses on the differences between those in the top and bottom income brackets. The ratio takes the richest 10% of the population's share of gross national income (GNI) and divides it by the poorest 40% of the population's share. This measure has become popular as more income inequality research focuses on the growing divide between the richest and poorest in society.

The current top and bottom ranked countries according to the Palma ratio

According to the Palma ratio figures in the UN Human Development Index, Ukraine, Norway and Slovenia were the most equal countries to live in when considering distribution of income between the richest and poorest in society. South Africa, Haiti and Botswana had the starkest inequalities in income, based on the Palma ratio.

Living standards inequality

Mixed rankings are based on a range of measures rather than solely focusing on income, wealth or consumption. The idea is to put people's access to opportunities and sense of well-being at the forefront, and encourage countries to guide their public policies towards making their citizens happier, rather than just increasing GDP.

Top and bottom ranked countries from the World Happiness Report 2017

The World Happiness Report ranks 155 countries from 1 to 10 in terms of happiness, and is based on a survey of 1,000 people from each country. The measure is based on real GDP per capita, social support, healthy life expectancy and people's perception of their freedom to make life choices, generosity, and perceptions of corruption.

In the latest report the Nordic countries lead the way, with Norway, Denmark and Iceland at the top of the list, while the Central African Republic, Burundi and Tanzania lag behind with low scores in GDP per capita, social support and people's freedom to makes life choices.

World Happiness Report 2017 by GDP and happiness

However, wealth alone doesn't bring happiness. According to the figures from the World Happiness Report, a high GDP doesn't always equate with a high happiness ranking. Qatar, which has the highest contribution from GDP to its happiness ranking, comes in at 35. Likewise, while Hong Kong is in eighth place when it comes to GDP contribution, it only rates 71st in the overall happiness rankings. Norway, the highest ranking in terms of happiness, comes in third in the GDP rankings.

Over the coming year, the Guardian's Inequality Project will shed new light on issues of inequality and social unfairness around the world. Read all of our coverage here. To get in touch, email us at inequality.project@theguardian.com.

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Inequality index: where are the world's most unequal countries?

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Measuring comparative levels of global inequality is far from straightforward. Is it fair to focus only on financial inequalities, or should we consider quality of life too? If so, how do you measure it? There are three key measures of financial inequality: income, consumption and wealth.

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Juan Manuel Roca sat on rocks. An ode to his surname perhaps? https://literariedad.files.wordpress.com/2014/04/juan-manuel-roca-poeta.jpg?w=768

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Poverty, social class and economic equality;

Issues with tourism (slums turning into tourist attractions);

Biblical references;

The working class and unemployed;

Territory.

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Beggars (and the poor) have been outcasts of society for centuries.

The poem shows the beggars in a very negative light, mirroring society’s unfair view of them.

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Se vendió en kioscos, pero también en fiestas y ferias alternativas. La revista La Calabaza del Diablo fue un hito cultural desde su aparición en noviembre de 1998 hasta el año que dejó de circular, en 2003. Creada por el editor Marcelo Montecinos y el poeta Jaime Pinos, en la publicación colaboraron escritores y periodistas como Rodrigo Hidalgo, Álvaro Bisama, Isolda Montecinos, Ramón Díaz Eterovic, José Ángel Cuevas y Elisa Montesinos.

Paralelamente, en el sello editorial La Calabaza del Diablo, el autor y gestor cultural Jaime Pinos (49) publicó su primera novela en 1997, Los bigotes de Mustafá, reeditada por Lom en 2016. Pinos, quien estudió Literatura en la Universidad de Chile, después publicó el poemario Criminal (2003), que recorre la vida marginal de Roberto Martínez Vásquez, "El Tila", también conocido como "El psicópata de La Dehesa".

Su segundo poemario fue Almanaque (2007), donde Pinos plasma su pasado y la sociedad en la que creció, en los 70, a través de la crónica roja, los registros de prensa y la historia no oficial, siempre dialogando con la tradición de la poesía chilena. En 2015 publicó el conjunto de ensayos Visión periférica (Das Kapital).

Ahora publica Documental por ediciones Alquimia. Allí registra los nombres de los centros de detención y tortura en el régimen de Augusto Pinochet como rememora el pasado en provincia formado en "la pedagogía del miedo y del silencio".

Instalado hace casi una década en Valparaíso, Jaime Pinos es director de La Sebastiana, casa Museo de la Fundación Neruda. Desde ahí realiza labores culturales. Además, es socio fundador de la librería y centro cultural Concreto azul, ubicada en Cumming 94, Valparaíso.
La fotografía escolar incluida en Documental, ¿eres tú?
Soy yo. Estoy en la plaza de la ciudad provinciana donde crecí. Es 21 de mayo. En la foto debo tener 14 o 15 años. No encabezo nada. Marcho como se obligaba a marchar a los escolares de este país en los años setentas y ochentas. Como se les obligaba a escuchar, formados militarmente, en estricto silencio, el discurso patriótico de cada lunes. Eso, entre otras tantas cosas, fue la escuela del rigor. La dura pedagogía en que mi generación fue formada.
"Narras lo que ves", escribes. ¿Crees que te podría limitar esa intención de describir "lo que ven tus ojos" o el deseo es justamente ahondar en ese registro?
"Me limito a narrar lo que veo" es un verso de Nicanor Parra. El hecho es que vivimos en una sociedad donde las imágenes son omnipresentes y proliferan hasta la saturación. Donde las relaciones entre las personas están mediadas por ellas. Más que una limitante, identifico ahí un problema que es necesario investigar. La mirada, sus formas personales y políticas. La relación que construimos entre las palabras y las imágenes, inmersos como vivimos en su flujo inabarcable. En ese contexto confuso, la poesía puede aportar sentido y claridad.
El desenfado, la crítica social, deriva en un retrato de lo marginal con personajes como El Tila, Hans Pozo, los detenidos desaparecidos, Carmen Gloria Quintana, Rodrigo Rojas... ¿Por qué fijarse en ellos?
El poeta también es un marginal, un personaje secundario. Habita un espacio invisible y extremadamente precarizado. En el mundo de la utilidad, la poesía no sirve para nada. Ese es su pecado capital. Por eso no hay poder ni dinero en la poesía. Pero es cierto que tampoco hay poesía en el poder ni en el dinero. Jorge Teillier dijo que escribía para todos, menos para los que se creyeran santos, profetas o poderosos. Que la poesía debía ser una moneda cotidiana. Creo en eso. La poesía verdadera es la antimateria de todo poder. Mientras el poder es impunidad y olvido, la poesía es resistencia y memoria.
Hay guiños a frases y versos en Documental de Teillier, Roberto Bolaño y Enrique Lihn... Pero con Lihn creo que tu poesía establece un diálogo. ¿Qué ha significado Lihn en tu trayecto?
Lihn ha sido siempre un referente fundamental para mí. Su comprensión de la poesía como una forma de indagación y crítica de la realidad. La realidad es la única película que nos quita el sueño, escribió alguna vez. Comparto el mismo insomnio. Admiro su versatilidad creativa, su práctica de una literatura expandida. Lihn fue poeta, narrador, crítico, performer, productor. Pero, sobre todo, admiro su coherencia ética sin concesiones, su radicalidad. Otra influencia clave sobre mi trabajo es la de Gonzalo Millán. Los dos muertos prematuramente para desgracia de la poesía chilena.
¿Cómo ha sido el desarrollo del proyecto Concreto azul?
Concreto azul es una librería ubicada en el plan de Valparaíso cuyo fuerte es la edición independiente, una revista digital de cultura e investigación poética y un espacio donde se desarrollan talleres, presentaciones y lecturas. Más allá de lo difícil que es sostener cualquier espacio cultural fuera de Santiago, creo que es parte, junto a otros trabajos e iniciativas, de un momento de gran vitalidad cultural en el puerto.
¿Qué rescatas de aquellos años de la publicación de La Calabaza del Diablo?
Con 33 números publicados y su circulación en kioscos por algo más de un año, creo que La Calabaza del Diablo fue una de las revistas contraculturales más importantes de la postdictadura. Basta revisar la lista de quienes colaboraron en ella. Muchos ocupan hoy posiciones relevantes en nuestro panorama cultural. Rescato el esfuerzo por practicar la autogestión y la independencia como línea editorial y el slogan que ocupábamos en esos años y, me parece, sigue siendo válido: cultura y realidad.
¿Preparas algún nuevo trabajo?
Trabajo en dos proyectos. El primero es un libro de poesía titulado Show. Explora cómo el sistema de vida imperante nos ha convertido a todos en algo parecido a los competidores de un concurso televisivo. El otro se llama El poema definitivo. Es un libro de ensayos sobre poesía documental o de investigación. Su nombre viene de un poema de Wallace Stevens que dice: "El poema definitivo será aquel que sea escrito en el lenguaje de los hechos". De alguna forma, desde mis primeros libros, esa es la premisa que subyace a todo mi trabajo.

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Libro Documental.

El libro de Jaime Pinos
Documental
(Alquimia).[/caption]

Foto: Antonio Lagos.

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Jaime Pinos: "El poeta también es un personaje secundario" - La Tercera

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El autor de los poemarios Criminal y Almanaque ahora regresa con Documental, volumen donde registra los efectos en la sociedad del Chile postdictadura. Gestor cultural, fundador de la mítica revista La Calabaza del Diablo, hoy es socio de la librería Concreto azul, ubicada en Valparaíso.

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 “Al cruzar hieren y enferman el paisaje” (Rocas 2009, line 11) 

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 “Al cruzar hieren y enferman el paisaje” (Rocas 2009, line 11) 

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The poet completely dehumanises beggars in this poem, showing them as a plague.

It is not a reflection of his opinion, instead it points out the inequality of a broken system.

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The massive divide between poor and rich in Colombia is represented in the poem by the beggars being seen as ‘other’.

They are outcast from the rest of society, with the poet saying:

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 “los mendigos son oscuros forasteros” (Rocas 2009, line 24)

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 “los mendigos son oscuros forasteros” (Rocas 2009, line 24)

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The beggars being described as strangers shows their lack of place in society, something felt by many who suffer economically.

Even in a country such as Scotland, which suffers less economic inequalities than Colombia, your financial background influences the rest of your life.

Poverty means less of an education, which in turn means less opportunities to leave poverty. It is truly a vicious and unequal cycle.

References
Manuel Roca, J., 2009. Biblia De Pobres. 1st ed. Madrid: Visor Libros.

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- Born in Chile in 1970, during Pinochet’s dictatorship

- Chile is one of the world's most unequal countries.

- Considering the statistics on Colombia too, it is fair to say that inequality is a common problem with the different countries in Latin America.

- Poet, editor and cultural entrepreneur

- He is involved in the promotion of poetry in Chile.

- In 2017 he received the Premio a la Trayectoria Poética of the Festival de Poesía La Chascona.

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The poem deals with the ongoing battle in Chile between nature and civilisation.

The key themes covered are:

- Urban development

- Culture as savage

- Modernity

- Landscape

- Demolition

References
Jaime Pinos Fuentes, Díaz, A. and Estudio Navaja (2014). 80 Días. Chile: Alquimia Ediciones.

‌

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In 2010, Chile was welcomed into the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the first South American country officially to graduate from “emerging” to “developed” status.

Despite this, in 2013, the year before Pinos' poem was published, 14% of the population lived in poverty.

In 2017, the richest 20% of the country’s population earned 8.9 times more than the poorest 20%.

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Chile protests: Is inequality becoming worse?

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Protests at rising metro fares have widened to reflect anger over living costs and inequality.

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The Guardian and Inequalities in Chile Exacerbated Due to the Pandemic

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The Guardian and Inequalities in Chile Exacerbated Due to the Pandemic

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"in few areas of Chilean society are the country’s inequalities as apparent as in healthcare, where glistening private hospitals contrast sharply with an underfunded public health system."

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For six months, Chile was shaken by a wave of protests in which millions took to the streets to protest against inequality. Residents of the capital, Santiago, grew accustomed to the raucous crowds thronging the main square to sing and chant against the government.

Now, with parts of the capital on coronavirus lockdown, wind rasps through an empty Plaza Italia as a handful of shoppers hurry past security forces enforcing the stay-at-home order.

But the pandemic has reached Chile against a backdrop of unresolved social tensions, and the factors that triggered last year's explosion of protests are clearly reflected in the way the health crisis has played out.

"In Chile, your chances of receiving a good education, a dignified wage, access to healthcare - and now your chances of even staying alive - are all determined by where you're born," said Fabián Acevedo, a 27-year-old medical student from Santiago.

Amid government calls to stay indoors, Acevedo is squeezed into a narrow two-story home in the capital's Cerro Navia district with seven other family members spanning three generations.

They include Acevedo's uncle Iván, who has lost all his work as a furniture restorer. He belongs to the 30% of Chile's workforce in the informal sector - many of whom are now struggling to get by.

Anger over Chile's failure to provide a social safety net helped drive the protests, along with a litany of other grievances, including inadequate pensions and minimum wage.

Early demonstrations sometimes flared into looting and arson, and protesters were met with deadly repression by the security forces. More than 30 people were killed and thousands more injured.

"The social movement exploded into life because everything that we had been led to believe about progress and wellbeing turned out to an elaborate facade," said the columnist Óscar Contardo.

"Judging by how the system handled the political crisis, I don't think that the eventual outcome of the pandemic will be particularly ethical or democratic."

The outbreak was initially concentrated in the wealthiest parts of the capital but has since pushed into poorer neighbourhoods.

Quarantines were declared across parts of the country, during which the government moved quickly to wash away traces of the protest movement in Plaza Italia.

Soon after the lockdown was declared, President Sebastián Piñera was photographed posing in the square - which only weeks before had been a rallying ground for demonstrators.

Although the death toll remains relatively low, Chile has been hit hard by the pandemic, with with 20,643 confirmed cases and 270 deaths, according to government data.

But with the health system already overstretched - and the southern hemisphere's winter flu season fast approaching - fears are growing that the worst is yet to come.

In November, Chile's health minister, Jaime Mañalich, claimed the country's health system was among the best in the world.

But in few areas of Chilean society are the country's inequalities as apparent as in healthcare, where glistening private hospitals contrast sharply with an underfunded public health system.

Chile has the second-fewest hospital beds per capita among the OECD countries, although the government has attempted to bolster capacity through the temporary lease of private spaces to be transformed into makeshift wards.

"The gulf between the public and private health systems needs to be totally rethought," said Alejandra Fuentes-García, a sociologist at the University of Chile's school of public health. "This is a great opportunity to build a health service with a single funding source that covers everybody - and heals the rifts between the rich and poor in terms of access and quality of care.

"When this is over and people return to the streets, we are going to see a greater emphasis on healthcare at the protests because this crisis will deepen the inequalities," she added.

The pandemic has already forced the postponement of a plebiscite on whether to draft a replacement for the country's Pinochet-era constitution - a key demand of the protesters.

But although the movement has ebbed during lockdown, many have attempted to sustain momentum through sporadic bursts of pan-bashing on balconies.

Meanwhile, Acevedo has taken a three-day online course preparing him to take over from frontline doctors as the pandemic progresses.

"If they need me, I'll be ready," he said. "And as soon as we defeat this, I'll be back out on the streets to protest because we urgently need a new constitution that considers all Chileans, not just the elite."

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Chile: pandemic highlights health crisis as lockdown halts inequality protests

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For six months, Chile was shaken by a wave of protests in which millions took to the streets to protest against inequality. Residents of the capital, Santiago, grew accustomed to the raucous crowds thronging the main square to sing and chant against the government.

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"El violador eres tú", el himno que une a las mujeres en Latinoamérica --- watch from 1 min

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The song was created by a feminist theatre group in Chile, LasTesis, during protests in the country in October of 2019, which started due to the general disappointment with living conditions in Chile.

The protests emphasised the violence of the carabineros, who were recognised by the National Institute for Human Rights as committing more than 800 cases of excessive use of force and over 194 cases of sexual violence, with 4 cases of rape during these protests.

It is an extremely powerful song and has since been performed by womxn world-over in protest over violence against womxn.

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"El violador eres tú", el himno que une a las mujeres en Latinoamérica

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The imagery is powerful in this line alone.

Each word is packed with connotations of what a patriarchal society expects from a womxn.

Due to the mention of sleep and the word niña, we are made to think of a lullaby, emphasising the girl’s youth and innocence.

Womxn are expected to be pure and youthful, even though this is often robbed from them by violadores.

The angry tone of this contrasts the usual soft tone of a lullaby and emphasises the rage felt by womxn in the region at the fact that the police, who are supposed to protect them, are the ones hurting them.

Sadly, this has also been felt recently in the UK, with the rape and murder of Sarah Everard by a member of the MET.

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Latin American womxn suffer greatly from gender inequalities. The majority are refused the right to autonomy over their own bodies.

Femicide is an immense issue in Latin America, another example of the inequality that Latin American womxn face in their day-to-day.

The debilitating misogynism is institutional, shown in police brutality and the lack of reproductive rights.

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Born in Argentina in 1968, Gabriela Cabezón Camára (GCC) is a cultural journalist and one of the escritora s argentinas contemporáneas más leída y reconocida.

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View this post on Instagram

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Here, GCC offers an introduction to her novel, Las aventuras de China Iron.

The English translation of her book, by Drs Iona MacIntyre and Fiona Mackintosh was shortlisted for the 2020 International Booker Prize.

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Gabriela Cabezón Cámara reads The Adventures of China Iron | The Booker Prize

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"The Adventures of China Iron sets British industry and Argentine expansion against the sisterhood of the wagon and an indigenous society of fluid genders and magic mushrooms."

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The gaucho Martín Fierro, the creation of poet José Hernández, is one of the great figures of Argentinian literature: a singer who relates the camaraderie and hardship of cowboy life. But in Cámara's International Booker-shortlisted novella, first published in Spanish in 2017, he's a bit-part player in a wild trip across the pampas that leaves traditional gender roles in the dust.

The book follows China, Fierro's neglected wife, who leaves her poor village to join a Scottish adventurer called Liz who has a wagon well stocked with curry leaves, cakes, lavender-scented sheets and literature. The pair travel across the plains towards an army camp and the territory of the Iñchiñ people, where Liz has a land claim. Nature is ever-present: the guinea pig tunnels that honeycomb the pampas, the limpid rivers of the north, the heat that sets the land ablaze "like a wet stone in the midday sun".

The Adventures of China Iron sets British industry and Argentine expansion against the sisterhood of the wagon and an indigenous society of fluid genders and magic mushrooms. Sentences bound on from one page to another, seeming almost as long as the vignette-like chapters, in a thrilling and mystical miniature epic. This story, drunk on words and visions, is an elegy to the land and its lost cultures.

The Adventures of China Iron by Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, translated by Iona Macintyre and Fiona Mackintosh, is published by Charco (RRP £9.99).

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The Adventures of China Iron review - a thrilling miniature epic

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Gabriela Cabezón Cámara's International Booker-shortlisted novella is an elegy to Argentina's lost cultures

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Pope Francis delivers a speech during a meeting with representatives...

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Pope Francis delivers a speech during a meeting with representatives of indigenous communities of the Amazon basin from Peru, Brazil and Bolivia, in the Peruvian city of Puerto Maldonado, on January... Get premium, high resolution news photos at Getty Images

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“Una utopía queer donde el deseo tiene poder de aglutinar voluntades. 

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“Una utopía queer donde el deseo tiene poder de aglutinar voluntades. 

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La China (ya no como sinónimo de hembra sino con mayúsculas) nace de nuevo en el punto que había quedado en la obra de Hernández: la nada”

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Cuando le dicen que su literatura -llena de travestis, tortas, maricas, villeros, prostitutas- habla de "lo marginal", ella responde: "Me parece que la mayoría de la humanidad es así. No sé de qué mierda hablan, posta. Como si se supusiera que la literatura es toda de clase media y alta y tiene que hablar sólo de eso ¿por qué?". Perfil de Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, por Periódicas.

Gabriela Cabezón Cámara nació en Buenos Aires en 1968. Estudió Letras en la Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). Es periodista cultural, docente y una de las escritoras argentinas contemporáneas más leída y reconocida.

En 2009, antes de que las leyes de matrimonio igualitario e identidad de género fueran una realidad en nuestro país, publicó su primera novela, La Virgen Cabeza. La historia se centra en la figura de Cleopatra, una travesti que habla con la Virgen y por eso es venerada como una santa por sus vecinos de una villa de Buenos Aires, y su relación amorosa con una periodista de clase media llamada Qüity.

"Muchas familias como la de mi novela, formadas por mujeres biológicas y travestis, no hay", decía la autora allá lejos, cuando se publicaba esta historia. " En este caso la familia no se constituye por un mandato sino por puro amor. Una chica heterosexual del conurbano que como única meta atina a casarse no está bueno, pero que a estos personajes, a quienes ni siquiera se les ocurrió que les pudiera suceder, de golpe les pase, lo deseen... eso es lindo, ¿no? El hijito, Kevin, con quien arman esta familia, no tiene lazo de sangre con sus madres. El gancho afectivo no tiene por qué estar determinado por la sangre, ni por el matrimonio heterosexual, como lo demuestran todas las personas del colectivo Glttbi que han adoptado hijos".

Después de La Virgen Cabeza vino el Romance de la negra rubia, los cuentos de Le viste la cara a Dios, la novela gráfica Beya y, en 2017, Las aventuras de la China Iron, elegida entre los libros del año por el New York Times y El País de España, finalista del International Booker Prize 2020.

La China de la historia es esa china que el Martín Fierro se ganó en un partido de truco y que apenas es nombrada en la obra de José Hernández. Cabezón Cámara la rescata en este libro, le da voz y vida: la China Iron escapa del caserío en donde vivía con Fierro para acompañar a Liz, una inglesa que va tras su marido llevado por la leva. Y en ese viaje descubre el mundo y nos lo cuenta: la pampa, sus habitantes humanos y los otros, las formas en las cuales se intentaba transformar ese vasto y rebelde territorio en una nación. En ese viaje, la China descubre olores, sabores, texturas, lenguas, y se descubre junto a Liz.

" Una utopía queer donde el deseo tiene poder de aglutinar voluntades. La China (ya no como sinónimo de hembra sino con mayúsculas) nace de nuevo en el punto que había quedado en la obra de Hernández: la nada", escribió Liliana Viola en el suplemento Soy (Página 12), a propósito del libro.

Cuando le dicen que su literatura -llena de travestis, tortas, maricas, villeros, prostitutas- habla de "lo marginal", ella responde: "Me parece que la mayoría de la humanidad es así. No sé de qué mierda hablan, posta. Como si se supusiera que la literatura es toda de clase media y alta y tiene que hablar sólo de eso ¿por qué?".

Las novelas de Cabezón Cámara transcurren en espacios que combinan mundos, clases, géneros, identidades. Mundos llenos de diversidad, en todos los sentidos de esa palabra y también en lo que refiere al mundo queer. "Este universo es el mío", dice, " hablo de mi universo, donde yo encuentro la belleza, la vida y el amor. Escribir una novela lleva mucho tiempo, años, así que el tiempo que esté ahí más vale que me interese mucho".

Idea e ilustración: Gisela Curioni
Texto: Ileana Manucci
Edición audiovisual: Juliana Barrientos
Edición de sonido: Belén Degrossi

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Existencias lésbicas: Gabriela Cabezón Cámara - Periódicas

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Cuando le dicen que su literatura -llena de travestis, tortas, maricas, villeros, prostitutas- habla de "lo marginal", ella responde: "Me parece que la mayoría de la humanidad es así. No sé de qué mierda hablan, posta. Como si se supusiera que la literatura es toda de clase media y alta y tiene que hablar sólo [...]

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"In a unique reformulation of history and literary tradition, Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, with humour and sophistication, re-writes Martín Fierro from a feminist, LGBT, postcolonial point of view."

The novel centres around China Iron, Martín Fierro’s neglected wife, and her travel-companion Liz. China comes from a poor Argentine village, meanwhile Liz is Scottish, who has a claim to land in indigenous territory.

The two womxn set across the pampa, arriving at the land of the Iñchiñ people, a community in which polyamory and gender fluidity are celebrated and someone's sexuality needs no defining.

It is a society free of misogyny and homophobia, a stark contrast to Argentina and Latin America on the whole.

References
Cabezón Cámara, G., 2017. The Adventures Of China Iron. Translated by Mackintosh, F. and Macintyre, I., 1st ed.

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(* China. Pronounced 'cheena': designation for female, from the Quechua. Iron: The English word for Fierro, reference to the gaucho Martín Fierro, from José Hernández's epic poem.)

This is a riotous romp taking the reader from the turbulent frontier culture of the pampas deep into indigenous territories. It charts the adventures of Mrs China Iron, Martín Fierro's abandoned wife, in her travels across the pampas in a covered wagon with her new-found friend, soon to become lover, a Scottish woman named Liz. While Liz provides China with a sentimental education and schools her in the nefarious ways of the British Empire, their eyes are opened to the wonders of Argentina's richly diverse flora and fauna, cultures and languages, as well as to its national struggles. After a clash with Colonel Hernández (the author who 'stole' Martín Fierro's poems) and a drunken orgy with gauchos, they eventually find refuge and a peaceful future in a utopian indigenous community, the river- dwelling Iñchiñ people.

Seen from an ox-drawn wagon, the narrative moves through the Argentinian landscape, charting the flora and fauna of the Pampas, Gaucho culture, Argentinian nation-building and British colonial projects.

In a unique reformulation of history and literary tradition, Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, with humour and sophistication, re-writes Martín Fierro from a feminist, LGBT, postcolonial point of view. She creates a hilarious novel that is nevertheless incisive in its criticism of the way societies come into being, and the way they venerate mythical heroes.

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The Adventures of China Iron - Charco Press

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Gabriela Cabezón Cámara Translated by Fiona Mackintosh and Iona Macintyre SHORTLISTED FOR THE INTERNATIONAL BOOKER PRIZE 2020 ( * China . Pronounced 'cheena': designation for female, from the Quechua. Iron: The English word for Fierro, reference to the gaucho Martín Fierro, fro

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A UNESCO report says discrimination and harassment against LGBTI students remains widespread in schools in Latin America.

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A UNESCO report says discrimination and harassment against LGBTI students remains widespread in schools in Latin America.

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In Chile, 80% of LGBTI students do not feel safe at school due to their sexuality.

In Colombia, 15% of students had been victims of school violence because of their sexual orientation.

In Peru, around 17% of LGTBI students reported physical aggression in the previous year.

In Mexico, 75% of LGTBI students experienced verbal harassment and insults at school.

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The Global Education Monitoring Report 2020 Latin America and the Caribbean - Inclusion and Education: All without Exception, produced by the GEM Report together with SUMMA and the Regional Bureau for Education in Latin America and the Caribbean (OREALC/UNESCO Santiago) shows that sexism and homophobia are widespread in schools in Latin America.

A study conducted in seven countries in the region (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru and Uruguay) found that four out of five LGTBI students in Chile do not feel safe at school. In Colombia, 15% of students had been victims of school violence because of their sexual orientation. In Peru, around 17% of LGTBI students reported physical aggression in the previous year. In Mexico, 75% of LGTBI students experienced verbal harassment and insults at school and 66% of transgender students reported being bullied at school.
Further information in Spanish:
Para Javier González, director de SUMMA, "a pesar de que hay avances en la región con la introducción de leyes de identidad de género y contra la discriminación en varios países, el clima escolar sigue siendo innegablemente hostil para los y las estudiantes LGTBI, quienes siguen siendo propensos a sufrir acoso verbal y violencia psicológica y física por parte de sus compañeros y principalmente de sus profesores. Esto no solo afecta su dignidad, sino que también su desarrollo socio-emocional y aprendizajes, y puede hacer que los afectados abandonen la escuela por completo".

El informe también muestra que los jóvenes de la región que experimentaron mayores niveles de victimización por su orientación sexual tenían al menos el doble de probabilidades de no asistir a la escuela y presentaban altos niveles de depresión. En los siete países analizados el estudiantado LGBTI manifestó sentirse inseguro en la escuela debido a su orientación sexual (entre el 47% y el 81% de los y las encuestados), y expresión de género (entre el 32% y el 63%).

"Las escuelas tienen que ser inclusivas si queremos que la sociedad sea inclusiva", afirma Manos Antoninis, director del Informe de Seguimiento de la Educación en el Mundo de la UNESCO. "Si le enseñamos a los niños o a las niñas que un determinado tipo de persona no es aceptable, eso va a afectar su forma de comportarse con los demás".

En la actualidad, la diversidad sexual sigue siendo un tema ausente en los currículos de varios países latinoamericanos.

Algunas leyes y políticas educativas también envían señales de que no son tolerados los debates sobre la orientación sexual y la identidad de género. Por ejemplo, en Paraguay, una resolución de 2017 del Ministerio de Educación y Ciencias prohibió la difusión y el uso de materiales educativos que hicieran referencia a la "teoría y/o ideología de género". En Brasil, en 2018, el gobierno se comprometió a eliminar el contenido LGBTI de los libros de texto.

"Debemos preparar al personal docente para crear climas escolares más inclusivos y para que el alumnado se sienta seguro para denunciar en caso de ser víctima de acoso" afirma Claudia Uribe, directora de la OREALC/UNESCO Santiago.

La mayoría del alumnado LGBTI tuvo una experiencia negativa debido a las actitudes del personal docente hacia la orientación sexual y la expresión de género. Sólo dos tercios de los y las estudiantes declararon que algún docente intervino ante la utilización de lenguaje homófobo o transfóbico en la escuela.

La falta de diversidad entre el profesorado y el personal educativo no ayuda. Incluso, cuando la homosexualidad no está penalizada se han presentado casos en donde el profesorado y el personal de apoyo LGTBI son víctimas de discriminación en países como Brasil y Paraguay.

La Organización Internacional de Jóvenes y Estudiantes LGBTQI (IGLYO) y el Informe de Seguimiento de la Educación en el Mundo de la UNESCO han publicado el documento de política: No mires hacia otro lado: no a la exclusión del alumnado LGTBI, donde se presentan las conclusiones de una serie de investigaciones y encuestas realizadas en Europa sobre la situación del estudiantado LGTBI. Este nuevo documento también pone de manifiesto la situación de las personas LGTBI en la educación a nivel mundial e insta a los responsables políticos a que garanticen un entorno de aprendizaje seguro para todo el alumnado, en especial para quienes corren un mayor riesgo de sufrir violencia como las personas LGTBI.

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Sexism and homophobia continue to permeate schools in Latin America

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The Global Education Monitoring Report 2020 Latin America and the Caribbean - Inclusion and Education: All without Exception, produced by the GEM Report together with SUMMA and the Regional Bureau for Education in Latin America and the Caribbean (OREALC/UNESCO Santiago) shows that sexism and homophobia are widespread in schools in Latin America.

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The injustices and inequalities facilitated by neo-colonialism are not restricted to when Kahlo was alive.

The displacement of indigenous communities in Oaxaca due to Spanish company, Iberdrola, is just one example.

"El 4 de noviembre, un par de días antes de que la rodada de Iberdrola partiera de Edimburgo hacia Glasgow, defensoras y defensores indígenas se concentraron frente a las oficinas de la empresa en la Ciudad de México para denunciar “el engaño, el despojo, la destrucción y la contaminación” ocasionados por Iberdrola."

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El lavado verde de Iberdrola desde el Istmo hasta Glasgow

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Por Samantha Demby Más de una docena de rostros blancos recorren sin esfuerzo las laderas escocesas en bicicletas eléctricas de alta gama. Sus uniformes, una paleta de tonos verdes, llevan el logotipo del gigante energético español Iberdrola,...

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Argentina is a giant in Latin America in terms of queer rights, being the first south American nation to legalise same-sex marriage in 2010.

However, not all of Latin America is LGBTQ+ friendly, with Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro boasting about being homophobic.

The violence recorded against members of the queer community increased in Colombia, Mexico and Honduras between 2019 and 2020.

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Brazil's far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, has launched a homophobic attack on a journalist from one of the country's top newspapers in an apparent bid to divert attention from a spiraling corruption scandal involving his son.

"You look terribly like a homosexual," Bolsonaro - who has previously boasted of being "proudly" homophobic - told the reporter, when asked about the politically explosive money-laundering inquiry that saw investigators raid a series of addresses linked to his family on Thursday.

Many observers interpreted the outburst - which came as a new poll showed Bolsonaro's approval ratings hitting record lows - as a deliberate attempt to draw the media's gaze away from the investigation into his senator son Flávio.

But Bolsonaro's homophobic comment served only to further highlight the inquiry into whether Flávio Bolsonaro oversaw a corruption racket during his time as a lawmaker in Rio de Janeiro. Part of the investigation focuses on suspicions Flávio laundered money through a chocolate shop registered with authorities under the name Bolsotini.

Manuela D'Ávila, a prominent leftist politician, tweeted: "Bolsonaro is committing the crime of homophobia in order to make us forget his son's schemes. But we won't forget. He's a homophobe and his son ..."

The scandal has the potential to cause serious problems for Brazil's president, who swept to power last year promising to eradicate corruption after what some called the greatest corruption scandal in history.

Particularly compromising are the apparent connections, suggested by the investigation, between members of Rio's mafia and the Bolsonaro family.

One of those allegedly involved in Flávio Bolsonaro's suspected corruption scheme is the wife of Adriano da Nóbrega, a former special forces police operative who is currently on the run and is suspected of running a gang of contract killers one Brazilian newspaper has called Rio's "most lethal and secretive phalanx of hired guns".

Members of that group are suspected to have taken part in the 2018 murder of Rio politician Marielle Franco.

On Friday, a new poll showed the number of Brazilians who disapprove of Bolsonaro's administration had jumped to 53%. Those who thought it bad or awful stood at 38%, compared with 27% after he took office.

Bolsonarista officials have rejected any suggestion of wrongdoing. The presidential spokesman, Fábio Wajngarten, this week denounced what he called the media's "insane and abominable persecution" of the Bolsonaros.

In a YouTube video posted on Thursday, Flávio Bolsonaro insisted he had nothing to hide, and claimed the investigation was part of a "conspiracy" involving "many powerful people" to destabilize Brazil and force his father from power.

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Brazil: Bolsonaro in homophobic outburst as corruption scandal swirls

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Brazil's far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, has launched a homophobic attack on a journalist from one of the country's top newspapers in an apparent bid to divert attention from a spiraling corruption scandal involving his son.

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“The first aim of your expedition is to serve God and spread the Christian faith.”

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“The first aim of your expedition is to serve God and spread the Christian faith.”

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This is a line from a letter written to Spanish Conquistador, Hernán Cortés, and this evangelical mission was a justification for the atrocities committed by him and many others during the Age of Discovery.

The history of the Catholic Church in Latin America is controversial, for valid reasons.

The year after it’s so-called discovery, by Italian Catholic, Christopher Columbus, Pope Alexander VI published a papal bull, dividing up the continent between Catholic Spain and Portugal, authorising them to take the Native population as its subjects.

In 1513, the Laws of Burgos were passed, demanding subservience from the Native population;

‘[…] you acknowledge the Church as the ruler and superior of the whole world. But if you do not do this, and maliciously make delay in it, I certify to you that, with the help of God, we shall powerfully enter into your country, and shall make war against you in all ways and manners that we can […]’

The evangelical mission was a justification for the murder of natives who did not convert to Catholicism.

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When Christopher Columbus arrived in America, the Catholic Church moved quickly to establish its control in the newly discovered territory. In 1493, just one year after Columbus's famous voyage, Pope Alexander VI published a bull dividing the new territory between Spain and Portugal-provided the natives were converted to Catholicism. As Hernán Cortés tore through the Aztec Empire, he was following a letter of instruction that said, "The first aim of your expedition is to serve God and spread the Christian faith."

The first missionaries arrived shortly after the fall of the Aztecs. Most of the missionary work was done by Catholic orders-the Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians and Jesuits. Thirty-five years after the first dozen Franciscans arrived, there were 800 missionaries in Mexico alone. Contemporary reports say the Franciscans alone baptized 5 million-roughly 1 percent of the world population at the time-although these reports are impossible to verify.

The priests built new towns and villages for their converts. They constructed huge churches, larger than many of the cathedrals in Europe. The Jesuits took this to an even higher level in South America, where hundreds of thousands lived in Jesuit-run autonomous colonies, complete with their own Jesuit armies.

Despite decrees baring their entry into the New World, hebreo cristianos (Hebrew Christians), nuevo cristianos (New Christians), Moriscos (Moors), and other "heretics" began to show up in Latin America alongside the Catholics. To deal with these non-believers, the Spanish Inquisition also made its way across the Atlantic. On the recommendation of the Inquisition, thousands of "heretics" throughout the continent were tortured until they died or confessed to charges they faced. Over a thousand people were executed in Lima, Peru, alone.

As the Inquisitors labored to purge the continent of non-Catholics, the new Spanish and Portuguese governors encouraged the spread of Catholicism among the native populations, and not just because it gave them political support from the Vatican. The Catholic Church was key to their ability to control the continent with only a small military.

One letter to the Spanish king in 1768 warned of the need for "constant vigilance to preserve suitable conduct and healthy principles of obedience and love for Your Majesty among the clergy." Another, in 1789, stated that "the conduct of the people depends in large part on that of the clergy"; it said the best way of stopping a riot was not to call in the army, but rather "to station a friar with a holy crucifix in the nearest plaza."

By 1767, the Portuguese, Spanish and French had grown distrustful of the power of the Jesuits. They ordered their expulsion from their lands, breaking the Jesuits' power in Latin America. The Jesuits were escorted from the Spanish Empire, in many cases with a military escort to prevent the natives from breaking in and freeing them.

At the start of the 19th century, Spain began an effort to assert control over the Catholic Church as a whole. This was the nation's undoing. The church caused the Latin American countries to revolt rather than have their power weakened. "The clergy provided many of the political and military leaders of the insurrection," writes historian Paul Johnson. "Priests persuaded their entire parishes to 'pronounce' for the revolution. It was the clergy who drew up the first scheme for separation from Spain, in 1794, and provided most of the press propaganda. They were active politically throughout Spanish America, but in Mexico they also provided the military leadership" ( A History of Christianity).

One official wrote, "the ecclesiastics were the principal authors of this rebellion ... one can count by the hundreds the generals, brigadiers, colonels and other officers, all clerics, in the bands of the traitors, and there is scarcely a military action of any importance in which priests are not leading the enemy."

"Thus Spain forfeited the New World by reforming its colonial pillar, the church," concludes Johnson. "The attempt failed; the church emerged stronger; it retained its political and financial privileges. But it now reigned in isolation, without the support of the crown, and so in turn has tended to fall victim to the violent anti-clericalism of the 19th and 20th centuries, until, quite recently, it has resumed its revolutionary role in defense of a new orthodoxy."

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A Brief History of Catholicism in Latin America

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When Christopher Columbus arrived in America, the Catholic Church moved quickly to establish its control in the newly discovered territory. In 1493, just one year after Columbus's famous voyage, Pope Alexander VI published a bull dividing the new territory between Spain and Portugal-provided the natives were converted to Catholicism.

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TOPSHOT - Pope Francis, wearing gifts, leaves after a meeting with a meeting with representatives of indigenous communities of the Amazon basin from Peru...

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TOPSHOT - Pope Francis, wearing gifts, leaves after a meeting with...

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Latin America, Like So Many Other Post-Colonial Regions, Suffers From a Wide Variety of Inequalities.

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Latin America, Like So Many Other Post-Colonial Regions, Suffers From a Wide Variety of Inequalities.

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The inequalities looked at over the course of this project include:

- gender based

- sexuality based

- economic

- special

- racial inequalities (ie being indigenous)

It is important, now more than ever, to be aware of these inequalities and work towards making Latin America a more equal region.

During the COVID pandemic in Latin America, these inequalities have been further emphasised.

For example, the rich have been able to afford private health care and the poor haven’t, reflected in death rates in the region.

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Indigenous peoples in Latin America --- watch from start until 0.55

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Here is a video from the UN on some of the inequalities suffered by indigenous groups in Latin America.

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"The report calculates that 252 men have more wealth than all one billion women and girls in Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean combined.

And 10 of the world’s richest men own more than the least affluent 3.1 billion people."

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The poor die from COVID while the rich get richer, Oxfam warns

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Vaccine divide is costing lives and supercharging inequalities worldwide, a new report warns.

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Latin America is a region that suffers greatly from inequalities, as shown throughout this project. 

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Latin America is a region that suffers greatly from inequalities, as shown throughout this project. 

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- Las Tesis highlighted gender-based inequalities in their feminist anthem, Un violador en tu camino

- Kahlo and García Márquez showed the inequalities faced by the Latin people due to neo-colonialism: from the erasure of native culture to the Banana Massacre of 1928.

- Rocas and Pinos showed the economic inequalities suffered by many latinx in their respective poems.

- GCC highlighted the inequalities of living in a binary, heteronormative society by presenting the reader with a queer utopia

- Pope Francis advocates for indigenous populations in 2019, however it is not enough to absolve the Catholic Church of its past transgressions (to put it lightly) against native groups.

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“Of the 20 most economically unequal countries in the world, eight are in Latin America, making it the most unequal region in the world.

Three-quarters of Latin Americans are low or lower-middle income, and only 3 percent of Latin Americans are classified as high income.

Thirty percent of the region lives beneath the poverty line, and one in five individuals lives in a slum.

Sixty percent of Latin Americans are employed in the informal sector, many without access to employment benefits or guarantees.

Although several countries in the region have lowered income inequality over the past few years, the richest decile of Latin Americans still owns 71 percent of the region’s wealth.”

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April 6, 2020

As of April 6, SARS-CoV-2 (the virus that causes Covid-19) has infected almost 1.3 million people globally and killed over 70,000. As with other regions, Latin America is struggling to respond and even quantify the scope of this unprecedented pandemic. Covid-19 was first identified in Latin America in late February after a São Paulo resident returned ill from a business trip in Northern Italy. Since then, the disease has spread to every country in Latin America, and confirmed cases have topped 25,000, although experts fear the actual number could be significantly higher, given very low levels of testing.

Many of the first cases in the region were linked to middle- and upper-class Latin Americans who had traveled abroad and returned home already infected. However, the current spread of the disease in the region and its likely evolution in the coming weeks and months will highlight how the region's poor are disproportionally susceptible to the pandemic and its economic implications. Many of the poor in Latin America, similar to the poor across the world, are subject to precarious employment, substandard living conditions, and very limited access to reliable health care. Income inequality in Latin America, combined with a stressed health care system, means that low-income citizens are very likely to bear the brunt of the crisis.

Covid-19 and Income Inequality

Of the 20 most economically unequal countries in the world, eight are in Latin America, making it the most unequal region in the world. Three-quarters of Latin Americans are low or lower-middle income, and only 3 percent of Latin Americans are classified as high income. Thirty percent of the region lives beneath the poverty line, and one in five individuals lives in a slum. Sixty percent of Latin Americans are employed in the informal sector, many without access to employment benefits or guarantees. Although several countries in the region have lowered income inequality over the past few years, the richest decile of Latin Americans still owns 71 percent of the region's wealth.

In March, a wealthy woman from Rio de Janeiro returned from an Italian vacation with symptoms of the virus. Although she suspected she was ill and was being tested for Covid-19, she did not alert her housekeeper, who contracted the disease and died a few days later. For many Brazilians, this case highlighted the cavalier attitude of the Brazilian upper class toward the people that work in their homes. In other parts of the region, significant clusters of the virus have emerged from wealthy people returning from abroad: Seventeen Mexicans were infected during a Colorado ski trip, and a cluster of infections emerged after a wedding at a ritzy resort near Punta Cana where guests made fun of the pandemic by dressing up as nurses.

People in the low or lower-middle strata are more likely to work in the semi-formal or informal economy, including construction, domestic work, and small retail and street sales. Officials in Latin America (and around the world) fear that Covid-19 could spread more rapidly to lower-income people in the informal sector since these are typically jobs that cannot be done from home and involve people who cannot afford to miss work and have few, if any, employment benefits. While the region has better sanitation, access to running water, and vaccination than it did a decade ago (all things that help to mitigate the spread of disease), poor Latin Americans are much less likely to have access to these resources. They are also more likely to live in overcrowded neighborhoods or lack running water, meaning that self-isolation and frequent hand washing and disinfecting are extremely difficult. The rate of respiratory illness is also much higher in poorer neighborhoods, where more residents have underlying conditions such as malnutrition or heightened exposure to pollution, which again could result in higher rates of Covid-19 infection.

The public health care infrastructure, already inaccessible to many poor Latin Americans, is overloaded in the best of times. Latin America invests less in health care infrastructure than most regions in the world, with an annual investment of $949 per capita, far less than the OECD average of $3,973 per capita. While every country in the region has attempted health care reform, many still do not have access to reliable, quality care; approximately one in three Latin Americans, especially those with lower incomes, do not have regular access to health care. Access to health care in Latin America typically requires payment, which means that many poor people may not be able to receive care if they have a suspected or confirmed Covid-19 infection. Some countries already have very few critical care resources, which will be further stretched beyond capacity as the pandemic spreads. Even if care is available in poorer neighborhoods, hospitals and clinics in those areas frequently lack intensive care units or proper equipment to care for those who become critically ill.

Government Responses to the Health Crisis

With their limited resources, many countries in Latin America are already attempting to help their poorest citizens weather the economic effects of the Covid-19 pandemic. For example, El Salvador, Argentina, and Chile, among others, have all approved payments to low-income families or people employed in semi-formal or informal sectors, though the difficulty of distributing this support to people without bank accounts is a key challenge. Other countries have passed job-protection legislation, suspended utility payments and evictions, and enacted other measures to protect the poor and the middle class.

However, several leaders in the region have not seriously implemented policies to deal with the spread of the virus. In Nicaragua, President Daniel Ortega has taken virtually no policy steps, except for leading a "Love in the Time of Coronavirus" parade in mid-March. Brazil's Jair Bolsonaro and Mexico's Andrés Manuel López Obrador have been criticized for downplaying Covid-19 and refusing to take national action to stop the spread of the disease. Other countries simply do not have the resources or the expertise to mitigate the spread of Covid-19 effectively. The health care system in Venezuela is already destitute, and most hospitals lack basic supplies and are not able to effectively treat those with Covid-19. Millions have fled Venezuela, and the region's health care systems are not prepared to support refugees in addition to the resident population. Furthermore, the closure of the Colombia-Venezuela border has forced refugees to cross informally, increasing their exposure to armed groups. Haiti has already faced a serious worsening of its pre-existing political and economic tensions, now compounded by the Covid-19 threat. As the pandemic evolves in Latin America, social unrest could also become a serious issue for the region's governments.

Although the measures taken by several countries will hopefully relieve some of the disease's impact on the region's poor, the spread of Covid-19 has already exposed the fragile state in which the region's poor exists, and the spread of the virus will only intensify in the coming weeks and months. With the international donor community distracted by its own internal challenges with the Covid-19 crisis, any kind of coordinated international intervention is much less likely, especially in the short timeframe required to effectively stop the advance of the virus. However, the international and regional financial institutions (e.g., the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, and Development Bank of Latin America) have all recognized the gravity of the threat that Covid-19 virus poses to the political, economic, and social stability of the region and have already implemented assistance to the health care and financial sectors.

Covid-19 is just beginning to hit Latin America in a significant way, and the eventual impact is very difficult to accurately predict at this early stage. That said, the situation will likely become more critical in the coming weeks as the virus spreads and testing continues. At this point, we do not know how badly the disease will affect severely impacted countries such as Italy and the United States, let alone states in Latin America. However, the pandemic has already exposed serious health care deficits in many countries and has demonstrated that many of the world's citizens are at high risk during a global health crisis. Countries in Latin America should pay attention to the long-term inequalities present in the region that have been exposed by the pandemic. Although implementing immediate measures to mitigate the pandemic should be the focus now, Latin America will soon need to take serious legislative and policy steps to address these chronic inequalities in the long term, in part so that their poorest citizens are better able to protect themselves during future health crises.
Linnea Sandin is the associate director and an associate fellow for the Americas Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. Commentary © 2020 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved. is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).

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Covid-19 Exposes Latin America's Inequality

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As of April 6, SARS-CoV-2 (the virus that causes Covid-19) has infected almost 1.3 million people globally and killed over 70,000. As with other regions, Latin America is struggling to respond and even quantify the scope of this unprecedented pandemic.