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The Poor People's Campaign sought to increase the economic and human rights of all poor Americans. Along with African Americans, the campaign also included white people, Puerto Ricans, Asian Americans, Mexican Americans, and Native Americans. When King was killed on April 4, 1968, the movement was rattled, and a march on Washington was scheduled for April 22. By May 12, some 50,000 protesters had gathered on the Washington Mall, where they had constructed Resurrection City, a tent settlement that eventually turned into a live-in. The main march for the campaign took place on June 19 during the Solidarity Day Rally for Jobs, Peace, and Freedom. The six-week occupation came to an end when bulldozers arrived and destroyed Resurrection on 24th of June, city. Despite the fact that the federal government implemented various programs to alleviate hunger, the bill of rights the campaign aimed to establish never became a law.

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During the widespread peace movement of the 1960s and 1970s, numerous organizations and people passionately opposed the Vietnam War. In a number of speeches, rallies, and marches, King likened the antiwar movement to the civil rights movement and condemned American involvement. His first anti-war address, titled "Beyond Vietnam," was given in front of 3,000 people in April 1967 at Riverside Church in New York. He demanded an end to all bombing in both North and South Vietnam, the declaration of an unofficial truce, and the beginning of peace negotiations. King's antiwar stance lost him many allies, including President Lyndon Johnson, but he upheld it until his assassination exactly one year and one day after he gave his "Beyond Vietnam" speech.

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The Chicago Open Housing Movement, also known as the Chicago Freedom Movement, was established to protest racial disparities in employment, education, housing segregation, and health. The movement comprised a number of protests, marches, and boycotts to draw attention to the various problems that black Chicago citizens faced. King stated his intentions to join the Chicago Freedom Movement on January 7, 1966, and on August 5, 1966, he led a march through a predominantly white area near Marquette Park. Firecrackers, rocks, and bottles were thrown at the protesters. Around 30 individuals were hurt, including King, who took a brick to the head. On August 26, 1966, an agreement was announced following discussions with Chicago Mayor Richard Daley to construct public housing in primarily white communities and to provide mortgages to anyone, regardless of race or location. The Fair Housing Act, passed by Congress in 1969, was said to have been inspired by the Chicago Freedom Movement, which persisted through 1967.

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Due to the brutal beatings state troopers inflicted on protestors as they sought to march peacefully from Selma, Alabama, to the state capital, Montgomery, this march became known as Bloody Sunday. The march was organized to protest African Americans' lack of voting rights. On March 7, 1965, John Lewis, then-chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and the Rev. Hosea Williams of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference planned to lead 600 protestors from Selma on U.S. Highway 80 to the state capital. The march came to an abrupt halt due to police violence against demonstrators. Public outrage and sympathy for the civil rights movement were increased as a result of footage of the brutality being broadcast across the country.

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The size of this political protest for human rights in the US was unprecedented. On August 28, 1963, between 200,000 and 300,000 people gathered in Washington, D.C., on the Mall to demonstrate for African Americans' right to freedom and employment. King gave his famous "I Have a Dream" address on the Lincoln Memorial steps. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 is attributed with being made possible by the March on Washington.

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The Birmingham campaign aimed to eradicate economic discrimination against African American citizens in the Alabaman metropolis. When addressing racial concerns, they encountered severe financial discrepancies and violent retaliation. A boycott of certain companies that exclusively employed white people or kept segregated facilities was part of the movement. The aim of the protesters' peaceful actions, such as marches and sit-ins, was to garner enough arrests to fill the local jail. Police attacked protesters with dogs and high-pressure water hoses. The campaign was effective when numerous segregation-related signage were taken down from Birmingham establishments and all races were able to enter public spaces.

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This campaign opposed Albany, Georgia's segregation laws. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), local activists, and King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference were among the organizations that participated in the Albany campaign (SCLC). King's intention was to provide advice rather than take part in the rally, but he was arrested and handed a sentence of 45 days in jail or a fine. He went to jail in order to promote change, but was let out three days later. The movement eventually disintegrated after nearly a year of protests without succeeding in its objectives, although certain concessions were given to the coalition.

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Civil rights campaigners were upset that John F. Kennedy did not propose any new legislation on the subject in the months after his inauguration. Although interstate buses and bus terminals were mandated to integrate after a Supreme Court decision in December 1960. Members of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) were spurred by this legal achievement to take Greyhound buses from Washington, D.C. to New Orleans, Louisiana. The Freedom Riders, a group of black and white volunteers, would investigate if the law would be upheld in the Jim Crow South. James Farmer, the director of CORE, reflected, "What we had to do was make it politically riskier for the federal government not to execute federal law than it would be for them. This was not really civil disobedience because we would just be carrying out what the Supreme Court declared we had the right to do.

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This boycott came about as a result of Rosa Parks' imprisonment in Montgomery, Alabama, for refusing to give up her seat on a bus to a white male passenger. The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. advocated a citywide boycott against racial segregation on the public transit system the following day, on December 1, 1955. African Americans stopped using the system and began to travel by foot or by taxi. The boycott lasted for 381 days and was extremely successful. The regulations enacted to maintain bus segregation were declared illegal in June 1956 by a federal court, and the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately agreed. One of the key movements that started social change during the civil rights era was the boycott of the Montgomery buses.

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No Major League Baseball team had ever signed a Black player to play professional baseball with white players, despite the fact that African Americans had long excelled at the sport in the Negro leagues. This changed in the middle of the 1940s when Brooklyn Dodgers president Branch Rickey devised a scheme to sign an African American player. Jackie Robinson of the Kansas City Monarchs was signed by Rickey in October 1945, and Robinson spent a season with the Montreal Royals of the minor league. The first Black player in the main leagues in 63 years, Robinson was then promoted to the major league club in 1947. In 1947, Robinson was named the National League's Rookie of the Year, and in 1949 he was named the league's Most Valuable Player. Nevertheless, he put up with insults and even had bottles throw at him. Some of his teammates publicly objected to having to play with him as objects were thrown at him. In some cities, Robinson wasn't even allowed to book the same hotel room or eat at the same restaurant as his teammates. He subsequently recalled: "There were many occasions when I wanted to flee when someone made fun of the hue of my skin, but I had to keep my mouth shut. I realized that I was a sort of experiment. Everything was much larger than I am.