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1 Introduction

Action Track 1 of the Food Systems Summit offers an opportunity to bring together the crucial elements of food safety, nutrition, poverty and inequalities in the framework of food systems within the context of climate and environmental change to ensure that all people have access to a safe and nutritious diet. These elements are embedded in fundamental human rights, including the right to food, the rights to safe water and sanitation (essential for safe food), and the right to be free from discrimination.

Food systems provide a framework for advancing access to safe and nutritious food for all (including all crops, fish, forest foods and livestock). Food systems encompass all of the elements and activities that relate to the production, processing, distribution, preparation and consumption of food, as well as the output of these activities, including socio-economic and environmental outcomes (HLPE 2020). Ensuring access to safe and nutritious food for all underlies the other Summit Action Tracks (Fig. 1).

Action Tracks of the UN food systems summit in a normative systems perspective. (Von Braun et al. 2021)

2 What Is a Safe and Nutritious Diet?

Malnutrition includes undernourishment, micronutrient deficiencies and overweight (including obesity). Malnutrition increases susceptibility to foodborne diseases, creating a vicious cycle for health, reducing productivity and compromising development. The COVID-19 pandemic is expected to increase the risk of all forms of malnutrition (Headey et al. 2020).

While the definitions of an adequate diet and safe food are established and widely accepted, there is debate in the literature about what constitutes a sustainable diet. Each proposed diet has trade-offs in terms of affordability, climate and environmental impacts. These trade-offs are discussed in the sections that follow.

3 We Are Not on Track to Meet International Targets for Ensuring Safe and Nutritious Food for All By 2030

Despite some progress in reducing the rate of extreme poverty, with only 10 years to go to 2030, the world is not on track to meet nutrition-related targets. Table 1 presents a summary of the international targets related to ensuring safe and nutritious food for all. While the proportion of the population that is undernourished, stunting, of low birth weight and displaying anaemia among women of reproductive age has declined, the reductions are not sufficient to meet the global targets. The experience of food insecurity (FIES, a survey that comprises eight questions regarding people's access to adequate food) as measured by FAO et al. ( 2020) has increased somewhat. Moreover, the numbers of overweight children and adults is rising.

No country is exempt from the scourge of malnutrition. Undernutrition coexists with overweight, obesity and other diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs), even in poor countries. UNICEF et al. ( 2020) report that 37% of overweight children reside in low and middle-income countries. Likewise, fragile and extremely fragile countries are disproportionally burdened by high levels of all three forms of malnutrition compared to less-fragile countries (GNR 2020).

While some progress has been made in certain countries and in some regions, the 2020 Global Nutrition report shows that no country is 'on course' to meet all of WHO's global nutrition targets (GNR 2020). Although the health and behavioural actions required to reduce all forms of malnutrition are well documented (Lancet report, various WHO guidelines), as are the benefits (Hoddinott, etc.), progress has been far too slow. Inequalities in society and the food system make affordable and healthy diFets inaccessible to the most vulnerable populations. There is an urgent need to transform food systems so as to deliver on nutrition outcomes. Unless nutrition-specific (direct) and nutrition-sensitive (indirect) interventions are implemented at scale and in a sustainable way (see Box 1) with complementary services (such as the regular deworming of children), the impact will be suboptimal (Ruel et al. 2018). In addition, urgent action is necessary to minimise the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on children's nutrition (Headey et al. 2020).

Box 1: Sustainable Food Systems

"Sustainable food systems are: productive and prosperous (to ensure the availability of sufficient food); equitable and inclusive (to ensure access for all people to food and to livelihoods within that system); empowering and respectful (to ensure agency for all people and groups, including those who are most vulnerable and marginalized to make choices and exercise voice in shaping that system); resilient (to ensure stability in the face of shocks and crises); regenerative (to ensure sustainability in all its dimensions); and healthy and nutritious (to ensure nutrient uptake and utilization)" (HLPE 2020).

WFP has predicted that the number of people facing acute food insecurity in low and middle-income countries will nearly double to 265 million by the end of 2020 (WFP 2020). Children are disproportionately affected, with likely intergenerational consequences for child growth and development. The pandemic's impact could have life-long implications for education, chronic disease risks and overall human capital formation (Martorell 2017).

A recent innovation is the assessment of the adequacy, affordability and access to healthy diets included in the 2020 State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World (SOFI) report (see affordability, Table 1). If continually updated, this indicator could become a comprehensive proxy for monitoring progress on ensuring safe, nutritious food for all.

4 Interconnected Food System Drivers That Affect the Access to Safe and Nutritious Food for All

Several interconnected socio-economic and biophysical food system drivers affect access to safe and nutritious food. Nutrition is both a health and food system concern. While some drivers of food systems are global (e.g., trade liberalisation, climate change), others are regional, national and sub-national (e.g., conflicts). At the same time, many are differentiated across geographies (e.g., poverty, demography, technologies, land degradation). Below, we provide a brief overview of the main drivers, depicted in Fig. 2. At the centre of the diagram is the food system, spurred by socio-economic, supply chain and climate change and land-use drivers (depicted by the segmented circle). The drivers and the food system are influenced by globalisation and the global COVID-19 pandemic. In certain contexts, the drivers and the food system are also affected by conflict and fragility.

Food system context and drivers related to Action Track 1

4.1 Socio-Economic Drivers

Globalisation

Lockdowns caused by the COVID-19 pandemic of zoonotic origin have disrupted the production, transportation, and sale of nutritious, fresh and affordable foods, forcing millions of families to rely on nutrient-poor alternatives (Fore et al. 2020). International food trade can increase the diversity of diets and has established a global standard food supply, which is relatively species-rich regarding measured crops at the national level, but species-poor globally (Khoury et al. 2014). Globalised food trade can also contribute to unsustainable water use (Rosa et al. 2019) and land degradation (IPCC 2019). The availability of cheap, high-energy, fatty and sugary foods, the high price of nutritious fresh foods and the demand for more 'westernised' and often obesogenic foods increase the incidence of nutrition-related NCDs (Chaudhary et al. 2018). Nevertheless, globalised supply chains support the wide distribution of food, reducing shortages in import-dependent regions (Janssens et al. 2020), improving seasonal availability and often reducing food loss through technological advances in processing, packaging and storage (Zilberman et al. 2019).

Demography and Urbanisation

Although population growth has slowed globally, the population in the 47 least developed countries (mostly in Africa and Asia) is projected to double between 2019 and 2050. By 2030, the number of youths in Africa will have increased by 42% from 2015. Nevertheless, in 2018, for the first time in history, the proportion of older persons (above 65) outnumbered that of children under five, a trend that is predicted to continue (UNDESA 2019). A growing proportion of older people will put a strain on the health system and change nutritional needs and dietary preferences. Aging is accompanied by multiple physiological changes that affect diets and nutrition. This may include a lower sense of taste and/or smell; reduced appetite; poor oral health and dental problems; lower gastric acid secretion that may affect the absorption of minerals and vitamins; and loss of vision and hearing and reduced mobility that may limit mobility and affect elderly people's ability to shop for food and prepare meals (WHO 2015b). Moreover, by 2050, 68% of the global population could be urban, shifting the proportion of producers to consumers, changing consumption patterns (demand), driving land take and putting extra pressure on soil resources (Barthel et al. 2019; van Vliet et al. 2017).

Poverty and Inequality

Women play a key role in multiple components of food systems and in decisions over food choices. Nonetheless, inequalities and barriers related to access to farming opportunities and services such as extension, credit, digital platforms for knowledge and market access constrain their participation relative to men (Quisumbing et al. 2011). Inequalities and barriers also affect the nutrition and health of minorities and off-farm and food system workers (including migrants and undocumented workers), which is a barrier to food system and societal transformation (CFS 2020).

Conflict and Fragility

Conflict can be both a cause and an outcome of food insecurity. Increased competition for natural resources leads to conflict and political fragility, exacerbated by the failure of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms to adapt to the new governance system of communities (FAO, IFAD, UNICEF, WFP, WHO 2017). Government and political institutions (municipalities, legal systems and political party structures) have not adapted to the social fabric they presently govern, constraining development and also affecting development and the delivery of humanitarian aid.

While widespread famine has largely been eradicated, the nature of food crises has changed in recent times. The Food Security Information Network (FSIN 2020) reports that, in 2019, about 135 million people were affected by crisis levels of acute food insecurity, reflecting an increase of 11 million people from the previous year (FSIN 2020). While these crises are largely driven by conflict and economic downturns, they have a severe effect on the ability of people to access food. The provision of food transfers in emergency situations may alter the food preferences of communities, leading to changes in production and consumption post-conflict.

The largest numbers of acutely food-insecure people are in Africa, where extreme weather events in the continent's Horn and its southern region have led to widespread hunger. In many parts of the world, armed conflicts, intercommunal violence and other localised tensions create insecurity (FSIN 2020). Adverse climate events and stresses compound violence, displacement and disrupted agriculture and trade. Often, those affected by crises flee to neighbouring countries, putting additional stress on the international humanitarian response system and on the food systems of the host countries. Women and girls are disproportionately affected by crises. Populations in crisis are disproportionally vulnerable to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and have little capacity to cope with the health and socio-economic aspects of the shock (FSIN 2020). WFP predicts that the number of people in LMICs facing acute food insecurity will nearly double to 265 million by the end of 2020 (WFP 2020). Moreover, fragile and extremely fragile countries are disproportionally burdened by high levels of malnutrition compared to non-fragile countries (GNR 2020).

4.2 Supply Chain Failures and Under-Utilised Technologies Affecting the Supply of Food

The focus of food supply has shifted over the past few decades from 'feeding the world' to 'nourishing the world', but technological advancements still lag behind, and many supply-side factors and failures affect the ability of the food system to sustainably (see Box 1) ensure access to safe and nutritious food for all. In many developing countries (especially in Africa), supply chain failures and the under-utilisation of technology are major constraints on the ability of the transformation of food systems to achieve this access. More than half of the calories consumed by humans are provided by three major cereal crops (rice, maize, and wheat) with a high-calorie output, and current research investments are positively correlated with the energy output of crops, with a number of crop species (e.g., sweet potato, potato, wheat, broad bean, and lentil) remaining under-researched relative to their contribution to healthy human nutrition (Manners and van Etten 2018). Orphan crops that are usually well adapted to low-input agricultural conditions have received little attention from researchers (Tadele 2019). There is a growing recognition that the development of perennial versions of important grain crops and grasses could expand options for ensuring food and ecosystem security (Glover et al. 2020). Viable high biomass perennial grain crops could be further developed in agroecosystems that regenerate soils and capture other important ecosystem functions (Crews and Cattani 2018). In the same way, this lack of research applies to some fruit and vegetable crops and local livestock breeds, especially for small ruminants, as well as fish.

Plant biotechnologies are mostly used for fibre and animal feed, less often for food, because of regulatory constraints and intellectual property rights barriers (Barrows et al. 2014). New and innovative technologies such as biotechnologies, precision agriculture and digital agriculture, alternative protein sources, under-utilised food sources and the use of biomass for bioenergy and green chemicals need to be harnessed to improve food systems (reviewed below). However, such advances can also drive negative food system changes. For example, biofuel production based on grains from food crops can drive up staple food prices and increase competition for land, exacerbating inequalities.

4.3 Climate Change, Land-Use Change and Natural Resource Degradation

Climate change, including increases in the frequency and intensity of extremes, has adversely impacted food security, affecting the yields of some crops (e.g., maize and wheat) and the pastoral systems in low latitude regions (IPCC 2019). Climate change may aggravate food system problems in countries with delicate food security balances and relatively high levels of vulnerability to climate change due to the large-scale use of scarce resources (water, land, etc.) for feed and food production for exports, particularly in the case of mono cropping. Diets and cropping patterns may change as climate factors constrain the production of traditionally grown crops.

With increasing warming, the frequency, intensity and duration of heatwaves, droughts and extreme rainfall events are projected to increase in most world regions, increasingly threatening the stability of food supplies (IPCC 2019). For example, Gaupp et al. ( 2020) found an estimated 86% probability of losses across the world's maize breadbaskets with warming of 4 °C, compared to 7% probability for 2 °C warming under business-as-usual conditions and without considering crop adaptation to climate change. Likewise, in a business-as-usual scenario, Alae-Carew et al.'s ( 2020) review of predicted changes in environmental exposures has reported likely reductions in yields of non-staple vegetables and legumes. Where adaptation possibilities are limited, this may substantially change their global availability, affordability and consumption in the mid- to long term (Alae-Carew et al. 2020; Scheelbeek et al. 2018). The nutritional quality of crops may also be affected by rising atmospheric CO ₂ levels through reduced proteins and micronutrient contents (IPCC 2019). Labour productivity is also likely to reduce with increasing temperatures (Watts et al. 2021).

5 Transforming Food Systems Is Key to Safe and Nutritious Food for All

Business-as-usual is not an option with the future of food and nutrition security in jeopardy. Changing the path of our future will demand a structural transformation (transitioning from low productivity and labour-intensive economic activities to higher productivity, sustainable and skill-intensive activities) of food systems. This will require changes in the allocation of resources, and research attention to factors beyond production will be necessary in order to transition to more sustainable patterns of production and consumption (CFS 2020). More concerted effort is needed to coordinate activities, monitor progress more closely and extract greater accountability from all players across the food system. Priority should be given to the establishment of functional problem-solving institutions that address the core challenges facing each of the various components of the global food systems.

A global social compact (an implicit agreement among the members of a society to cooperate for social benefits) is needed to manage the demand and consumption drivers and harness science, technology and innovation for the purpose of improving the sustainable production of enough food to ensure access to affordable, safe and nutritious foods for all (Fig. 3). The sections below identify some of the levers for change.

Food system transformations and solutions related to Action Track 1

5.1 Coordination, Monitoring and Accountability

The ambition of the CFS is to be "the most inclusive international and intergovernmental platform for all stakeholders to work together in a coordinated way to ensure food security and nutrition for all" (CFS 2021). Moreover, UN agencies and their partners have converged through various mechanisms for food security coordination (e.g., FSIN, the Global Network Against Food Crises, expanding the SOFI collaborators, the CFS Global Strategic Framework, etc.). Strengthening global governance and accountability regarding safe and nutritious food for all and sustainable food systems is key to meeting the challenges ahead and will require the cross-sectoral integration of policies. Nonetheless, agriculture, development and trade policies that affect access to food, as well as other dimensions of food systems, are often dealt with in separate for a (De Schutter 2013). Therefore, improved coordination, monitoring and accountability across the food system and among all stakeholders is necessary, including knowledge-sharing, capacity-building, better measurement, updated data, better modelling for foresight, scenarios and case studies and access to documented success stories. Food systems bring together elements from various sectors of society: agriculture, consumer affairs, food processing, health, trade, water and sanitation, women's and child welfare, etc., challenging the sectoral organisation found in most countries.

If we are to transform food systems to ensure safe and nutritious food for all from a model of sustainability, a concerted effort is needed to develop a global compact - a non-binding agreement to encourage the transformation of food systems - and appropriate accountability of all stakeholders to monitor agreed-upon transformation targets. Integrated, science-based policies (health and nutrition, food and agriculture, climate and environment) would allow for reinforcing accountability at both national and international scales.

Advances in information technology and data science play an important role in enabling the rapid assessment of situations, monitoring and decision-making and adaptive learning. An integrated global food system model is needed, as existing models (see Valin et al. 2014; Khanna and Zilberman 2012) do not have consistent global coverage and are not designed to assess the impacts of all of the elements of food systems. Strengthening national policy scenarios and foresight is also necessary (Schmidt-Traub et al. 2019). Moreover, improved indicators of food systems (see FAO et al. 2020) are required (see Sukhdev 2018; Chaudhary et al. 2018, for examples) that could provide more holistic measures capturing the four elements addressed by Action Track 1, namely, safety, nutrition, inequality and sustainability.

Rigorous global monitoring systems require global collaboration, updated information, and investment with significant returns. The monitoring of underlying systemic risks (perhaps using artificial intelligence or machine learning), as well as food system indicators, is essential to identify threats/pressure at an earlier stage. A task force charged with global monitoring and data collection opportunities about agri-food systems could provide a clearinghouse for the multiple (often duplicated) data held by UN agencies and public and private organisations. While some effort has been made to coordinate international actions to address crises, access to food requires targeted interventions for the most vulnerable. Two-way real-time and artificial intelligence applications for collecting information of systemic risks and food systems and disseminating information to various stakeholders and beneficiaries are needed in last-mile and crises situations and in regions disproportionately affected by the COVID-19 pandemic food system disruptions. This could include driving supply-side demand through food banks, social grants, subsidised meals, vouchers and other food assistance (including through e-commerce systems) (WFP 2017).

5.2 Influencing Food Demand and Dietary Changes

There are several ways to reduce demand on the global food system in both the short and long term and make nutritious foods more available and affordable (see Herrero et al. 2021). Some of these may be achieved by accelerating demographic transitions, increasing incomes, reducing food losses and waste and changing diets.

Household food waste is proliferating in emerging economies and is likely to increase without deliberate efforts to curb it (Barrera and Hertel 2020). Halving food losses and waste is a target of SDG 12 that could help feed more people, benefit climate and the environment and conserve water (Kummu et al. 2012; Searchinger et al. 2018; IPCC 2019). This requires changes along supply chains (agricultural production, food processing, distribution/retail, restaurant food service, institutional food service, and households) through improved logistics and processing technologies, economic incentives, regulatory approaches and education campaigns (Barrera and Hertel 2020). The amount of food waste/loss varies greatly from region to region, and therefore context-specific interventions are crucial (Hodson et al. 2021).

Private investment is needed to develop food processing, refrigeration, storage, warehousing, and retail markets to reduce food waste. Vertical integration of food chains can shorten said chains to the benefit of smallholder farmers, while trade can expand market opportunities. Compared to a business-as-usual scenario, a combined scenario targeting undernourishment while also reducing over-consumption and food waste would reduce food demand by 9% in 2050 (Hasegawa et al. 2018).

Because of the strong associations between female education, fertility and infant mortality, alternative education scenarios alone (assuming similar education-specific fertility and mortality levels) lead to a difference of more than one billion people in the world population sizes projected for 2050 (Lutz and Samir 2011; Samir and Lutz 2017), and could therefore reduce the rise in food demand.

Balanced diets, featuring plant-based foods, such as those based on coarse grains, legumes, fruits and vegetables, nuts and seeds, complemented by animal-sourced food produced in resilient, sustainable and low-GHG emission systems present major opportunities for the adaptation and mitigation of climate change while generating significant co-benefits in terms of human health (Springmann et al. 2018; IPCC 2019; Jarmul et al. 2020). 'Healthy sustainable diets' can be defined by optimisation procedures (Donati et al. 2016). However, most diets have trade-offs among nutritional values, affordability and environmental issues (Headey and Alderman 2019).

Populations with a high prevalence of undernutrition and micronutrient deficiencies (Fanzo 2019) benefit from increasing the consumption of animal-sourced products due to the bioavailability of key micro-nutrients (Perignon et al. 2017). Many highly nutritious foods may simply be unaffordable to poorer populations and displaced by cheap, nutrient-poor foods. Moreover, a balance is necessary between meeting the demand for diversified, nutritious and affordable food and minimising the time and energy needed to prepare meals.

Increased income can drive food demand, especially in terms of diversification away from staple crops to more diverse and nutrient-dense foods (diary, fruit, meat, nuts and vegetables). Likewise, income from social protection programmes can drive changes in dietary composition and quality (Alderman 2016). The evidence reviewed in this paper indicates that subsidies on fortified foods can have positive nutritional effects, and in-kind transfers may limit food deficits during periods of currency or price volatility. The affordability of healthy diets can be improved with the distribution of biofortified food in government schemes, cash transfers and nutrition programmes. However, price subsidies and in-kind assistance have complex interactions in regard to markets and purchasing decisions, with both negative implications and benefits (Alderman 2016).

5.3 Shifting to More Sustainable Consumption and Production Within Planetary Boundaries

Nutrition outcomes in developing countries are affected by agriculture in several ways: as a source of food for household consumption and of income, through the role of food prices and agricultural policies, through the role of women's employment in agriculture for nutrition, child care and child feeding and their own nutritional and health status (Gillespie and van den Bold 2017).

Sustainable land management can bridge yield gaps and avoid deforestation while providing climate change adaptation and mitigation and land degradation co-benefits in croplands and pastures (Smith et al. 2020). This can be achieved through increased organic carbon in soil (Soussana et al. 2019), agroforestry, erosion and fire control, improved irrigation water and fertiliser management, and heat- and drought-tolerant plants (Smith et al. 2020). For livestock, sustainable options include better grazing land management, improved manure management, higher-quality feed, and use of breeds and genetic improvement (Herrero et al. 2016). Under stringent global climate change mitigation policy, risks to food security would be increased (Hasegawa et al. 2018) through competition among those seeking land use for, respectively, food production, bioenergy and afforestation, be it driven by local or foreign investment in land (Cotula et al. 2014). Nevertheless, increasing and valuing soil carbon sequestration on agricultural land would allow for the reduction of these negative impacts by approximately two-thirds (Frank et al. 2017). The large-scale deployment of bioenergy options such as afforestation, energy crops, carbon capture and storage has adverse effects on food security, but small scale projects with best practices may deliver co-benefits (Smith et al. 2020).

Increased demand for fish and seafood has threatened fisheries and the sustainability of ocean resources. Limited attention has been given to fish as a key element in food security and nutrition (HLPE 2014). The aquaculture industry has emerged and increasingly fills the seafood supply gap to meet growing demand. Overfishing and relatively high waste (often due to catching under-sized fish) pose environmental and biodiversity challenges, threatening the long-term sustainability of fishery resources (HLPE 2014). Additional challenges in production facilities such as marine feed supply, antibiotic use and waste recycling need to be overcome to further develop aquaculture (Belton et al. 2020). The impacts of activities such as oil drilling, energy installations, coastal development and the construction of ports and other coastal infrastructures, dams and water flow management (especially for inland fisheries) affect aquatic productivity. The impact of these activities on the habitats that sustain resources (e.g., erosion and pollution) and the livelihoods of fishing communities - such as the denial of access to fishing grounds or displacement from coastal settlements - need to be carefully balanced with the growing demand for resources (HLPE 2014).

Ensuring that food prices reflect real costs, including major externalities caused by climate change, land and water resource degradation and biodiversity loss, is necessary in order to address artificial price distortions, reduce food waste, internalise the costs of externalities (including the public health impacts) and, at the same time, ensure decent incomes and wages for farmers and food system workers. However, a true calculation of food costs would, on average, increase food prices. Food assistance policies that do not distort market and labour incentives can meet emergency food needs and improve access to food. Trade can help to improve food availability, diversify diets and smooth price volatility (MacDonald et al. 2015).

5.4 Harnessing Science and Innovation and Managing Risks

Structural transformation to a more sustainable food system can bring about efficient and more rapid productivity growth through investment in research and development over the long term (Fuglie et al. 2020). Science should increasingly inform solutions and generate knowledge that is actionable for transforming food systems and achieving safe and nutritious food for all (Arnott et al. 2020). Since policy agendas are largely set at national and local scales, the translation of global-scale scientific assessments into actionable knowledge at national and local scales is needed.

New and emerging technologies appropriate for health, climate change adaptation and mitigation, and disaster preparedness could be game-changers for overcoming challenges and building system resilience. Nonetheless, their development should be guided by an assessment of their socio-economic, ethical and environmental impacts. Evidence-based assessment is needed of the risks and benefits associated with new technologies. Research is also needed to understand the diffusion modes of traditional knowledge and social innovations for supporting the conservation of common goods in more participatory, collaborative, inclusive and equitable ways.

Advances in science and technology such as genome editing (Khatodia et al. 2016), precision agriculture and digital agriculture (Basso and Antle 2020), agroecology (Caquet et al. 2020), vertical farming, alternative protein sources (e.g., algae, insects), active packaging and blockchain technologies (Kamilaris et al. 2019), artificial intelligence and big data analysis (Wolfert et al. 2017) and whole-genome sequencing in food safety (Deng et al. 2016) have the potential to meet a number of food system challenges. However, adapting these technologies to local conditions, making them accessible to farmers and retaining much of the gain among consumers and rural communities is challenging, especially for developing economies, smallholder farmers and small businesses. Therefore, investments in science-based, participatory processes for mapping out realistic and equitable options are needed (Basso and Antle 2020).

Global and regional data-sharing systems (including machine learning) based on the FAIR (findable, accessible, interoperable and reusable data) principles (Mons et al. 2017) can advance food system knowledge and enhance the accountability of all stakeholders within food systems. The use of open-source platforms for data- and code-sharing should be encouraged to stimulate global learning.

Table 1 shows the fragmented nature of data related to this Action Track, with global reports focussing on single elements. National nutrition assessments are costly and infrequently conducted, constraining the monitoring of progress and the impact of interventions at scale. Even where the indicators have been included in the SDG indicator set, current data on foodborne diseases, some malnutrition indicators (such as wasting), poverty and inequality data are not updated or are missing comparative baselines. Very few sex-disaggregated indicators are available, constraining analysis and the tracking of progress towards gender equality. The upcoming Countdown on Food System Transformation mechanism may support the effort to bring together various indicators in a systematic framework for monitoring and evaluation.

Increasingly, risk assessment tools will be needed to drive food safety policy and standards and optimise surveillance, detection and early warning systems of zoonotic diseases for both the formal and informal sectors (Di Marco et al. 2020) and crop diseases (Mohanty et al. 2016). Modernising our food safety and biosecurity risk management systems is an integral part of the food system transformation required to meet food and nutrition security needs. This will require a science- and risk-based approach for production of safe food within a food systems approach.

6 Concluding Messages

Action to address safety, malnutrition, poverty and inequality, as well as climate and environmental issues, through food system transformation will undoubtedly bring large health, social, economic, ecological and development co-benefits and savings for public expenditure while supporting several interrelated SDGs. A range of priority actions to speed up progress towards international targets and scale up the solutions proposed in Sect. 5 can be taken in the short-term, based on existing knowledge, while supporting longer, more sustainable responses with significant co-benefits. Future actions will have to be iterative, coherent, adaptive and flexible to maximise co-benefits and minimise trade-offs. Many recommended policy changes and interventions have win-win potential for food security, health and the environment. However, other choices will have adverse or unintended impacts on the interconnected drivers affecting food systems and their outcomes.

Adopting a whole-system approach in policy, research and monitoring and evaluation is crucial for managing trade-off and externalities from farm-level to national scales and across multiple sectors and agencies. Ultimately, context matters, and comprehensive national action plans are crucial for setting out actions suited to the particular economic, agricultural, social and dietary preferences of the particular nation. Careful consideration of the trade-offs and co-benefits of any actions will be necessary at different levels (sub-national, national, regional and global). Likewise, there may be 'winners' and 'losers' in each action adopted to transform to more sustainable food systems. The losses and gains will vary depending on the context, but could include a loss of income and livelihoods across the food system, such as would happen with a reduction in the production and consumption of animal-sourced foods or the implementation of seasonal banning of fishing to allow for the regeneration of marine resources. Such shifts could lead to the marginalisation and stigmatisation of people in the food system who have not yet been considered as vulnerable or marginalised.

Including all stakeholders in discussions, policy-making and evaluation processes is essential for the inclusive transformation of food systems at all levels. Strengthening collaboration among research, the private sector and policy-makers is pivotal in creating food environments and guiding consumers' choices in practical and implementable ways. The elaboration and implantation of the National Food Systems Plans will be essential instruments for bringing the relevant public sectors and diverse stakeholders together.

Adaptive learning and new knowledge must be shared globally in order to accelerate our capacities to meet existing and future challenges. Substantial public, private and international investment is necessary to foster progress towards the targets and recover from the setbacks of the COVID-19 pandemic. Improved international cooperation and coordination of the food system is necessary, including the establishment of a thorough monitoring, evaluation and early warning system with comprehensive indicators, transparency and commitments from all stakeholders. For example, bringing all of the indicators in Table 1 into one annual food system monitoring report would facilitate cooperation among UN agencies. Creating a food system compass could be based on bottom-up pathways developed at the national scale to reach food systems targets supporting an ensemble of global-scale and integrative food system models. Establishing such a system will require capacity development for comprehensive foresight, scenario and predictive modelling to better understand uncertainties, trade-offs and impacts of various change pathways. More research is needed to identify the most adequate, affordable, healthy and sustainable diets across different contexts. More frequently collected nutrition and poverty data are necessary to provide more data points for monitoring change and progress. Innovative indicators such as the affordability of adequate, nutritious and healthy diets are vital for bringing the three elements of safety, nutrition and inequality together.

The costs of acting and not acting on the key drivers of diet and food system change and the impact of these changes and shifts are required for effective decision-making. For example, the cost of nutrition interventions is relatively low per unit compared to the long-term losses in human potential and incomes for poorer people. The cost of NCDs to the health system is significantly higher per unit than that of scalable interventions. Rapid reductions in anthropogenic GHG emissions across all sectors can reduce the negative impacts of climate change on food systems in the long term (similar to land and water restoration).

Research and technology advances are essential for solving critical constraints and offering many opportunities to improve productivity and food safety and reduce food losses and waste, as well as GHG emissions. Capacity-building, property rights, technology development, transfer and deployment and enabling financial mechanisms across the food system can support livelihoods and increase incomes. Greater cooperation regarding trade could overcome constraints and barriers.

Safe and nutritious food for all requires a transformation of food systems, changing both supply and demand of food in differentiated ways across world regions: bridging yield gaps and improving livestock feed conversion, largely through agro-ecological practices and agroforestry, deploying soil carbon sequestration and agricultural greenhouse gas abatement at scale, reducing food loss and waste, as well as addressing over-nourishment and changing the diets of wealthy populations. Global food system sustainability also requires halting the expansion of agriculture into fragile ecosystems while restoring degraded forests, fisheries, rangelands, peatlands and wetlands.

Acknowledgements

Helpful comments on an earlier draft by five external peer reviewers and by colleagues in the Scientific Group are gratefully acknowledged.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

1. Department of Agricultural Economics, Extension and Rural Development, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa

Sheryl Hendriks

2. INRAE (National Research Institute for Agriculture, Food and Environment), Paris, France

Jean-François Soussana

3. School of Agriculture, Food and Wine, University of Adelaide, Adelaide, Australia

Martin Cole

4. Infectious Disease Institute, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda

Andrew Kambugu

5. Agricultural and Resource Economics Department, University of California at Berkeley, Berkeley, CA, USA

David Zilberman

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Sheryl Hendriks .

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Editors and Affiliations

1. Center for Development Research, University of Bonn, Bonn, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germany

Joachim von Braun

2. James P Grant School of Public Health, BRAC University, Dhaka, Bangladesh

Kaosar Afsana

3. Wageningen University and Research, Wageningen, Gelderland, The Netherlands

Louise O. Fresco

4. The World Academy of Sciences for the Advancement of Science in Developing Countries (TWAS), Trieste, Italy

Mohamed Hag Ali Hassan

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Hendriks, S., Soussana, JF., Cole, M., Kambugu, A., Zilberman, D. (2023). Ensuring Access to Safe and Nutritious Food for All Through the Transformation of Food Systems. In: von Braun, J., Afsana, K., Fresco, L.O., Hassan, M.H.A. (eds) Science and Innovations for Food Systems Transformation. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15703-5_4

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Ensuring Access to Safe and Nutritious Food for All Through the Transformation of Food Systems

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Action Track 1 of the Food Systems Summit offers an opportunity to bring together the crucial elements of food safety, nutrition, poverty and inequalities in the framework of food systems within the context of climate and environmental change to ensure that all...

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The longstanding border controversy between the Co-operative Republic of Guyana and the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela arose as a result of the Venezuelan contention that the Arbitral Award of 1899 about the frontier between British Guiana and Venezuela is null and void. Within the framework of the 1966 Geneva Agreement between the two countries, the Secretary-General conducted Good Offices from 1990 to 2017 to find a solution to their border controversy. During this time, four Personal Representatives of the Secretary-General, with the support of DPA, worked closely with the parties toward this end.

Former Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon communicated to the parties on 15 December 2016 a framework for the resolution of the border controversy based on his conclusions on what would constitute the most appropriate next steps. Notably, he concluded that the Good Offices Process would continue for one final year, until the end of 2017, with a strengthened mandate of mediation, and that, if significant progress had not been made by that time towards arriving at a full agreement for the solution of the controversy, he would choose the International Court of Justice as the next means of settlement, unless the Governments of Guyana and Venezuela jointly requested that he refrain from doing so.

On 30 January 2018, Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, following a careful analysis of developments in 2017, chose the International Court of Justice as the means to be used for the solution of the controversy. In reaching this decision, the Secretary-General also reached the conclusion that Guyana and Venezuela could benefit from his continued good offices through a complementary process established on the basis of his powers under the Charter, stressing that he remained committed to accompanying both States as they seek to overcome their differences regarding the border controversy. Following this decision, Guyana filed an application instituting proceedings against Venezuela with the International Court of Justice on 29 March 2018.

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Border Controversy between Guyana and Venezuela

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The longstanding border controversy between the Co-operative Republic of Guyana and the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela arose as a result of the Venezuelan contention that the Arbitral Award of 1899 about the frontier between British Guiana and Venezuela is null and void.

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A decade of regional turmoil in the Middle East has heightened the role of violent non-state actors (VNSA), which have become both a critical tool and a decisive element in shaping political landscapes and inter-state competition between regional powers. This article focuses on the role of violent non-state actors in Middle East politics within the context of alliances and from a theoretical and empirical point of view. It describes how states and VNSA use each other to increase their leverage in a given conflict or in the broader regional environment. What do notable examples of such relationships tell us about the nature of alliances between states and VNSA? And how do these cross-border proxy alliances affect statehood, and more broadly, regional stability?

One of the ramifications of the Arab Spring and its aftermath, has been the growing proliferation of non-state actors (NSA) and violent non-state actors (VNSA). Joining the armed groups that have operated in the Middle East in recent decades, such as Hamas in the Gaza Strip and Hezbollah in Lebanon and other theatres, are new militant organizations in the regional landscape. Among them are jihadist organizations, some of which are official branches of al-Qaeda; the Islamic State (IS); local militias such as the Houthis in Yemen; the multiple armed opposition groups operating during the war in Syria; the armed militias aligned with the two rival governments in Libya; and the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMU) in Iraq.

The increasing role of VNSA has generated a dynamic whereby major global powers such as Russia and the United States, as well as regional powers such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey, confront each other by collaborating with non-state forces. VNSA, therefore, have become increasingly decisive in shaping not only intra-state but also interstate power struggles.

Non-State Actors and Alliances in IR Literature

Non-state actors are defined as "actors which are at least in principle autonomous from the structure and machinery of the state, and of the governmental and intergovernmental bodies below and above the formally- sovereign state."Violent non-state actors are defined as organizations that use illegal violence to reach their goals, thereby contesting the state's monopoly on violence. Their existence is not new to the international political and security landscapes, and hence it is hardly surprising that the focus on VNSA among scholars has grown significantly since the end of the Cold War.

Still, despite their growing and unequivocal prevalence, their role in shaping the political order has earned insufficient attention. The analytical lapse often stems from the dominance of the "state-centric approach," whereby the state is the primary and exclusive actor in the political system. This bias is evident in the literature concerning alliances, starting from Walt's classic definition: "A formal or informal relationship of security cooperation between two or more sovereign states. It assumes some level of commitment and an exchange of benefits for both parties." Even in more recent studies about alliances, NSA and VNSA are hardly mentioned, or conceived of as playing a secondary role.

However, in the global international system, and in the Middle East in particular, one cannot fully comprehend dynamics and key events without taking into account VNSA and their interface with state actors. A more nuanced view of the region, which acknowledges the simultaneous presence and interaction between these types of actors, enables a more accurate assessment.

Alliance Balance sheet

Alliances between states and VNSA embody both advantages and disadvantages. For the state's patrons, the use of local VNSA provides combat advantages and often spares them direct military involvement. It also ensures the state's ability to project power and deter distant enemies. Furthermore, VNSA are less expected to "play" according to conventional rules and international norms compared to states. Therefore, an alliance affords the state more manoeuvrability, as it allows it to shed direct responsibility for its partner's actions.

For the VNSA, state support lends greater empowerment by strengthening their military capabilities, as they enjoy the best of both worlds: the advantages of irregular warfare, and the advantages of receiving more sophisticated and advanced weapons. Allying with VNSA also poses some risks, as the state party does not have full control over VNSA, with fewer constraints governing a non-state group. The state, therefore, could potentially lose its absolute hold over the behavioural proclivities of the VNSA. In addition, sustaining the alliance over time requires the state to invest extensive resources in the form of substantial funding, in order to ensure that its proxies will be effective. For its part, the VNSA might gradually lose its autonomy. It would likely take more risks and expose itself to counter actions by its rivals (as well as by its sponsor state's rivals).

Alliances with Violent Non-State Actors in the Middle East

In much of the Middle East, governance is structured and regulated by more than one actor, giving VNSA room to compete for - or share - power with the formal government authority. One example of this interaction can be found in the past decade in Syria, in which the combination of a formal state apparatus and a variety of VNSA - including armed rebel groups, Iranian-Shiite militias, Kurds (as well as traditional NSA such as humanitarian organizations and other civilian movements) - has created a division of power between the many actors. Interaction between VNSA and external states, such as Russia, Israel, Iran and Turkey, has likewise triggered the emergence of multiple alliances between states and VNSA.

The relationships between states and non-state actors are varied and depend on elements such as the type of VNSA, the geographical space of their cooperation and the strength of their alliance.

a. An alliance may be formed between VNSA and a state within the state's territory based on consent. The driving rationale for this formation is that governments can benefit from domestic non-state actors (violent or not) that complement governance functions by delivering services that the state is either incapable or unwilling to provide. However, although the alliance is based on a desire to cooperate, overtime, it could turn into a source of competition and tension, as the VNSA starts challenging the state's sovereignty.

The case of the Syrian regime-Hezbollah alliance (along with other Shiite militias under Iranian auspices), which has operated in Syria since late 2012, clearly demonstrates this tension. Although its initial goal to save Bashar al-Assad's rule was accomplished, over time these VNSA have challenged Assad's ability to apply full governance by turning into another local authority that exercises control, provides public services and promotes an agenda that is not always aligned with the central regime in Damascus.

Similarly, the Kurds constituted the main force that fought the Islamic State and helped restore regional stability by neutralizing other non-state challengers to Syria and Iraq. Despite the tactical cooperation between the Kurds and the central regime in both states, their achievements prompted them to demand a certain level of autonomy from the regimes, and thereby threaten their domestic sovereignty.

b. A more prevalent type of alliance is between VNSA and an external state/foreign state operating in another state's territory, which often result in proxy wars, as in Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Libya.

VNSA may rely on "external" states' financial, political and military support and, in turn, may use these assets to help advance their "patrons'" interests on the ground, contesting the sovereignty and stability of the state where they operate. Moreover, in many cases the external state wishes to project power and influence beyond its own territory and the other state's territory in order to gain leverage in the regional or even the international balance of power.

For decades, Iran has provided support to violent non-state proxies to promote its interests in the region. Hezbollah is the most prominent actor that operates under Iranian auspices, mostly in Lebanon, Syria and Iraq. Although founded nearly forty years ago, even today, when Hezbollah is a political entity and military organization with tremendous domestic and regional influence, it remains highly dependent on Iran. Hezbollah's budget comes almost entirely from Iran, and, aside from weapons provision, the Iranian army and the Quds Force oversee Hezbollah's force buildup, preparedness and training of their fighters. Hezbollah's massive intervention in the war in Syria is a clear demonstration of how Iran uses its proxies in order to leverage its regional stature.

c. Another defining element relates to the identity of the VNSA. It can be local with domestic roots (such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen or the PMU in Iraq) or external (Hezbollah or Russian mercenaries in Syria). Local VNSA have an advantage in that they are not perceived by the local population as an invasive force, but rather as an organic part of the state and its society (though they still may be criticized for undermining stability).

Strategic vs. Tactical Alliances

Alliances between states and VNSA are usually less institutionalized than alliances between states, as they do not adhere to formal agreements/accords and do not oblige the parties to constitute
shared institutions. As such, what keeps them from collapsing?

Critical here are the differences between strategic and tactical alliances. Strategic alliances are characterized by high levels of cooperation and are usually based on shared values and ideology - as in the case of Iran and Hezbollah. Hence, these alliances are usually more sustainable and durable. Tactical cooperation occurs when the parties pursue a number of common short-term interests and do not necessarily rely on religious, sectarian or even ideological affinities. In an era of instability, high levels of violence and economic hardship, it seems that tactical alliances have become more prevalent in current Middle East conflicts, with parties aiming to gain power, influence or economic revenues. This is classic realpolitik.

Turkish collaboration with the rebels and jihadists in Syria is exemplified by the use of proxy relations rooted in tactical cooperation, with ensuing local and regional implications. The alliance between the proxy force created by Turkey in 2016, known as the Syrian National Army (SNA), is not based on shared ideological or ethnic identities, but on short-term, mutual security and influence interests: Ankara used this force to secure its southern border against the Islamic State, in 2016, and later, to wage war against the Kurdish YPG militia (People's Protection Units) in northern and northeastern Syria in 2018. For the SNA, Turkey is a strong actor that can provide security and a buffer against the regime's aggression and that of its supporters (Russia and Iran). Although tactical, this alliance expanded to other conflict theatres in the Middle East. While numerous countries that intervened in the Syrian war, including the United States, Israel and Iran, created or supported their own Syrian proxy forces, only Turkey and Russia began exporting theirs to fight in foreign conflicts. The fighters Turkey sent to Libya, starting in late December 2019, and then later to Azerbaijan, were largely drawn from the ranks of the SNA's proxy forces.

Conclusion

The history of the Middle East is littered with violent conflict - interstate wars, civil wars, insurgencies, revolutions, coups, invasions by foreign powers and ethnic and sectarian strife. A closer glance at the contemporary security landscape illustrates the proliferation of violent non-state actors, and highlights the need to extend our understanding of alliances and their utilization within the security system by granting greater analytical weight to the intensity of the impact that VNSA have today.

The prevalence of NSA proves that the familiar nation-states are no longer the sole model organizing international relations, either in the Middle East or the rest of the world. In fact, after a decade of turmoil, states have become weaker and more fragile, hence the appearance of power vacuums. These vacuums are exploited either by VNSA or by states that wish to expand their own influence or fear that their rivals will. The most effective way to do so is by creating alliances with local proxies as a response to proxies of other regional rivals. This dynamic makes de-escalation in contemporary Middle East conflicts intensely difficult.

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Alliances with Violent Non-State Actors in Middle East Conflicts: Between Theory and Practice

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This article focuses on the role of violent non-state actors in Middle East politics within the context of alliances and from a theoretical and empirical point of view. It describes how states and VNSA use each other to increase their leverage in a given conflict or in the broader regional environment.

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Violent nonstate actors (VNSAs) are increasingly part of the security environment. Such organizations pose durable and direct threats to U.S. security interests, in part because of their ability to adapt. This report summarizes research into how VNSAs adapt to changes in their operational environments and provides recommendations on how the Army might anticipate such adaptations and mitigate them before they occur.

Research Questions

1. How do VNSAs adapt to changes in their operational environments?

2. What kinds of adaptations do they make?

3. How might the Army anticipate such adaptations and take steps to mitigate them before they occur?

Violent nonstate actors (VNSAs) - terrorist groups, drug trafficking organizations, and others - are increasingly part of the environment in which the Army and other government forces operate. Such organizations pose durable and direct threats to U.S. security interests. The capacity of VNSAs to wage war, inflict violence, and engage in vast transnational criminal activity make them a persistent danger. Countering these organizations is difficult because they are generally flexible and structured in ways that facilitate their ability to adapt to changes occurring within their operational environments and, in some cases, beyond. This report summarizes research into how VNSAs adapt to changes in their operational environments and provides recommendations on how the Army might anticipate such adaptations and mitigate them before they occur. The authors have drawn from a series of historical case studies and relevant literature to offer insights on the most common VNSA adaptations and means of detecting and mitigating each. Among other observations, the authors note that VNSAs reach their peak adaptive capacity within the first five years of their existence but that not all VNSAs have the same level of adaptive capacity.

Key Findings

The most VNSA adaptations occur within the first five years of a VNSA's existence

The VNSAs examined adapted to their environments quickly and then retained an adaptive capacity through their life cycles. This suggests that an opportunity to limit a VNSA's ability to adapt shortly after it emerges and, possibly, reduce its ability to remain operationally effective.

Not all VNSAs adapt with the same frequency

The pressures (or strategies) that counter-VNSA forces exert, coupled with changes in the operational environment, may lead to different levels of adaptation.

Of the 46 VNSA adaptations examined, 12 occurred in roughly one-half of the periods and two-thirds of the cases examined

The 12 adaptations occur frequently. Knowing that these adaptations are the most likely to occur can inform how resources are focused, the development of indicators for their detection, and the creation of means for mitigating their occurrence or the effects of their occurrence.

Limiting access to warfighting assets could hinder VNSA's ability to adapt

To reduce VNSA capacity to adapt, strategies and efforts should focus on limiting VNSAs' access to military, technological, and warfighting materiel and on VNSAs' ability to seize and hold terrain.

Recommendations

Identify, monitor, and take proactive steps to limit VNSAs' evolution in the first few years following their emergence.

Incorporate operational environment and organizational variables related to higher levels of VNSA adaptation into operational assessment frameworks, such as political, military, economic, social, information, and infrastructure, environment, and time.

Focus strategies and efforts on limiting VNSAs' access to military, technological, and warfighting materiel and on VNSAs' ability to seize and hold terrain.

This research was sponsored by the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S. Army and conducted by the Strategy, Doctrine, and Resources Program within the RAND Arroyo Center.

This report is part of the RAND research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity.

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Citation

Format:

Vasseur, Michael, Chad C. Serena, Colin P. Clarke, Irina A. Chindea, Erik E. Mueller, and Nathan Vest, Understanding and Reducing the Ability of Violent Nonstate Actors to Adapt to Change. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2022. https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA324-1.html.

Vasseur, Michael, Chad C. Serena, Colin P. Clarke, Irina A. Chindea, Erik E. Mueller, and Nathan Vest, Understanding and Reducing the Ability of Violent Nonstate Actors to Adapt to Change, RAND Corporation, RR-A324-1, 2022. As of March 22, 2024: https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA324-1.html

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How to Reduce Violent Nonstate Actors' Abilities to Adapt

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Violent nonstate actors-terrorist groups, drug trafficking organizations, and others-pose durable and direct threats to U.S. security interests. Why are they so capable of adapting to changes in their environments, and how might the Army detect and mitigate such adaptations before they occur?

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June 1, 2023

Iran and Afghanistan are locked in a long-standing dispute over the sharing of water from the Helmand River. Clashes broke out recently along the border.

Lake Hamun, the largest freshwater lake in Iran, has dried up

Iran and the Taliban exchanged heavy gunfire last week on the Islamic Republic's border with Afghanistan, killing and wounding troops while sharply intensifying rising tensions between the countries.

Both sides accused each other of shooting first.

The clash came amid an escalating dispute between Kabul and Tehran over the Helmand River, which is a vital source of water for both sides, supporting agriculture, livelihoods and ecosystems in the region.

Afghanistan and Iran have been at loggerheads over the sharing of river water for over a century.

The Helmand is Afghanistan's longest river. It originates near Kabul in the western Hindu Kush mountain range and flows in a southwesterly direction through desert areas for a total of about 1,150 kilometers (715 miles) before emptying into Lake Hamun, which straddles the Afghanistan-Iran border.

Lake Hamun is the largest freshwater lake in Iran.

It used to be one of the world's largest wetlands, straddling 4,000 square kilometers (1,600 square miles) between Iran and Afghanistan, fed by the Helmand.

But it has since dried up, a trend experts blame on drought and the impact of dams and water controls.

The lake is of great importance for the regional environment and economy.

What do Tehran and Kabul accuse each other of?

Afghanistan and Iran signed an agreement - the Helmand River Treaty - in 1973 to regulate the allocation of river water.

But the accord was neither ratified nor fully implemented, causing disagreements and tensions to persist.

Iran has accused Afghanistan of violating its water rights for years, arguing that far less water than the amount agreed to in the 1973 treaty flows into Iran.

"Last year, Iran received only 4% of its share of the river water," Hassan Kazemi Qomi, Iran's ambassador to Afghanistan, said last week in an interview with the state-run Tasnim news agency.

Afghanistan has rejected Iran's accusations, underlining that climatic factors like a shortage of rainfall, resulting in reduced river water volumes, are to blame for the situation.

A major source of concern for Iran is Afghanistan's construction of dams, reservoirs and irrigation systems along the Helmand River. Tehran fears that these projects reduce water flow into Iran.

But Kabul argues that it is within its rights to expand water storage and irrigation capacities within Afghanistan.

What's the state of Tehran-Taliban ties?

Iran and Afghanistan share a 950-kilometer land border. Both countries have no major territorial disputes.

Tehran had cultivated good ties with the Taliban before the Islamic fundamentalist group captured Kabul in August 2021 as US and NATO troops were in the final weeks of their pullout from Afghanistan.

Both sides were united in their opposition to the US's presence in the region.

Even though Iran has so far refrained from formally recognizing the Taliban government, it has been pragmatic and maintained relations with Afghanistan's current rulers.

A close relationship with Kabul is essential for Tehran to achieve goals such as the preservation of Lake Hamun.

But, since the Taliban seized power, there have been repeated incidents at the border.

"Six months before the Taliban seized power, Tehran received a Taliban delegation, in part to reach agreements on water rights. The Taliban now seem unwilling to honor those agreements," said Najib Agha Fahim, an environmental expert from Afghanistan.

Fahim served as a minister responsible for combating natural disasters in President Ashraf Ghani's government, which collapsed in August 2021.

He stressed the need for a sustainable solution to resolve the water dispute.

"To achieve this, officials and subject matter experts from both countries need to work more closely together and share information to determine how much water is available and how much has flowed into Iran."

Afghan dam project sparks Iran's ire

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'Both sides are looking for short-term solutions'

Nik Kowsar, an Iranian environmental expert based in the United States, said both Tehran and the Taliban were showing no interest in addressing the mismanagement of water resources and tackling the environmental problems in the region.

"Both sides are looking for short-term solutions and want to solve their own internal problems," he said. "The Taliban want to promote agriculture," he added. "And the government in Tehran is acting as if it suddenly cares about the disadvantaged province of Sistan-Baluchistan after the nationwide protests last year."

The expert was referring to the widespread demonstrations and political unrest following the death of 21-year-old Jina Mahsa Amini in police custody.

Despite a brutal clampdown, demonstrators in Sistan-Baluchistan continue to gather in the streets to protest the political system.

Water resources from Lake Hamun are critical to the drought-stricken province, one of the poorest areas in the country.

According to Iran's parliament, 25% to 30% of the population has left the region over the past two decades because of the water shortages and moved to the suburbs of cities in other regions.

Fleeing Iran for freedom

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What's the current situation?

Public anger in the eastern Iranian region has already been mounting amid water shortages and other economic and social problems. And the latest clash between Iranian and Taliban troops increased the tensions.

On May 28, the commander of the Iranian army's ground forces and the deputy chief of the Iranian police traveled to Sistan-Baluchistan, and said the situation was under control.

Tehran and Kabul have also agreed to set up a commission of inquiry to find out what happened in the border shootout.

In Iran, many people are angry, given that three Iranian soldiers have lost their lives.

"Some people wish for a war against the Taliban," Brigadier General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Air and Space Forces, said at an event at the Iran University of Science and Technology in Tehran on May 29.

"However, our enemies are behind these provocations," Hajizadeh said. "They want to start a war out of these clashes on the border. There is no way it will happen."
This article was originally written in German. Edited by: Shamil Shams

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What is the Iran-Taliban water conflict all about? - DW - 06/01/2023

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Iran and Afghanistan are locked in a long-standing dispute over the sharing of water from the Helmand River. Clashes broke out recently along the border.

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In May 2023, clashes erupted between Iran and Afghanistan after President Ebrahim Raisi charged that the Taliban government was restricting access to water from the Helmand River. The 621-mile-long river flows across Afghanistan and empties into lakes and wetlands in southeastern Iran used by hundreds of thousands of people. More than 90 percent of Iran's 85 million people faced drought conditions in 2022 and 2023, according to the Iran Meteorological Organization. "I warn the rulers of Afghanistan to immediately give the people of Sistan-Baluchistan their water rights," the president said on May 18, 2023 during a visit to drought-stricken areas in southeast Iran near the Afghan border." We will not allow the rights of our people to be violated." At least three border guards-two Iranians and one Taliban fighter-were killed during the fighting.

The tensions coincided with a diplomatic standoff. On May 25, Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian said that the Islamic Republic of Iran still did not recognize Taliban rule in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. "We will not recognize the current rulers of Afghanistan and insist on the need to establish an inclusive government." He said the Taliban was "part of the reality" of the country but not all of the nation, which has diverse sectarian and ethnic constituencies. The Taliban is largely Sunni and ethnic Pashtun, while 10 percent to 15 percent of the population is Shiite and more than half of the 40 million Afghans are not Pashtun, according to rough estimates (Afghanistan's last census was conducted in 1979 and was incomplete).

The Taliban's Ministry of National Defense called for new diplomacy to resolve a dispute over natural resources that dates back centuries. "Making excuses for war and negative actions is not in the interest of any of the parties." Hafiz Zia Ahmad, a deputy Foreign Ministry spokesman, said, "We don't want relations with our neighboring countries to deteriorate."

For decades, access to water resources has been a point of contention between Iran and Afghanistan. The Helmand River, which flows from the mountains of the Hindu Kush through Afghanistan into southeastern Iran, is basic source of water for both countries. It has been critical to agriculture, fishing and human consumption for millions of people on both sides of the border.

The dispute dates back to the 1940s and 1950s, when Afghanistan built two dams on the Helmand River -the Kajaki and the Grishk-that curtailed the water flow into Iran. In 1973, the two countries signed a treaty on sharing water resources. It which focused heavily on distribution of water, but the accord was neither ratified nor implemented. In February 2021, Iran and Afghanistan signed an agreement based on the 1973 treaty, but disputes over dams remained unresolved over the next two years.

Both nations have faced periodic droughts, which sparked earlier tensions. Since 1945, sequential Afghan governments-including the monarchy until 1979, the Soviet-backed government in the 1980s, the Taliban in the 1990s, the U.S.-backed democratic government from 2004 to 2021, and the Taliban again after 2021--have built, repaired or upgraded dams on the Helmand, including the Kamal Khan dam that curtailed the flow of water to Iran. The Taliban closed the sluices of the Kajaki Dam to cut off water to Iran from during a drought from 1998 to 2001 that affected the common border area. When the dam was completed in March 2021, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani said that Afghanistan would stop allowing extra water to flow to Iran for free and would instead trade water for oil.

Iranian officials have blamed the Helmand River's declining water flow on Afghanistan's dam projects, although droughts have also played a key role. Since the early 2000s, parts of the Helmand River in Iran have been dry for up to 10 months of the year. "We cannot remain indifferent to what is damaging our environment," President Hassan Rouhani said in 2017. "The construction of several dams in Afghanistan - the Kajaki, Kamal Khan and Selma dams and other dams in the north and south of Afghanistan - impacts our Khorasan and Sistan and Baluchistan provinces."

The dams have further imperiled the Hamoun wetlands, which span Iran and Afghanistan. About two-thirds of the wetlands, which include three lakes, are within Iran and, for thousands of years, provided local communities with water. In 2000, the Hamoun wetlands, which covered 2,185 square miles, were the world's seventh largest wetland. But by 2004, they had largely dried up due to drought and inefficient use of water. The wetlands still constitute Iran's third-largest

A father and son in a drought-stricken part of the Hamoun wetlands in 2018

The dry soil has contributed to a cycle of dust storms. Occasional rainfall or floods temporarily revitalize parts of the wetlands but not enough to reverse the decades of damage. Dry soil also leaves Sistan and Baluchistan vulnerable to flash floods. In January 2020, three days of heavy rain - the equivalent of a year's - displaced thousands, killed at least three and destroyed crops, homes and infrastructure. The floods did at least $53 million in damage, with limited government relief to compensate.

Restoring the wetlands would require several billion cubic meters of water to be redirected to the Hamoun wetlands, a former government official estimated. In April 2020, the European Union and the U.N. Development Program $11.7 million to help rehabilitate the vulnerable ecosystem.

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Iran and Afghanistan Clash over Water Rights

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In May 2023, clashes erupted between Iran and Afghanistan after President Ebrahim Raisi charged that the Taliban government was restricting access to water from the Helmand River. The 621-mile-long river flows across Afghanistan and empties into lakes and wetlands in southeastern Iran used by hundreds of thousands of people.

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Iran and Afghanistan are feuding over the Helmand River. The water wars have no end in sight.

Water disputes between Iran and Afghanistan date back to as early as the 1870s. However, with the Taliban back in power in Kabul since 2021, the Helmand River has become an increasing topic of contention between the neighboring countries, particularly in recent months. A recent uptick in violence on the 580-mile border between Iran and Afghanistan came to a head on May 27, when border guards on both sides clashed, resulting in the death of one Taliban soldier and two Iranian guards. Fatemeh Aman, a non-resident senior fellow at the Middle East Institute with a focus on Afghanistan and Iran, speaks to IranSource editor Holly Dagres about why the Islamic Republic and Taliban are bumping heads on transboundary water issues and why the water wars are not ending any time soon.

IRANSOURCE: The Islamic Republic and the Taliban have been in high tensions recently since the militant group ceased power in Kabul. Both countries have a long-term dispute over shared transboundary waters, but what is different now?

FATEMEH AMAN: The difference this time was that two old issues-the dispute over shared water and clashes at the borders-coincided, which made the transboundary water issue more dramatic. First, let me explain the dispute over each country's share of Helmand transboundary water.

Iran and Afghanistan's water disputes have existed for over 150 years and go back to when Afghanistan was a British protectorate. Back then, a British officer drew the Iran-Afghan border along the main branch of the Helmand River. In 1939, serious discussions between the Iranian government of Reza Shah Pahlavi and the Afghan government of Mohammad Zahir Shah led to a treaty over water allocation to each country, which the Afghans never ratified.

The dispute intensified in the 1950s when Afghanistan built two dams on the Helmand River.

Renegotiations continued until 1973, when the then-Iranian and Afghan prime ministers signed a treaty. In recent decades, and under different governments, the issue has taken a more dramatic turn. War, displacement of populations, lucrative dam buildings, disastrous water management, and the impact of climate change have all intensified the dispute.

The good news is that there has been an agreement since 1973 known as the Helmand River Treaty. However, it needs to be reviewed and updated. Nevertheless, the prospect of both governments sitting down and finding a lasting solution is not very bright.

Turning transboundary water rights into a political issue is a terrible idea. Both Tehran and Kabul use rhetoric rather than dialogue. Just recently, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi warned the Taliban "to take the issue of [Helmand] water and Iran's share of water seriously." The Taliban hit back with their spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid stating that Iranian officials should present their request "using appropriate words."

Besides the water dispute, there have been clashes at the border between Iran and Afghanistan. Tension and confrontation have happened frequently on the eastern border, including the most recent violent encounter in May, which occurred in Nimroz and Zabul, leaving several border guards from both sides dead.

However, such clashes did not start with the Taliban government and have happened under previous governments as well.

Both sides commonly blame each other for starting the fire, but eventually, Tehran and Kabul always calm down. The incidents are often called "mistakes" or "misunderstandings." There are talks about forming a joint committee to quickly resolve the issues on the eastern border. However, I do not see any sign that the occasional clashes will end for good.

IRANSOURCE: Walk us through the Taliban's relationship with Tehran. Is this the first time we've seen tension between the Islamic governments?

FATEMEH AMAN: Iran's current relationship with Afghanistan has been chaotic since the Taliban took over in 2021. The Islamic Republic does not want to look like allies of the Taliban, as both view each other with mistrust. However, there are conflicting and somewhat confusing messages on the nature of the relationship.

Iran and the Taliban almost went to war in 1998 over a Taliban militant raid on the Iranian consulate in Mazar-e Sharif, which left nine Iranians-eight diplomats and a journalist-dead. Iran deployed two hundred thousand army troops and seventy thousand members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) to the border area, but ultimately decided not to enter Afghanistan's soil.

Iran has always tried to keep its presence in Afghanistan due to its significant concerns: shared transboundary water, drug trafficking, and border security. Iran takes the possibility of infiltration of terrorist groups, such as the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K), into Iran from its eastern borders very seriously and firmly believes it is vulnerable from the eastern border it shares with Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Since the Taliban was ousted from power in 2001, Iran kept some ties with some Taliban factions. Later, when the Taliban's presence became more visible, Iran-Taliban ties also grew.

The emergence of IS-K in Afghanistan in 2015, as well as Tehran's conclusion that the Taliban's participation in Afghanistan's future government was inevitable, prompted Iran to get closer to the Taliban. Iran tried to increase their influence within the group. The extent of the Taliban's ties with Iran was revealed when the group's former leader, Mullah Akhtar Mansour, was killed in a US drone strike when returning to Pakistan from Iran in May 2016.

In 2018, Iran admitted to having hosted Taliban delegations in Iran. Iran was actively involved in the intra-Afghan dialogue, inviting Afghanistan's opposing factions to Tehran for negotiations. At the time, a best-case scenario for Iran would have been an inclusive government with the participation of Iran-leaning factions. This did not happen. The Taliban took control of the government in 2021 and did not plan to form an inclusive government.

IRANSOURCE: Most governments do not recognize the Taliban. Does the Islamic Republic, and how does this impact discussions?

FATEMEH AMAN: No country has recognized the Taliban regime, as no country wants to be the first to recognize them. However, I think once one does, the others will follow.

Iran has not yet recognized the Taliban regime. However, the Afghan embassy in Tehran and the Afghan consulate in Mashhad have been taken over by the Taliban regime since 2021. Iran, like other countries, wants to use recognition as leverage.

IRANSOURCE: Back to the dispute over shared water... The region has been going through a persistent drought. The Islamic Republic complains that Afghanistan is blocking the flow of water, and the Taliban claims there is not enough water to flow into Iran due to drought. How much is the drought in the southeast to blame on government mismanagement versus climate change?

FATEMEH AMAN: Several factors have contributed to the current situation, including the impact of climate change. Let us take the example of the Hamoun wetland drying up. The Lake Hamoun area is a transboundary wetland fed by the Helmand River.

Hamoun Lake, naturally fed by water flowing from the Helmand River, used to be the third-largest lake in Iran and played a vital role in the lives of people in southeastern Sistan and Baluchistan province. However, it has nearly dried up due to several factors, including the disruption of water flow from Afghanistan to Iran. Other factors include unsustainable and profit-driven dam constructions, extensive canal creation, diverting Helmand River water to four giant reservoirs in Sistan and Baluchistan province, construction of dikes on the Iran-Afghan border (on Helmand) to prevent drug traffickers from entering Iran, and the introduction of invasive fish species by the Fisheries Company in the 1980s, which destroyed the entire vegetation cover of Hamoun.

With the disruption of water flow from Helmand into Iran, I was referring to the killing of Iranian diplomats in Mazar-e Sharif in 1998 and the subsequent conflict between Iran and the Taliban. This led to the Taliban closing the Kajaki Dam's sluices, obstructing the water flow from Helmand River to Iran, which ultimately halted the water supply to Hamoun. So, there is never a single reason for a catastrophe.

Both countries took steps to revitalize the Hamoun wetland on the Iran-Afghanistan border in 2015 and 2016. However, the efforts were cut for several reasons, including economic sanctions imposed on Iran that restricted international funds.

IRANSOURCE: Anti-regime protests continue in some parts of Iran, particularly in the impoverished southeastern province of Sistan and Baluchistan. Some may interpret the dire water situation as the clerical establishment purposely punishing the population for participating in protests. What is your read on this?

FATEMEH AMAN: Sistan and Baluchistan province is the most deprived province in Iran. Yes, there has been an unbelievable level of discrimination by the Shia-centric government against the Sunni-majority province. Yes, there needs to be more investment to improve the livelihoods of millions in that region. There has been disastrous water mismanagement in many parts of Iran, including Sistan and Baluchistan. However, the province's critical water issue is unrelated to recent protests.

The Islamic Republic had four decades since the 1979 revolution to invest in water and ensure that the region's drinking water would not be dependent on transboundary water. But they failed. Their failed policies are more comprehensive than those in Sistan and Baluchistan. Many parts of the country face critical water shortages due to ineffective policies.

IRANSOURCE: Iranian lawmakers recently Sistan and Baluchistan province only have three months of water left before it runs out. How will it impact the neglected population there?

FATEMEH AMAN: As I said, the Islamic Republic had over forty years to invest in improving the water management system. They missed all opportunities. Unfortunately, authorities not only ignored experts' warnings for many years, but they also prosecuted and imprisoned environmental activists working on the issue. Unless Iran reaches a lasting agreement with the Afghans, I do not see how things can be improved or stopped from worsening. We will probably see mass migration and more conflict in the future due to water and climate change.
IRANSOURCE: How will this dispute impact Afghan refugees in Iran?
FATEMEH AMAN: Before the 2021 Taliban rule, Iranian authorities could blackmail the Afghan government by threatening to send back millions of refugees to Afghanistan. Right now, they do not have this luxury. The Taliban would not care about refugees being forcibly returned. The only leverage Tehran has is recognition of the Taliban, which Iran is not giving away without some concessions. Iran will continue the same approach if the situation does not change.

According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), since the Taliban regained power in August 2021, an estimated one million Afghans have sought refuge in Iran alone.

Unfortunately, refugees in many countries are used as scapegoats, and Afghan refugees in Iran are no exception. With the deepening dispute, the Afghans will experience more hardship in Iran.

Further reading

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Iran and Afghanistan are feuding over the Helmand River. The water wars have no end in sight.

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Fatemeh Aman, a non-resident senior fellow at MEI, on why the Islamic Republic and Taliban are bumping heads on transboundary water issues.

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9033RD MEETING (AM)
SC/14890
13 MAY 2022

The United Nations is not aware of any biological weapons programmes in Ukraine, a senior disarmament affairs official told the Security Council today, as it met to consider new information submitted by the Russian Federation alleging the existence of such weapons.

Briefing the 15-member body, Thomas Markram, Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, recalled Under-Secretary-General for Disarmament Affairs Izumi Nakamitsu's March briefings in which she had stated the above, and affirmed that this still remains the case. Further, he pointed out, the Organization currently has neither the mandate nor the technical or operational capacity to investigate this information.

Noting that the 1972 Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction contains several measures of recourse to address situations in which States parties have concerns about the activities of their peers, he highlighted article V of the Convention, according to which States parties can undertake to consult one another and co-operate in solving any problems which may arise in relation to the Convention.

He also underscored the importance of operationalizing the Convention so that it is properly equipped and resourced, reminding delegates that the upcoming ninth Review Conference in November and December this year is an ideal opportunity for that.

When the floor opened for Council members, the representative of the Russian Federation said his delegation has accumulated a lot of materials that directly indicate that the United States and Ukraine are violating the Convention by carrying out dangerous biological projects in the centre of Eastern Europe and on the western borders of his country. Highlighting project 3007 in which Ukrainian specialists, supervised by United States colleagues, have carried out collections of water samples from rivers flowing through Ukraine, he said their aim is to establish specific dangerous pathogens and determine their ability to incapacitate.

As soon as the collection of materials is complete, he said, they will be presented to the Council for investigation, so that his country can finally cut off the military-biological activities that threaten international peace and security. Further, given the United States' refusal to engage in a constructive discussion, he added, his delegation plans to use the mechanisms under articles V and VI of the Biological Weapons Convention.

Countering, the representative of the United States said the Russian Federation repeatedly debases the Council through absurd meetings and ludicrous claims. Highlighting a well-worn pattern in which its authorities accuse others of the very violations it has perpetrated or intends to perpetrate, he said the country used chemical weapons in attempted assassinations while also supporting the Assad regime in Syria, which has repeatedly used such weapons.

The documents circulated by the Russian Federation do not support its allegations, he said, calling on that country to publicly and unequivocally state that its forces and its proxies will not use chemical or biological weapons in Ukraine or anywhere else.

"Let's be serious here and come back to facts," France's delegate said, stressing that the Russian Federation is using the Council as a platform for propaganda. In 2011, that country accused Georgia of developing biological weapons without any evidence, he said, also expressing concern that this disinformation campaign is a prelude to the use of chemical or biological weapons in Ukraine.

All States parties should abide by the objectives of the Biological Weapons Convention, China's delegate said, urging "one particular country that has not yet destroyed its stockpiles of chemical weapons to do so as soon as possible." He also highlighted the need for an impartial and professional multilateral verification system, noting that the ninth Review Conference is a chance to restart negotiations towards this and enhance global biosecurity.

Other delegates also stressed the important window of opportunity offered by the Conference, with Brazil's representative pointing out that the absence of a verification mechanism for the Convention hobbles the transparency of international biosecurity research initiatives. The international community must resume negotiations with a view to adopting a protocol that implements the Convention and contributes to building trust among parties about the exclusively peaceful use of such technologies, he stressed.

Along similar lines, Mexico's delegate stressed the importance of safeguarding the peaceful uses of biological research. It is necessary to promote all synergies between the Convention and other regimes for export control, public health and animal health in order to develop coherent public policies, she pointed out.

Ghana's delegate struck a sobering note, reminding delegates of the all-too-real risk of a nuclear exchange, and the catastrophic consequences that would be felt in Europe and far beyond. With any instance of threat of use or the potential use of biological or chemical weapons, impartial investigations conducted by internationally recognized and mandated bodies should be the only way to establish the facts. Calling on both parties to avoid the deliberate or accidental release of chemical or biological agents, she underscored the need for diplomacy and constructive dialogue.

Also speaking were representatives of Albania, Gabon, Norway, Kenya, India, United Kingdom, Ireland and the United Arab Emirates.

The meeting began at 10:03 a.m. and ended at 11:06 p.m.

Briefing

THOMAS MARKRAM, Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, noting that the Russian Federation has submitted new information regarding allegations of biological weapons programmes in Ukraine, recalled that Under‑Secretary-General for Disarmament Affairs Izumi Nakamitsu had informed the Council in her 11 and 18 March briefings, that the United Nations was not aware of any biological weapons programmes in Ukraine. "This remains the case today," he added, stressing that the Organization currently has neither the mandate nor the technical or operational capacity to investigate this information. The 1972 Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction, which the United States, Russian Federation and Ukraine are States parties of, he pointed out, does contain several measures of recourse in order to address situations in which States parties have concerns or suspicions about the activities of their peers.

Highlighting one such measure, he noted that, pursuant to article V of the Convention, States parties can undertake to consult one another and to co-operate in solving any problems which may arise in relation to the Convention. Encouraging any State party with compliance concerns to use such procedures, he reaffirmed the commitment of the Office for Disarmament Affairs to the Convention. Further, the Convention needs to be operationalized and institutionalized to ensure it is properly equipped and resourced to face future challenges, he said, adding that the upcoming ninth Review Conference in November and December this year presents an ideal opportunity for that.

Statements

VASSILY A. NEBENZIA (Russian Federation) said his delegation has asked for a meeting on the military biological activities of Ukraine for the third time due to worrying documentary evidence that the United States Department of Defense is directly involved in carrying out dangerous biological projects that look like a secret biological military programme. Those activities are being carried out in the centre of Eastern Europe and on the western borders of the Russian Federation, he said, posing a threat to the biosecurity of his country, the region and the world. There is no information on this in the reporting stipulated by the Biological Weapon Convention from Ukraine or from the United States, as confirmed by Mr. Markram. "Preventing that dangerous activity is possible only through our special military operation," he underscored.

He went on to say that, in the two months that have passed since the previous meeting, his delegation has received much new evidence and those materials have been presented to the Security Council. Drawing the Council's attention to the most salient information, he said that, with respect to documentation on project 3007 related to proliferation in Ukraine of dangerous water-borne diseases, Ukrainian specialists under the supervision of United States colleagues have regularly carried out collections of water samples from rivers flowing through Ukraine, with the aim of establishing specific dangerous pathogens, including cholera, typhoid, hepatitis A and E, and evaluating how they spread through the waters in order to determine their ability to incapacitate.

Referring to other evidence indicating efforts by Ukraine to use biological and chemical substances and United States support to fund bioweapons activities in Ukraine, he said the United States has repeatedly refused to explain the nature and aims of its activities in Ukraine. His delegation has accumulated a lot of materials that directly indicates that those two countries are violating the Biological Weapons Convention and will continue to collect and analyse those materials. Given the United States' refusal to engage in a constructive discussion on the topic, his delegation plans to use the mechanisms under articles V and VI of the Biological Weapons Convention. As soon as the collection of materials is complete, they will be presented to the Council for investigation, he said, expressing hope that that would allow the Russian Federation to finally cut off the military‑biological activities that threaten international peace and security and bring those responsible to account.

FERIT HOXHA (Albania), noting that the Council is meeting for the fourth time and being presented the same unverified, uncorroborated, unsubstantiated, non-factual claims for a non-existent biological programme in Ukraine, said attempts to use the Council for propaganda purposes and divert attention from the terrible reality of crimes committed in Ukraine must stop. The Russian Federation knows better regarding chemical weapons and their use, he said, adding that "its protégé, the Syrian Government", used them against rebel forces. Recalling instances of use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime, he said issues related to chemical and biological weapons should never be taken lightly. The Biological Weapons Convention and the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction contain precise measures and protocols to which concerned States parties can have recourse to address situations for any suspicious activity. Therefore, if there were reasonable doubts for any allegation on any biological programme in Ukraine, the Russian Federation, as a State party to the Biological Weapons Convention, may take those issues to the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), address them properly and professionally by providing the opportunity to international and independent experts to investigate.

MICHEL XAVIER BIANG (Gabon), recalling how the 11 March meeting quickly turned into an exchange of accusations, stressed that the Council must not become the epicentre of fear and unending cycles of intimidation and propaganda. Expressing concern about the hardening of positions and verbal warfare in the Council, he pointed out that innumerable civilians are dying because of the body's inaction. Appealing to the parties to restrain from using biological weapons, he highlighted articles V and VI of the Biological Weapons Convention, as well as Council resolution 620 (1980). Stressing the importance of an impartial investigation into the allegations just raised, he called for diplomatic engagement towards a peaceful resolution to the war in Ukraine.

NICOLAS DE RIVIÈRE (France), stressing that the Russian Federation is once again using the Council as a platform for propaganda to justify an unjustifiable war, said: "Let's be serious here and come back to facts." The United Nations has no information on this subject, he said, adding that repeated dissemination of false information will not transform these allegations into a reality. Recalling that, in 2011, the Russian Federation accused Georgia of developing biological weapons without any evidence, he said it has also repeatedly campaigned against the OPCW in order to protect its Syrian ally. Expressing concern that this disinformation campaign is a prelude to the use of chemical or biological weapons in Ukraine, he pointed out that the Convention provides procedures for consultations with States parties.

CAROLYN OPPONG-NTIRI (Ghana) said that, in any instance of threat of use or the potential use of biological or chemical weapons, the independent and impartial investigations conducted by internationally recognized and mandated bodies should be the only way to establish the facts. The cruelty associated with the use of biological agents and toxins as instruments of war and the fact that related diseases would not confine themselves to national borders justify the prohibition of Member States under the Biological Weapons Convention from the use of biological agents and toxins as war instruments. She called on both parties to exercise restraint and avoid the deliberate or accidental release of chemical or biological agents and other weapons of mass destruction, given the immeasurable risk those weapons pose to the lives of civilians and the environment. The risk of a nuclear exchange is real and will be catastrophic for the whole planet, she stressed, noting that the effects would not only be felt in Europe, but around the world. She called on all actors to uphold their obligations and commitments under international law and international humanitarian law, underscoring that a sustainable solution to the conflict can only be reached through diplomacy and constructive dialogue among the parties and stakeholders.

TRINE SKARBOEVIK HEIMERBACK (Norway) stated that the Russian Federation is once again using the Council as a platform for blatant disinformation and to draw attention away from its unprovoked, unjustified, irresponsible - and frankly brutal - warfare in Ukraine. Stressing that her country is a firm supporter of the Biological Weapons Convention and determined to uphold the total ban against biological weapons, she said that, once again, the Russian Federation has failed to offer any credible evidence for its accusations regarding the development of biological weapons in Ukraine, providing instead unsubstantiated claims and mere insinuations. "If Russia is serious about these accusations, they should use the proper procedure under the Biological Weapons Convention, and provide fact-based evidence," she said. Reiterating Norway's condemnation of the Russian Federation's war against Ukraine, she demanded it immediately end its aggression, withdraw its troops and stop causing death, suffering and destruction.

JAYNE TOROITICH (Kenya) said that any allegation of breach of the Biological Weapons Convention, to which her country is State party, must not be taken lightly. All States parties must make the necessary efforts to strengthen the biological weapons regime and the norms that safeguard humanity from the threat of use of those weapons, she said, calling on all States parties to the Convention to make use of the established mechanisms to ensure no ambiguity on the presence of those weapons. Noting the grave cost of the war in Ukraine to its people, the entire region and the world, she called on the Council to focus on finding a path to peace, urging a cessation and meaningfully safe humanitarian passages for trapped civilians particularly in eastern Ukraine.

ALICIA GUADALUPE BUENROSTRO MASSIEU (Mexico), stressing that the use of biological weapons would be repugnant to the conscience of humanity, noted that article V of the Biological Weapons Convention stresses the importance of cooperation and consultation between States parties. Unfortunately, the Convention does not have a mechanism for verification, she pointed out, adding that the next Review Conference is an opportunity to provide the agreement with such a mechanism. Also stressing the importance of safeguarding the peaceful uses of biological research, she said it is necessary to promote all synergies between the Convention and other regimes for export control, public health and animal health in order to develop coherent public policies.

RAVINDRA RAGUTTAHALLI (India) said his country attaches high importance to the Biological Weapons Convention as a key global and non-discriminatory disarmament convention, prohibiting an entire category of weapons of mass destruction. Any matter relating to obligations under the Convention should be addressed as per the provisions and through consultations and cooperation between the parties concerned, he said. Underscoring the need for negotiation of a comprehensive and legally binding protocol, providing for an effective, universal and non-discriminatory verification mechanism to strengthen States parties' implementation of the Convention, he reiterated his country's deep concern about the worsening situation in Ukraine, and voiced support for the efforts of the Secretary-General's good offices.

FERGUS JOHN ECKERSLEY (United Kingdom) said that the current meeting is a complete waste of the Council's time. These disruptive tactics by the Russian Federation prove that "they know as well as we do that none of their excuses for invading Ukraine have any basis whatsoever", he stressed.

CAIT MORAN (Ireland) said there can be no impunity for those who use biological agents or toxins, or as instruments of war. In that regard, the international community must collectively uphold the international legal norm against such weapons, she said, noting that her country looks forward to the Biological Weapons Convention Review Conference and will work with States parties to further strengthen that key instrument. Expressing grave concern that the Russian Federation continues to use biological weapons to justify unprovoked aggression against Ukraine, she said that, despite the large amount of material shared by the Russian Federation, no substantive or credible evidence has been presented to support its allegations. Instead, the Council sees baseless and unfounded claims against Ukraine and others, including the United States, to paint itself as the victim in the face of its horrific actions in Ukraine. The Russian Federation must stop seeking to use the Council as a platform for its disinformation. Underscoring that its actions risk undermining essential multilateral disarmament and non‑proliferation instrument, as well as peaceful, legitimate cooperation and research supporting public health, she called on the Russian Federation to immediately end its hostilities, unconditionally withdraw from the entire territory of Ukraine and refrain from further threat or use of force of any kind against Ukraine or any other State.

DAI BING (China), stressing that his country is opposed to the development, stockpiling or use of biological and chemical weapons by any country, urged "one particular country that has not yet destroyed its stockpiles of chemical weapons to do so as soon as possible". All States parties should scrupulously abide by the objectives of the Biological Weapons Convention, he said, underscoring the need for an impartial, independent and professional multilateral verification system. The ninth Review Conference at the end of this year is an opportunity for States parties to restart negotiations regarding a verification protocol and effectively enhance global biosecurity, he said. Welcoming an assessment of the documents disclosed by the Russian Federation under the framework of the Convention, he said the priority is to step up efforts to stop hostilities.

JOÃO GENÉSIO DE ALMEIDA FILHO (Brazil) said any allegations concerning the existence of biological weapons must be thoroughly substantiated with evidence. Recalling that the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention established clear obligations binding upon all State parties to not develop, produce or acquire such weapons, he expressed regret that, years later, the international community still has not agreed on a multilateral mechanism to verify compliance. The absence hobbles the transparency of international biosecurity research initiatives, he pointed out, voicing support for the resumption of negotiations with a view to adopting a protocol that implements the Convention and contributes to building trust among parties about the exclusively peaceful use of such technologies. Until such a protocol is adopted, State parties must cooperate with each other by sharing the widest possible range of information on research topics related to the objectives of the Convention, he stressed.

RICHARD M. MILLS, JR. (United States), Council President for May, speaking in his national capacity, said the Russian Federation is once again using the Security Council as a platform to spout disinformation and conspiracy theories against Ukraine, even as it continues its brutal and inhumane assault on the Ukrainian people. The Russian Federation repeatedly debases the Council through absurd meetings and endless claims about chemical and biological weapons programmes in Ukraine that are categorically false and ludicrous, he said, noting that they follow a well-worn pattern in which Russian authorities accuse others of the very violations the country has perpetrated or intends to perpetrate. Referring to the Russian Federation's claims about poisoned bank notes and secret treatment on psychiatric prisoners, he said: "What is not fiction and must not be forgotten is that the Russian Federation has a long and well‑documented track record of using chemical weapons including an attempted assassinations and the poisoning of Putin's political enemies."

He went on to say that it is the Russian Federation that continues to support the Assad regime in Syria, which has repeatedly used chemical weapons, and has long maintained a well-documented biological weapons programme in violation of international law. Any use of chemical or biological weapons by the Russian Federation will result in severe consequences. "We expect the Russian Government to publicly and unequivocally state that Russian forces and its proxies will not use chemical or biological weapons in Ukraine or anywhere ever in accordance with its international legal obligations." Even documents circulated by the Russian Federation do not support their allegations, he said, pointing to its attempts to distract the Council from the violence it is perpetrating in Ukraine. "The United States is not fooled, nor are Council members and we are not going to look away. We will continue to hold the Russian Federation accountable and call on Putin to end the war of choice," he concluded.

DMITRY A. POLYANSKIY (Russian Federation) said that, once again, there are attempts to divert the discussion, move the focus from the subject initially raised by his country, and to mix chemical and biological weapons, adding that those are different things. "We are talking about specific facts that we have uncovered and specific documents that indicate that biological labs in Ukraine, in working with the United States, are carrying out biological programmes," he said. Pointing to the several hundred documents distributed by his delegation, he underscored that there are specific data, cases, companies and people involved. "If you think that is not enough, then what is evidence to you?", he asked, urging the United States to provide information or clarification about the nature or real aims of its biological activities in Ukraine.

MOHAMED ISSA ABUSHAHAB (United Arab Emirates) thanked Council members for their expressions of condolence regarding the death of his country's President, Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed al-Nahyan.
For information media. Not an official record.

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United Nations unaware of any biological weapons programmes in Ukraine, top disarmament official affirms, as Security Council considers new claims by Russian Federation - Ukraine

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News and Press Release in English on Ukraine about Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding and Protection and Human Rights; published on 13 May 2022 by UN SC

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Biological weapons disseminate disease-causing organisms or toxins to harm or kill humans, animals or plants. They can be deadly and highly contagious. Diseases caused by such weapons would not confine themselves to national borders and could spread rapidly around the world. The consequences of the deliberate release of biological agents or toxins by state or non-state actors could be dramatic. In addition to the tragic loss of lives, such events could cause food shortages, environmental catastrophes, devastating economic loss, and widespread illness, fear and mistrust among the public.

Text of the Convention

The BWC itself is comparatively short, comprising only 15 articles. Over the years, it has been supplemented by a series of additional understandings reached subsequent Review Conferences. The BWC Implementation Support Unit regularly updates a document that provides information on additional agreements which (a) interpret, define or elaborate the meaning or scope of a provision of the Convention; or (b) provide instructions, guidelines, or recommendations on how a provision should be implemented.
The text of the Convention is available for download in the six official UN languages:

Formally known as "The Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction", the Convention was negotiated by the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva, Switzerland. It opened for signature on 10 April 1972 and entered into force on 26 March 1975. The BWC supplements the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which had prohibited only the use of biological weapons.

States Parties to the Biological Weapons Convention undertook "never in any circumstances to develop, produce, stockpile or otherwise acquire or retain:

1. microbial or other biological agents, or toxins whatever their origin or method of production, of types and in quantities that have no justification for prophylactic, protective or other peaceful purposes;

2. weapons, equipment or means of delivery designed to use such agents or toxins for hostile purposes or in armed conflict."

BWC States Parties have strived to ensure that the Convention remains relevant and effective, despite the changes in science and technology, politics and security since it entered into force. Throughout the intervening years, States Parties have met approximately every five years to review the operation of the BWC. Between these Review Conferences, States Parties have pursued various activities and initiatives to strengthen the effectiveness and improve the implementation of the Convention. A total of eight Review Conferences have taken place since the first one in 1980.

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Biological weapons disseminate disease-causing organisms or toxins to harm or kill humans, animals or plants. They can be deadly and highly contagious. Diseases caused by such weapons would not confine themselves to national borders and could spread rapidly around the world.

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Feed Your Mind Main Page en Español (Spanish)
How GMOs are Regulated in the United States

Three federal agencies within the U.S. government work together to regulate most GMOs. "GMO" (genetically modified organism) has become the common term consumers and popular media use to describe a plant, animal, or microorganism that has had its genetic material (DNA) altered through a process called genetic engineering.

The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) ensure that GMOs are safe for human, plant, and animal health.

These agencies also monitor the impact of GMOs on the environment.

The Coordinated Framework for the Regulation of Biotechnology, established in 1986, describes how the agencies work together to regulate GMOs.
U.S. Food and Drug Administration
FDA regulates most human and animal food, including GMO foods. In doing so, FDA makes sure that foods that are GMOs or have GMO ingredients meet the same strict safety standards as all other foods. FDA sets and enforces food safety standards that those who produce, process, store, ship, or sell food must follow, no matter how the foods are created.
U.S. Department of Agriculture
The USDA Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service (APHIS) protects agriculture in the United States against pests and disease. APHIS sets regulations to make sure GMO plants are not harmful to other plants, and USDA's Biotechnology Regulatory Services implements these regulations.

GMOs: Government Regulation and Your Safety

Hear from experts at FDA, EPA, and USDA as they discuss how federal agencies work together to ensure that GMOs are safe for human, plant, and animal health.

Who makes sure GMOs are safe?

Many federal agencies play an important role in ensuring the safety of GMOs. As described in the Coordinated Framework for the Regulation of Biotechnology, multiple federal agencies work to ensure the safety of GMOs. Collaboration and coordination among these agencies help make sure food developers understand the importance of a safe food supply and the rules they need to follow when developing new products using genetic engineering.

FDA's voluntary Plant Biotechnology Consultation Program evaluates the safety of food from new GMOs before they enter the market. This program allows developers to work with FDA on a product-by-product basis.

GMOs and Food Safety: A Guide for Health Educators

How does the Plant Biotechnology Consultation Program work?

The Plant Biotechnology Consultation Program is a voluntary program with four key steps:

GMO plant developer meets with FDA about a potential new product for use in human and animal food.

GMO developer submits food safety assessment data and information to FDA.

FDA evaluates the data and information and resolves any issues with the developer.

Consultation is complete once FDA has no more questions about the safety of the human and animal food made from the new GMO plant variety. Completed consultations are all made public.

The Program allows FDA to work with crop developers to help create a safe food supply. It also allows FDA to collect information about new foods. See a full list of GMOs that have gone through the Plant Biotechnology Consultation Program.

How can I tell if I'm eating GMOs?

Certain types of GMOs have a disclosure that lets you know if the food, or ingredients you are eating, is a bioengineered food. The National Bioengineered Food Disclosure Standard defines bioengineered foods as those that contain detectable genetic material that has been modified through certain lab techniques and cannot be created through conventional breeding or found in nature.

The Standard establishes requirements for labeling foods that humans eat that are or may be bioengineered and defines bioengineered foods as those that contain detectable genetic material that has been modified through certain lab techniques and cannot be created through conventional breeding or found in nature.

The Standard requires that by 2022, food makers, importers, and certain retailers label foods that are bioengineered or have bioengineered ingredients. At that time, foods sold in the United States that meet the definition of bioengineered food must have information on their packaging using one of the approved methods, including text on the package that says "bioengineered food," the bioengineered food symbol, or directions for using your phone to find the disclosure.

For more details on the labeling requirement for foods that are genetically modified or bioengineered, including sample labels, visit www.ams.usda.gov/be.

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Three federal agencies within the U.S. government work together to regulate most GMOs.

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pg. 17-19 how to draft a resolution

pg. 20 opening speech

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The Aarhus Convention's GMO Amendment

Through decision II/1 adopted at its second session (Almaty, 25-27 May 2005), the Meeting of the Parties adopted an amendment to the Convention on genetically modified organisms. For the text of the amendment see here. The amendment will enter into force when it has been ratified by at least three fourth of the Parties that were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted. That is, it must be ratified by 27 of the 35 Parties that were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted. As of today, the amendment has been ratified by 32 Parties, 26 of which were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted and thus count towards its entry into force. This means a further 1 ratification is required from those Parties who were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted in order for the amendment to enter into force. The following Parties were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted but are yet to ratify the amendment: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Macedonia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Ukraine.
Upon its entry into force, the GMO amendment will apply to all those Parties which have by that time become party to it. To see whether a particular country has ratified or acceded to the amendment, see

Lucca Guidelines on GMOs

At its first session (Lucca, 21-23 October 2002), the Meeting of the Parties adopted guidelines on access to information, public participation and access to justice with respect to genetically modified organisms. The guidelines are often referred to as the "Lucca Guidelines" (see ENG FRE RUS).

Collaboration with the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety

In decision II/1 adopting the GMO amendment, the Parties to the Aarhus Convention recognised the need to cooperate with other international organizations and forums, in particular the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), with a view to maximizing synergy and avoiding duplication of effort, including through encouraging the exchange of information and collaboration between the respective secretariats. Pursuant to this, the Aarhus Convention and the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety secretariats have established a strong collaborative relationship, undertaking a number of successful joint activities at the international level. To strengthen capacities of Governments and stakeholders in providing effective access to information and public participation in decision-making processes regarding LMOs/GMOs the two secretariats also developed a number of guiding material.

Key guidance and other material related to GMO/LMO matters is available through this web page.

Recent events on GMOs

In keeping with the above, the Aarhus Convention has undertaken a number of joint activities with the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety addressing access to information, public participation and access to justice with respect to GMOs.

The two secretariats jointly organized recently in Geneva the fourth Global Round Table on LMOs/GMOs on 11-12 December 2023
The previous global round tables on LMOs/GMOs were held in Geneva 16-18 December 2019, 15-17 November 2016 and on 16 and 17 October 2013.The roundtables featured expert presentations and sharing of experiences and lessons learned, regarding:

Key issues of concern for Parties and stakeholders with respect to access to information, public participation in decision-making and access to justice regarding LMOs/GMOs

Challenges encountered in the implementation of the Aarhus Convention and its Almaty Amendment on GMOs, the Lucca Guidelines on GMOs, and Article 23 of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety as well as good practices and innovative tools to address them

Opportunities for cooperation and capacity building

Priorities for future work

The outcomes of the roundtables are being submitted to the Meeting of the Parties to the Aarhus Convention and to the Conference of the Parties serving as the Meeting of the Parties to the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety. The outcomes are expected to facilitate the ratification and implementation of the Aarhus Convention in the context of LMOs/GMOs, its Almaty Amendment on GMOs and the implementation of Article 23 of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety as well as Targets 17 and 22 of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF), in the context of LMOs/GMOs, thereby also contributing to the achievement of relevant Sustainable Development Goals.

The previous events included the organization of two joint workshops:

International workshop on public awareness, access to information and public participation regarding living/genetically modified organisms (Nagoya, 8-9 October 2010) and

International workshop on access to information, public participation and access to justice regarding GMOs (Cologne, 19-20 May 2008).

Former bodies

Prior to its adoption at the second session of the Meeting of the Parties, the draft GMO amendment was prepared by a Working Group on GMOs, led by Austria. For more about the former Working Group on GMOs, see here.

Key guidance material

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Through decision II/1 adopted at its second session (Almaty, 25-27 May 2005), the Meeting of the Parties adopted an amendment to the Convention on genetically modified organisms. For the text of the amendment see here. The amendment will enter into force when it has been ratified by at least three fourth of the Parties that were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted. That is, it must be ratified by 27 of the 35 Parties that were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted. As of today, the amendment has been ratified by 32 Parties, 26 of which were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted and thus count towards its entry into force. This means a further 1 ratification is required from those Parties who were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted in order for the amendment to enter into force. The following Parties were party to the Convention at the time the amendment was adopted but are yet to ratify the amendment: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Macedonia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Ukraine.

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The European Union has established a legal framework to ensure that the development of modern biotechnology, and more specifically of GMOs, takes…

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The World Health Organization welcomed today's historic commitment shown by global leaders, at the United Nations General Assembly, to strengthen the international cooperation, coordination, governance and investment needed to prevent a repeat of the devastating health and socioeconomic impact caused by COVID-19, make the world better prepared for future pandemic, and get back on track to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals.

"The first-ever head of state summit on pandemic prevention, preparedness and response is a historic milestone in the urgent drive to make all people of the world safer, and better protected from the devastating impacts of pandemics," said Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director-General. "I welcome this commitment by world leaders to provide the political support and direction needed so that WHO, governments and all involved can protect people's health and take concrete steps towards investing in local capacities, ensuring equity and supporting the global emergency health architecture that the world needs."

The political declaration, approved by Mr Dennis Francis, President of the 78 th United Nations General Assembly, and the result of negotiations under the able leadership of Ambassadors Gilad Erdan of Israel and Omar Hilale of Morocco, underscored the pivotal role played by WHO as the "directing and coordinating authority on international health," and the need to "commit further to sustainable financing that provides adequate and predictable funding to the World Health Organization, which enables it to have the resources needed to fulfil its core functions."

"The lived experience of people who suffered through the COVID-19 pandemic must be at the forefront of our minds going forward in order to realize the clear direction provided by world leaders," said Dr Tedros. "We must learn how to protect our communities better and to engage, inform and empower them to be part of the solution. We need to build stronger clinical care systems that can save lives. Doing so requires concrete actions to ensure equitable access to medical countermeasures, sustainable and adequate financing, empowered and engaged communities and robust, trained and equipped health workers."

"The devastating impacts of COVID-19 demonstrated why the world needs a more collaborative, cohesive and equitable approach to preventing, preparing for and responding to pandemics," said Dr Tedros.

Dr Tedros said governments and multilateral partners have already commenced building the foundations for a safer world, with the establishment of the Pandemic Fund, the WHO Hub for Pandemic and Epidemic Intelligence, the WHO BioHub to voluntarily share novel biological materials, and the mRNA vaccine technology transfer hub.

However, Dr Tedros added that the political declaration approved on Wednesday called for further strengthening of the global health emergency architecture to better protect the world from a repeat of COVID-19.

Among numerous measures required, the political declaration recognized the need for Member States to:

Conclude negotiations on a WHO convention, agreement or other international instrument on pandemic prevention, preparedness and response, otherwise known as the Pandemic Accord, and continue their work to make targeted amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005) by May 2024;

In line with the Pandemic Accord process, ensure the sustainable, affordable, fair, equitable, effective, efficient and timely access to medical countermeasures, including vaccines, diagnostics, therapeutics and other health products;

Take measures to counter and address the negative impacts of health-related misinformation, disinformation, hate speech and stigmatization, especially on social media platforms, on people's physical and mental health, including countering vaccine hesitancy in the context of pandemic prevention, preparedness and response and to foster trust in public health systems and authorities, including by increasing public health education, literacy and awareness, while recognizing that the effective engagement of stakeholders requires access to timely, accurate and evidence-based information and awareness raising including through the use of digital health tools;

To protect our communities through investing in primary health care and other health system measures, as part of a commitment to universal health coverage, so to ensure robust national health systems are in place to respond to future pandemics;

Invest in ensuring WHO is strengthened to the level needed to play its role in responding to pandemic threats. Sustainable financing of WHO, and national health systems, is essential for making the world safer;

Strengthen health workforce and rapid response capacities, surveillance and supply systems, and local manufacturing abilities, to enable and empower all countries to have the ability to meet their own needs to prevent, prepare for and respond to pandemics.

Scale up health system capacities to address pandemic threats in low- and lower-middle income countries, especially across Africa;

Counter and address the negative impacts of health-related misinformation, disinformation, hate speech and stigmatization, especially on social media platforms, on people's physical and mental health, in order to strengthen pandemic prevention, preparedness and response, and foster trust in public health systems and authorities;

Leverage the potential of the multilateral system and scale up the multisectoral approach needed to improve pandemic prevention, preparedness and response, due to the multifaceted causes and consequences of pandemics, which support attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals.

Following today's approval of the political declaration by the UN General Assembly president, leaders of United Nations Member States delivered statements on the critical importance of pandemic prevention, preparedness and response and the need for a robust, coordinated and comprehensive global health emergency architecture.

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WHO welcomes historic commitment by world leaders for greater collaboration, governance and investment to prevent, prepare for and respond to future pandemics

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The World Health Organization welcomed today's historic commitment shown by global leaders, at the United Nations General Assembly, to strengthen the international cooperation, coordination, governance and investment needed to prevent a repeat of the devastating health and socioeconomic impact caused by COVID-19, make the world better prepared for future pandemic, and get back on track to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals.

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Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) is one of the greatest global health threats. It was associated with an estimated five million deaths in 2019, and if left unchecked, it could have a catastrophic impact on people and the economy. Research from the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) shows it could shave US$ 3.4 trillion off GDP annually and push 24 million people into extreme poverty in the next decade.

Pollution from the pharmaceutical, agriculture and healthcare sectors is one of the main drivers of AMR, which occurs when bacteria, viruses, fungi and parasites evolve over time and develop the ability to defeat the drugs designed to combat them.

A recent study found that more than a quarter of some 258 rivers around the world were polluted with drugs to a toxic degree. The highest concentrations of active pharmaceutical ingredients were found in Sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, and South America.

"Limiting the emergence and spread of antimicrobial resistance is critical to preserving the ability to treat diseases, reduce food safety and security risks, fight inequities and protect the environment," said Jacqueline Álvarez, the Chief of the Chemicals and Health Branch at UNEP. "AMR is a complex and interconnected crisis. It requires preventative and management measures with a 'One Health' approach that recognizes that the health of people, animals, plants and the environment are closely linked and interdependent."

To mark World AMR Awareness Week, which takes place from 18 - 24 November every year, here is a primer on what is driving the spread of AMR.
1. Misuse of antibiotics

Failing to comply with prescribed doses of antibiotics can lead to AMR spread. Photo: UNEP/Lisa Murray

Excessive and inappropriate use of antibiotics can lead to antibiotic-resistant strains of bacteria. People can misuse antibiotics by not completing the prescribed course of antibiotics, using the incorrect dosage or being prescribed antibiotics unnecessarily. This haphazard approach, coupled with the improper disposal of drugs, allows more resistant bacteria to thrive, multiply and potentially lead to the development of superbugs that are difficult, if not impossible, to treat with existing antibiotics.

Antimicrobial misuse in the livestock sector, aquaculture, companion animals, and crop production is also a major concern with a risk for the development and spread of antimicrobial resistant microorganisms.
2. A lack of access to clean water and sanitation

People in areas without reliable access to clean water are at increased risk of drinking from contaminated sources. Photo: Department for International Development/Vicki Francis

Poverty, lack of clean water and poor sanitation make AMR worse. People living in places with limited access to water, sanitation and hygiene are at greater risk of coming into contact with contaminated water that may carry a variety of pathogens, including bacteria resistant to antibiotics. Animals are also more susceptible to diseases when hygiene conditions are poor.

AMR also exacerbates inequities within societies. Vulnerable groups, including women, children, migrants, refugees, and those living in informal settlements, are particularly vulnerable to drug-resistant infections and may have less access to health systems. Uncontrolled and untreated sewage exacerbates the problem.

Limiting the emergence and spread of AMR is critical to preserving the ability to treat diseases, reduce food safety and security risks, fight inequities and protect the environment.

3. Pollution from pharmaceutical companies and farming

In many places, farming has fed the spread of antimicrobial resistance. Photo: UNEP/Lisa Murray

Pollution from pharmaceutical manufacturing, livestock farming, aquaculture, intensive crop production and the healthcare sector are key drivers of AMR. Although the pharmaceutical industry has helped to improve public health, untreated or inadequately treated waste from drug manufacturing factories often ends up in the environment, contributing to the build-up of drug-resistant microbes. The improper disposal of unused and expired medicines also fuels the spread of AMR.

The overuse of drugs in agriculture remains a concern as farmers around the world continue to rely on antimicrobials to maintain the health of animals and, in some cases, promote their growth. Meanwhile, up to 75 per cent of antibiotics used in aquaculture or aquafarming may be lost into the surrounding environment. Fungicides, antibiotics, and other chemicals used in crops are usually applied directly into the environment and could result in higher local concentrations of these pollutants with subsequent effects on antimicrobial resistance.
4. Mass movement of people

Passengers waiting at departure hall 3 at Schiphol Airport. Photo: Sem Van Der Wal/ANP Via AFP

Rapid globalization has resulted in increasing numbers of people and goods moving across borders. In 2019 alone, a record 4.5 billion people travelled by air. The mass movement of people may contribute to the burden of antimicrobial resistance by allowing resistant microorganisms to travel from one side of the world to the other. Research has shown that antimicrobial-resistant bacteria carried by humans may persist for up to 12 months after travel, further contributing to the risk of AMR transmission.

To complicate matters, according to the UN Refugee Agency, there are currently 110 million forcibly displaced people around the world. Many of them lack access to basic rights including proper housing, healthcare, water and sanitation, which are all factors that increase the spread of AMR.
5. Climate change and biodiversity loss

Photo: UNEP/Miranda Grant

The climate crisis is exacerbating antimicrobial resistance. Extreme weather events, such as floods and rising temperatures, help  proliferate microbes in the environment. Flooding can cause wastewater and sewage that is full of antimicrobial-resistant microbes to overwhelm treatment plants and contaminate surrounding areas. Biodiversity loss makes AMR worse by diminishing the richness of plant species that might hold the key to medicines that can treat infections now resistant to drugs.

About World AMR Awareness Week World AMR Awareness Week (WAAW) is a global campaign that is celebrated annually to improve awareness and understanding of AMR and encourage best practices among the public, One Health stakeholders and policymakers, who all play a critical role in reducing the further emergence and spread of AMR.  The global theme for the 4th World AMR Week is "Preventing antimicrobial resistance together" - keeping with the objective of addressing AMR in a coordinated, multi-stakeholder, multidisciplinary and inclusive manner. UNEP's work on pollution and waste To fight the pervasive impact of pollution on society, UNEP launched #BeatPollution, a strategy for rapid, large-scale and coordinated action against air, land and water pollution. The strategy highlights the impact of pollution on climate change, nature and biodiversity loss, and human health. Through science-based messaging, the campaign showcases how transitioning to a pollution-free planet is vital for future generations.

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What is fuelling the world's antimicrobial resistance crisis?

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Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) is among top 10 threats for global health, with nearly 5 million associated deaths in 2019, and it is closely linked to the environmental crisis.

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Key facts

Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) is one of the top global public health and development threats. It is estimated that bacterial AMR was directly responsible for 1.27 million global deaths in 2019 and contributed to 4.95 million deaths (1).

The misuse and overuse of antimicrobials in humans, animals and plants are the main drivers in the development of drug-resistant pathogens.

AMR affects countries in all regions and at all income levels. Its drivers and consequences are exacerbated by poverty and inequality, and low- and middle-income countries are most affected.

AMR puts many of the gains of modern medicine at risk. It makes infections harder to treat and makes other medical procedures and treatments - such as surgery, caesarean sections and cancer chemotherapy - much riskier.

The world faces an antibiotics pipeline and access crisis. There is an inadequate research and development pipeline in the face of rising levels of resistance, and urgent need for additional measures to ensure equitable access to new and existing vaccines, diagnostics and medicines.

In addition to death and disability, AMR has significant economic costs. The World Bank estimates that AMR could result in US$ 1 trillion additional healthcare costs by 2050, and US$ 1 trillion to US$ 3.4 trillion gross domestic product (GDP) losses per year by 2030 (2).

Priorities to address AMR in human health include preventing all infections, which may result in inappropriate use of antimicrobials; ensuring universal access to quality diagnosis and appropriate treatment of infections; and strategic information and innovation, for example surveillance of AMR and antimicrobial consumption/use, and research and development for novel vaccines, diagnostics and medicines.

Overview

Antimicrobials - including antibiotics, antivirals, antifungals, and antiparasitics - are medicines used to prevent and treat infectious diseases in humans, animals and plants.

Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR) occurs when bacteria, viruses, fungi and parasites no longer respond to antimicrobial medicines. As a result of drug resistance, antibiotics and other antimicrobial medicines become ineffective and infections become difficult or impossible to treat, increasing the risk of disease spread, severe illness, disability and death.

AMR is a natural process that happens over time through genetic changes in pathogens. Its emergence and spread is accelerated by human activity, mainly the misuse and overuse of antimicrobials to treat, prevent or control infections in humans, animals and plants.

A global concern

Antimicrobial medicines are the cornerstone of modern medicine.The emergence and spread of drug-resistant pathogens threatens our ability to treat common infections and to perform life-saving procedures including cancer chemotherapy and caesarean section, hip replacements, organ transplantation and other surgeries.

In addition, drug-resistant infections impact the health of animals and plants, reduce productivity in farms, and threaten food security.

AMR has significant costs for both health systems and national economies overall. For example, it creates need for more expensive and intensive care, affects productivity of patients or their caregivers through prolonged hospital stays, and harms agricultural productivity.

AMR is a problem for all countries at all income levels. Its spread does not recognize country borders. Contributing factors include lack of access to clean water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) for both humans and animals; poor infection and disease prevention and control in homes, healthcare facilities and farms; poor access to quality and affordable vaccines, diagnostics and medicines; lack of awareness and knowledge; and lack of enforcement of relevant legislation. People living in low-resource settings and vulnerable populations are especially impacted by both the drivers and consequences of AMR.

What is the present situation?

Drug-resistance in bacteria

The global rise in antibiotic resistance poses a significant threat, diminishing the efficacy of common antibiotics against widespread bacterial infections. The 2022 Global Antimicrobial Resistance and Use Surveillance System (GLASS) report highlights alarming resistance rates among prevalent bacterial pathogens. Median reported rates in 76 countries of 42% for third-generation cephalosporin-resistant E. coli and 35% for methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus are a major concern. For urinary tract infections caused by E. coli, 1 in 5 cases exhibited reduced susceptibility to standard antibiotics like ampicillin, co-trimoxazole, and fluoroquinolones in 2020. This is making it harder to effectively treat common infections.

Klebsiella pneumoniae, a common intestinal bacterium, also showed elevated resistance levels against critical antibiotics. Increased levels of resistance potentially lead to heightened utilization of last-resort drugs like carbapenems, for which resistance is in turn being observed across multiple regions. As the effectiveness of these last-resort drugs is compromised, the risks increase of infections that cannot be treated. Projections by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) indicate an anticipated twofold surge in resistance to last-resort antibiotics by 2035, compared to 2005 levels, underscoring the urgent need for robust antimicrobial stewardship practices and enhanced surveillance coverage worldwide.

Drug resistance in fungi

As drug-resistant fungal infections increase, WHO is monitoring their magnitude and public health impact. Fungal infections can be difficult to treat, including due to drug-drug interactions for patients with other infections (e.g. HIV). The emergence and spread of multi-drug resistant Candida auris, an invasive fungal infection, is of particular concern. Development of WHO's Fungal Priority Pathogens List (see below) included a comprehensive review of fungal infections and drug-resistant fungi globally.

Drug resistance in HIV, tuberculosis and malaria

HIV drug resistance (HIVDR) is caused by changes in the HIV genome that affect the ability of antiretroviral (ARV) drugs to block the replication of the virus. HIVDR can either be transmitted at the time of infection or acquired because of inadequate adherence to treatment or drug-drug interactions. HIVDR can lead to increased HIV infections and HIV-associated morbidity and mortality. WHO recommends that countries routinely implement HIVDR surveys to inform the selection of optimal ARV drug regimens for HIV prevention and treatment.

Tuberculosis (TB) is a major contributor to antimicrobial resistance. Multidrug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB) is a form of TB caused by bacteria that do not respond to isoniazid and rifampicin, the two most effective first-line TB drugs. MDR-TB is treatable and curable by using second-line drugs, but these medicines are expensive and toxic, and in some cases more extensive drug resistance can develop. TB caused by bacteria that do not respond to the most effective second-line TB drugs can leave patients with very limited treatment options. MDR-TB is therefore a public health crisis and threat to health security. Only about 2 in 5 people with drug resistant TB accessed treatment in 2022.

The emergence of drug-resistant parasites is a major threat to malaria control. Artemisinin-based combination therapies (ACTs) are the recommended first-line treatment for uncomplicated Plasmodium falciparum malaria and are used by most malaria endemic countries. Emergence of partial resistance to artemisinin and/or partner drugs in ACTs makes selecting the right treatment more challenging and requires close monitoring. In the Greater Mekong Subregion, partial resistance to artemisinin or a partner drug has been confirmed in several countries since 2001. In the WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region, resistance to a partner drug, sulfadoxine-pyrimethamine, led in some countries to treatment failure requiring a change to another ACT. In Africa, mutations linked to artemisinin partial resistance have been observed in several countries. ACTs that have been tested remain efficacious, but further spread of resistance could be a major public health challenge and improved surveillance is vital.

Drug resistance in neglected tropical diseases (NTDs)

The emergence of drug resistance against medicines for neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) is a significant threat to programmes to control, eliminate and eradicate NTDs, which especially affect vulnerable and marginalized populations. Resistance has been reported in leprosy medicines (dapsone, rifampicine and clofazimine) in several countries, in several anti-helminthics (while resistance has so far only been observed in use in animals, which is a serious concern for the veterinary sector, some of these medicines are also used in humans), in medicines used to treat human African trypanosomiasis (melarsoprol) and leishmaniasis (pentavalent antimonials, miltefosine), and others. It is important to monitor resistance and drug efficacy, put in place strategies to delay or curb resistance, and strengthen the pipeline of second-line medicines for NTDs. For example, WHO provides guidance for surveillance of resistance for the global leprosy elimination programme, and support to control distribution and monitor the standardized use, safety and efficacy of medicines, including donated medicines, in NTD programmes.

Coordinated global action to address AMR

One Health approach

AMR is a complex problem that requires both sector-specific actions in the human health, food production, animal and environmental sectors, and a coordinated approach across these sectors. One Health refers to an integrated, unifying approach that aims to achieve optimal and sustainable health outcomes for people, animals and ecosystems. It recognizes that the health of humans, domestic and wild animals, plants and the wider environment are closely linked and inter-dependent. The One Health approach to preventing and controlling AMR brings together stakeholders from relevant sectors to communicate and work together in the design, implementation and monitoring of programmes, policies, legislation and research to mitigate AMR and attain better health and economic outcomes.

Global Action Plan (GAP) on Antimicrobial Resistance

To address AMR globally, countries adopted the Global Action Plan (GAP) on AMR during the 2015 World Health Assembly and committed to the development and implementation of multisectoral national action plans with a One Health approach to tackle AMR. The GAP was subsequently endorsed by the Governing Bodies of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the World Organisation for Animal Health (WOAH, formerly known as OIE) and the United Nations Environment Program.

Quadripartite Joint Secretariat on Antimicrobial Resistance

To coordinate the One Health global response to AMR, WHO works closely with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World Organisation for Animal Health (WOAH). The 4 organizations (FAO, UNEP, WHO and WOAH) are known as the Quadripartite. A quadripartite joint secretariat is hosted by WHO to drive multi-stakeholder engagement in AMR. This has supported establishment of the Global Leaders Group on AMR, which began its work in November 2020, and the Multi-Stakeholder Partnership Platform, which was launched in November 2022, and several technical working groups.

High-level meetings on AMR

In March 2022, United Nations General Assembly resolution A/RES/76/257 established a second High-level Meeting on AMR to be held in 2024, in collaboration with the Quadripartite Organizations and with the support of the Global Leaders Group. In October 2023, The President of the General Assembly appointed the Permanent Representatives of Barbados and Malta to co-facilitate the high-level meeting. The high-level meeting is an important opportunity for countries to make ambitious commitments and agree targets, and the Quadripartite Joint Secretariat is working closely with the co-facilitators and Global Leaders Group to ensure optimal participation and inputs from the human, animal, agri-food and the environment sectors.

In addition, three Global High-level Ministerial Conferences on AMR, in the Netherlands in 2014 and 2019, and in Oman in 2022, led to the Global Action Plan, the AMR Multi-Partner Trust Fund, and groundbreaking multisectoral AMR targets. A fourth high-level ministerial conference will be hosted by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 2024.

World AMR Awareness Week (WAAW)

World AMR Awareness Week (WAAW) is a global campaign to raise awareness, understanding and best practices with the public, One Health stakeholders, and other policymakers. One of WHO's official health campaigns since 2015, WAAW is celebrated from 18 to 24 November every year.

A programmatic response to AMR in countries

AMR national action plans

As of November 2023, 178 countries had developed AMR national action plans aligned with the GAP. To ensure sustained progress, countries need to establish a functioning multisectoral AMR governance mechanism, prioritize activities, develop a costed operational plan, mobilize resources (both domestic and external), and effectively implement their plan. Monitoring mechanisms are needed to track progress, identify challenges and report periodically. To globally track the progress in AMR national action plan implementation, countries have committed to completing the multisectoral annual Tracking AMR Country Self-Assessment Survey (TrACSS) that was launched in 2016 with results published at https://www.amrcountryprogress.org/.

The people-centred approach and WHO core package of interventions

To address AMR in a programmatic manner that puts people, their needs and equitable access to health services at the centre of the AMR response in the community, in primary care, secondary and tertiary care, and at national and/or subnational level, WHO has developed the People-centred approach to addressing antimicrobial resistance in human health and WHO core package of interventions to support national action plans. This focuses on preventing infections and ensuring universal access to health services for quality diagnosis and appropriate treatment. As a crucial part of their AMR response, countries can integrate the core package of AMR interventions in national plans and strategies for universal health coverage and health emergency preparedness and response.

Antimicrobial stewardship and AWaRe

Antimicrobial stewardship is a systematic approach to educate and support health care professionals to follow evidence-based guidelines for prescribing and administering antimicrobials. The education of the health workforce is of crucial importance, as they form the front line in safeguarding the effectiveness of antimicrobial medicines. WHO guides countries to develop and implement Antimicrobial Stewardship Programmes as one of the most cost-effective interventions to optimize the use of antimicrobial medicines, improve patient outcomes and reduce AMR and health care-associated infections.

To improve access to appropriate treatment and reduce inappropriate use of antibiotics, WHO developed the AWaRe (Access, Watch, Reserve) classification of antibiotics. The WHO AWaRe antibiotic book provides concise, evidence-based guidance on the choice of antibiotic, dose, route of administration, and duration of treatment for more than 30 of the most common clinical infections in children and adults in both primary health care and hospital settings.

Strategic information to inform the AMR response

WHO launched the Global Antimicrobial Resistance and Use Surveillance System (GLASS) in 2015 to fill knowledge gaps and inform strategies at all levels. GLASS progressively incorporates data from surveillance of AMR in humans, surveillance of the use and consumption of antimicrobials, and integrated AMR data in the One Health sectors including the food chain and in the environment.

GLASS provides a standardized approach to the collection, analysis, interpretation and sharing of data by countries, territories and areas. It also monitors the status of existing and new national surveillance systems, with emphasis on representativeness and quality of data collection. Some WHO regions have established surveillance networks that provide technical support to countries and facilitate enrollment into GLASS.

WHO is committed especially to supporting low- and middle-income countries to improve data collection and usage for policymaking, both through GLASS and by supporting nationally representative AMR prevalence surveys.

Priority-setting for AMR research and product development

The clinical pipeline of new antimicrobials is almost dry and there is a pipeline and access crisis for antibiotics. WHO's latest annual review of the pre-clinical and clinical antibacterial pipelines identified 27 antibiotics in clinical development that address WHO bacterial priority pathogens, of which only 6 were classified as innovative. In addition, a lack of access to quality antimicrobials and shortages of generic off-patent antibiotics affect countries across all levels of income and development.

To guide research and development into new antimicrobials, diagnostics and vaccines, and inform public health action, WHO developed the first WHO bacterial priority pathogens list in 2017 and updated this in 2023 (publication forthcoming), and published the WHO fungal priority pathogen list in 2022.

To help fill the major gaps in R&D for antimicrobials, vaccines and diagnostic tools, WHO works closely with organizations such as the Global Antibiotic Research & Development Partnership (GARDP), the AMR Action Fund, and the Combating Antibiotic Resistant Bacteria Biopharmaceutical Accelerator (CARB-X). Various governments are also piloting different models to incentivize research and development of newer antimicrobials to ultimately ensure access to treatment.

References
Greater innovation and investment are also required in epidemiological and operational research. WHO has outlined 40 priority research topics for AMR in human health and, with the Quadripartite organizations, a One Health priority research agenda for AMR.

1. Antimicrobial Resistance Collaborators. (2022). Global burden of bacterial antimicrobial resistance in 2019: a systematic analysis. The Lancet; 399(10325): P629-655. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(21)02724-0

2. Drug-Resistant Infections: A Threat to Our Economic future (March 2017) https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/health/publication/drug-resistant-infections-a-threat-to-our-economic-future

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Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR) occurs when bacteria, viruses, fungi and parasites change over time and no longer respond to medicines making infections harder to treat and increasing the risk of disease spread, severe illness and death.

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Antimicrobial resistance: a global threat

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World AMR Awareness Week 2023 will take place globally from 18-24 November 2023. Find out more about UNEP events - WHO events - FAO events Antimicrobials – antibiotics, antivirals, antifungals and antiparasitics – are substances widely used to prevent and treat infections in humans, aquaculture, liv…

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Now that you have the full list of the preambulatory phrases and MUN operative clause words, all you need to do is pop them into your resolution. If you are a trainer you can also use them to write samples of preambulatory clauses, sample operative clauses, or even a full sample MUN resolution.

If you aren't sure how to write a resolution, or want to see examples of preambulatory clauses or examples of operative clauses check out our article on how to write a resolution or how to write a clause. You can also check out this video which shows how to write a UN style resolution operative clauses.

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Preambulatory and Operative Clauses List - Phrases & Meaning

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Full list of preambulatory clauses and operative clauses. What is a preamble clause? Learn the meanings and how to use clauses in MUN resolutions.

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One of the most common questions I get from newer delegates and teachers is how to write a resolution. A resolution contains all the proposed solutions to a topic. Learning to write a resolution is very important because the ultimate goal of the committee sessions is for delegates to come up with written solutions to the problems they are trying to solve. The primary authors of the resolution will also be recognized as the leaders in the committee which distinguishes them from everyone else for awards.

This Model UN Made Easy article will explain the basic "who, what, when, where, and why" of a resolution. It will then show how a resolution looks like and explain how to write one. It will also explain how to make amendments to a resolution. Finally, it will provide some tips to get started on writing a resolution.

Basics of a Resolution

Who: Who writes a resolution? Any delegate in the committee can write a resolution (although in rare instances an observer state is not allowed to directly write a resolution). The author of a resolution is called a sponsor. Most resolutions have multiple sponsors because it takes a group of countries to share good ideas and to come to a consensus. Some conferences allow delegates to sponsor multiple resolutions for each topic while others only allow delegates to sponsor one per topic.

What: What is a resolution? A resolution is a document that contains all the issues that the committee wants to solve and the proposed solutions to that issue. It's called a resolution because that's what the United Nations calls the documents they produce. Technically, the resolution should be called a draft resolution before it is voted upon and then called a resolution after it is successfully passed during voting bloc.

When/Where: When and where are resolutions written? Most conferences require students to write resolutions during the conference. Specifically, resolutions are usually written during unmoderated caucus (sometimes called informal caucus) where delegates are free to roam around the committee to collaborate on ideas with each other, and sometimes students work outside in hallways or computer labs as well. Resolution-writing becomes more focused during the latter sessions of committee when different country policies are clear and different ideas have been mentioned already. These conferences will not allow any pre-written resolutions. A few conferences have " docket-style " debate. This is when students are required to submit resolutions to the conference in advance and the chairs pick the best ones and put them into a docket. The delegates focus only on the resolutions in the docket when they get to the conference and work on amending them.

Why: The ultimate purpose of a committee session is to pass a resolution. All the speeches, debate, negotiation, and teamwork is supposed to lead up to a resolution which contains all the proposed solutions to the issue. The resolution(s) that the majority of the committee agrees upon will be passed during voting bloc and the sponsors will be informally commended for building consensus on good ideas. Most conferences allow multiple resolutions to pass as long as they do not contradict each other, but a few conferences allow only one resolution to pass.

How to Write a Resolution

How: how do I write a resolution and what does the format look like? First, here is an example of how a resolution looks like from UNA-USA's website:

A resolution is actually really simple to write. It has three main parts: the heading, the pre-ambulatory clauses, and the operative clauses. We'll break down the example above into these three parts below.
1. Heading
The heading contains four pieces of information: the committee name, the sponsors, the signatories, and the topic (not necessarily in that order depending on each individual conference's rules).

The committee name and topic should be self-explanatory. The sponsors are the authors of the resolution. The signatories are other delegates in the committee who do not necessarily agree with the resolution but would like to see it debated. Most conferences require a minimum number or percentage of sponsors and signatories (or a combination of both) before a resolution can be presented - this encourages consensus-building. You will also notice some numbering (on the top right corner in the example). This is usually provided by the committee chair and is just a way to number the different resolutions - usually by the order they are received or approved - so that delegates can easily differentiate or reference them.
2. Pre-ambulatory clauses
The pre-ambulatory clauses states all the issues that the committee wants to resolve on this issue. It may state reasons why the committee is working on this issue and highlight previous international actions on the issue. Pre-ambulatory clauses can include:

Past UN resolutions, treaties, or conventions related to the topic

Past regional, non-governmental, or national efforts in resolving this topic

References to the UN Charter or other international frameworks and laws

Statements made by the Secretary-General or a relevant UN body or agency

General background info formation or facts about the topic, its significance, and its impact.

It's very simple to write a pre-ambulatory clauses. First, take a statement that you want to write about (perhaps an issue you want to solve or a specific fact from one of the five bullet points above). You then take that statement, combine it with an underlined pre-ambulatory phrase, and end it with a comma. Here are some example pre-ambulatory phrases from UNA-USA's website that you can choose from:

For example, my country wants to address the issue of how HIV/AIDS has spread rapidly in sub-Saharan Africa. I pick a pre-ambulatory phrase from above - I'll use "Alarmed by" - and then I combine it to say:

Alarmed by the 17% increase in HIV/AIDS contraction among sub-Saharan African countries in the past five years,

Strategy Tip: In general, you want fewer pre-ambulatory clauses than operative clauses. More operative clauses convey that you have more solutions than you have problems.
3. Operative clauses
Operative clauses state the solutions that the sponsors of the resolution proposes to resolve the issues. The operative clauses should address the issues specifically mentioned in the pre-ambulatory clauses above it.

It's very simple to write an operative clause. First, take a solution that you want to include in the draft resolution. You then take that solution, combine it with an underlined operative phrase, and end it with a semicolon (the last operative clause ends with a period). Operative clauses are also numbered. This differentiates them from pre-ambulatory clauses, helps show logical progression in the resolution, and makes the operative clauses easy to refer to in speeches and comments. Here are some example operative phrases from UNA-USA's website that you can choose from:

For example, my first solution is to distribute low-cost medicines for HIV/AIDS to sub-Saharan African countries. I pick an operative phrase from above - I'll use "Calls upon" - and then I combine it and number it to say:

1. Calls upon the developed countries and major pharmaceutical countries to provide low-cost, generic medicines for HIV/AIDS to sub-Saharan African countries;

Strategy Tip: Usually more details in an operative clause will make it stronger or at least make the idea more clear to other delegates. A simple way to strengthen each operative clause is to answer the "who, what, when, where, why, and how" of each resolution. These details can actually be broken down into sub-operative clauses underneath the main operative clause.

Amendments

UNA-USA's website already provides a great explanation of what amendments are, so I will copy it below:

Approved draft resolutions are modified through amendments. An amendment is a written statement that adds, deletes or changes an operative clause in a draft resolution. The amendment process is used to strengthen consensus on a resolution by allowing delegates to change the operative clauses (the pre-ambulatory clauses can not be modified). There are two types of amendments:

1. A friendly amendment is a change to the draft resolution that all sponsors agree with. After the amendment is signed by all of the draft resolution's sponsors and approved by the committee chair, it will be automatically incorporated into the resolution.

2. An unfriendly amendment is a change that some or all of the draft resolution's sponsors do not support and must be voted upon by the committee. This also refers to delegates who did not write this resolution at all but see potential in it as long as several changes are made to it. The sponsors of the amendment will need to obtain a required number of signatories in order to introduce it. Prior to voting on the draft resolution, the committee votes on all unfriendly amendments.

Writing an amendment is very simple. All you have to do is make an operative clause that adds, deletes, or changes an operative clause in a draft resolution. Examples include:

Adds an operative clause that reads "14. Encourages all Latin American countries to..."

Deletes operative clause 9.

Changes operative clause 1 to read "1. Calls upon the Red Cross to provide low-cost medicines..."

Tips to Get Started

1. I recommend printing the page from UNA-USA's website with all the pre-ambulatory and operative phrases and putting that document in your Research Binder. This will make the phrases very easy to reference to when delegates need to write them in committee. Most major conferences also provide their own list in their conference program or website.

2. I also recommend practicing translating ideas into pre-ambulatory and operative clauses if you are not used to it already. You can do this with your class - have someone mention an issue within their topic and then have students come up with a pre-ambulatory clause for it or have someone propose a solution and then have students come up with different operative clauses for it. Sooner or later, you will become fluent in writing them and have memorized your favorite clauses so that you can easily turn any statement into a clause.

3. If this is too basic, then read our article on How to Debate Resolutions or get our book How to Win Awards in Model United Nations which has a chapter discussing strategies for resolutions.

Want more MUN tips & strategies?

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Model UN Made Easy: How to Write a Resolution - Best Delegate Model United Nations

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One of the most common questions I get from newer delegates and teachers is how to write a resolution. A resolution contains all the proposed solutions to a topic. Learning to write a resolution is very important because the ultimate goal of the committee sessions is for delegates to come up with written solutions to [...]

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Heritage Conservation Nepal | Heritage Conservation Nepal | Newcastle University

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The impact of the earthquake on cultural heritage was also extensive. According to Nepal's Department of Archaeology, around 750 heritage structures of significant cultural and religious value (e.g. temples and shrines) were affected. For example, Bhaktapur, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, was identified as one of the 14 most affected districts in the country.

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The symbol ** designates those States for whom, in accordance with Article 33, the Convention has not yet entered into force.

1. This Convention entered into force on 17 December 1975. It subsequently entered into force for each State three months after the date of deposit of that State's instrument, except in cases of declarations of succession (indicated by the letter (S)), where the entry into force occurred on the date on which the State assumed responsibility for conducting its international relations.

2. 25 Octobre 2013, change of country name

3. Effective date for the short official name: 17 May 2016; Pronunciation: "CHECK-iya"

4. Further to the communication dated 30 May 2018 from the permanent mission addressed to the Protocol and Liaison Service, the country name was changed from the former name of the Kingdom of Swaziland (former short form: Swaziland). Effective date: 19 April 2018.

5. Through the accession of the German Democratic Republic to the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, with effect from 3 October 1990, the two German States have united to form one Sovereign State. The Contracting Parties to the Unification Treaty "have agreed that the treaties and agreements to which the Federal Republic of Germany is a contracting party ... remain in force and that their respective rights and obligations ... be applied" to the whole territory of Germany. The German Democratic Republic acceeded to this Convention on 12 December 1988.

6. On 16 September 2011, the National Transitional Council requested, via the Protocol and Liaison Service, that the form "Libya", previously not in use at the UN, replace both the earlier official and short forms (respectively, the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (the)).

7. With an extension to Curaçao.

8. Further to the communication dated 14 February 2019 from the permanent mission addressed to the Protocol and Liaison Service in line with the Final Agreement for the Settlement of the Differences as Described in the United Nations Security Council Resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993), the Termination of the Interim Accord of 1995, and the Establishment of a Strategic Partnership between the Parties. Effective date: 14 February 2019.

9. The instrument of ratification was deposited by the U.S.S.R., on 12 October 1988.

10. Further to the communication dated 31 May 2022 from the permanent mission addressed to the Executive Office of the Secretary-General, the country name was changed from the former name of the Republic of Turkey (former short form: Turkey), with immediate effect.

11. The unification of the Yemen Arab Republic and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen into a single Sovereign State, the Republic of Yemen, was proclaimed on 22 May 1990.

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Situation of human rights in Myanmar - Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (A/HRC/54/59) (Advance unedited version) - Myanmar

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UN Document in English on Myanmar about Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding and Protection and Human Rights; published on 19 Sep 2023 by UN HRC

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(Beirut) - The majority of people in Lebanon are unable to secure their social and economic rights amid a deepening economic crisis, with low-income households bearing the brunt, Human Rights Watch said today. Lebanon's national government and the World Bank should take urgent action to invest in a rights-based social protection system that ensures an adequate standard of living for everyone.

New research by Human Rights Watch has thrown light on the alarming levels of poverty and food insecurity in Lebanon caused by a decline in economic activity, political instability, and rising costs of living. The response of the authorities is failing to ensure everyone's right to an adequate standard of living, including the right to food.Universal social protection guaranteeing the right to social security for everyone in the country can help smooth economic shocks and ensure an adequate standard of living, including in times of crisis. But Lebanon's social protection system is highly fragmented, leaving most informal workers, older people, and children without any protection, and reinforcing social and economic inequalities.

"Millions of people in Lebanon have been pushed into poverty and have cut back on food," said Lena Simet, senior economic justice researcher at Human Rights Watch. "Three years into the economic crisis, the government has not acted sufficiently, and the existing system reaches an exceedingly small share of those with low incomes, leaving the majority entirely unprotected."

Existing social assistance programs, funded in part by the World Bank, have minimal coverage and very narrowly target households in extreme poverty, leaving large segments of the population who don't qualify vulnerable to hunger, unable to obtain medicines, and subject to other deprivations that undermine their rights such as the rights to food and health. The government has yet to adopt a national social protection strategy that guarantees the right to social security to everyone.

Between November 2021 and January 2022, Human Rights Watch conducted a representative survey of 1,209 households in Lebanon to gather information about people's economic conditions and their ability to afford food, medicines, housing, and education. Researchers asked households whether they receive financial or in-kind support from the government, religious or political groups, or nongovernmental organizations, and spoke with members of households about the impact of not having enough income.

The survey findings highlight the severity of the situation and indicate that the current social protection system is failing to meet the crisis for many people. Nearly 70 percent of households said they had difficulty making ends meet or were always behind on basic expenses in the previous year.

Yet, fewer than 5 percent of the households in Lebanon received some sort of government assistance. Households that included someone with a disability, female-headed households, and low-income households were more likely to struggle to make ends meet. People with the lowest incomes faced the most hardship, though households throughout the economic stratum struggled to cover basic needs. While nearly 94 percent of the lowest income quintile reported difficulty paying for essentials, 26 percent of those with the highest incomes also did.

Rising unemployment, a depreciating local currency, skyrocketing inflation, and the removal of subsidies for medicines and fuel have made it harder for many people to meet their basic needs. The survey found that nearly four out of five households had an earner who had lost employment since the crisis started in 2019, with about 15 percent remaining unemployed since. Households with a member who remained unemployed were more likely to face difficulty making ends meet.

The median household monthly income reported was just US$122 and inflation has continued to dramatically rise since the survey was taken. The average household size is four people including one child under 18. The share of those households living on extremely low incomes was high: nationwide, 40 percent of households earned approximately $100 or less per month and 90 percent of households earned less than $377 per month.

The severity of the ongoing economic crisis underlines the urgent need for a universal, rights-based social protection system that leaves no one behind, fulfilling everyone's right to an adequate standard of living and to social security that fulfills this right, Human Rights Watch said. Donors and the government should recognize the widespread suffering and devise a system to provide basic social security guarantees, such as child, disability, and unemployment benefits as well as old-age pensions, where the state has the responsibility to ensure that everyone has access to food and income security.

Poverty-targeted programs can play a secondary role in universal social protection systems as long as benefits that protect everyone from childhood to old age are guaranteed. But such programs should not be the foundation of an otherwise fragmented protection system.

The government could mobilize domestic resources to extend coverage and progressively reach universal social protection. For example, the United Nations estimated in 2020 that taxing the wealthiest 10 percent at the rate of 0.9 percent would alleviate extreme poverty as defined by the extreme poverty line, while a 3.6 percent rate would alleviate moderate poverty measured at US$14 per day purchasing power parity, a methodology that converts currencies into a common unit comparable across countries.

The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has said that to fulfill the right to social security, countries are required to meet a minimum level of protection for those who need it and then progressively realize universal coverage and adequate levels of benefits over time.

Social security as set out in the ILO Convention 102 for the year 1952 requires member states to provide medical care, sickness benefits, unemployment benefits, old-age benefits, employment injury benefits, family benefits, maternity benefits, survivors' benefits for workers and their families, and other benefits.

"Establishing a well-designed social protection system fulfills important human rights obligations to an adequate standard of living and to social security," Simet said. "It creates a powerful tool to help reduce poverty and economic inequality."
Food Insecurity
The right to food is under severe threat in Lebanon across society, with the households saying that lack of money or other resources was the key driver of their missing meals or running out of food. In more than one out of four households an adult had to skip a meal because there was not enough money or other resources to get food. Twenty percent ran out of food in the previous month because of a lack of resources.

Low-income earners are especially food insecure. Forty-three percent of the households surveyed where an adult went a full day without eating were in the bottom 20 percent of income earners. Households with children and female-headed households were more likely than others to say that there was sometimes or often not enough to eat in the previous month.

Most strikingly perhaps, though, is that among the bottom 80 percent of earners, nearly one in five households said they had run out of food in the previous month.

Research by the United Nations suggests that the situation has not improved since Human Rights Watch concluded the survey in January. A June UNICEF survey found that as many as 70 percent of households borrow money to buy food or purchase it on credit. It said that more children are being sent to work to support their families, and young girls are married off to ease the financial expenses.
Government Assistance The Social Protection System
The National Poverty Targeting Programme (NPTP), Lebanon's main social assistance program, receives technical and financial assistance from the World Bank. Despite alarming levels of food insecurity, coverage is low, with 3.5 percent of the population benefiting from the program, according to the program's own data. Eligibility is contingent on living in extreme poverty, which the World Bank defines in terms of minimal caloric requirements. Beneficiaries are identified through a proxy-means test, assigning households a score based on more than 40 variables including income, assets, housing quality, occupation, and demographic characteristics correlated with poverty. Social policy experts and the United Nations have critiqued the method for its high error rates, excluding hundreds of thousands of households from social assistance.

Despite high and rising inflation since 2019, Lebanon's minimum wage has not been updated since 2017, and currently stands at 675,000 LBP per month (only US$16.24 at market rates as of December 5, 2022). Informal work is not covered under national labor legislation and thus excluded from minimum wage protections. In 2021, the United Nations special rapporteur on extreme poverty found the minimum wage to be inadequate to afford basic items such as food and fuel, calling on the government to increase the threshold to levels that correspond to a living wage. The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights notes that the minimum wage "should be fixed with reference to the requirements of a decent living, and applied consistently."
The Human Rights Watch Survey and Interview Methodology
Human Rights Watch collected quantitative data through a household survey of a representative sample of 1,209 Lebanese households, partnering with a local research firm, the Consultation and Research Institute, to develop the research design and survey instrument. The institute conducted the survey.

The survey was carried out between November 2021 and January 2022. Informed consent about the purpose, use, and confidentiality of the survey results was obtained from each respondent. An anonymized dataset and the analysis code are available in a repository on the Human Rights Watch GitHub page. Human Rights Watch sought to survey households whose members had been living in the same home since at least 2019. The sampling frame therefore consists of households with only permanent residents who use the home as their permanent dwelling.

The sample is representative at both the national and the governorate levels. A probability proportional to size (PPS) methodology was used to determine sample size per governorate. Within each governorate, the sample was distributed by Caza and Circonscription Fonciere, which are both administrative units, also using the PPS method. The distribution was based on population sizes measured in the most recent national survey by the Central Administration of Statistics, the 2018 Labour Force and Household Living Conditions Survey.

Income responses were converted to USD by using the market exchange rate, not the official exchange rate, on the day of the interview. Inflation has continued at a high pace since interviews took place. Therefore, incomes in US dollars are even lower at the time of publishing (December 2022) than they were at the time of interviews.

Human Rights Watch researchers also conducted in-depth interviews with 31 residents in Lebanon about the economic crisis and food insecurity as well as academics and experts on the Lebanese economy and international financial institutions.
Poverty and Inequality in Lebanon
The Human Rights Watch survey asked about monthly household income and placed households into income quintiles based on their responses. In each 20 percent range, except for the wealthiest, a majority of households stated that they had difficulty making ends meet or were always behind on basic expenses.

Four out of ten households in Lebanon earn less than $100 a month. Earners throughout the country are struggling, with the median income ranging from $78 per month in Beqaa to $157 in Mount Lebanon.

The result of low incomes and triple-digit inflation is that many people are unable to afford essential goods and services. Over 70 percent of households said they were always behind on basic expenses or having difficulty making ends meet. Of households with older people, 24 percent were unable to pay for support services in the past 12 months. Of households that include someone with a disability, 52 percent were unable to pay for support services. For households with children, over a third stated that they were having difficulty paying for school meals.

For years, Lebanon lacked official data on poverty, in part owing to the lack of census data since 1932, with nongovernmental organizations, international financial institutions, and United Nations agencies filling the gap. In March 2022, the government released the first multidimensional poverty index, based on 2018/19 household survey data on 19 indicators across five dimensions: education, health, financial well-being, basic infrastructure, and living standards. The assessment found that in 2019 - before the economic crisis - 53.1 percent of the population were living in multidimensional poverty.

Recent survey data suggest that living standards have severely deteriorated since 2019. The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia estimates that multidimensional poverty increased from 25 percent in 2019 to 82 percent in 2021. Seventy-four percent of the population lived in income poverty, on less than $14 per day. The World Bank estimates that over half of the population lived below the national poverty line in 2020.

2021 Gallup poll data shows that nearly 9 in 10 people found it difficult, and 6 in 10 found it "very difficult," to make ends meet with their incomes. This figure has nearly doubled since 2019. More than half of adults say they lack money for food, a fourfold increase since 2018. Three in 10 people said they cannot afford shelter. More than 6 in 10 people said they would leave the country if they could.
Alarming Food Insecurity
Human Rights Watch found in its survey that food insecurity has reached alarming levels with many families including children going hungry regularly. In 1 out of 10 households, an adult went without eating for an entire day because of lack of money. In the bottom 30 percent of income earners, 30 percent or more households had an adult who had skipped a meal because of a lack of resources. The human impact of those statistics was starkly revealed in the interviews Human Rights Watch conducted.

A mother of five adult children and one minor said that her family rations food: "We only have lunch, we skip breakfast, and for dinner we have what is left over.... Food is getting more expensive."

One out of five households surveyed ran out of food in the previous month because of a lack of money. Another mother of five described a situation so dire that she wants to leave the country. "We're not getting food. Bread is now 10,000 LBP. I can barely afford it. I'm borrowing money to buy bread for the seven of us. Potatoes are 15,000 LBP and we cannot afford oil to fry the potatoes. All I want is to leave this country. I wish I can find someone who can take us away."

A woman, who lives in Beqaa, said, "In Lebanon you now have two options: either steal or starve. Thankfully, we have good neighbors, they help us with food, things like bulgur, rice. We cannot afford chicken or beef." Another woman describes the effects of not being able to afford foods: "I gave up everything - we don't know what juice (is), we don't know what fruits (are). Even during Ramadan, I didn't bring a single kilo of sweets or fruits or Qatayef [dessert served during Ramadan]. It does affect us. It affects my husband, my children, especially mentally. No one is helping us."
Social Protection
Social protection is defined as the set of policies and programs aimed at preventing or protecting all people against poverty, vulnerability, and social exclusion from childhood to old age.

Lebanon's social protection system is characterized by unequal levels of protection provided to various parts of the population and significant coverage gaps. Its flaws have been even more pronounced during the crisis. A 2022 study by The Policy Initiative, a Lebanon-based independent research organization, found that between 2019 and 2022, social protection spending was significantly skewed toward people who worked in the public sector - who received 69 percent of the social protection budget while only constituting one fifth of the labor force. In 2021, the special rapporteur on extreme poverty found that the social protection system has limited impact on poverty and inequality reduction.

The National Social Security Fund (NSSF) is the country's main social insurance mechanism and provides medical, educational, retirement, and family support programs to private formal sector and public sector workers. People working in the informal economy, estimated at 62 percent of the population in January 2022, are excluded from this program.

Only 11 percent of the social protection budget was allocated to social assistance programs. The National Poverty Targeting Programme (NPTP) is Lebanon's main social assistance program. The government initiated it in 2011 with technical and financial assistance from the World Bank. In addition to cash transfers, it provides a package of benefits that includes health, education, and food assistance to about 3.5 percent of the total population. Eligibility is contingent on living in "extreme poverty," and beneficiaries are identified through a proxy-means test, a poverty targeting approach.

Nearly 1.6 million people registered for the benefits within the first weeks, although benefits will only be provided to 150,000 households (approximately 786,000 people) using the poverty means test targeting methodology to identify eligible households. Combined with the poverty targeting program, the emergency program aims at reaching 27 percent of the population by 2025, about 197,000 households. However, as of September, only about 75,000 households had received assistance through the program. Funding for the program has only been secured for one year.

In addition to high exclusion errors, Lebanon's social protection system categorically excludes several groups of the population. Studies by the Centre for Social Sciences Research and Action, the ILO, the Policy Initiative, and the special rapporteur on extreme poverty find patterns of exclusion linked to work status, class, gender, citizenship, resident status ethnicity, and other social characteristics, such as disability or age. Refugees and asylum seekers from Palestine and Syria are not eligible for any of the social protection programs.

The Human Rights Watch survey found that only 5 percent of households reported receiving any sort of government assistance. Numerous interviews revealed frustration with a lack of response to assistance applications.

"Nobody else is helping," a 54-year-old woman who lives with her sick mother said. They applied for government assistance, to no avail. "We're not even getting food aid. I signed up for the ration card but no one helped. The [ration card] application was straightforward, I don't think the questions were difficult. At the end I got an SMS confirmation. I was happy, I thought someone is going to help, but no one did. I think they are liars. I think they're playing us."

A 50-year-old woman who lives with her brother agreed:

No one offered us any help, no one at all, no one knocked on our door. My brother has a disability card from MoSA [the Ministry of Social Affairs] and they have not provided any assistance, none whatsoever. He carries their card and it's as if he doesn't - they do not help. I applied for the ration card in October 2021 but so far nothing. No one called, no one visited.

A 33-year-old Syrian woman described the assistance provided by third parties: "We only get assistance from the United Nations as refugees, it's a monthly assistance to purchase food, they provide money, and we use the funds to buy food."

Others said it was difficult to understand what aid is available or the application process. For example, a woman, who lives in Tripoli where she sells food she cooks at home, said that it is difficult to learn about programs because electricity shortages limit access to media. "I didn't sign up for the ration card," she said "I don't even know what it is.... In the news? We don't have electricity to even watch the news."

A 75-year-old man who lives with his wife and one of their daughters in Bechara-el-Khoury, said:

I did apply for the ration card and now we're waiting. It's been several months now, I can't remember exactly when. My neighbors helped me apply. I could not have done it on my own because I do not have a mobile phone, only a landline. I don't know how to use smartphones. If it weren't for them, I would not have been able to apply. I don't know how to use the platform and how to fill it - it needs technical skills.

A 42-year-old woman in Jnah, where she works as a cleaner, said:

No one is helping us. I filled out the ration card application, around a year ago. There's a teacher ... he helped me and he did it all and took the picture very quickly. I could not do it on my own because it's difficult online. I got a confirmation text but haven't received any aid.

Several interviewees said they successfully received government aid for food. "I had applied in person two years ago," a 52-year-old man who lives in Tebbaneh said. "I've been receiving assistance for four months through the card. The amount is exactly $115 and we spend it on food. Nothing other than that." A 55-year-old woman, who lives with her five children in Saida said: "We've been getting $115 for around three months. They provide $15 for each child. It's to survive - we use the amount to do medical check-ups and to feed the kids. The amount barely lasts for the entire month."

Without an adequate state-provided social protection system, many people in Lebanon rely on assistance from private or religious groups. A study by the Arab NGO Network for Development describes these structures as "informal security regimes," through which households in need receive shelter, food, or employment. Several people interviewed reported having received food or cash assistance from UN agencies, humanitarian actors, or religious groups.
The Problems with Narrow Poverty Targeting
Proxy-means tests (PMT) attempt to identify eligible households based on their perceived economic status by analyzing various data points to estimate household income. They use statistical analyses of household surveys and observable household characteristics, such as demographics or ownership of durable assets such as televisions or other household property. UNICEF, the ILO, and social policy experts have critiqued the PMT for its high exclusion error rates. A 2020 study by Kidd and Athias of PMTs in 19 countries found that targeting errors varied between 29 percent and 96 percent.

Reports by the ILO, Development Pathways, and the Australian government have detailed the ways in which the methodology for these tests is inherently inaccurate. Fundamentally, the method makes the false assumption that certain household characteristics and assets can be used as a proxy for household consumption, and therefore poverty, because they are correlated. Yet studies have found that these correlations are imperfect and so the models built on them are weak predictors of true consumption and poverty. Such tests used in lower and middle-income countries only explain around half of the variation in consumption between households, which means that they only weakly predict a household's level of poverty.

Not only are the correlations between proxies and poverty imperfect, but the methodologies for gathering data via social registries have limitations too. Surveys are costly and difficult to carry out. Household composition, income, and consumption are highly dynamic, yet the targeting surveys are undertaken infrequently. As a result, their accuracy degrades rapidly, introducing further errors into the targeting process. In Lebanon, for example, the household survey behind the poverty targeting program's poverty means test was conducted in 2011.

Finally, studies find that poverty-targeting can create animosity between beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries and weakens social relations. This is particularly the case where there is little difference in living standards between beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries.

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Lebanon: Rising Poverty, Hunger Amid Economic Crisis

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The majority of people in Lebanon are unable to secure their social and economic rights amid a deepening economic crisis, with low-income households bearing the brunt.

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SOURCE: Unsplash

Discontent in Lebanon grows amid ongoing economic meltdown which has meant the majority of the Lebanese people are lacking the ability to guarantee their basic social and economic rights. Since 2019, when the financial crisis began, the economic situation has worsened, with inflation now over 200%, and the Lebanese pound experiencing a decline of over 98% in its value relative to the US dollar. The COVID-19 pandemic also meant a sharp drop in economic activity, with many businesses forced to close leading to high unemployment and a rise in poverty.

Human Rights Watch has found that amid the crisis, Lebanese authorities are failing to ensure everyone's right to an adequate standard of living, including the right to food. And although the World Bank partially funds social assistance programs, the coverage of these programs is minimal, only targeting households in extreme poverty, leaving a significant proportion of the population vulnerable to hunger and unable to access necessary medication and healthcare. The Lebanese government has not implemented a comprehensive national social protection strategy that ensures social security for all citizens, with more than half of the Lebanese population in need of assistance to be able to afford food and other basic necessities.

The food insecurity in Lebanon has also been exacerbated by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, as previously, Ukraine supplied around 60% of Lebanon's wheat imports. However, this supply chain has been disrupted due to Russia's blockade of the primary Black Sea ports that Ukraine used for exporting. This Food insecurity disproportionately affects low-income earners, as evidenced by a survey that found 43% of households where an adult had gone a whole day without eating were among the bottom 20% of income earners. Female-headed households and those with children were more likely to report food insecurity.

The country's political instability has been a major factor contributing to the crisis. Lebanon has had no head of state and only a caretaker government since former President Michel Aoun's term ended last year. Lebanon's sectarian political system means the formation of a new cabinet is not easy, and despite ongoing efforts, an agreement has not been reached as to who should become president. The president of the country is elected by parliament through a secret ballot, with members of the 128-member parliament casting their votes. The seats in the parliament are equally divided between Muslim and Christian sects. However, the threshold required to achieve a parliamentary quorum and win the elections are such that no individual faction or coalition holds enough seats to enforce their preferred candidate. Therefore, political groups engage in vote-trading to secure support by offering other political incentives.

Lebanon's large debt burden is one of the highest in the world, leaving the country with limited fiscal space, making it difficult to finance government services and social programs. At the end of April 2022, Lebanon's public debt had reached a record high of $101.1 billion. This has also significantly impacted Lebanon's banking system, with banks restricting foreign currency account holders from withdrawing money to a limited monthly amount in Lebanese pounds at an exchange rate much lower than the street value used for most transactions. This has left many people with trapped savings and no access to their money.

One year ago, the Lebanese government established a preliminary agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF); but the agreement hinged on political and economic reforms, such as a reorganisation of the banking industry, in order to unlock a $3 billion loan facility. However trapped in a political deadlock, Lebanon has yet to introduce these reforms.

https://news.trust.org/item/20220729103557-qbwyl

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/22/lebanese-take-to-streets-as-anger-over-economic-meltdown-grows

https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/12/12/lebanon-rising-poverty-hunger-amid-economic-crisis

https://www.wfp.org/news/more-people-ever-rely-food-assistance-across-lebanon

https://www.reuters.com/article/lebanon-wheat-ukraine-idUSKBN2ON0YB

https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/12/12/lebanon-rising-poverty-hunger-amid-economic-crisis

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/4/21/lebanons-political-impasse-continues-despite-iran-saudi-deal

https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/what-happens-now-that-lebanon-is-without-president-2022-11-01/

https://today.lorientlejour.com/article/1312747/lebanons-public-debt-hits-new-high-1011-billion.html

https://www.ft.com/content/bdbfe480-4877-421b-9087-c78fa7094740

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The Deteriorating Economic Situation in Lebanon

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A decrease in economic productivity, accompanied by political unrest and an escalation in the cost of living has pushed Lebanon's economic crisis to unprecedented levels.

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At the centre of the UN development system, we conduct cutting-edge analysis, agree on global norms and advocate for progress. Our collective solutions advance sustainable development.

The HLPF is the central platform for follow-up and review of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals.

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At the centre of the UN development system, we conduct cutting-edge analysis, agree on global norms and advocate for progress. Our collective solutions advance sustainable development. The HLPF is the central platform for follow-up and review of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals.

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Sustainable Development Goals

A clean and healthy environment is required to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Efforts to counter the triple planetary crisis of climate change, nature and biodiversity loss, and pollution and waste must be ramped up in order to truly transform societies and economies for everyone, everywhere.

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The global authority for the environment with programmes focusing on climate, nature, pollution, sustainable development and more.

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Model United Nations Institute By Best Delegate

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Sample Lesson: How to Write a Model UN Resolution

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The Human Rights Council is an intergovernmental body within the United Nations system made up of 47 States responsible for the promotion and protection of all human rights around the globe.

It has the ability to discuss all thematic human rights issues and situations that require its attention throughout the year. It meets at the United Nations Office at Geneva.

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The Human Rights Council is an intergovernmental body within the United Nations system made up of 47 States responsible for the promotion and protection of all human rights around the globe. It has the ability to discuss all thematic human rights issues and situations that require its attention throughout the year.

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United Nations : Office on Drugs and Crime

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Increased institutional efficiency and effectiveness in the prevention, disruption, investigation, prosecution and adjudication of cybercrime, in line with human-rights principles.

Strengthened national and international communication and cooperation between government, law enforcement and the private sector to enhance prevention, disruption and investigation of cybercrime.

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By Miguel Angel Hernandez Rivera

In 2023, ReliefWeb, the leading source of humanitarian information, remained committed in its mission to inform humanitarians worldwide. The platform experienced a deeper engagement, with 18.2 million users interacting more actively with the content. This increased interaction, despite an 11% decrease in overall users, indicates a higher investment and activity level among ReliefWeb users. During...

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ReliefWeb - Informing humanitarians worldwide

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The leading humanitarian information source on global crises and disasters. Reliable and timely information from trusted sources.

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Leading America's foreign policy to advance the interests and security of the American people.

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Population

Population, surface area and density

International migrants and refugees

Population growth, fertility, life expectancy and mortality

Population in the capital city, urban and rural areas

National accounts

Education

Education at the primary, secondary and tertiary levels

Teaching staff at the primary, secondary and tertiary levels

Public expenditure on education

Labour market

Price and production indices

International merchandise trade

Energy

Crime

Gender

Nutrition and health

Science and technology

Finance

Environment

Land

CO2 emissions estimates

Water supply and sanitation coverage

Threatened species

Communication

Tourism and transport

Development Assistance

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UNdata is an internet-based data service which brings UN statistical databases within easy reach of users through a single entry point (http://data.un.org/) from which users can now search and download a variety of statistical resources of the UN System.

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Free and open access to global development data

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UN resolutions

Resolutions are formal expressions of the opinion or will of UN organs.

Security Council, General Assembly, Economic and Social Council and Human Rights Council resolutions are issued as individual documents. The resolutions of the principal organs are also issued in annual or sessional compilations.

Resolutions of other UN bodies are usually published in the report of the body to its parent organ.

Resolutions generally consist of two parts:

Preamble

Presents the background or motive for the resolution

Begin with an italicized verb ending in -ing (e.g. Recalling...)

Operative part

States the opinion of the organ or the action to be taken

Has numbered paragraphs

Operative paragraphs begin with verbs in the present tense (e.g. Decides... Requests...)

In some cases, resolutions may have annexes with additional texts, such as the text of a convention.

Decisions of UN bodies

Decisions are another type of formal action taken by UN bodies. Decisions often concern procedural matters such as elections, appointments, time and place of future sessions. They are sometimes also used to record the adoption of a text representing the consensus of the members of a given organ.

Resolutions and Decisions

Both resolutions and decisions are usually numbered, with the year or session and a number assigned in order of adoption.

Resolutions and decisions of the principal organs are:

Compiled at the end of the session or year

Published as part of the Official Records of the organ

Resolutions and decisions of subsidiary bodies usually appear in the report of the body to its parent organ.

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United Nations. Dag Hammarskjöld Library

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Research Guides: About UN Documents: Resolutions & Decisions

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Research Guides: About UN Documents: Resolutions & Decisions

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BBC Country Profiles: instant guide to history, politics and economic background of countries and territories, and background on key institutions.

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One of the most common questions I get from newer delegates and teachers is how to write a resolution. A resolution contains all the proposed solutions to a topic. Learning to write a resolution is very important because the ultimate goal of the committee sessions is for delegates to come up with written solutions to the problems they are trying to solve. The primary authors of the resolution will also be recognized as the leaders in the committee which distinguishes them from everyone else for awards.

This Model UN Made Easy article will explain the basic "who, what, when, where, and why" of a resolution. It will then show how a resolution looks like and explain how to write one. It will also explain how to make amendments to a resolution. Finally, it will provide some tips to get started on writing a resolution.

Basics of a Resolution

Who: Who writes a resolution? Any delegate in the committee can write a resolution (although in rare instances an observer state is not allowed to directly write a resolution). The author of a resolution is called a sponsor. Most resolutions have multiple sponsors because it takes a group of countries to share good ideas and to come to a consensus. Some conferences allow delegates to sponsor multiple resolutions for each topic while others only allow delegates to sponsor one per topic.

What: What is a resolution? A resolution is a document that contains all the issues that the committee wants to solve and the proposed solutions to that issue. It's called a resolution because that's what the United Nations calls the documents they produce. Technically, the resolution should be called a draft resolution before it is voted upon and then called a resolution after it is successfully passed during voting bloc.

When/Where: When and where are resolutions written? Most conferences require students to write resolutions during the conference. Specifically, resolutions are usually written during unmoderated caucus (sometimes called informal caucus) where delegates are free to roam around the committee to collaborate on ideas with each other, and sometimes students work outside in hallways or computer labs as well. Resolution-writing becomes more focused during the latter sessions of committee when different country policies are clear and different ideas have been mentioned already. These conferences will not allow any pre-written resolutions. A few conferences have " docket-style " debate. This is when students are required to submit resolutions to the conference in advance and the chairs pick the best ones and put them into a docket. The delegates focus only on the resolutions in the docket when they get to the conference and work on amending them.

Why: The ultimate purpose of a committee session is to pass a resolution. All the speeches, debate, negotiation, and teamwork is supposed to lead up to a resolution which contains all the proposed solutions to the issue. The resolution(s) that the majority of the committee agrees upon will be passed during voting bloc and the sponsors will be informally commended for building consensus on good ideas. Most conferences allow multiple resolutions to pass as long as they do not contradict each other, but a few conferences allow only one resolution to pass.

How to Write a Resolution

How: how do I write a resolution and what does the format look like? First, here is an example of how a resolution looks like from UNA-USA's website:

A resolution is actually really simple to write. It has three main parts: the heading, the pre-ambulatory clauses, and the operative clauses. We'll break down the example above into these three parts below.
1. Heading
The heading contains four pieces of information: the committee name, the sponsors, the signatories, and the topic (not necessarily in that order depending on each individual conference's rules).

The committee name and topic should be self-explanatory. The sponsors are the authors of the resolution. The signatories are other delegates in the committee who do not necessarily agree with the resolution but would like to see it debated. Most conferences require a minimum number or percentage of sponsors and signatories (or a combination of both) before a resolution can be presented - this encourages consensus-building. You will also notice some numbering (on the top right corner in the example). This is usually provided by the committee chair and is just a way to number the different resolutions - usually by the order they are received or approved - so that delegates can easily differentiate or reference them.
2. Pre-ambulatory clauses
The pre-ambulatory clauses states all the issues that the committee wants to resolve on this issue. It may state reasons why the committee is working on this issue and highlight previous international actions on the issue. Pre-ambulatory clauses can include:

Past UN resolutions, treaties, or conventions related to the topic

Past regional, non-governmental, or national efforts in resolving this topic

References to the UN Charter or other international frameworks and laws

Statements made by the Secretary-General or a relevant UN body or agency

General background info formation or facts about the topic, its significance, and its impact.

It's very simple to write a pre-ambulatory clauses. First, take a statement that you want to write about (perhaps an issue you want to solve or a specific fact from one of the five bullet points above). You then take that statement, combine it with an underlined pre-ambulatory phrase, and end it with a comma. Here are some example pre-ambulatory phrases from UNA-USA's website that you can choose from:

For example, my country wants to address the issue of how HIV/AIDS has spread rapidly in sub-Saharan Africa. I pick a pre-ambulatory phrase from above - I'll use "Alarmed by" - and then I combine it to say:

Alarmed by the 17% increase in HIV/AIDS contraction among sub-Saharan African countries in the past five years,

Strategy Tip: In general, you want fewer pre-ambulatory clauses than operative clauses. More operative clauses convey that you have more solutions than you have problems.
3. Operative clauses
Operative clauses state the solutions that the sponsors of the resolution proposes to resolve the issues. The operative clauses should address the issues specifically mentioned in the pre-ambulatory clauses above it.

It's very simple to write an operative clause. First, take a solution that you want to include in the draft resolution. You then take that solution, combine it with an underlined operative phrase, and end it with a semicolon (the last operative clause ends with a period). Operative clauses are also numbered. This differentiates them from pre-ambulatory clauses, helps show logical progression in the resolution, and makes the operative clauses easy to refer to in speeches and comments. Here are some example operative phrases from UNA-USA's website that you can choose from:

For example, my first solution is to distribute low-cost medicines for HIV/AIDS to sub-Saharan African countries. I pick an operative phrase from above - I'll use "Calls upon" - and then I combine it and number it to say:

1. Calls upon the developed countries and major pharmaceutical countries to provide low-cost, generic medicines for HIV/AIDS to sub-Saharan African countries;

Strategy Tip: Usually more details in an operative clause will make it stronger or at least make the idea more clear to other delegates. A simple way to strengthen each operative clause is to answer the "who, what, when, where, why, and how" of each resolution. These details can actually be broken down into sub-operative clauses underneath the main operative clause.

Amendments

UNA-USA's website already provides a great explanation of what amendments are, so I will copy it below:

Approved draft resolutions are modified through amendments. An amendment is a written statement that adds, deletes or changes an operative clause in a draft resolution. The amendment process is used to strengthen consensus on a resolution by allowing delegates to change the operative clauses (the pre-ambulatory clauses can not be modified). There are two types of amendments:

1. A friendly amendment is a change to the draft resolution that all sponsors agree with. After the amendment is signed by all of the draft resolution's sponsors and approved by the committee chair, it will be automatically incorporated into the resolution.

2. An unfriendly amendment is a change that some or all of the draft resolution's sponsors do not support and must be voted upon by the committee. This also refers to delegates who did not write this resolution at all but see potential in it as long as several changes are made to it. The sponsors of the amendment will need to obtain a required number of signatories in order to introduce it. Prior to voting on the draft resolution, the committee votes on all unfriendly amendments.

Writing an amendment is very simple. All you have to do is make an operative clause that adds, deletes, or changes an operative clause in a draft resolution. Examples include:

Adds an operative clause that reads "14. Encourages all Latin American countries to..."

Deletes operative clause 9.

Changes operative clause 1 to read "1. Calls upon the Red Cross to provide low-cost medicines..."

Tips to Get Started

1. I recommend printing the page from UNA-USA's website with all the pre-ambulatory and operative phrases and putting that document in your Research Binder. This will make the phrases very easy to reference to when delegates need to write them in committee. Most major conferences also provide their own list in their conference program or website.

2. I also recommend practicing translating ideas into pre-ambulatory and operative clauses if you are not used to it already. You can do this with your class - have someone mention an issue within their topic and then have students come up with a pre-ambulatory clause for it or have someone propose a solution and then have students come up with different operative clauses for it. Sooner or later, you will become fluent in writing them and have memorized your favorite clauses so that you can easily turn any statement into a clause.

3. If this is too basic, then read our article on How to Debate Resolutions or get our book How to Win Awards in Model United Nations which has a chapter discussing strategies for resolutions.

Want more MUN tips & strategies?

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Model UN Made Easy: How to Write a Resolution - Best Delegate Model United Nations

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One of the most common questions I get from newer delegates and teachers is how to write a resolution. A resolution contains all the proposed solutions to a topic. Learning to write a resolution is very important because the ultimate goal of the committee sessions is for delegates to come up with written solutions to [...]

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With Examples

Writing an opening speech in MUN can be a bit challenging.

Common questions we get from delegates before going to a conference. "What should I say in my opening speech?" "Should I read out my Positions Paper?" "How do I take all the research I did and fit it into a short opening speech?"

Before you start working on your MUN opening speech, you should know the topic, done some research, and preferably already have written a position paper.

A MUN opening speech should cover the following:

1. Problem
The specific problem you want to solve - 1 line.

2. Clash
Solution - What you want to do about the issue - 1 line.

3. Information
Back up your views on the issue and solutions with facts from research. - 2 lines

4. Action
Solution Details - The step by step how to solve the issue. - 3 + lines

What not to do:

Do not repeat the problem. Everyone knows what it is. Repeating the problem is a great way to waste precious speech time. Your first sentence should be what you want to do. That is what the other delegates are more interested in.

Your first sentence should be a clear clash. To impact the committee it is not enough to bring vague ideas. There needs to be engagement between delegates and your ideas need to be discussed by others.

You know your idea is important when countries that oppose your idea fight against it while countries who are on your side support it. Other delegates' ideas clashing with yours is what gives them both life and makes them interesting and relevant.

For this reason, a good MUN opening speech needs to have:

1. Clash

2. Information

3. Action

Clash is your solution in one specific sentence. The Clash is framed as a two-sided solution which the other side can object to. Information is properly used facts. Call to Action is the policy you want to see implemented. The guide below will explain how the CIA formula works and how to use it to create your influential, informative, and rhetorically sound opening speech. Let's get to it!

CIA is the foundation for any MUN opening speech. A strong CIA speech, will convey a clear and consistent message to your fellow delegates that you know what you are talking about and have a plan. Clear communication is the key to successful MUNing in your committee. Missing your Clash, Information or A ction can result in confusion about where you stand on the matter and your outlook on how to solve the issue at hand.

Just Remember CIA:

C lash

I nformation

A ction

C lash - What you want to do in one specific sentence..

I nformation - Relevant facts. numbers, that support your speech. Information can also be facts about your country that justify your position.

Call to A ction - How you will carry out the one line "what" you states in the Clash.

Before we explain how each part of CIA works, it is vital to understand clashing with at least a few other delegates is an important litmus test for how relevant your talking points are.

Why 100% Agreement = Irrelevance

A Model United Nations opening speech should present a problem, as you perceive said problem, and give one or more practical policy proposals on how you propose to solve it. However, if everyone agrees with you, no one will talk about your ideas.

When no one talks about your ideas, they will fade from the discussion. This is why your framing of the problem needs to clash with the world view of other delegates. The debate between you and those who oppose your ideas will keep both ideas alive. Hours later, if you find a compromise with the other side, you will get credit for making the biggest difference. If you cannot find a compromise, you get credit for sticking to your principles. In both cases, if your clash is central to what takes place in the committee, you will get the credit for shaping the discussion and bringing the ideas that led the direction the committee took.

This is why it is not enough to say what is correct, or even important. It needs to arouse some kind of response to remain relevant and important. Ideally, the way you frame the debate will be so relevant and well presented that the committee clashes along the lines you set and the rich and relevant discussion takes up a central place in the committee, or at least is relevant to enough delegates to keep it going as a secondary discussion. For this reason, the first part of your MUN opening speech is called a Clash.

Clash

What you want to do.

Clash definition: A confrontation of solutions.

Example:
We cannot censor people who incite violence in a country with freedom of speech.
Vs
We must censor people to ensure physical safety from those who successfully incite violence.

You cannot censor and not censor at the same time and there you have a strong clash.

For something to be a clash, delegates from your committee need to be on either side of it. If there are no two sides, the committee won't debate it. Instead, your ideas will either unanimously go straight to the unimportant clause section of the resolution or fall entirely out of discussion. Either way, it will not be central to determining the direction the committee goes.
Examples of Clash: Revoking asylum status for anyone who does not agree to get vaccinated at the border. Advocating for megacities to have their own independent legal system. The United Nations should fund water filtration in countries that suffer volcanic eruptions.
In all of these examples, there is a clear 'yes' or 'no' question. The answer to these questions will be the main one to divide the committee room.

An idea that everyone agrees on is Off Clash. Off Clash statements (Like the Ebola virus is bad or tornados are dangerous) are a waste of precious speech time that could be further used to develop your Clash or Call to Action. (More on Clash and Off Clash in the expanded explanation below)
Which clash should you choose?
Some topics have many possible clashes. In those cases, you should choose the one you feel will be most relevant to the discussion.

Example:
Committee: World Health Organization
Clashes

The general concept of combating Zika is an Off Clash topic. No one will say the Zika virus is a good thing. To find the Clash you need to go one level deeper and decide what type of discussion will best serve our country's interests.

It is clear that Clash 3 will save the least leaves and bring the least immediate benefit. It will also likely get little or no discussion time.

When choosing between Clash 1 and Clash 2, Paraguay would open for Clash 2, as creating generic medicines would be cheaper not only for fighting Zika but could also make medical treatment cheaper across the board. This idea would also be of interest to Angola, who faces similar constraints on creating generic medicines, even though they do not have the Zika virus. As a rule of thumb, it is better to choose a clash that is not only relevant to your country but many others can also agree with it.

Information

Information = Hard facts that support your case

A strong MUN speech needs to have relevant facts and numbers that support parts of your speech.

Without information, your fellow delegates can only rely on your word, which might not give enough credibility to what you have to say. Numbers, names, dates and hard facts show what we are saying exists in the real world and is not an opinion. Numbers are the best form of information to use and the hardest to argue with.

Example:
No "Information"

The coral reefs are very important. Huge numbers of people who live near a reef. Corals also protect the shoreline of many countries. Also, many countries, like the US, and make a lot of money from tourism.

vs

With "Information"

The coral reefs are very important. 962 million people (Roughly an eighth of the world's population) lives within 60 miles of a reef. Additionally, corals protect 100,000 miles of shoreline in over 100 countries from being batters by the ocean's force. The coral reefs also generating billions of dollars in tourism revenue. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration's National Marine Fisheries Service estimates the annual commercial value of U.S. fisheries from coral reefs to be over $100 million.
Which sounds smarter?

Information does not exist in a vacuum. There is no such thing as facts for facts sake.

Information in a CIA speech should always do one of the following:

Supports why your Clash is the most relevant

Shows why your Call to Action is the most important

Shows why your country has the position it does

Disproves information brought by another delegate

Information in follow up speeches usually moves between these four. In earlier speeches the "I" focuses more on your own world-building and less on countering other countries. However, MUN simulation has a lot going on and the Information should be used, as deemed appropriate, on a case by case basis.

Action

Call to Action (CtA) is a statement designed to give instructions for an immediate response.

In MUN, your CtA is the practical policy to solve the issue you set up in your clash.

Without a clear CtA other delegates will not know what to do with the Clash and Information you presented. Worse, they can use what you set up in your speech to justify other CtA's.

A Call to Action needs to be Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant and Time Bound (SMART).

Your CtA needs to be specific as to:

Where you will get funding from

Which organizations will be involved

What you will send

Etc.

Example:
Clash: Let's send teachers to the refugee camps in Ethiopia.

CtA: Hiring 300 teachers who specialize in teaching English and Math, to United Nations run high schools at the 3 refugee camps in the Tigray region in Ethiopia.

We can't send "teachers" as we don't know what types how many, where to send them or what they are going to do. However, when we look at the CtA, we can guestimate the cost of 300 teachers who specialize in English and Math and now know where to send them.

A good Call to Action explains the problem, the solution and what it's going to do.
Specific actionable policy ideas will allow you to direct the discussion, and later take credit for the ideas when everyone else has the same general stance (ex. "humanitarian aid").

Structure of an opening speech

The opening speeches at most MUN conferences are 60 seconds.
However, you should ask your conference team if you are unsure about the opening speech times since this could differ. Take into considerations, a delegate could motion to change the opening speeckers time during the course of the conference or a chair could change the time due to other unforeseen reasons .... So even if the opening speech is as short as 30 seconds, or as long as two minutes, the structure remains the same.

1. Clash

2. Information - Sprinkled throughout

3. Call to Action

Clash
Clash breaks into two parts, clashline and explanation.
How to start an MUN opening speech
A good MUN opening speech goes straight to the point. The longer you take the more of a risk you run that they'll find someone else to focus on like passing a note, writing an opening speech of their own, chatting to the delegate next to them, etc. Your strong opener is your Clashline.

Clashline - Your first few lines. It tells the listener what clash you want to focus on. Shouldn't be more than 10 seconds.

Examples of Clashlines:
Syrian refugees who spent over three years in refugee camps should get work visas
Countries should be responsible for their own epidemics
The UN should send food aid to the people of North Korea

Clash explanation - Your next few seconds should explain why what you are speaking about is important by showing why your clash is the correct one.

Example:
Examples of Explanation:
Clashline: "The UN should send unconditional food aid to the people of North Korea."
Explanation: "The leadership is stable and not looking to change any time soon. Life will continue the same for the elites as the people are starving. This is why the food should be sent now."

This is a good example of getting straight to the point. Within four sentences we have a clear idea that human rights come second to the leadership of the DPRK. This clarity of Clashline and Explanation can be used in any MUN committee from the General Assembly, ECOSOC, DISEC, SOCHUM and WHO to the Security Council and even a crisis committee.

Information
Facts in your speech always have a purpose. That purpose is almost always one of the following:
- Show why your Clash is the most relevant
- Show why your Call to Action will make the biggest difference
- Explain why your country has the position it does
- Disprove information brought by another delegate

Use of information to strengthen a speech

Clash: The UN should send unconditional food aid to the people of North Korea. Kim Jong Un is 35 years old. He's not going anywhere anytime soon. At the same time, 10.5 million people, which is 41% of the total population, are undernourished. Life will continue the same for the elites as the people are starving.

Call to Action
You should describe your policy / solution halfway through your speech at the latest. This is because you need time to elaborate on your solution. No idea is clear in one sentence. You will need time to explain why it is important and why it is going to work.

Example:
Use of Call to Action

The United Nations should send 240 million tons of food aid to the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea. This food should be sent over two years. 30 million should be sent every three months as long as Kim Jong Un abides by the following.

1. Regular scheduled UN inspections every six months.

2. Surprise inspections are accommodated.

This text can be turned into clauses for a draft resolution. The main idea is clear.

Closing your Opening Speech
After your Call to Action, a summary sentence can be a nice way to close your speech.
However, this should not come at the expense of your content or important details of your Call to Action. Style should never trump substance. What if you have extra time in my opening speech?
If you find yourself with extra time in your opening speech, and you used the CIA format in your speech.

Do the following:

1. Elaborate on additional points you didn't get enough time to introduce.

2. Set up ideas that you can follow up in your next speech.

3. Reinforce your main points.

4. End your speech early if you really have nothing to add.

It should be rare to have extra time in your opening speech if you planned wisely, when you happen to find yourself with extra time use it strategically.

Types of MUN Topics

How it Impacts your Opening Speech

There are three types of MUN topics, Open, Semi-Open and Closed.
Types of MUN Topics:
Open Open topics are very broad and should be significantly narrowed to create the clash in an opening speech.

Example - Combatting the Slave Trade
This topic is very broad and could be about anything that has to do with slavery in the world today. What does slave trade mean? It could be child slavery, forced labor or the sex trade. It could be placed in the developed world or developing world. It could be about countries of origin, transit countries or destinations. To be debatable the opening speech needs to move from the topic to something specific to set the Clash.
Semi-Open Semi-Open topics are similar to open topics and should be narrowed and focused. They have more direction than open topics but you are still required to choose from a few directions to set the clash.

Example - The right to the internet of children in developing countries
There is an understanding of what types of countries and populations that we're focusing on but there is still work needed to set a Clash. What ages are the children? Who is providing the internet, government, the UN or an NGO? What about the devices to use the internet? Closed
Closed topics have a clear main clash. Most, or all, of the countries in the committee will fall onto one side or the other. For closed topics, countries without a clear point of view still need to pick a side before they can begin discussing the issue.

Example - Sending aid to the people of North Korea.
While you still need to decide what types of aid, how much and what conditions, the question of "should we send aid" is a yes or no question that each country should have an opinion on and which strongly influences their starting point in the discussion.
You can learn more about the three types of MUN topics here.

Below are MUN opening speech samples for an open and closed topic.

MUN Opening Speech Examples

The following MUN speech examples show both good and bad opening speeches.
After the speech, there will be a breakdown according to CIA and an analysis of the speech evaluating what worked, what didn't and why.

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MUN Opening Speech Example - Open Topic

Committee: World Food Program

Topic: Eradicating Global Hunger

Country: Norway

Honorable chair distinguished delegates,

The first step to stopping starvation is improving access to clean water, critical for food growth. Half of the 800 million people without access to clean water live in Sub-Saharan Africa. The Kingdom of Norway believes that the WFP's efforts should focus on community-oriented aid to promote self-sufficient living. Norway thinks self-operated water harvesting devices are a good way to do this. The University of Akron in Ohio developed a water harvester that produces 10 gallons of drinking water per hour from thin air. The UN should purchase, and distribute, water harvesters to the countries most in need such as Niger, Burundi and Mozambique. For the UN to ensure long term success, the WFP should transfer harvesters and not funds to the countries in need.
The Breakdown
Clash

Information

Call to Action

The first step to stopping starvation is improving access to clean water , critical for food growth. Half of the 800 million people without access to clean water live in Sub-Saharan Africa . The Kingdom of Norway believes that the WFP's efforts should focus on community-oriented aid to promote self-sufficient living. Norway thinks self-operated water harvesting devices are a good way to do this. The University of Akron in Ohio developed a water harvester that produces 10 gallons of drinking water per hour from thin air . The UN should purchase, and distribute, water harvesters to the countries most in need such as Niger, Burundi and Mozambique . For the UN to ensure long term success, the WFP should transfer harvesters and not funds to the countries in need.

Clash - Improving access to clean water is how we tackle global hunger.

When asked in a question, "Does stopping starvation means providing access to clean water as the first priority?" Some countries will agree and some will not.

Information - 400 million people don't have access to water in sub-Saharan Africa. (Numbers) Water harvester in the University of Akron produced 10 gallons of water per hour. (Numbers and names) Niger, Burundi and Mozambique are countries that could use this. (Names)

Call to Action - The UN should replace cash with water harvesters and give them directly to the people in need.

This Call to Action has two parts. In a follow-up speech, Norway can say that they give $975 million in aid to sub-Saharan countries. This can support why they want to make sure their investment is spent correctly. Also, even if the committee doesn't go for water harvesters, or even water, the idea of not sending cash to the countries in need can still be central to the discussion.
Speech Analysis
Norway is hedging her bets and, while going in strong, leaves room to maneuver. The subtext of her case is countries should use whatever they are given responsibly and handing cash to governments is not an effective means. As long as whatever policy is chosen is done more responsibly (by what Norway considers responsible) she can still have a strong impact on the committee even if none of her policies go through.

MUN Opening Speech Example - Closed topic

Committee: International Organization for Migration (IOM)

Topic: Changing visa policy to combat illegal migration

Country: United Kingdom

Honorable chair distinguished delegates,

The United Kingdom is strongly against making visa access easier. While the death of the 39 Chinese found inside a refrigerated lorry from Bulgaria on October 23rd, 2019 is regrettable, our only option is informing potential migrants of the danger to themselves.

Illegal migration into Britain is around 650,000-give or take a couple hundred thousand. Many of these enter countries on tourist visas and then stay. Changing the laws will only give smugglers more opportunities.

Britain proposes the UN create translated online platforms to apply for legal visas, while also showing the dangers of illegal migration. The UN should invest in the proliferation, so this information reaches the right people. The smugglers who get past our x-ray machines, canine units, heartbeat monitors and carbon-dioxide sniffers are extremely resourceful. If we loosen visa laws, they will adapt and continue to take money from the poor but now with the white hats, we handed to them.
The Breakdown
Clash

Information

Call to Action

Honorable chair distinguished delegates, .
The United Kingdom is strongly against making visa access easier . While the death of the 39 Chinese found inside a refrigerated lorry from Bulgaria on October 23rd, 2019 is regrettable, our only option is informing potential migrants of the danger to themselves Illegal migration into Britain is around 650,000 -give or take a couple hundred thousand. Many of these enter countries on tourist visas and then stay . Changing the laws will only give smugglers more opportunities.

Britain proposes the UN create translated online platforms to apply for legal visas, while also showing the dangers of illegal migration . The UN should invest in the proliferation , so this information reaches the right people. The smugglers who get past our x-ray machines, canine units, heartbeat monitors and carbon-dioxide sniffers are extremely resourceful. If we loosen visa laws, they will adapt and continue to taking money from the poor but now with the white hats, we handed to them.

Clash - Do not change the visa laws. Like at all.

Information - 39 victims inside a lorry from Bulgaria (numbers and names), Illegal migration into Britain + - 650,000 (number), x-ray machines, canine units, heartbeat monitors and carbon-dioxide sniffers (specific names of detection methods.)

Call to Action - UN online platform in local languages explaining the visa process and warning of dangers. UN should create a mechanism to make sure the platform reaches relevant people. (How to reach people needs elaboration in later speeches)
Speech Analysis
This speech starts with the UK clearly stating that they are against changing visa status, which shows which side of the main clash he is on. He brings information which he knows those who want to change visa status to save lives will bring up and says, despite that, he is against.

The UK brings many new stakeholders into the discussion such as the resourceful smugglers and how most illegal migrants come with tourist visas and stay.

As draft resolutions are practical policies, it isn't enough to be against changing visas. The UK also needs to propose something proactive. The online resource is a good policy proposal in that it gives the IOM sometimes to advocate for which does not require a change in visa law. All countries that don't want to change their immigration policy can get behind this idea that does not really change anything. It's a position that many countries could back and might even get a majority. By putting the focus on resourceful smugglers, the UK is moving away from the danger to human life by saying the real enemy is the smugglers, who will be empowered by changing visa law.

Examples of Bad MUN Opening Speeches

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Adapting Your Opening Speech in Real Time

At this point, you should be able to understand the different parts of a MUN opening speech and how they work together. Inspired by the examples and opening speech analysis, the patterns and characteristics of a good MUN opening speech should be clear. The final part of the opening speech process is the modifications you will sometimes need to do to adapt your speech to the previous speeches that came before yours.

MUN RULE:
Always ready to adapt in real-time.
This rule applies to your opening speech.

Just because it's your first speech, doesn't mean it's the first speech in the committee room.

Ideas will come up from the very first opening speech in the committee. Once a delegate utters the words,"Honorable chair distinguished delegate" you should be ready to make a few modifications to your opening speech. Adapting to the room and the ideas is key to success in MUN.
Factor in the speaking order
Opening speeches are usually heard alphabetically. Other options are reverse alphabetical , in order of seating or completely at random .
Write your speech to build on top of others
Take note of the first letter of your country, write your speech with your place in the speaking order in mind. Countries with the letters A through C often give the first speeches, since not every committee has interviews countries with every letter in the alphabet. : )
(Remember although most conferences have opening speeches in alphabetical order, this is not a guarantee)
The countries who start their opening speech have first crack at defining the terms, setting the Clash and introducing the first Calls to Action.
More delegates on your Clash = Better
If you are not the first delegate making an opening speech, it is very possible you will join an existing Clash. Joining other delegates with the same idea is not a bad thing. The more delegates who subscribe to your world view the better chance you have to get a majority.

Hearing your Clash by another delegate in previous speeches is a very good thing. This lays the foundation to start building your coalition already during the opening speech stage through a tactic called echoing .

If you are not the first delegate making an opening speech, think what is likely to have been said and add to it. It is very possible you will join an existing Clash. This is not a bad thing. The more delegates there are who subscribe to your world view the better chance you have to get a majority.

As long as it isn't Off Clash, hearing your Clash in some of the previous speeches is a very good thing. This means you can start building your coalition already during the opening speech stage through a tactic called echoing.
Echo others
Echoing is mentioning another country by name in your speech. You can echo that you agree with them or disagree. You can directly quote or paraphrase. Echoing is not limited to opening speeches but it is a very potent strategy to use when you aren't the first speaker.

How to Echo:

Echoing in an opening speech is usually best done right before your clash. You can also echo a country in the middle of your speech but it has a larger chance of getting missed.

Echoing in an opening speech can look something like this:
"Portugal agrees with Denmake, France and Haiti and disagreed with Russia and Pakistan."
When you mention another country by name their ears perk up and they listen. You want allies and the opposing bloc to listen. You definitely want the countries you mention by name to listen.

Echoing in an opening speech needs to have a purpose. The purpose is usually to start putting your coalition together. Mentioning someone else in your speech grants you street credit with them. On a secondary level echoing helps set the Clash. Other countries will see that a number of delegates see your Clash as the issue to discuss and can choose to come on board, or at least acknowledge the Clash as something to be addressed.

Echo Tip
If you are not one of the first speakers echoing it is also a way to show other delegates that you're listening. If you mention countries who spoke at the beginning when you're one of the later delages to speak, it sounds like your stopped listening at the beginning. It's better to echo a country from the beginning, middle and a few speakers before you. This way the delegates in the room know your are attentive.

Echoing other delegates as a way to communicate with them from within your opening speech. Those extra words can help you start building coalitions, and agreeing on what reality the committee is taking place in, before the opening speeches end.

Finally, remember that echoing is part of your word count. If you're going to echo, factor that into your speech time. A strategy some delegates use is writing their opening speech with 10 words less than fits a minute to leave room for echoing.
Saying CtA Best > Saying CtA First
Some MUN topics have a limited number of policies that can be implemented. If you're a further down the opening speech list it is very likely someone said your policy, or something like it. This too is a good thing. When the topic has only three or four viable policies, it should be expected that some ideas will repeat themselves.
Example:
If you're dealing with an earthquake there are only so many ways to rescue people from under the rubble.

If you're dealing with a virus, there are only so many ways to vaccinate and research an antidote.

This is why would should not worry about saying the Call to Action first. On some topics, if you're the only one to say it, you likely have a much larger problem

This is where going into detail and SMART policy come into play. You can echo the other countries who mentioned your policy idea in one line and develop it. If they gave one line at the end of their speech but you take 25 seconds to explain, the credit will go to you.

Remember that your opening speech is not the end, it's a beginning. The delegate who best develops the idea, and pushes it the furthest over time, is the one who gets the credit. Also, you don't need to do it alone. Having one or two strong allies will make a big difference when it comes to getting your Call to Action a central place of the draft resolution. MUN is a team activity and there is no promise of an easy ride to a majority. That is also part of the fun and the magic that is MUN. Be open to working with others and see the other delegates who try to set your Clash or introduce your Call to Action as an opportunity. CIA alone is more work for you. Others joining and supporting your CIA is the essence of cooperation and leveling up in Model United Nations.

Conclusion

There you have it. The secret to writing a great MUN opening speech. Remember, a speech alone is not though. You need to combine it with proper country representation , good coalition work, and resolution writing . However, if you give a bad opening speech you will need to work extra hard to catch up afterward. This can potentially be especially hard in an expert room.

You will also have to give other speeches after the first one. There are all types of follow up speeches that are needed to keep your CIA going. Once the ideas are out, their repetition is key to keeping your ideas on the table and yourself relevant. However, now that you gave a great opening speech, you have a much better chance to influence the direction the committee takes.

You should also use the tools of CIA speech writing to critically listen to others. Listen to hear what they are missing, whether it's a Clash, a Call to Action or data to back it up. Write notes on their speeches and factor that into your general strategy.

The tools you gained here are relevant for high school MUN, college or university MUN as well as for other platforms that involve public speech. More importantly, these tools can also be used outside of MUN. After all, being relevant, interesting and driving conversation are even more important outside of a Model UN committee simulation. Make these tools second nature and they should serve you well for a long time.

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MUN Opening Speech Guide with Examples - WiseMee

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Writing a MUN opening speech, how to use the CIA formula in your MUN opening speech and example speeches on how to do so.

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MUNITY, current events

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SHAMUN XXI will be an in-person MUN conference hosted at the Shanghai American School Puxi Campus, from October 15th to October 16th, 2021.