# data[].attributes.headline
Angela's bibliography for women in Maya culture

# data[].attributes.subject
Angela's bibliography for women in Maya culture

# data[].attributes.body
Ardren, Traci. Ancient Maya Women. AltaMira Press, 2002.

Boundless. “Boundless Art History.” Lumen, courses.lumenlearning.com/boundless-arthistory/chapter/mesoamerica/.

“A Cloth That Stretches: Weaving Community Across Time and Space.” Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology , 13 Feb. 2020, hearstmuseum.berkeley.edu/.

Gutenberg, World Heritage Encyclopedia. “Gender Roles in Maya Society.” Gender Roles in Maya Society | Project Gutenberg Self-Publishing - EBooks | Read EBooks Online, www.gutenberg.us/articles/gender_roles_in_maya_society.

“Jar, Ritual Scene.” Metmuseum.org, 2016, www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/316813.

“Joyce, Rosemary A., Et Al. ‘Women's Work: Images of Production and Reproduction in Pre-Hispanic Southern Central America [and Comments and Reply].’ Current Anthropology, Vol. 34, No. 3, 1993, Pp. 255–274. JSTOR, Www.jstor.org/Stable/2743666. Accessed 13 Dec. 2020.”

Olphen, H. Van. “Maya Blue: A Clay-Organic Pigment?” Science, American Association for the Advancement of Science, 4 Nov. 1966, science.sciencemag.org/content/154/3749/645.abstract.

Perego, Elisa. “Women’s Voices in a Male World: Actions, Bodies, and Spaces Among the Ancient Maya.” Papers from the Institute of Archaeology, vol. 18, 15 Nov. 2007, p. 70., doi:10.5334/pia.303.

Seawright, Caroline. “What Was the Nature of Classic Maya Belief Regarding the Moon Goddess?” Researchgate,Net, 2011, www.researchgate.net/profile/Caroline_Seawright/publication/265059502_ARC2ANM_Essay_What_was_the_nature_of_Classic_Maya_belief_regarding_the_Moon_Goddess/links/552ae3430cf29b22c9c18c8b.pdf.

Sigal, Peter Herman. From Moon Goddess to Virgins: The Colonization of Yucatecan Maya Sexual Desire. University of Texas Press, 2010.

Wingenbach, G. “The Influence of Gender Roles in Preserving the Maya Culture.” ALEC Abroad, 8 Apr. 2015, alecabroad.tamu.edu/2015/04/08/the-influence-of-gender-roles-in-preserving-the-maya-culture/.

# data[].attributes.headline
Sarah's Bibliography for Gender and Maya Farming

# data[].attributes.subject
Sarah's Bibliography for Gender and Maya Farming

# data[].attributes.body
Kevin O. Pope & Bruce H. Dahlin (1989) Ancient Maya Wetland Agriculture: New Insights from Ecological and Remote Sensing Research, Journal of Field Archaeology, 16:1, 87-106, DOI: 10.1179/jfa.1989.16.1.87

Paul F. Healy, John D. H. Lambert, J. T. Arnason & Richard J. Hebda (1983) Caracol, Belize: Evidence of Ancient Maya Agricultural Terraces, Journal of Field Archaeology, 10:4, 397-410, DOI: 10.1179/009346983791504200

Robin, Cynthia. Chan: An Ancient Maya Farming Community. University Press of Florida, 2012. Project MUSE muse.jhu.edu/book/17749.

Schmidt, Robert A., and Barbara L. Voss. Archaeologies of Sexuality, Taylor & Francis Group, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central, https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/csusm/detail.action?docID=240523.

Traci Ardren. Ancient Maya Women. AltaMira Press, 2002. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=638795&site=ehost-live&scope=site.

Turner, B. L. “Pulltrouser Swamp: Ancient Maya Habitat, Agriculture, and Settlement in Northern Belize.” Google Books, University of Utah Press, books.google.com/books?id=AgQHz53Sh48C.

Image Links:

The Young Corn God https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/head-of-young-corn-god-unknown/TAHB-YD4SI-G9Q

Modern Maya Farming Tools https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/QAHtPeGVGcE-pg

The Evolution of Corn
https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/the-evolution-of-corn-lowell-houser/0gE1_gzA35gb6g

Maya Vase
https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/the-fenton-vase/GwFnGHMZ7ilLEg

# data[].attributes.body
This is a polychrome ceramic vase made between AD 600-800. The ceramic vases that wee made were very important to the Maya because many of them depicted historical and mythological events that include scenes with humans in a variety of social roles.
This particular vase was found in Nebaj which is a Maya site in what is now Guatemala. The scene on this vase depicts two seated figures, one in the most elaborate headdress, a very important person. The other man that faces him is kneeling in front of a basket that seems to have offerings in it. Above this basket there are six different hieroglyphs that indicate the name and title of this important person.
There is a seated person behind the man that is kneeling in front of the basket and this person seems to be writing. This indicates the importance of scribing. The extravagant headdress that is worn with flowers all over it indicates that the this person is one of the elites.
The offerings that are depicted in the vase could be many things but one of the main things that it could be is food or crops. Crops were one of the Maya people's greatest accomplishments because they were very successful in agriculture so offering crops was not unusual to do as depicted on the vase.

# data[].attributes.body
Seated woman with a child

This clay figurine shows a very well dressed woman, adorned in earrings, bracelets, and a necklace as well as a very intricate headdress. The woman is suckling a child and therefore is thought to be connected to the moon goddess, representing childbirth and fertility. It is believed that this clay figurine was assumed to be a grave offering, likely to a woman who died during childbirth. "The frequency with which women were interred with these artifacts suggests the importance of the female dead as representatives of ancestral or linear power to descendants of all economic levels". (Ardren, 2002) The blue coloring that remains on the figure is unique to the Maya and Aztec culture and is some what  resistant to decay.
The figurine is hollow on the inside and can be used as a whistle that is blown before placing it in the grave. The sounds of the whistle help to guide the dead into the afterlife. " Women died of natural causes at a younger age and lived with the strain of reproductive demands and subsequent infant mortality." (Ardren, 2002) Women were the bearers of life thus carrying on the Maya culture but it was also seen as the final passage into womanhood to bear a child, making it worth the risk.

# data[].attributes.body
Textiles and weaving

The weaving of textiles has been, and continues to be a way of revealing past traditions through different tribes. The exhibit shown is from Hearst Museum and shows the intricate designs and coloring that each item displays. Ancient Maya women used natural dyes, such as coccid insects for bright reds or the indigo plant to create shades of blue to color the fabric. More modern textiles are dyed with synthetic product making for bolder colors. Even today many Maya women perform the weave using the traditional back strap loom which has changed very little since ancient times. The loom is attached to her waist and to a further point in order to stretch the material and keep the thread tight while weaving it. Weaves were done to make clothing but had many other household uses as well, one of the largest being a "Bait al sha'r" or house of hair. These tents were used because they were easily set up and taken down when it was time to migrate.
When talking about weaving we are again brought to the Moon Goddess, Ixchel, who is said to be the deity of all things feminine, including weaving. It is the belief of the Maya that she taught the first woman the art of weaving and it has been passed down to every generation of daughters. It is a strong tradition within the Maya religion but is also traded and used as currency to allow women to contribute to the economics of their family. In the modern day, the Maya weaves are a huge financial contribution as the beauty and intricacy of the clothing, rugs and blankets are largely sought after by tourists.

# data[].attributes.body
Ceramics: Jar, Ritual Scenes

The ceramic jar displayed is painted with several different scenes. One such scene shows a woman caring for a child, which we know is an important in  Maya society. Another scene presents a woman devising what is believed to be an alcohol enema and helping the male insert it as he is  likely preparing to preform bloodletting; a purification ceremony. The woman is depicted in long dresses, with long hair, and body paint as she assists in teaching the male.
The woman is representative of a healer because the man seems to feel ill. The woman role to care for a child while also preparing the man for ceremony illustrates the interesting and vast roles of Maya women. They were not simply a house wife that cooks and educates, she is also expected to assist in agriculture, medicine, and ceremonies in one way or another. It is believed that women were primarily responsible for the creation of the vessels, unless they were commissioned for an elite, however men are believed to have done much of the paintings.

# data[].attributes.body
The Maya Moon Goddess
The Moon Goddess, Ixchel (pronounced eesh-chail), represents fertility, sexuality, and growth and her cycles align roughly with cycles of menstruation which suggests procreation.. Though the sex of the Moon Goddess has been seen in many different ways, and many different cycles of her life, sometimes seemingly being depicted as a man. This is because the moon carries a strong association with corn and  the Tonsured Maize God, causing the God and Goddess to come together as one. "She was thought of as belonging to three gender categories – male, female or a compounded third sex – with which the Maya elite wished to be
identified. Be she the female moon, the male full moon as God CH, or conflated with the Maize
God, the Moon Goddess held sway over the lunar cycle, the maize life cycle and the earth from which the maize sprang". (Seawright, 2011)
Being a sexual being, the Maya believe that Ixchel engaged in sexual acts with other Gods and reproduced what are the Maya people. During the classic period Ixchel was mostly represented as a young woman surrounded by a crescent moon, sometimes with a white rabbit which is a symbol of fertility. As the moon phases the depiction of the Goddess ages with it, transitioning from a young female into a women and then becoming a crone. As well as being associated with fertility and sexuality, Ixchel is the Goddess of, water, medicine and disease and therefore when portrayed as an old woman or the Grandmother Ix Mukane she often times seen pouring out a jug of water over the earth causing rain and flooding to heal the Earth and with a snake on her head, which is also a symbol for healing.

# data[].attributes.body
The evolution of corn is very important to Maya people and Maya history considering that it was and still is the staple crop of the Maya people.
This painting was done more recently in 1938 and it depicts the ancient way of harvesting corn by hand on the left and the more modern way of harvesting corn on the right. The picture is meant to be looked at the same way as reading a book, from left to right.
On the very left of the painting, there is a depiction of the Rain God and the Sun God, both of which were essential in ancient times to the growth of the crop. The Rain God is pictured with a dark cloud and rainfall. The Sun God is pictured with an elaborate mask to show how important natural sunlight was to the growth of the crops. Moving slightly farther right, there is a Maya man harvesting the corn crops with a wooden tool. The Maya man has defined muscles all over his body and dark skin complexion, alluding to the fact that it was hard labor to be in the field harvesting. This depiction of a man instead of a female goes further to the point of the painting being that harvesting crops is very scientific now. On the left, the crops are very green.
Moving to the right side of the painting, there is scientific equipment and gray buildings in the background. This is in contradiction with the Sun and Rain God's on the left. The grains on the right are yellow and brown which are complete opposite of the green crops on the left. The man that is depicted on the right is fully clothed which is in contrast to the man depicted on the left.
The Evolution of Corn is important to the Maya culture and gender because of the stereotypes it depicts such as the work being done but a strong male. Men did work in the fields a lot of the time but there were some parts of Maya civilizations where en and women shared equal responsibilities between the agriculture and housework.

# data[].attributes.body
In ancient times, farming and agriculture was done by hand and with tools made out of wood, clay and other materials. In recent times, with the technology today, Maya people now used tools made out of certain metals just like the ones depicted in the picture below.
These are modern Maya farming tools used to plant, tend, and harvest crops in the fields.
On The right there is an ax like tool that is used mainly for chopping down certain types of crops. Next to that, moving to the left of the picture, there is another ax like tool, however it is sharper with more defined edges and a point instead of a curve. This tool is used dig out roots in the field and slice the crops. It is made to be very sharp in order to perform the necessary task in a faster amount of time. Next to that tool, is another tool with a long handle with and metal top. The metal part is curved at the end making it look like a hook with a very dull edge. This tool is used to churn up the soil after the crops have been harvested in order to prime the soil and get it ready to be planted in again. On the far left of the picture there is what appears to be an elongated knife, like machete. this is used for fast chopping down of crops in order to make the harvesting process faster and more efficient.
All of these tools are used primarily by men when they plant, tend, and harvest the crops. Men were more likely to use these tools because of the skill and knowledge it takes and because men were more likely to be in the field so they learned to use them faster than women did.

# data[].attributes.body
This is a sculpture of the head Young Corn God. The hair that is coming out of his brow and the curls on either side of the head that are just above both ears suggests that this is the Young Corn God. The Young Corn God is normally depicted as a decapitated head with different types of organic matter protruding from the top of his head. His eyes are closed appear to be closed. Because the Maya people were constantly tending, harvesting,  and planting corn, the Young Corn God appears to be in a constant cycle between life and death. This sculpture was originally a decoration for the outside of a Mayan building.
Because corn was and still is a staple crop to the Maya people, the Corn God was a very important part of the Maya agriculture. A sacred Maya book called Popol Vuh, explained how the gods attempted to create humans out of wood and clay but failed. They then tried to create humans out of white and yellow maize and this is why the Corn God became one of the most important Gods to the Maya people.
Corn became one of the, if not, the most important crop to the Maya people. Corn was able to be grown in the wetlands as well as dry mountain areas and it thrived after being repeatedly harvested. Squash and beans were also commonly grown with corn and combined they became known as the Three Sisters. All three crops together provide many different nutrients to keep Maya people healthy.

# data[].attributes.body
Sarah's Introduction Topic:
Gender and Maya Farming

In ancient civilizations farming was done mostly by men because of the large population of societies and the strict farming regimes. However, in a small, less populated society, the farming was left up to the women. The agricultural differences between the genders varied by region so as Ancient Maya Women by Traci Ardren states, "The cultural variability uncovered in both sexual and gender division of labor studies suggested that culture, economy, and society, more than biology, constrained men and women in agricultural work" (pg. 14).

For the ancient Maya, the agricultural differences throughout different regions remained up to that specific society or civilization. For example, in region such as Chiapas, Mexico, agriculture and childcare was shared amongst men and women whereas Yucatec Maya communities were more strict with the gender separation in the agricultural aspect of life.

Even the the lines of gender in agriculture were blurred for the Maya people, the one constant was that when women became pregnant they stayed out of the fields and the men would consistent be in the fields.

# data[].attributes.body
Nicole's Introduction to Topic: Gender Roles and Identity

In Ancient Maya civilization, women and men were seen as fairly equal and women were of great importance in society since they bore children. Women were held in positions of power, took place in political discussions, and were also able to practice farming. In classic Maya monumental art, costume images are a primary source of depicting gender, as hieroglyphic images and captions don't represent explicit sexual distinctions between male and female, but even then the boundaries are blurred and it suggests that costumes represents a gender fluid realm with no distinct maleness or femaleness. Instead of a specific gender, male or female, Maya based their gender identity on a spiritual connection that embodied male and female as a whole also known as the third gender.
Despite women being depicted as equal, one theme that remained constant in is the link between Maya women and weaving and food preparation that were socially and culturally constructed. The roles and tasks between gender vary with other aspects of social identity and class.

# data[].attributes.body
When referencing division of labor, the reference isn't based on the it is not a reference of male female dichotomy, but more on a cultural and biological factors in intensive Maya agriculture factors. Both women and men participated in intensive and extensive agricultural strategies that include ground preparation, planting, crop maintenance such as weeding, watering, and harvesting. Archaeological evidence shows that men typically worked in the corn fields, hunted, carried wood, and built houses while women grinded maize, made tortillas, bought and sold goods, sewed, spun yarn, and carried water jugs and babies. Specific agriculture tasks show that both men and women both also participated in house gardens who both planted the seeds and women generally did the watering and weeding. Although women participated in a lot of the farming and agriculture aspects of civilization, ethnographic research suggest that lactating women rarely did.

# data[].attributes.body
Family life had many similarities with modern day civilization. The roles for men was to typically engage in craftwork and farming which helped provide for the family while the women provided the family with clothing and food. Children, including females, contributed a significant amount in the everyday tasks that went into every day family life. Women for two times more likely to obtain a household in a will whereas men were inclined to bequeath lands to their sons (Espejo-Ponce Hunt and Restall 1997:246). While there was a general increase in a minimum reconstruction of family size, demands on women associated with child care have not lessened. A Maya farming family would start their day early. The extended family all slept together in their one-room house, sleeping on reed mats. Breakfast consisted of a porridge called saka that was made of cornmeal mixed with water and flavored either with chilies or honey. Men and boys wore simple loincloths and added a cape if they were cold. Women and girls wore blouses and long skirts. After breakfast, women started weaving or making pottery. Men and boys went to the fields. Life wasn’t all work for Maya commoners. At least every month, a religious festival took place in the city and everyone would go to sing and dance and worship their many gods. Maya children played with toys as children do everywhere. Festivals meant feasts of delicious foods. They might watch a ball game called Pok-A-Tok, which was often played as a religious ritual but was also played for fun.

# data[].attributes.body
As you can see in this sculpture of a woman, there are distinctive features on it that help identify it as a woman and it is not sex. Sex is the biological  condition while gender is a cultural condition, but in order to find the distinctive traits, you have to understand that it is more of a social status. The only way to see gender in prehistory is through art and text where gender is symbolized. Historians and archaeologists will know to identify this sculpture as a woman because of the long skirt she is wearing as well as the garb that is traditionally woven by the women. Her facial features exemplify the idealized standards of Maya beauty. Her forehead is high and flat, sloping back slightly. She has heavy-lidded almond shaped eyes with prominent brows, a high Roman nose, and full lips parted gently. The most beautiful designs of weaves are found in Chiapas, Mexico. Women that belonged to this group have always worn the huipil. This is a kind of a decorative blouse, which is made of lightweight cotton. Men wear very similar clothing articles such as loin cloths, beaded and woven fabric, head dresses and jewelry, but as a social concept, this woman is easily identified in this specific sculpture. The woman in the sculpture was more than likely a woman of upper class as jewelry was an indication of social ranking.

# data[].attributes.headline
Nicole's Bibliography for Gender roles and identity

# data[].attributes.subject
Nicole's Bibliography for Gender roles and identity

# data[].attributes.body
Ardren, Traci. 2002. Women and "Gender in the Ancient Maya World." In Ancient Maya Women, edited by Traci Ardren, pp. 1-11. AltaMira Press: A Division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., Walnut Creek.

McCafferty, Sharisse D., and Geoffrey G. McCafferty. “THE CONQUERED WOMEN OF CACAXTLA: Gender Identity or Gender Ideology?” Ancient Mesoamerica, vol. 5, no. 2, 1994, pp. 159–172. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/26307293. Accessed 8 Dec. 2020.

Looper, Matthew G. 2002. "Women-Men (and Men-Women): Classic Maya Rulers and the Third Gender." Ancient Maya Women: 171-202.

Robin, Cynthia 2002 Gender and Maya Farming: Chan Nóohol, Belize. In Ancient Maya Women, edited by Traci Ardren, pp. 20-32. AltaMira Press: A Division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., Walnut Creek.

Garcia Moll, Roberto. 1994. "Los mayas, arte y memoria." In Beatriz de la Fuente, ed., Mexico en el Mundo de las Colecciones de Arte, Vol. 2. Mexico: D.R. Primera. [See especially p. 39.]

Finamore, Daniel and Stephen D. Houston. 2010. Fiery Pool: The Maya and the Mythic Sea. New Haven: Yale University Press and Salem: Peabody Essex Museum. [Pp. 58–61, Pls. 9–16]

# data[].attributes.body
Denae's Introduction to topic: The Third Gender
In ancient Maya findings, there have been many questions on the gender of rulers depicted in different Maya art works. Some rulers believe to me male were depicted wearing a costume that was typical for women or vice versa. There were also many questions regarding the gender of rulers when they were depicted in only a head, with men often having no facial hair and no hint to having  breasts. This lead archeologists to ponder what was behind the blurred lines in depicted genders.

While the original idea behind this was that as stated in Ancient Maya Women was that," Maya kings appropriated female fertility symbols to strengthen the power of their political office," (pg. 173 ) the findings and further research have shown a different practice. It is believed that Maya people had a third gender, one that combined both male and female behavior, dress, work, and social roles. This is a common practice in many ancient cultures and third gendered beings were often seen as connected to the spirits or deities.

Third gendered people were often referred to as a two-spirit, having a connection to both male and female gods. They typically identified at a very young age and lead important ceremonial roles within their societies. In Ancient Maya Women, the author comments on their roles with," the supernatural sanction for their identity does validate and empower them in their societies" (pg. 175). While in current time there are many people who have issues with the idea of a third gender or non gendered people, research shows that it was very much accepted and appreciated in ancient history.

# data[].attributes.body
Stelas are seen as a marking of the entry way to the kingdom as well as capture spirits, power of the gods, and immortalize their ruler. It is believed that they were created during the classic period. There are many different versions of these discovered throughout mesoamerca however this specific one, Copán Stela H in Copán Honduras, is what many archaeologists use when describing gender polarization in ancient Maya art, as well as evidence of the third gender. In this piece, the king Uaxaclajuun Ub’aah K’awiil is depicted and immortalized as a godly figure and is pictures as wearing a beaded net costume which is typically used as a women’s costume. The original thought was that the costume was used to strengthen political power in his kingdom and deprive the power of feminine imagery, however the thought has changed with further research and it is now believed that the king depicted was one of many whom fell under the third gender, making Uaxaclajuun Ub’aah K’awiil not male or female, but androgynous and taking part in both male and female roles. This connected them to not only male deities, but female deities as well which allowed them to have more powers not only from the supernatural spectrum, but within their societies as well. This extends to the thought that there may even have been mixed gender deities that rulers connected to. Stela Copán H has helped to further the research and questions behind there being a third gender practiced in yet another ancient society.

# data[].attributes.body
Angela's Introduction to Topic:
Women in the Maya Culture

Men and women in the Maya culture were viewed as equals. Each gender had its own responsibilities to be carried out and no task was valued less than another because each role satisfied needs within the society. While both genders did participate in all tasks on occasion, such as in preparation for a ceremony, the Maya men were predominantly expected to hunt and gather, work in the fields and women maintained care over the home and children as well as ensuring that the agriculture brought in by men was made edible. It was also predominantly the women's job to maintain and pass on the Maya culture, to ensure that it continues to live throughout generations, this included creating textiles. Based on social class, women used a variety of different materials to weave and spin creations that would be used not only within the household but could also be marketed for the benefit of the family. Although roles of the women were crucial to Maya society, this role was rarely depicted in Maya hieroglyphs and when women are depicted in is usually used in reference of her role to her male counterpart. It is much more common to find women depicted on Maya pottery or figurines, perhaps because either women created them or because they presented androgyny among both male and females. While the roles of each gender can differ throughout tribes, it is consistent that women are givers of life and therefore they are highly valued.

# data[].attributes.headline
Object 1: Yaxchilan Lintel 24 (Classic Maya Noble Man and Woman)

# data[].attributes.subject
Object 1: Yaxchilan Lintel 24 (Classic Maya Noble Man and Woman)

# data[].attributes.body
This image is Yaxchilan: Lintel 24. It was found in Yaxchilan (Modern Chiapas), Mexico and is estimated to have been created in 709 AD. The limestone Lintel's current location is now in the British Museum in London, England. Lintel 24, "depicts Shield Jaguar III holding a large, flaming torch over his wife or consort, Lady K'abal Xook, who draws a thorn-studded rope through her tongue. The text explains both of these events as penitential sacrifice" (Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, Peabody Museum).

This hieroglyph depicts bloodletting, which is a process that Maya elites and nobles participate in, where a body part is cut to release blood, to communicate with the gods. Attention is drawn to the male genitals, due to the fact that bloodletting art in Maya culture uses the penis as the focal point. It is depicted as a male activity because this method of blood shedding transforms the male genitalia into an agent of fertility, providing the substances that give life, semen and blood (Joyce, p. 279). In Archaeologies of Sexuality, by  Robert A. Schmidt and Barbara L. Voss, Rosemary Joyce also points out in her chapter, that the noble man's attire is quite minimal, while the woman's clothing is very concealing, which is a drastic difference between the two. The elaborate male clothing provides imagery of the objectified and idealized male body, that is strong, masculine, and powerful. Males are represented in a timeless young adulthood phase (Joyce, p. 265). In a piece of work written by Jennifer Dornan titled, “Blood from the Moon: Gender Ideology and the Rise of Ancient Maya Social Complexity” she discusses the social hierarchy and the power that men hold as a result of rituals. she writes, "For example, we know that Maya kings were viewed as having a more direct link with the gods and demonstrated this through public ritual - often involving bloodletting. Likewise, the display of monumental public art depicting the Maya elite interacting with the gods reinforced the notion that the elite were able to communicate more effectively with the gods, thus legitimising their superior position" (Dornan, p. 462-463).

I retrieved this photograph from Rosemary Joyce's chapter in the book, Archaeologies of Sexuality, titled, "A Precolumbian Gaze: Male Sexuality among the Ancient Maya." This image was provided, courtesy of Ian Graham, titled Yaxchilan: Lintel 24.

Image Link: Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions (harvard.edu)

# data[].attributes.body
The third gender or two-spirits, were not seen as odd ones out or raging homosexuals, the were not only accepted by their culture and societies, but celebrated and seen as empowered through their two-spirit. Two-spirits were often identified very young and this identity allowed them to play leading roles in important ceremonies. For example the role of Lakota Winkte who was a holy person responsible for blessing the tree that was erected during the sun dance. Not only were they given these highly important roles, but individuals were dressed in androgynous costumes which embraced both their femininity and masculinity. While not all participants where third gendered, they did show many examples of polarized sexuality. In the piece below, is an example of the the third gendered people as well was others during the sun dance. They are dressed in costumes in which you cannot see their gender and they have both feminine and masculine qualities within them. They are seen wearing beaded skirts which is typical for a feminine costume and connected to the female moon goddess. They are also  depicted showing off their legs and torsos which is very specific to male characters pictured in Maya art when gendering the human body. Through the depiction of both male and female images and styles, this helps support the findings of there being a third gender within ancient Maya.

# data[].attributes.body
The Maya Maize god Hun Hunahpu was a symbol for a crucial crop within ancient and current Maya society. He is also a connection to the creation of the first Maya people. While it is known that the Maize god is a male and connected to the female moon goddess, he is also further evidence of the third gender. Much like Copán Stela H, there are many depictions of Hun Hunahpu in a skirt which is commonly associated with the moon goddess. While this right away does now show a connection with a third gender, it does show the connection with Hun Hunahpu’s femininity which directly relates the the third gender. This image was completed in the classic period and found

# data[].attributes.body
This piece connects to the previous object of the Maize god.The moon goddess Ixchel is a common symbol within ancient Maya art and society for femininity, female sexuality, procreation, fertility, and growth. She also plays part in the creation story just as the Maize god. While she is used as a female symbol, she is often used or alluded to within male customs or characters. For example the beaded skirt that she is often depicted wearing is seen in many cases worn by other male deities or rulers alluding to the third gender. With Ixchel being such a common feminine imagine having her connected to male figures shows the androgynous nature that many males practiced and therefore directly relates to the third gender.

# data[].attributes.body
Bloodletting was a common practice through ancient Maya often preformed by rulers or crucial member of the community as a sacrifice or ritual to the deities in order to achieve something or to thank them. The practice occurred through cutting a specific part of the body relating to the ceremony and bleeding. Blood was believed to contain a life force. There is evidence of bloodletting ceremonies where male rulers would cut parts of the male genitala. Researchers believe that men cutting their penis in a sacrifice towards fertility helps to combine the sexual power between a man and women. This relates to the third gender because it combines the masculinity and femininity. The picture below is of a good letting ceremony found in Yaxchilan, modern Southern Mexico, believed to be completed during the classic period.

# data[].attributes.body
Gillian's Introduction to Topic: Male Sexuality and Masculinity

In Maya culture, men are seen as strong and brave providers. Physical strength and skill are required of men, and their physical appearance is showcased in many depictions of Maya art. Male bodies are placed on display through the imagery that is conveyed by the costumes and clothing they are depicted wearing, which includes loin cloths, drawing attention to male genitalia, as well leaving the rest of the body visible with elaborate headdresses, anklets, belts, and pendants... all made from feathers, beads, shells, and jade. They are portrayed as a form of youth, or timeless young adulthood, which are highly idealized and represented in all-male battles and activities (Joyce, p. 265). The male body is celebrated and rarely concealed. Therefore, this has led to a sexualization of the male body, where the erect male genitalia are present in architecture and artwork, as well as through practices of group-male bloodletting, homosexuality, and the expression of their sexuality through certain practices or rituals.

# data[].attributes.body
Ardren, Traci. Ancient Maya Women. AltaMira, 2002.

Hewitt, Erika A. “WHAT'S IN A NAME: Gender, Power, and Classic Maya Women Rulers.” Ancient Mesoamerica, vol. 10, no. 2, 1999, pp. 251–262. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/26307991. Accessed 9 Dec. 2020.

Heyworth, Robin. “The Stelae of Copán - An Evolution of Art & Religion.” Uncovered History, 20 Oct. 2016, uncoveredhistory.com/honduras/copan/the-stelae-of-copan/.

Horne, Jayme. “Reconsidering Third Gender In the Ancient Maya World.” Art and Archaeology of Ancient Mesoamerica.

Learn, Joshua Rapp. “Ancient Maya Bloodletting Tools or Common Kitchen Knives? How Archaeologists Tell the Difference.” Smithsonian.com, Smithsonian Institution, 24 Aug. 2016, www.smithsonianmag.com/science-nature/ancient-maya-bloodletting-tools-or-kitchen-knives-how-archaeologists-tell-difference-1-180960232/.

Mandell, Elisa C. “A NEW ANALYSIS OF THE GENDER ATTRIBUTION OF THE ‘GREAT GODDESS’ OF TEOTIHUACAN.” Ancient Mesoamerica, vol. 26, no. 1, 2015, pp. 29–49., doi:10.1017/S0956536115000024.

Schmidt, Robert A., and Barbara L. Voss. Archaeologies of Sexuality. Routledge, 2007.

Stockett, Miranda K. “On the Importance of Difference: Re-Envisioning Sex and Gender in Ancient Mesoamerica.” World Archaeology, vol. 37, no. 4, 2005, pp. 566–578. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40025092. Accessed 9 Dec. 2020.

Teaching History with 100 Objects - The Maya Maize God, www.teachinghistory100.org/objects/about_the_object/maize_god.

# data[].attributes.headline
Object 4: Male to Male Embrace with Phallic Emphasis: Naj Tunich Cave Painting 

# data[].attributes.subject
Object 4: Male to Male Embrace with Phallic Emphasis: Naj Tunich Cave Painting 

# data[].attributes.body
This image is a depiction of a "male to male" embrace that was found in the Naj Tunich Caves in Poptún, Guatemala near the border of Belize and the Maya mountains. This cave houses the most Maya hieroglyphs ever found, and the style of the paintings are some of the most refined, and points to ritual activities that may have taken place within the cave chambers. It is believed to have been a sacred site in the Pre-Classic period, ~100 BC and was continued to be used until the late Classic era of ~550-900AD, which is when the cave drawings were likely created.

This painting depicts two individuals embracing each other, with an erect male penis present. Joyce covers the artwork that was discovered in the Naj Tunich caves in her chapter in Archaeologies of Sexuality, as well as citing viewpoints from Andrea J. Stone from her book, "Images from the Underworld: Naj Tunich and the Tradition of Maya Cave Painting."  The prominence of imagery of manipulation of the penis in ritual contexts in Classic and Postclassic Maya sources has contributed to a sexualization of masculinity through shared experience of the male body (Joyce, p. 274). Homosexuality was present among the Maya during this period through the visualizations and art, but the term "homosexual" was not used. This image is marked by an erect penis, and it can be inferred that the individual is a male, and the other is a woman, but as Andrea J. Stone suggests, "...this image, previously regarded as a depiction of heterosexual intercourse, in fact involves two males, one marked by hairstyle and ornament as socially female. Stone emphasizes the apparent lack in the texts and images documenting visits to these caves of any identiﬁable female persons" (Stone, p. 117, 145, 183– 84, 239). She also suggests that Classic Maya caves such as Naj Tunich constituted an arena for all-male socialization during which, among other things, sexuality was openly subject to verbal and physical play, as it is in some performative settings among modern Highland Maya (Joyce, p. 274). The social construction of gender is then reviewed, which leads to the point that even being a transvestite was something that was accepted by the Maya. Sexuality was fluid, especially among men, and still the art was perceived and created through the shared experience of the male body, sexualized male gaze and the depiction of masculinity.

I gathered this image from Archaeologies of Sexuality, from a recreated painting done by Andrea J. Stone in Images from the Underworld: Naj Tunich and the Tradition of Maya Cave Painting.

Image Link: Naj Tunich, Peten, Guatemala (latinamericanstudies.org)

# data[].attributes.body
This image is from a site known as Bonampak, which is located in Chiapas, Mexico. It is known as the Bonampak Mural. The murals cover the walls of three rooms in the Templo de las Pinturas (Temple of the Paintings), a small building on the first terrace of Bonampak’s acropolis. The specific segment of the mural that I chose is from Room 2: The Mural of the Battle. The paintings depict war and human sacrifice of the Maya. It is believed that the site was constructed in 500-800 AD, in the late classic period.

This image also relates back to the topic of male masculinity of strength because men are presented in costumed attire, participating in hand-to-hand combat with each other. King Chan Muwan and his associates are pictured in headdresses, jaguar pelts, and jade pectorals, which stand in contrast with the barely clothed male captives at their feet (ThoughtCo). This particular mural may have been created specifically for the noble male gaze, as I discussed previously. The strength and skill of men in battle is idolized, and male warriors are adorned. Battles are all-male socialization activities that Maya art frequently depicts. Which leads to my next point that these paintings quite possibly can be used for the gaze of females as well, and the sexualized desire for the aestheticized male body (Joyce, p. 264).

I retrieved this image from a Archaeologies of Sexuality, courtesy of The Peabody Museum, Harvard University.

Image Link: Discovery of the Mural Paintings of Bonampak (thoughtco.com)

# data[].attributes.body
This hieroglyph is titled Yaxchilan: Lintel 45. It was discovered in Yaxchilan (Modern Chiapas). Mexico, along with Lintel 24, in situ over the middle doorway of Structure 44 (Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions). It is estimated to have been created around 700 AD as well. A cast of the images is housed in The British Museum now. It depicts Itzamnaaj Bahlam grasping the hair of his captive (Google Arts & Culture).

This image is a presentation of a recurring theme in Maya art, which is defeated male warriors under the hand and gaze of their richly adorned male captors (Joyce, p. 266). Joyce furthers goes on to say that, "Contemporary understandings of the ownership, circulation, and use of the polychrome vessels that provide the most abundant corpus of all-male multi-ﬁgure scenes suggest that they were produced for noble male patrons" (Joyce, p. 267). This provides an objectiﬁcation of male bodies as subjects of the gaze of noble males and artists. Males are meant to be strong, and these vessels of art depict strong males and their masculinity, where physical strength and skill are required, especially in scenes where other males have fallen at the hand of the noble men in battle. These works of art also offer the circulation of ownership of these men that have been captured by elites, and the ultimate use for these men. There is an aesthetic delight for the male body and the way it is presented in the sexualized light, of youthful and perfectly crafted.

I also gathered this image from, Rosemary Joyce's chapter in, Archaeologies of Sexuality. This image was provided by Ian Graham, and  Fellows of Harvard College. It is titled Yaxchilan: Lintel 45.

Image Link: Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions (harvard.edu)

# data[].attributes.headline
Bibliography for Gillian's Male Sexuality and Masculinity Exhibit

# data[].attributes.subject
Bibliography for Gillian's Male Sexuality and Masculinity Exhibit

# data[].attributes.body
Ardren, Traci. 2002. Women and "Gender in the Ancient Maya World." In Ancient Maya Women, edited by Traci Ardren, pp. 1-11. AltaMira Press: A Division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., Walnut Creek.

Chuchiak, IV, John F. “The Sins of the Fathers: Franciscan Friars, Parish Priests, and the Sexual Conquest of the Yucatec Maya, 1545-1808.” Ethnohistory, vol. 54, no. 1, Winter 2007, pp. 69–127. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1215/00141801-2006-040.

Coe, Michael D., and Stephen Houston. The Maya. London: Thames and Hudson, 2015.

Dornan, Jennifer. “Blood from the Moon: Gender Ideology and the Rise of Ancient Maya Social Complexity.” Gender & History, vol. 16, no. 2, Aug. 2004, pp. 459–475. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1111/j.0953-5233.2004.00348.x.

Joyce, Rosemary A. 2000. "A Precolumbian Gaze: Male Sexuality among the Ancient Maya." In Archaeologies of Sexuality, edited by Robert A. Schmidt, and Barbara L. Voss, pp. 263-283. Taylor & Francis, Ltd., Hoboken.

Looper, Matthew G. 2002. "Women-Men (and Men-Women): Classic Maya Rulers and the Third Gender." Ancient Maya Women: 171-202.

Stone, Andrea J. Images from the Underworld: Naj Tunich and the Tradition of Maya Cave Painting. University of Texas Press, 1995.

Image Link Citations:

Google Arts & Culture. Photo of Lintel 45 from Yaxchilan. Photo of Lintel 45 from Yaxchilan - A.P. Maudslay — Google Arts & Culture.

Latin American Studies. Naj Tunich, Peten, Guatemala. http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/naj-tunich.htm.

Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions. Yaxchilan: Lintel 24 & 45. https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/.

ThoughtCo. Discovery of the Mural Paintings of Bonampak. https://www.thoughtco.com/the-murals-of-bonampak-chiapas-mexico-171611.

# data[].attributes.headline
Object 5: Depiction of Male Masturbation: Naj Tunich Cave Art 

# data[].attributes.subject
Object 5: Depiction of Male Masturbation: Naj Tunich Cave Art 

# data[].attributes.body
This painting of male masturbation was also found in the Naj Tunich Caves in Poptún, Guatemala near the border of Belize and the Maya mountains. Again, this cave houses the most Maya hieroglyphs ever found, and the style of the paintings are some of the most refined, and points to ritual activities that may have taken place within the cave chambers. It is believed to have been a sacred site in the Pre-Classic period, ~100 BC and was continued to be used until the late Classic era of ~550-900AD, which is when the cave drawings were likely created.

This painting is of a male masturbating, or quite possibly performing a bloodletting ritual on himself, both of which were common practices among the Maya. In John F. Chuchiak IV's work, "The Sins of the Fathers: Franciscan Friars, Parish Priests, and the Sexual Conquest of the Yucatec Maya" he discusses the infiltration of Maya culture in regards to sexuality especially, when it came to the Spanish. He writes, "According to surviving historical and ethnohistorical evidence, the
preconquest Maya knew of and participated in a large variety of sexual
relations and sexual contact including vaginal and anal intercourse, oral
sex, masturbation..." (Chuciak, p. 73). This is a male sexual practice that is often participated in, in segregated settings and is often celebrated because the male penis produced blood and semen, both of which are 'life-giving fluids.'
Chuchiak also writes, "When the Spaniards conquered the province of Yucatán, they encountered
a third world of traditional Maya sexual customs and practices. The Maya, in turn, were caught in a confusing sexual universe, where Spanish libertines raped and abused them while simultaneously preaching the values of marriage and chastity, and the sins inherent in sexuality" (p. 71). The sexual practices of the Maya were viewed to be black sins, and the Spaniards assumed that it was their duty to change that and rid them of these existing sins, however masturbation was not sodomy, and was not considered 'black sin' by some accounts. However, to the Maya, masturbation was another all-male activity or practice that was accepted, and the art is a depiction of that male gaze, yet again. Some scholars have deemphasized these depicts of the male penis as ones that only involve the ritual of bloodletting, but Maya texts and other hieroglyphs contribute to the sexualization of masculinity through the experience of the male body that is shared (Joyce, p. 274).

This image was retrieved from Archaeologies of Sexuality, courtesy of Andrea J. Stone from her piece, Images from the Underworld: Naj Tunich and the Tradition of Maya Cave Painting.

Image Link: Naj Tunich, Peten, Guatemala (latinamericanstudies.org)