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Depuis l’entrée en fonction du président Rodrigo Duterte, en 2016, une campagne meurtrière massve a débuté aux Philippines. Dans le collimateur officiel du "shérif de Manille" : la drogue, avec ses dealers comme ses consommateurs. Souvent sur une vague présomption, parfois aussi pour s’être trouvées au mauvais endroit au mauvais moment, des milliers de personnes ont été assassinées par des commandos de la mort, constitués de policiers corrompus et de tueurs à gages.

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Permis de tuer aux Philippines | Les Infos Clés | ARTE

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Cette salade de tomates aux nectarines et burrata est vraiment surprenante et délicieuse ! Nous avons découvert l'association tomate et pêche un dimanche midi, lorsque nous prenions notre brunch après une belle grasse matinée. Nous avions mis une petite salade de tomates, un demi-avocat et une pêche en quartier sur la même assiette.. Ayant la tête dans notre conversation, l'un de nous a mélangé tomate et pêche à la dégustation... et ce fût une sorte de révélation ! C'était vraiment délicieux !

L'idée m'est alors venu de réaliser, la semaine suivante, une salade avec des tomates et des pêches. Ces dernières n'étant pas très mures, j'ai jeté mon dévolu sur des nectarines, dont le goût est proche de celui de la pêche...

Pour avoir de belles nuances à cette salade, je vous conseille d'utiliser différentes variétés de tomates ! J'ai utilisé ici des tomates jaunes, appelées tomates ananas, ainsi que des tomates roses, appelées rose de Bernes, ainsi que différentes variétés de tomates cerises, de toutes les couleurs. Il en est de même pour les nectarines, varier les plaisirs en utilisant des nectarines jaunes et blanches !

Pour une salade ultra gourmande, je me suis tournée vers la burrata ! Plus crémeux que la mozzarella, elle donne un côté lacté qui va lisser le côté sucré des fruits. Le résultat est très frais et très agréable en bouche ! Nous avons vraiment adoré cette salade de tomates aux nectarines, qui peut constituer un vrai repas, accompagnée d'un petit morceau de pain complet pour saucer à la fin ! Autant être gourmand jusqu'au bout !!

Pour davantage de gourmandise, vous pouvez griller vos nectarines ou vos pêches avec du miel. Cela vous donnera un petit côté caramélisé qui sera très agréable à la dégustation (et cela permet aussi de pouvoir utiliser des fruits qui ne seraient pas très très mûrs). Pour les plus viandards d'entre nous, vous pouvez également ajouter un peu de jambon cru. Penser à rectifier en sel !

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Salade de tomates aux nectarines et burrata

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Cette salade de tomates aux nectarines et burrata est vraiment surprenante et délicieuse ! Nous avons découvert l'association tomate et pêche un dimanche midi, lorsque nous prenions notre brunch après une belle grasse matinée. Nous avions mis une petite salade de tomates, un demi-avocat et une pêche en quartier sur la même assiette..

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Scrapple, also known by the Pennsylvania Dutch name Pannhaas or "pan rabbit",[1][2] is traditionally a mush of pork scraps and trimmings combined with cornmeal and wheat flour, often buckwheat flour, and spices. The mush is formed into a semi-solid congealed loaf, and slices of the scrapple are then pan-fried before serving. Scraps of meat left over from butchering, not used or sold elsewhere, were made into scrapple to avoid waste. Scrapple is best known as an American food of the Mid-Atlantic states (Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia). Scrapple and panhaas are commonly considered an ethnic food of the Pennsylvania Dutch, including the Mennonites and Amish. Scrapple is found in supermarkets throughout the region in both fresh and frozen refrigerated cases. In Delaware, it is sometimes described as containing "everything but the oink".

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Scrapple has, thus far, avoided the fame and fetishization so many other regionally specific meats have experienced. But when I saw a friend excitedly Instagram a scrapple sandwich from a new Brooklyn bagel shop, I realized I should have seen it coming. When treated right, scrapple is, in my mind, far superior to your average breakfast sausage. Maybe that's because it's like breakfast sausage squared-sliced and seared in a skillet, it produces a soft but crunchy, salty, heavily pork-y and offal-y bite that was meant to be layered under eggs.

Obviously I'm not the only one in the world to know and love scrapple, the meat-and-grain-and-spice loaf brought to America's mid-Atlantic states by German immigrants hundreds of years ago. Scrapple is a product of the middle colonies-Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, New Jersey, lower New York-and the specifics of their colonial population. When I was a kid, my grandpa would fry it up with pancakes at his farm in New Jersey, or we would order it at breakfast down the Jersey shore. Instead of the Puritans of New England or the slave traders of the South, the middle colonies attracted non-English European settlers, including Germans, Swedes, and Dutch. Many were Quakers, who believed in religious tolerance, simplicity, and frugality. These core beliefs, it turns out, are a great recipe for scrapple.

The product finds its ancestry in panhaas, a German meat pudding consisting of pork odds and ends mixed with buckwheat and spices like sage and savory. When the recipe came to America, the buckwheat was often replaced or supported by cornmeal. "Unlike the Puritans, whose cooking habits consciously evoked the ways of the homeland, Quakers concerned themselves less with what they ate than with their attitudes while eating it," writes James McWilliams in A Revolution in Eating: How the Quest for Food Shaped America. For the colonizers of the middle colonies, using local ingredients like corn was no problem, as long as the meal was simple and modest and everything was used.

Because more than anything, scrapple is what it sounds like-scraps. One recipe from 1853 writes that the cook should use "pork that will not do for sausage," such as hearts, livers, kidneys, and random scraps of skin all boiled together, leading many from outside the region to look down at the dish. An article in The Montreal Gazette from 1909 insists that it's something people from Pittsburgh must "pretend to enjoy" but concedes that it has its health benefits: "Scrapple-fed children in the country are healthier and make progress at school."

But if you've had offal or charcuterie made from it before, scrapple is probably not so exotic. As historian William Woys Weaver wrote in Country Scrapple, "change the name to polenta nera [black polenta, or polenta made with buckwheat], you can sell scrapple in any upscale restaurant." Which may be exactly what's happening. In addition to Shelsky's, scrapple is on the menu at Williamsburg restaurants Egg and Fedoroff's Roast Pork. It's shown up at the Hog's Apothecary in Oakland and Redbird in L.A. (though there it was described by one Yelp reviewer as "grilled polenta with tasty pork scraps on top") and was even toasted in a waffle iron and topped with mayo and crispy bits of cabbage, okonomiyaki-style, at Ivan Ramen.

George Weld, the chef and owner of Egg, didn't grow up eating scrapple but put pan-fried scrapple on the menu as a side dish after a cousin from Delaware said he had to have it, and Weld realized it was close enough to livermush (a coarse Southern meat loaf made of pig liver, head meat, and cornmeal) to match the Southern flavors he was going for with the menu. "Getting people to eat scrapple is a pretty funny experience at the restaurant," he says. "It's probably the most commonly discussed thing in front-of-house meetings: How do you describe scrapple so that people aren't immediately turned off by it?" At first, listing the ingredients-cornmeal, pork kidney, hearts-made customers order sausage instead. But by describing it as analogous to a pan-fried country pâté, they started to win some people over. "Put it in the category of French charcuterie, and everyone's OK with it."

Scrapple is typically sold in raw pound loaves, ready to be sliced and fried, but outside of the mid-Atlantic you either have to order it from specialty stores or hope your local butcher decides to experiment. Weld used to buy his scrapple from the farmers market but started making it himself to ensure supply, as his supplier wouldn't always keep it in stock. Even making it from Heritage Foods pork, as Weld does, it's still a slurry of grains and off-cuts. But the stars may finally be aligning to give scrapple its due. "I think people have become a little bit more appreciative of regional distinctions, so scrapple definitely stands out as a unique regional food in that way," says Weld. "Part of me is rooting for scrapple becoming really popular, and part of me has a secret wish that it remains a cult item. It's nice talking to people who love it."

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A Brief History of Pennsylvania Scrapple

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Scrapple has, thus far, avoided the fame and fetishization so many other regionally specific meats have experienced. But when I saw a friend excitedly Instagram a scrapple sandwich from a new Brooklyn bagel shop, I realized I should have seen it coming. When treated right, scrapple is, in my mind, far superior to your average breakfast sausage.

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The McGriddles sandwich (colloquial singular form McGriddle) is a type of breakfast sandwich sold by the international fast food restaurant chain McDonald's. Introduced in 2003,[2] it is available in the following markets: United States, Turkey, Canada, Poland, Japan, Guatemala, Mexico, the Philippines, Singapore, and New Zealand (for a limited time).

The standard McGriddles sandwich consists of fried bacon, a scrambled egg flap, and American cheese between two maple-flavored griddle pancakes embossed with the McDonald's logo.

When McDonald's launched its all-day breakfast menu in October 2015, McGriddles sandwiches were initially excluded from the menu,[3] but were eventually added in September 2016.[4]

Variants

Sausage

Sausage, egg, and cheese

Bacon, egg, and cheese

Scrapple, egg, and cheese (served in the Philadelphia region)[5]

Spam, egg and cheese (served in Hawaii)[6]

Chicken (limited-time trials, exclusively in Kansas, Ohio and Florida)[7][8]

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The War To Sell You A Mattress Is An Internet Nightmare

“Nothing would make us happier than to pay you a ton of money,” Krim elaborated in his next email, “but we need to do it in a context of being accretive to Casper. Currently you actively endorse a competing product on our review page. What can we do not to have you endorse another product as superior to ours? I am certain we can be a better partner to you than Leesa.”

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One day in the spring of 2016 I mentioned to a friend that I needed a new mattress. Mine was a sunken hand-me-down that had become about as comfortable as concrete.

"I know a guy who can give you a free mattress," my friend said.

This sounded too good to be believed, but my friend protested it was true: "This guy Kenny, he reviews mattresses online, and companies just send them to him. He can't get rid of them fast enough." Not long after came the email introduction: "David, meet Kenny."

Journalists aren't supposed to accept freebies. But the one thing I was certain of was that I would never write an article about online mattress reviewing, a subject so self-evidently boring that I became a little sad just imagining it. So when Kenny replied that he expected to have a mattress to offload soon, I only asked him what sort of wine he liked.

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Kenny Kline turned out to live just blocks from me in Brooklyn, and I walked over a few days later with a nice bottle of red under one arm. Kenny buzzed me in and I stepped inside the entryway, where I found a queen-size mattress already waiting for me, ready to grab and go if I pleased. But I wanted to give Kenny his wine.

I called up to Kenny, and he emerged from his apartment to greet me on the stairs. He was tall and good-looking, with a kind of brogrammer affability. Later I'd learn he had studied physics and finance at Washington University in St. Louis, where he rowed crew and was a Beta Theta Phi brother. I'd also look up some of his mattress reviewing videos.

I asked Kenny about his unusual hobby, figuring that reviewing mattresses was something he did for beer money. But he surprised me by saying that this was what he and his business partner, a guy named Joe Auer, did for a living; their two websites, Mattress Clarity and Slumber Sage, were exclusively dedicated to reviewing mattresses.

Kenny told me that in the last few years, numerous mattress reviewing websites had sprung up. Then he made a strangely implausible claim: Just a few days before, the mattress e-commerce company Casper had sued three bloggers-competitors of Kenny's-whose reviews Casper didn't like. Kenny and his business partner, fortunately, had been spared.

I called an Uber and hauled my free mattress up to my third-floor walkup apartment. The mattress had a poofy marshmallowy top that I didn't quite love, but you get what you pay for. I got used to it as the months went by.

I might have forgotten about Casper's rumored lawsuits altogether, if the mattress brand hadn't kept following me everywhere I went. That summer and through the fall, Casper ads sprouted all over New York: beautiful ads, often lining subway cars, featuring cartoon creatures curled up together on mattresses. In Casper's cartoons, even the big bad wolf slept peacefully next to three little pigs.

In October I wrote Kenny to ask what became of those lawsuits. "One of the bloggers just publicized it," Kenny wrote back, providing a link to a website, Sleepopolis.com.

"Casper Sues Sleepopolis with Federal Lawsuit," read the headline on the page I opened. The post was written by a guy named Derek Hales, the site's proprietor. Derek's photo showed a pale, skinny twentysomething with freckles and short red hair. I clicked around on his site. Derek Hales evidently took mattress reviewing seriously, rating the firmness of mattresses on a scale from one to 10, cutting them open to measure the exact thickness of the foam.

I returned to the page outlining the lawsuit.

"From the very first day Sleepopolis launched I knew I wanted to build something different," wrote Derek. "Reviews rooted in honesty, transparency, integrity, and clarity, without the marketing speak or fluff. Guided by these principles I feel like Sleepopolis readers have the right to know that Casper Sleep has filed a federal lawsuit in New York, suing both Sleepopolis and me, personally."

So it was true. I scratched my head. Casper was on its way to becoming a 750-million-dollar company. It was the hottest of the bed-in-a-box disruptors, with investments from celebrities like Ashton Kutcher and Nas. And it was picking on some skinny blogger from Arizona?

I called my editor and confessed that in a moment of weakness I had accepted a free mattress from an online mattress reviewer named Kenny, and that I wanted to write about this bizarre industry and its even more bizarre David-and-Goliath legal battle.

I couldn't know it then, but the outcome of that battle would influence the purchase decisions of many thousands, if not millions, of people seeking a good night's sleep. It would also reveal just how thoroughly the internet and the businesses that thrived there had blurred the lines between product reviews and advertisements. All I'd wanted was a mattress, but what I got was a look at a little-known and hugely lucrative annex of e-commerce, one where the relationships can often get a little too comfy-until they're not.

I wanted to learn how Derek Hales had gotten into mattress reviewing, so I called him up in Arizona. He had the nerdy intensity of a Jesse Eisenberg character. Derek told me he'd always been entrepreneurial; he'd helped pay his college tuition by creating a World of Warcraft blog. After graduating from Kansas State in 2010 with a business degree, he spent the next few years working for a company outside Phoenix, doing search engine optimization, or SEO, the art of getting web pages to rank higher in Google searches.

In 2012, Derek messaged Samantha Niezwaag, a math teacher, on ChristianMingle.com. "The emails soon turned into novels," Samantha would later recall. Both had grown up in the Midwest and the South; both were obsessed with Lord of the Rings. A flirty conversation turned to the question of whether they could squeeze 78 dates into 25 weeks, which Derek remarked would mean 3.12 dates per week.

"When he gave me two decimal places," said Samantha, "he had me hooked." On their engagement website, Samantha called Derek "Godly, passionate, loyal, supportive, ambitious, intelligent, and funny"; they got married in May of 2014.

The young husband and wife needed a new mattress, but were shocked by the prices at the local mattress store: the average queen-size was around $1,500, but as much as $5,000 for a fancy Tempur-Pedic. One of Derek's coworkers told him about a two-year-old Phoenix-based company called Tuft & Needle, which sold its queen-size mattress directly to consumers online for just $600. Though buying such a large item online felt a little unusual, there was a 100-day trial period, so what was the risk?

When it arrived, Derek and Samantha found the Tuft & Needle too firm for their tastes, so they organized a donation pickup and received their refund. Then they tried their luck with another online mattress company called Casper, which had just launched. When their Casper mattress arrived, Derek and Samantha found they liked it enough to keep it.

A few weeks later, in September of 2014, Derek spotted an opportunity. He registered the domain Sleepopolis-Mattress-Reviews.com and threw together a quick website comparing his experiences with Tuft & Needle and Casper (he eventually migrated his content to Sleepopolis.com, which he had also registered). A week later, Derek and Samantha posted a positive video review of their Casper on YouTube.

"Pretty quickly, it seemed I had struck a chord with a lot of people," Derek recalled. The Casper video eventually racked up 25,000 views.

From the beginning, Derek monetized his site and YouTube channel using what are called "referral links," or "affiliate links." These special links were embedded with a tracking code. If a consumer clicked from Derek's site through to a mattress company's website (like Casper.com) and made a purchase within 30 days or so, then that company would pay Derek a reward.

For each mattress he reviewed, Derek would either negotiate a commission structure directly with the mattress company, or accept an existing offer via an intermediary site like ShareASale.com (which has aggregated these so-called affiliate marketing opportunities since 2000). Then Derek would put the affiliate links at the bottom of his reviews. Sometimes these links took the form of a digital coupon users could click, which would apply a discount at checkout.

Derek disclosed the nature of these affiliate relationships in a corner of his website, though not the exact terms. In those first months, he told me, Derek typically received a $50 digital Amazon gift card for every mattress sold (or 5% on a roughly $1,000 mattress, a commission rate that had become standard in affiliate marketing).

Affiliate marketing is about as old as e-commerce, but the industry got a kick-start after Amazon.com launched an affiliate program in 1996. The industry has since ballooned, with around $4.5 billion changing hands in 2016 just in the U.S. Affiliate marketing is even becoming an important source of revenue for legacy publishers like The New York Times: Last year the paper paid $30 million for two review sites, The Wirecutter and The Sweethome, which have built a bustling business around affiliate links. But a much larger share of the affiliate marketing economy is made up of people like Derek Hales, stray blogger-entrepreneurs who hunt for emerging categories of products that consumers are seeking guidance on, then jockey for top position in related Google searches (like "best mattresses" or "mattress reviews").

Derek was smart and talented, but he was also lucky. Through a series of coincidences-getting married in May 2014; living in Phoenix, where Tuft & Needle was based; disliking that mattress and trying a Casper instead; having some SEO savvy-he had stumbled into early-mover advantage in a category primed to explode.

"There was a waterfall of companies launching," he recalled. Nipping at the heels of Casper and Tuft & Needle came other direct-to-consumer mattress companies like Leesa, Yogabed, Purple, and GhostBed; in time, over 100 brands in all. Most were new companies, while others were e-commerce divisions from legacy brands scrambling to make up lost ground amidst a tectonic shift in how consumers were beginning to buy mattresses. In the $14 billion U.S. mattress market, online mattresses only made up $300 million in sales two years ago; this year, sales may reach $1.2 billion. All of these emerging brands wanted Derek to review their products like he had the Casper-and all were willing to pay Derek a bounty. Like Kenny Kline in Brooklyn, Derek was soon handing out free mattresses he'd reviewed to his Phoenix friends and neighbors, and eventually had mattresses piling up in a spare room.

In February 2015, Derek quit his day job to focus on Sleepopolis.

It was a smart gamble. In the months and years that followed, Derek would build his site into the most-trafficked web destination for people seeking information on mattresses, beating out a raft of competitors. In total, his YouTube reviews have garnered 2.5 million views, while the site itself would grow to attract over half a million visits every month. If you happened to search for mattress reviews online in the last three years, odds are you landed on Sleepopolis. Derek built his site into the number-one Google hit for countless popular queries related to mattresses.

Our phone call taught me a great deal about this strange backwater of the internet economy. But a mystery remained. Throughout those first, heady months, Derek maintained a good relationship with Casper. How, then, by late 2016, had it gone so sour?

I asked Derek, but he couldn't tell me. With Casper's lawsuit against him pending, Derek's lawyer forbade him from even mentioning the company by name. I would have to dive into a growing stack of mattress lawsuits to find out.

As Casper flourished through 2014 and early 2015, I learned, it enjoyed a mutually beneficial relationship with Sleepopolis and similar sites. For many bloggers, in fact, Casper was among the first mattress companies to offer affiliate commissions, leading its competitors to respond in turn. The reviews sites were key parts of what marketers call the "purchase funnel," converting a vague interest in mattresses into awareness of a specific brand, and often the decision to buy it. Many consumers were Googling terms like "best mattress," landing on sites like Sleepopolis, and learning about e-tailers like Casper for the first time.

Indeed, one would never have predicted looming lawsuits from a friendly 2015 email exchange, in which Casper CEO Philip Krim attempted to court an affiliate marketer named Jack Mitcham, who ran a Sleepopolis-like site called Mattress Nerd.

In January 2015, Krim wrote Mitcham that while he supported objective reviews, "it pains us to see you (or anyone) recommend a competitor over us."

Krim went on: "As you know, we are much bigger than our newly formed competitors. I am confident we can offer you a much bigger commercial relationship because of that. How would you ideally want to structure the affiliate relationship? And also, what can we do to help to grow your business?"

When Mitcham responded to say that he and his wife found the Casper mattress uncomfortable, Krim persisted:

"Is there any way I could get you to spend more time on the Casper?...We would even be happy to fly you out to NYC to tell you more about the product or have you spend a long weekend on one. I'd also love to find ways to work more closely. We would love to become your biggest referral check."

Krim then upped his offer, promising to boost Mitcham's payouts from $50 to $60 per sale, and offering his readers a $40 coupon. "I think that will move sales a little more in your direction," replied Mitcham on March 25, 2015. In the months that followed, Mattress Nerd would become one of Casper's leading reviews site partners. (The emails surfaced due to another mattress lawsuit, GhostBed v. Krim; if similar correspondence exists with Derek Hales, it has not become public.)

Just a few months later, in June 2015, something big happened that would ripple through the whole mattress ecosystem: Casper received $55 million in Series B investment at an implied half-billion-dollar valuation, making it the front-runner in the online mattress wars.

The company started spending relentlessly on advertising, and soon just about everyone had heard of Casper, giving the startup a measure of escape velocity from its competitors. Casper's sales topped $200 million last year, though it declines to say whether it is profitable. Fortune has estimated Casper's annual marketing budget to be $80 million.

As Casper grew, more mattress reviews sites began mushrooming up in its shadow, earning quick commissions while creating little value for Casper. Casper decided to allow the contracts it held with affiliates to expire, "to reassess the situation," Casper CEO Krim told me.

In July 2015-a month after the $55 million investment-Krim revived his email chain with Mattress Nerd's Mitcham, informing him that while Casper had "decided to sunset" its affiliate relationships, it nevertheless would be interested in exploring "economic relationships beyond the affiliate program structure."

"Nothing would make us happier than to pay you a ton of money," Krim elaborated in his next email, "but we need to do it in a context of being accretive to Casper. Currently you actively endorse a competing product on our review page. What can we do not to have you endorse another product as superior to ours? I am certain we can be a better partner to you than Leesa."

It appears that Krim's dialogue with Mattress Nerd did not end in a comfortable place. Likewise for negotiations Krim may have been having with Sleepopolis or Sleep Sherpa. That summer, Casper declined to renew affiliate relationships with all mattress bloggers. (It eventually reinstated some.)

An antagonism set in between Casper and at least some of these reviewers, a few of whom conspicuously began to downgrade their assessment of the company's mattress, and to more vocally favor competitors that did still pay commissions, like Leesa.

By April 2016, Derek had updated his assessment of the Casper too, writing that, after 18 months of reviewing competing mattresses, he no longer recommended the mattress. He even added a little yellow box near the top of that page, which read: "Thinking about buying a Casper? Do your homework! Check out these 4 mattress companies that Sleepopolis loves."

That little yellow box was a huge thorn in Casper's side. If you Googled the search term "casper mattress review," which about ten thousand people did per month, the first webpage Google served up was Derek's review, with its poison box. Derek ranked first for that query, too.

On April 29, 2016, Casper filed lawsuits against the owners of Mattress Nerd, Sleep Sherpa, and Sleepopolis (that is, Derek), alleging false advertising and deceptive practices.

Mattress Nerd and Sleep Sherpa quickly settled their cases, and suddenly their negative Casper reviews disappeared from their sites, in what many onlookers speculated was a condition of the settlements. But by the end of 2016, when I started closely studying the lawsuits, Derek's Casper review remained, defiantly, up on Sleepopolis. He was soldiering on in his legal battle with the mattress giant. People who knew him called Derek a fighter; one of his nicknames was "Halestorm."

Casper had another way of referring to him. Derek was "part of a surreptitious economy of affiliate scam operators who have become the online versions of the same commission-hungry mattress salesmen that online mattress shoppers have sought to avoid," Casper's lawsuit alleged. The company complained that Derek was not forthright enough about his affiliate relationships, noting his disclosures were buried in a remote corner of his site. This did violate recently issued FTC guidelines, and Derek updated his site to comply.

Casper wanted Derek's behavior to be stopped, and it wanted monetary damages. "Casper estimates that Sleepopolis's conduct has caused it millions of dollars of lost sales to date," wrote Casper's lawyers.

In a motion to dismiss the case filed in July 2016, Derek blasted what he called Casper's attempt at censorship. The statements on his site were fundamentally his honest opinions: He claimed he had become less enthusiastic about the Casper-which he still called a good mattress-only because equal or better mattresses had entered the market, sometimes at lower prices. (A Casper queen-size runs $950 today, a Leesa queen $940; Derek's site also offered coupons that lowered the Leesa's price.)

In October 2016, after weighing both sides' arguments, the judge agreed that while most of Derek's statements were opinions, immune to a lawsuit, Derek had also made some statements of fact on his site: statements like "No review or content is paid for by any manufacturer or sleep company," and "No member of Sleepopolis is employed by any mattress or sleep company." If Casper could prove those statements false, it might have a claim for damages.

The judge held that the case could proceed.

The case would now move to the "discovery" phase, in which each side was entitled to acquire documents and deposition testimony from the other.

Derek now faced the prospect of litigating for months, if not years, against a corporate behemoth in New York-a market where his lawyers' fees were likely to top $750 an hour.

At that rate, how long could Derek afford to go on fighting?

The question of just how much money Derek made off Sleepopolis interested everyone I spoke to. It had even been the subject of a gossipy, if rigorously argued, post on a site positioning itself as a gadfly of the mattress industry, HonestMattressReviews.com. (A court later determined that, despite the site's name, the owner of Honest Mattress Reviews had concealed ties to the mattress company GhostBed.)

According to the website analysis tool SimilarWeb, Derek referred 1.6 million visits to outside sites between February 2016 and July 2017. Much of this traffic went to Amazon.com (when Derek lacked a direct affiliate relationship, he was able to get at least some money as an affiliate of Amazon). A significant portion went to the mattress companies Purple, Loom & Leaf, and Nest Bedding.

A Loom & Leaf executive told me they had paid Derek $100,000 in 2016; Nest Bedding's CEO Joe Alexander said he had paid Derek a multiple of that. "My life changed because of Derek," Alexander told me. "He made me a millionaire."

But by far the most traffic during that period-some 400,000 visits-was referred out to the website of Derek's favorite mattress company, Leesa.

Derek's Leesa favoritism was no secret: he explicitly called it "Sleepopolis's favorite mattress," and a sidebar touting Leesa affiliate-link coupons graced nearly every page of the site. Mattress reviewers say their art entails recommending different mattresses to different types of sleepers, but in the 14 categories on his site for which the Leesa was eligible, Derek declared it first in seven of them, second or third in all but two of the rest. The Leesa was Sleepopolis's best mattress for side sleepers, best mattress for kids, best mattress for back pain, and best mattress for sex.

It was possible that Derek genuinely loved the Leesa above all other mattresses; he'd reviewed it favorably even before Casper cut off his payments. But many people I spoke to suggested that other things were possible, too. If most mattress companies paid around $50 per commission, other companies paid two or three times that, even as much as $250. In one email I saw, an unscrupulous mattress reviewer said companies regularly approached him offering to "buy" top placement on his site; so long as the reviewer liked the mattress, he'd happily negotiate a price. "Honestly, the FTC has to step in at some point and make review sites divulge what they are paid for each bed or brand," Nest Bedding's Joe Alexander, told me. "This industry is a freight train out of control."

Was Leesa playing this highest-bidder game with Sleepopolis? At first, I heard many rumors to that effect. I called Leesa's CEO David Wolfe in February, in an effort to find out. The middle-aged Wolfe, though now a resident in Virginia Beach, retained a charming British accent, and was a former marketer himself. The mattress industry has long been attractive to marketers, I learned, even before the internet got involved. As a mattress industry analyst recently told Freakonomics Radio: "You have to be a strong marketer to be in the mattress industry, because they're really selling identical, rectangular slabs."

Wolfe denied offering higher affiliate rates than competitors, saying he had always paid $50 per mattress, apart from one month when he had paid 60. He later repeated this assertion and had his lawyer call me to confirm it, and said he felt it was important for mattress companies and affiliates to operate on a level playing field.

I asked Wolfe if he had ever offered Derek Hales a guaranteed income. Our friendly conversation took a swift turn. "The answer is no," he said, adding, "You should leave this to the attorneys." Later, he added, "I don't want to say something that could affect a pending lawsuit where Leesa is not a party."

SimilarWeb suggested that Derek referred 400,000 visits to Leesa.com between February 2016 and July 2017. If you assumed that about one in 12 referred visits ultimately led to a purchase-a conservative estimate according to people in the mattress industry I interviewed-that would suggest Sleepopolis helped sell 33,000 mattresses. Even a $50 commission per mattress meant $1.6 million paid by Leesa to Derek over those 18 months. When I approached Leesa's David Wolfe with these numbers, he called them inflated (SimilarWeb provides only estimates), but conceded that Derek was essentially Leesa's top salesman, accounting for 18% of the brand's total sales, which reached about $80 million last year.

All told, these numbers suggested Derek may have been making as much as $2 million per year by 2016. And his site, in a hypothetical sale, would be worth a multiple of that. (A considerably less trafficked mattress-reviewing site recently went on the market for $1.4 million.)

Derek had made millionaires among the new mattress entrepreneurs-and he himself was one of them. So while Derek's pockets weren't nearly so deep as Casper's, they certainly weren't shallow. He had stumbled into what was, outside of financial products, one of the more lucrative niches in affiliate marketing. If this was a David-and-Goliath battle, it was worth remembering that David became a king.

Still, when his Manhattan lawyers first quoted their prices, Derek would have discovered that the cost of a fight to the bitter end-a trial by jury-could easily come to well over a million dollars itself.

In February, Derek Hales faced a new salvo: A letter from Casper's attorney to the judge alleged that while Derek was reviewing Leesa's mattresses enthusiastically, he was not only receiving affiliate commissions but also payments for SEO consulting he provided Leesa. Reading this, I suddenly understood David Wolfe's skittishness about the last questions I had put to him over the phone.

At a hearing in March, Derek's lawyer conceded that the consulting relationship was real; the payments had totaled about $40,000 over 20 months. In a game of millions, though, this was hardly the smoking gun Casper was probably looking for. Ultimately, after months of searching, I was unable to find any major financial inducement for Derek to favor Leesa over other mattress companies that paid him commissions. When I asked Nest Bedding's Joe Alexander why Derek preferred Leesa, he summed it up for me: "Derek just seemed like the kind of guy who left the dance with the girl he came with."

Still, even if $40,000 wasn't tremendous, the mere fact of these side payments undermined some of Derek's claims on his site, probably harming his case. Around this time, Alexander was speaking to Derek weekly; they'd gradually become friends. The suit was clearly weighing on Derek. "He'd try to keep a good face on things," Alexander told me, "but you could tell-the hesitation in his voice, the contrived laugh. Things weren't going along as he had anticipated."

In the March hearing transcript, there was discussion of momentum toward a settlement, one in which Derek might pay damages to Casper.

But then, in the last days of April, Derek's lawyer submitted a surprising counterclaim against the mattress giant.

The claim added a dramatic early chapter to the story of Sleepopolis and Casper-right after Casper announced it would not be renewing its affiliate marketing contracts back in the summer of 2015.

"Immediately after Casper announced this termination," the claim alleged, "Casper approached Hales and offered to resume the relationship, on terms considerably more favorable to Hales, if Hales would agree to state a more positive opinion of Casper's mattress on Sleepopolis. Hales refused."

Shortly after this refusal, alleged Derek's lawyer, "Sleepopolis came under a massive negative SEO attack." Tens of thousands of links to Sleepopolis began mysteriously cropping up on sites that Google's algorithms deemed low-quality, he wrote. Since Google demotes websites that are linked to by low-quality sites, Sleepopolis's esteem was hurt by association, and Google began demoting Sleepopolis in searches. Suspiciously, a large proportion of the toxic links pointed to Derek's Casper content, particularly hurting him in Casper-related searches. (Derek eventually resolved his problem by hunting down the bad links and creating a "disavow" list for Google.)

Derek's lawyer, having learned that Casper contracted with a "reputation management firm" at just this time, alleged that Casper was behind the SEO attack on Sleepopolis. His lawyer was now insisting that Derek was the wronged party in the suit, not Casper, and demanded that Derek be awarded damages instead.

Casper's lawyers soon fired back with a motion to dismiss Derek's counterclaims-a "thinly spun tale," they scoffed, with "no evidence linking Casper to the alleged SEO attack." The newly escalated legal battle hurtled on.

On one of the last days of July, I opened my inbox to find an email from a correspondent, another close observer of Sleepopolis. "Did you see this???" ran the subject line. Inside was a link to Sleepopolis.

The site still looked as it always had: the dark header, the elegant logo featuring a skyline nestled in a crescent moon. But in place of Derek's smiling face, there was now someone else: a young man in a blue blazer who I didn't recognize. "Welcome To The New Version Of Sleepopolis!" ran the headline.

"Hello!" ran the text beside the headshot. "My name is Dan Scalco and I'd like to personally welcome you to the brand new version of Sleepopolis. Here's what's up... On July 25th, 2017 our company acquired Sleepopolis.com .... Derek Hales and Samantha Hales are no longer associated with Sleepopolis."

An italicized note added:

"In July 2017, a subsidiary of JAKK Media LLC acquired Sleepopolis.com. Casper provided financial support to allow JAKK Media to acquire Sleepopolis."

This was disorienting, to say the least. What was JAKK Media? It had bought Sleepopolis with a loan from Casper? I typed out a question to my correspondent: "Who is Dan Scalco?"

The reply explained that Dan Scalco worked with someone named Joe Auer, who co-owned two mattress reviews sites. The name seemed vaguely familiar, and I figured his initials accounted for the JA in "JAKK Media." But who was KK?

Then it hit me.

Kenny Kline, the guy who had given me my free mattress... now owned Sleepopolis.

I called up Kenny, trying to make sense of this strange development. But whatever bond forms between men who have exchanged a bottle of wine for a mattress wasn't enough for him to violate his NDA.

"It's kind of a mystery, what happened," he said, keeping mum about details. "The website came up for sale, and I acquired it." Kenny said he hoped to repay Casper soon and be able to remove the disclaimer, but for the time being he wanted to err on the side of transparency.

Kenny Kline and Dan Scalco swore that Casper wouldn't touch the site. Casper's Philip Krim told me the same: "We exert no influence and have no influence over the site, other than that we lent them money." A Casper spokesperson added that the company currently has no access to Sleepopolis's data.

The new owners of Sleepopolis did disclose on the site: "Until the loan is satisfied, Casper has the contractual right to repossess the assets and forgive the remaining value of the loan...yes, that was written by our lawyers ;)." Repossess the assets: in other words, take over Sleepopolis, if it came to that. But Krim said this was just "lawyer language protecting our loan, so we get paid back."

On the same day in July that Kenny and I spoke, Casper v. Hales was reaching its final stages of settlement, with both parties agreeing to drop the suit. On July 28, 2017, the court deemed the case resolved.

Derek wouldn't answer my calls. I wasn't alone in that: Whatever NDA was in place was evidently ironclad. "I was an intimate friend with Derek," Joe Alexander, the Nest Bedding CEO, told me, "and apparently I can never talk to him again." His best guess was that Derek sold Sleepopolis in the end for about half what it was actually worth, but still something like $3 million to $5 million. "I'm going to venture to guess Derek is sipping margaritas somewhere, laughing at all of us," said Alexander good-naturedly. Online, I found a Halloween picture of Derek and Samantha dressed as Neo and Trinity from The Matrix, wearing sunglasses and brandishing toy guns. I imagined them buying a Corvette and speeding off into the sunset, the Bonnie and Clyde of affiliate marketing.

Through August and September, I watched as Sleepopolis evolved under its new ownership: Dan Scalco's face took the place of Derek's in comment threads, and then Scalco disappeared too, quietly replaced by yet another editor. Various bedding advertisements began to crop up; the formerly ubiquitous Leesa-touting sidebar disappeared, and Sleepopolis began referring much less traffic to Leesa.com.

But the most significant change to Sleepopolis came right away. From the first days of the site's new management, that thorn in Casper's side-Derek's damning yellow box, pointing prospective buyers to competitors-disappeared from Sleepopolis's Casper review. In its place there appeared a green box, with a coupon linking straight to Casper.com:

By early September, the updated Casper review amounted to an endorsement. "Overall my experience with Casper was very positive," the new review concluded.

Casper's battle had been hard fought, but it got what it wanted in the end. Now those who saw cute Casper ads on the subway and later Googled "casper mattress reviews" would no longer have their purchase momentum stymied by the first site they clicked on. They'd be waved along by Sleepopolis's green light.

Casper had finally hammered out the last, most troublesome kink in the yawning purchase funnel that lured ever more traffic to its billion-dollar online storefront. The company could indeed claim, as it did on its site, to have "the internet's favorite mattress."

It had made very sure of that.

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The War To Sell You A Mattress Is An Internet Nightmare

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One day in the spring of 2016 I mentioned to a friend that I needed a new mattress. Mine was a sunken hand-me-down that had become about as comfortable as concrete. "I know a guy who can give you a free mattress," my friend said.

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La LPO-IDF vous présente une sélection de 86 chants d'oiseaux que vous pouvez entendre
en Ile-de-France.

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Site mis à jour le 18/08/2021 © LPO-IDF 2007-2021.

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Site mis à jour le 18/08/2021 © LPO-IDF 2007-2021. Délégation LPO Île-de-France - Parc Montsouris - 26, boulevard Jourdan - 75014 PARIS La LPO-IDF est une association Loi 1901 agréée par le Ministère de l'Environnement. La LPO-IDF bénéficie d'agréments ministériels en tant que : Association de Protection de la Nature, Association Educative complémentaire de l'enseignement public et Association d'éducation populaire.

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Bois-le-Duc est une commune et ville néerlandaise, chef-lieu de la province du Brabant-Septentrional. Comptant 154 205 habitants en 2019, elle est la quatrième commune en nombre d'habitants au niveau provincial après Eindhoven, Tilbourg et Bréda, couvrant une superficie de 117,81 km² dont 7,82 km² d'eau.

Nom néerlandais : ’s-Hertogenbosch

Province : Brabant-Septentrional

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Le père Lachaise a été le confesseur de Louis XIV pendant 34 ans

Michel Galabru a obtenu le césar du meilleur acteur en 1977 pour son rôle dans Le Juge et l'Assassin

L'impératrice Sissi a été assassinée par l'anarchiste italien Luigi Lucheni le 10 septembre 1898

Françoise Barré-Sinoussi a obtenu le prix Nobel de médecine en 2008 pour avoir découvert, avec Luc Montagnier, le virus du sida en 1983

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An animated dark comedy that dissects all types of phenomena and exceptional situations related to human nature.

From filmmaker Jossie Malis.

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Recent studies show that in seizing control of genes in the human cells it invades, the virus changes how segments of DNA are read, doing so in a way that might explain why the elderly are more likely to die of Covid-19 and why antiviral drugs might not only save sick patients’ lives but also prevent severe disease if taken before infection.

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deep dive into how the new coronavirus infects cells has found that it orchestrates a hostile takeover of their genes unlike any other known viruses do, producing what one leading scientist calls "unique" and "aberrant" changes.

Recent studies show that in seizing control of genes in the human cells it invades, the virus changes how segments of DNA are read, doing so in a way that might explain why the elderly are more likely to die of Covid-19 and why antiviral drugs might not only save sick patients' lives but also prevent severe disease if taken before infection.

"It's something I have never seen in my 20 years of" studying viruses, said virologist Benjamin tenOever of the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai, referring to how SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes Covid-19, hijacks cells' genomes.

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The "something" he and his colleagues saw is how SARS-CoV-2 blocks one virus-fighting set of genes but allows another set to launch, a pattern never seen with other viruses. Influenza and the original SARS virus (in the early 2000s), for instance, interfere with both arms of the body's immune response - what tenOever dubs "call to arms" genes and "call for reinforcement" genes.

The first group of genes produces interferons. These proteins, which infected cells release, are biological semaphores, signaling to neighboring cells to activate some 500 of their own genes that will slow down the virus' ability to make millions of copies of itself if it invades them. This lasts seven to 10 days, tenOever said, controlling virus replication and thereby buying time for the second group of genes to act.

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This second set of genes produce their own secreted proteins, called chemokines, that emit a biochemical "come here!" alarm. When far-flung antibody-making B cells and virus-killing T cells sense the alarm, they race to its source. If all goes well, the first set of genes holds the virus at bay long enough for the lethal professional killers to arrive and start eradicating viruses.

"Most other viruses interfere with some aspect of both the call to arms and the call for reinforcements," tenOever said. "If they didn't, no one would ever get a viral illness": The one-two punch would pummel any incipient infection into submission.

SARS-CoV-2, however, uniquely blocks one cellular defense but activates the other, he and his colleagues reported in a study published last week in Cell. They studied healthy human lung cells growing in lab dishes, ferrets (which the virus infects easily), and lung cells from Covid-19 patients. In all three, they found that within three days of infection, the virus induces cells' call-for-reinforcement genes to produce cytokines. But it blocks their call-to-arms genes - the interferons that dampen the virus' replication.

The result is essentially no brakes on the virus's replication, but a storm of inflammatory molecules in the lungs, which is what tenOever calls an "unique" and "aberrant" consequence of how SARS-CoV-2 manipulates the genome of its target.

In another new study, scientists in Japan last week identified how SARS-CoV-2 accomplishes that genetic manipulation. Its ORF3b gene produces a protein called a transcription factor that has "strong anti-interferon activity," Kei Sato of the University of Tokyo and colleagues found - stronger than the original SARS virus or influenza viruses. The protein basically blocks the cell from recognizing that a virus is present, in a way that prevents interferon genes from being expressed.

In fact, the Icahn School team found no interferons in the lung cells of Covid-19 patients. Without interferons, tenOever said, "there is nothing to stop the virus from replicating and festering in the lungs forever."

That causes lung cells to emit even more "call-for-reinforcement" genes, summoning more and more immune cells. Now the lungs have macrophages and neutrophils and other immune cells "everywhere," tenOever said, causing such runaway inflammation "that you start having inflammation that induces more inflammation."

At the same time, unchecked viral replication kills lung cells involved in oxygen exchange. "And suddenly you're in the hospital in severe respiratory distress," he said.

In elderly people, as well as those with diabetes, heart disease, and other underlying conditions, the call-to-arms part of the immune system is weaker than in younger, healthier people, even before the coronavirus arrives. That reduces even further the cells' ability to knock down virus replication with interferons, and imbalances the immune system toward the dangerous inflammatory response.

The discovery that SARS-CoV-2 strongly suppresses infected cells' production of interferons has raised an intriguing possibility: that taking interferons might prevent severe Covid-19 or even prevent it in the first place, said Vineet Menachery of the University of Texas Medical Branch.

In a study of human cells growing in lab dishes, described in a preprint (not peer-reviewed or published in a journal yet), he and his colleagues also found that SARS-CoV-2 "prevents the vast amount" of interferon genes from turning on. But when cells growing in lab dishes received the interferon IFN-1 before exposure to the coronavirus, "the virus has a difficult time replicating."

After a few days, the amount of virus in infected but interferon-treated cells was 1,000- to 10,000-fold lower than in infected cells not pre-treated with interferon. (The original SARS virus, in contrast, is insensitive to interferon.)

Ending the pandemic and preventing its return is assumed to require an effective vaccine to prevent infection and antiviral drugs such as remdesivir to treat the very sick, but the genetic studies suggest a third strategy: preventive drugs.

It's possible that treatment with so-called type-1 interferon "could stop the virus before it could get established," Menachery said.

Giving drugs to healthy people is always a dicey proposition, since all drugs have side effects - something considered less acceptable than when a drug is used to treat an illness. "Interferon treatment is rife with complications," Menachery warned. The various interferons, which are prescribed for hepatitis, cancers, and many other diseases, can cause flu-like symptoms.

But the risk-benefit equation might shift, both for individuals and for society, if interferons or antivirals or other medications are shown to reduce the risk of developing serious Covid-19 or even make any infection nearly asymptomatic.

Interferon "would be warning the cells the virus is coming," Menachery said, so such pretreatment might "allow treated cells to fend off the virus better and limit its spread." Determining that will of course require clinical trials, which are underway.

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Coronavirus hijacks cells in unique ways that suggest how to treat it - STAT

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deep dive into how the new coronavirus infects cells has found that it orchestrates a hostile takeover of their genes unlike any other known viruses do, producing what one leading scientist calls "unique" and "aberrant" changes.

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I wasn’t going to be bribed off my story, but I understood their panic.  Here, after all, was a group that included many of the executives whose firms had collectively wrecked the global economy in 2008 and 2009. And they were laughing off the entire disaster in private, as if it were a long-forgotten lark.

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Recently, our nation's financial chieftains have been feeling a little unloved. Venture capitalists are comparing the persecution of the rich to the plight of Jews at Kristallnacht, Wall Street titans are saying that they're sick of being beaten up, and this week, a billionaire investor, Wilbur Ross, proclaimed that "the 1 percent is being picked on for politicalreasons."

Ross's statement seemed particularly odd, because two years ago, I met Ross at an event that might single-handedly explain why the rest of the country still hates financial tycoons - the annual black-tie induction ceremony of a secret Wall Street fraternity called Kappa BetaPhi.

"Good evening, Exalted High Council, former Grand Swipes, Grand Swipes-in-waiting, fellow Wall Street Kappas, Kappas from the Spring Street and Montgomery Street chapters, and worthlessneophytes!"

It was January 2012, and Ross, wearing a tuxedo and purple velvet moccasins embroidered with the fraternity's Greek letters, was standing at the dais of the St. Regis Hotel ballroom, welcoming a crowd of two hundred wealthy and famous Wall Street figures to the Kappa Beta Phi dinner. Ross, the leader (or "Grand Swipe") of the fraternity, was preparing to invite 21 new members - "neophytes," as the group called them - to join its exclusiveranks.

Looking up at him from an elegant dinner of rack of lamb and foie gras were many of the most famous investors in the world, including executives from nearly every too-big-to-fail bank, private equity megafirm, and major hedge fund. AIG CEO Bob Benmosche was there, as were Wall Street superlawyer Marty Lipton and Alan "Ace" Greenberg, the former chairman of Bear Stearns. And those were just the returning members. Among the neophytes were hedge fund billionaire and major Obama donor Marc Lasry and Joe Reece, a high-ranking dealmaker at Credit Suisse. [To see the full Kappa Beta Phi member list, click here.] All told, enough wealth and power was concentrated in the St. Regis that night that if you had dropped a bomb on the roof, global finance as we know it might have ceased toexist.

During his introductory remarks, Ross spoke for several minutes about the legend of Kappa Beta Phi - how it had been started in 1929 by "four C+ William and Mary students"; how its crest, depicting a "macho right hand in a proper Savile Row suit and a Turnbull and Asser shirtsleeve," was superior to that of its namesake Phi Beta Kappa (Ross called Phi Beta Kappa's ruffled-sleeve logo a "tacit confession of homosexuality"); and how the fraternity's motto, " Dum vivamus edimus et biberimus," was Latin for "While we live, we eat anddrink."

On cue, the financiers shouted out in a thundering bellow: "."

The only person not saying the chant along with Ross was me - a journalist who had sneaked into the event, and who was hiding out at a table in the back corner in a rentedtuxedo.

I'd heard whisperings about the existence of Kappa Beta Phi, whose members included both incredibly successful financiers (New York City's Mayor Michael Bloomberg, former Goldman Sachs chairman John Whitehead, hedge-fund billionaire Paul Tudor Jones) and incredibly unsuccessful ones (Lehman Brothers CEO Dick Fuld, Bear Stearns CEO Jimmy Cayne, former New Jersey governor and MF Global flameout Jon Corzine). It was a secret fraternity, founded at the beginning of the Great Depression, that functioned as a sort of one-percenter's Friars Club. Each year, the group's dinner features comedy skits, musical acts in drag, and off-color jokes, and its group's privacy mantra is "What happens at the St. Regis stays at the St. Regis." For eight decades, it worked. No outsider in living memory had witnessed the entire proceedingsfirsthand.

I wanted to break the streak for several reasons. As part of my research for my book, Young Money, I'd been investigating the lives of young Wall Street bankers - the 22-year-olds toiling at the bottom of the financial sector's food chain. I knew what made those people tick. But in my career as a financial journalist, one question that proved stubbornly elusive was what happened to Wall Streeters as they climbed the ladder to adulthood. Whenever I'd interviewed CEOs and chairmen at big Wall Street firms, they were always too guarded, too on-message and wrapped in media-relations armor to reveal anything interesting about the psychology of the ultra-wealthy. But if I could somehow see these barons in their natural environment, with their defenses down, I might be able to understand the world my young subjects were steppinginto.

So when I learned when and where Kappa Beta Phi's annual dinner was being held, I knew I needed to try togo.

Getting in was shockingly easy - a brisk walk past the sign-in desk, and I was inside cocktail hour. Immediately, I saw faces I recognized from the papers. I picked up an event program and saw that there were other boldface names on the Kappa Beta Phi membership roll - among them, then-Citigroup CEO Vikram Pandit, BlackRock CEO Larry Fink, Home Depot billionaire Ken Langone, Morgan Stanley bigwig Greg Fleming, and JPMorgan Chase vice chairman Jimmy Lee. Any way you count, this was one of the most powerful groups of business executives in the world. (Since I was a good 20 years younger than any other attendee, I suspect that anyone taking note of my presence assumed I was awaiter.)

I hadn't counted on getting in to the Kappa Beta Phi dinner, and now that I had gotten past security, I wasn't sure quite what to do. I wanted to avoid rousing suspicion, and I knew that talking to people would get me outed in short order. So I did the next best thing - slouched against a far wall of the room, and pretended to tap out emails on myphone.

After cocktail hour, the new inductees - all of whom were required to dress in leotards and gold-sequined skirts, with costume wigs - began their variety-show acts. Among the night'slowlights:

* Paul Queally, a private-equity executive with Welsh, Carson, Anderson, & Stowe, told off-color jokes to Ted Virtue, another private-equity bigwig with MidOcean Partners. The jokes ranged from unfunny and sexist (Q: "What's the biggest difference between Hillary Clinton and a catfish?" A: "One has whiskers and stinks, and the other is a fish") to unfunny and homophobic (Q: "What's the biggest difference between Barney Frank and a Fenway Frank?" A: "Barney Frank comes in different-sizebuns").

* Bill Mulrow, a top executive at the Blackstone Group (who was later appointed chairman of the New York State Housing Finance Agency), and Emil Henry, a hedge fund manager with Tiger Infrastructure Partners and former assistant secretary of the Treasury, performed a bizarre two-man comedy skit. Mulrow was dressed in raggedy, tie-dye clothes to play the part of a liberal radical, and Henry was playing the part of a wealthy baron. They exchanged lines as if staging a debate between the 99 percent and the 1 percent. ("Bill, look at you! You're pathetic, you liberal! You need a bath!" Henry shouted. "My God, you callow, insensitive Republican! Don't you know what we need to do? We need to create jobs," Mulrow shotback.)

* David Moore, Marc Lasry, and Keith Meister - respectively, a holding company CEO, a billionaire hedge-fund manager, and an activist investor - sang a few seconds of a finance-themed parody of "YMCA" before getting thehook.

* Warren Stephens, an investment banking CEO, took the stage in a Confederate flag hat and sang a song about the financial crisis, set to the tune of "Dixie." (" In Wall Street land we'll take our stand, said Morgan and Goldman. But first we better get some loans, so quick, get to the Fed, man. ")

A few more acts followed, during which the veteran Kappas continued to gorge themselves on racks of lamb, throw petits fours at the stage, and laugh uproariously. Michael Novogratz, a former Army helicopter pilot with a shaved head and a stocky build whose firm, Fortress Investment Group, had made him a billionaire, was sitting next to me, drinking liberally and annotating each performance with jokes andinsults.

"Can you fuckin' believe Lasry up there?" Novogratz asked me. I nodded. He added, "He just gave me a ride in his jet a monthago."

The neophytes - who had changed from their drag outfits into Mormon missionary costumes - broke into their musical finale: a parody version of "I Believe," the hit ballad from The Book of Mormon, with customized lyrics like "I believe that God has a plan for all of us. I believe my plan involves a seven-figure bonus." Amused, I pulled out my phone, and began recording the proceedings on video. Wrongmove.

"Who the hell are you?" Novogratzdemanded.

I felt my pulse spike. I was tempted to make a run for it, but - due to the ethics code of the New York Times, my then-employer - I had no choice but to outmyself.

"I'm a reporter," Isaid.

Novogratz stood up from thetable.

"You're not allowed to be here," hesaid.

I, too, stood, and tried to excuse myself, but he grabbed my arm and wouldn't letgo.

"Give me that or I'll fucking break it!" Novogratz yelled, grabbing for my phone, which was filled with damning evidence. His eyes were bloodshot, and his neck veins were bulging. The song onstage was now over, and a number of prominent Kappas had rushed over to our table. Before the situation could escalate dangerously, a bond investor and former Grand Swipe named Alexandra Lebenthal stepped in between us. Wilbur Ross quickly followed, and the two of them led me out into the lobby, past a throng of Wall Street tycoons, some of whom seemed to behyperventilating.

Once we made it to the lobby, Ross and Lebenthal reassured me that what I'd just seen wasn't really a group of wealthy and powerful financiers making homophobic jokes, making light of the financial crisis, and bragging about their business conquests at Main Street's expense. No, it was just a group of friends who came together to roast each other in a benign and self-deprecating manner. Nothing to seehere.

But the extent of their worry wasn't made clear until Ross offered himself up as a source for future stories in exchange for mycooperation.

"I'll pick up the phone anytime, get you any help you need," hesaid.

"Yeah, the people in this group could be very helpful," Lebenthal chimed in. "If you could just keep their privacy inmind."

I wasn't going to be bribed off my story, but I understood their panic. Here, after all, was a group that included many of the executives whose firms had collectively wrecked the global economy in 2008 and 2009. And they were laughing off the entire disaster in private, as if it were a long-forgotten lark. (Or worse, sing about it - one of the last skits of the night was a self-congratulatory parody of ABBA's "Dancing Queen," called "Bailout King.") These were activities that amounted to a gigantic middle finger to Main Street and that, if made public, could end careers and damage very publicreputations.

After several more minutes spent trying to do damage control, Ross and Lebenthal escorted me out of the St.Regis.

As I walked through the streets of midtown in my ill-fitting tuxedo, I thought about the implications of what I'd justseen.

The first and most obvious conclusion was that the upper ranks of finance are composed of people who have completely divorced themselves from reality. No self-aware and socially conscious Wall Street executive would have agreed to be part of a group whose tacit mission is to make light of the financial sector's foibles. Not when those foibles had resulted in real harm to millions of people in the form of foreclosures, wrecked 401(k)s, and a devastating unemploymentcrisis.

The second thing I realized was that Kappa Beta Phi was, in large part, a fear-based organization. Here were executives who had strong ideas about politics, society, and the work of their colleagues, but who would never have the courage to voice those opinions in a public setting. Their cowardice had reduced them to sniping at their perceived enemies in the form of satirical songs and sketches, among only those people who had been handpicked to share their view of the world. And the idea of a reporter making those views public had caused them to throw a mass tempertantrum.

The last thought I had, and the saddest, was that many of these self-righteous Kappa Beta Phi members had surely been first-year bankers once. And in the 20, 30, or 40 years since, something fundamental about them had changed. Their pursuit of money and power had removed them from the larger world to the sad extent that, now, in the primes of their careers, the only people with whom they could be truly themselves were a handful of other prominentfinanciers.

Perhaps, I realized, this social isolation is why despite extraordinary evidence to the contrary, one-percenters like Ross keep saying how badly persecuted they are. When you're a member of the fraternity of money, it can be hard to see past the foie gras to the realworld.
Copyright 2014 by Kevin Roose. Reprinted by permission of Grand Central Publishing. All rightsreserved.

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One-Percent Jokes and Plutocrats in Drag: What I Saw When I Crashed a Wall Street Secret Society

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Recently, our nation's financial chieftains have been feeling a little unloved. Venture capitalists are comparing the persecution of the rich to the plight of Jews at Kristallnacht, Wall Street titans are saying that they're sick of being beaten up, and this week, a billionaire investor, Wilbur Ross, proclaimed that "the 1 percent is being picked on for politicalreasons."

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Grand journal canal+ Karl Lagarfeld voix de Totally Spies

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The Beatles - Eleanor Rigby (but all notes are E and F)

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J'ai infiniment aimé ce garçon, mais je n'avais aucun contact physique avec lui. Bien sûr, j'ai été séduit par son charme physique. Je suis un puritain total mais je trouvais les aventures de Jacques amusantes (...) Dans Proust, il y a Swann qui vit avec Odette et lui tombe amoureux de quelqu’un qui n’est pas de son genre, voilà mon histoire. Cela n’empêchait pas une affection réelle, profonde et définitive avec Jacques."

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People

LOVE STORY - Amant de Yves Saint Laurent et ennemi de Pierre Bergé, Jacques de Bascher a vécu une longue histoire d'amour fou avec Karl Lagerfeld. Ils restèrent ensemble 18 ans, jusqu'à ce que le dandy, fascinant, soit emporté par la maladie en 1989.

Jacques de Bascher était beau-bizarre. Dans les années 70, tout-Paris était à ses pieds. Sulfureux, le dandy à la moustache proustienne brûlait celles et ceux qui s'approchaient trop près de lui. Objet des passions, il a flambé les génies. Briseur d'amitié entre Yves Saint Laurent et Karl Lagerfeld, il a été l'amant sadique du premier - certains ont pu le voir au cinéma sous les traits de Louis Garrel dans le film Saint Laurent et de Xavier Lafitte dans Yves Saint Laurent- et, surtout, l'amour fou du second.

Dans la biographie Jacques de Bascher, dandy de l'ombre (éditions Séguier), Marie Ottavi, journaliste à Libération, écrit qu'il a évolué pendant 15 ans "comme un serpent dans l'herbe entre les jardins des Tuileries, les cinq-étoiles, les backrooms, Le Palace, la rue Sainte-Anne, le château de sa famille et les grandes fêtes du milieu de la mode" avant que le créateur ne pose ses yeux sur lui, en 1973. Jacques de Bascher avait alors 22 ans, écumant ses nuits d'ivresse d'un club à l'autre. Un foudroiement.

L'année suivante, Yves Saint Laurent tombe dans les rets du dandy avide de débauche et de décadence, il tutoiera les enfers. Pierre Bergé devient l'ennemi juré du démon. Brosseur ascétique, Karl Lagerfeld ne suivra pas, lui, Jacques De Bascher dans cette spirale infernale. Le couturier ne boit pas, ne se drogue pas, ne fume pas. Tout l'inverse de De Bascher, bouffi de dépendances (la drogue, les rapports SM, l'alcool). N'empêche, ils resteront ensemble près de deux décennies.

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Un couple opposé, lié jusqu'à la mort

Toute l'info sur

La mort de Karl Lagerfeld

Jacques de Bascher est resté en couple avec Karl Lagerfield pendant 18 ans.... sans jamais partager le même appartement, sans jamais n'avoir aucun contact physique. Une passion sentimentale et non physique que le couturier expliquait en ces termes à Marie Ottavi dans la biographie, Jacques de Bascher, dandy de l'ombre : "J'ai infiniment aimé ce garçon, mais je n'avais aucun contact physique avec lui. Bien sûr, j'ai été séduit par son charme physique. Je suis un puritain total mais je trouvais les aventures de Jacques amusantes (...) Dans Proust, il y a Swann qui vit avec Odette et lui tombe amoureux de quelqu'un qui n'est pas de son genre, voilà mon histoire. Cela n'empêchait pas une affection réelle, profonde et définitive avec Jacques."

L'idylle repose sur la magie de l'oxymore, l'attirance des contraires, le jour et la nuit. Ils sont à l'opposé l'un de l'autre, jusque dans le rapport à la solitude, aux autres : "Nous ne pouvions pas être plus éloignés. Je suis calviniste envers moi-même et totalement indulgent envers les autres." Karl Lagerfeld fut, sans nul doute, la seule histoire d'amour de Jacques de Bascher. Et Jacques de Bascher fut la plus grande histoire d'amour de Karl Lagerfeld. Le couturier était resté aux côtés de son homme jusqu'à sa mort à l'âge de 38 ans le 3 septembre 1989 des suites du sida à l'hôpital de Garches. Il avait installé un lit d'appoint dans sa chambre d'hôpital pour rester auprès de lui, assistant alors à la beauté finissante des choses. Un an après, Lagerfield avait acheté une maison près de Hambourg qu'il nommera "Villa Jako" en sa mémoire.

Romain LE VERN

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Jacques de Bascher, le grand amour de Karl Lagerfeld

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People : LOVE STORY - Amant de Yves Saint Laurent et ennemi de Pierre Bergé, Jacques de Bascher a vécu une longue histoire d'amour fou avec Karl Lagerfeld. Ils restèrent ensemble 18 ans, jusqu'à ce que le dandy, fascinant, soit emporté par la maladie en 1989.

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Entre-temps, en avril 1999, Alain Belot a remis l'original de la cassette-confession au ministre de l'Économie Dominique Strauss-Kahn (avec qui il a travaillé de 1988 à 1991), à l'occasion d'une entrevue avec le ministre sur le redressement fiscal du couturier Karl Lagerfeld, dont Belot est l'avocat¹. Dominique Strauss-Kahn est ainsi soupçonné d'avoir octroyé en août 1999 une remise fiscale de 160 millions de francs à Lagerfeld en échange de la remise de cette cassette ³. Dominique Strauss-Kahn reconnaît avoir détenu cette cassette, mais déclare ne jamais l'avoir regardée et l'avoir égarée ⁴

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L' affaire de la cassette Méry est une affaire politico-financière française concernant les finances occultes du Rassemblement pour la République, dans les années 1980-1990.

Poursuivi et mis en détention à la suite de l'enquête sur l' affaire des HLM de Paris, Jean-Claude Méry, financier occulte du Rassemblement pour la République (RPR), est lâché par son parti et sa femme le quitte. Aussi, au printemps 1996, il émet le souhait d'enregistrer une confession à son avocat fiscaliste, Alain Belot qui partage le même cabinet que Allain Guilloux, avocat fiscaliste du journaliste Arnaud Hamelin, producteur et PDG de la société de production Sunset Presse. Les deux hommes entrent alors en contact. Le , Méry s'installe dans un canapé des locaux de Sunset Presse, face à la caméra d'Arnaud Hamelin et raconte son histoire,enregistrée sur ce qui sera la " cassette Méry ". Après la mort de Méry en , des suites d'un cancer de la gorge, Hamelin transmet une copie de la cassette au Monde qui en révèle l'existence le et en reproduit un verbatim sur deux pages qui relatent une partie des aveux posthumes du financier occulte. Le soir même au cours d'un entretien télévisé, Jacques Chirac qualifie ces révélations d' abracadabrantesques.

Entre-temps, en , Alain Belot a remis l'original de la cassette-confession au ministre de l'Économie Dominique Strauss-Kahn (avec qui il a travaillé de 1988 à 1991), à l'occasion d'une entrevue avec le ministre sur le redressement fiscal du couturier Karl Lagerfeld, dont Belot est l'avocat. Dominique Strauss-Kahn est ainsi soupçonné d'avoir octroyé en une remise fiscale de 160 millions de francs à Lagerfeld en échange de la remise de cette cassette. Dominique Strauss-Kahn reconnaît avoir détenu cette cassette, mais déclare ne jamais l'avoir regardée et l'avoir égarée. Le , la section financière du parquet de Paris requiert la saisine de la Cour de justice de la République (CJR) pour enquêter sur d'éventuels faits de " corruption passive " et de " concussion ", tandis qu'un rapport du procureur de la République de Paris, Jean-Pierre Dintilhac, indique qu'il existe de " fortes présomptions de faits de corruption passive à l'encontre de l'ex-ministre ". Finalement, le , le procureur général près la Cour de cassation, Jean-François Burgelin, prend la décision de ne pas saisir la CJR, considérant qu'en l'état, il manque " les indices pour justifier une saisine de la CJR du chef de concussion ".

Pendant cette période, plusieurs élus socialistes sont critiques à son égard : en , Odette Grzegrzulka considère ainsi qu'" il n'est plus digne d'être membre " du Parti socialiste, Ségolène Royal déclare que les personnalités politiques sont là " pour servir et pas pour se servir ",. Dominique Strauss-Kahn fait son retour en politique au niveau national en étant réélu député de la circonscription du Val-d'Oise avec 53,89 % des voix, le , au second tour d'une élection législative partielle provoquée par la démission de sa suppléante, Raymonde Le Texier. Il est alors considéré comme " premier ministrable " en cas de victoire de Lionel Jospin à l' élection présidentielle de 2002.

Entre 2002 et 2004, les investigations du juge Armand Riberolles ont validé le contenu de la cassette vidéo dans laquelle le financier occulte du RPR affirmait notamment avoir remis 5 millions de francs en espèces à Jacques Chirac en octobre 1986. Armand Riberolles n'en a pas tiré les mêmes conclusions que son prédécesseur,.

S'appuyant sur les déclarations enregistrées en 1996 par Jean-Claude Méry, Éric Halphen avait fait parvenir au président de la République, en , une convocation au titre de simple témoin, avant d'estimer qu'il existait des indices suffisants pour envisager la mise en examen de M. Chirac ; Jacques Chirac ne donne pas réponse à cette demande si bien qu'en , Halphen se déclare incompétent au profit de la Haute Cour de justice. Ses actes sont ensuite annulés. Une partie de la procédure est de surcroît annulée pour vice de forme, notamment la saisie de la cassette Méry.

Le juge Armand Riberolles, en revanche, semble avoir jugé que si la cassette Méry constituait bien une pièce de nature à éclairer le dossier, elle ne pouvait en aucun cas être retenue comme un élément à charge contre les personnes mises en cause - au premier rang desquelles figure M. Chirac, qui ne peuvent évidemment être confrontées à une personne décédée. Le juge Riberolles a néanmoins recueilli plusieurs témoignages attestant la crédibilité des révélations de Jean-Claude Méry [réf. nécessaire].

Et notamment celui de Didier Schuller ex élu RPR des Hauts-de-Seine, entendu comme témoin dans l'enquête sur l'office HLM de la Ville de Paris, qui a expliqué que Jean-Claude Méry l'avait chargé, en 1994, de transmettre aux responsables du parti gaulliste un " message " dont la teneur était similaire à la confession vidéo.

En marge de cette affaire une tentative de manipulation sur les juges menant l'affaire voit le jour. Le même Didier Schuller, directeur de l'office HLM des Hauts-de-Seine et cadre du RPR, piégeait le beau-père du juge Éric Halphen , le Maréchal, avec l'appui des plus hautes autorités policières et sous le patronage de Charles Pasqua, alors ministre de l'Intérieur. L' affaire Schuller-Maréchal, démontre alors une machination contre les juges qui sera sanctionnée en tant que telle par la Cour de cassation,.

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L' affaire de la cassette Méry est une affaire politico-financière française concernant les finances occultes du Rassemblement pour la République, dans les années 1980-1990. Poursuivi et mis en détention à la suite de l'enquête sur l' affaire des HLM de Paris, Jean-Claude Méry, financier occulte du Rassemblement pour la République (RPR), est lâché par son parti et sa femme le quitte.

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A cette époque, Paris est une fête. Karl Lagerfeld et Yves Saint Laurent sortent beaucoup mais la personnalité à la fois mystérieuse et sociable de Lagerfeld se détache. L'Allemand organise des soirées, donne des dîners, des bals, et rencontre, en 1973, Jacques de Bascher, un dandy esthète, qui deviendra l'amour de sa vie.

Entre deux Coca-Cola, Karl Lagerfeld savoure sa popularité dans le milieu de la nuit. Yves Saint Laurent, lui, carbure à l'alcool fort, aux drogues dures et se laisse peu à peu gagner par ses angoisses. D'autant que le nouvel homme aux côtés de Karl Lagerfeld lui plaît. Yves Saint Laurent tombe follement amoureux de Jacques de Bascher et cherche par tous les moyens à attirer son attention. Ce dernier s'en amuse et cède à ses avances. Sur la minuscule piste de danse du Sept, alors haut-lieu des nuits parisiennes homosexuelles, Pierre Bergé, ivre de rage, veut en découdre.

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Karl Lagerfeld est mort. Avec la disparition du couturier et directeur artistique de Chanel, l'ensemble de la planète mode célèbre soixante-cinq ans d'une carrière riche et talentueuse, tout se remémorant sa flamboyance, notamment lors des nuits parisiennes des années 1960 et 1970. Et il ne faut pas longtemps pour rapprocher Karl Lagerfeld de son confrère et autre génie de l'habit, Yves Saint Laurent.

Karl Lagerfeld était un personnage médiatique, une icône portée par un uniforme qu'il ne quittait jamais. Yves Saint Laurent était discret, torturé par le stress et des démons qui ont eu raison de lui. Si tout semble opposer ces deux personnages, les deux couturiers ont partagé une proximité durant cinquante-quatre ans. Retour sur une amitié-rivalité qui a marqué la mode française.

Karl Lagerfeld : retour en images sur 65 ans de carrière

L'amitié-rivalité

Le 25 novembre 1954, le Secrétariat international de la laine, destiné à promouvoir l'utilisation de la laine dans la mode, lance la deuxième édition de son concours à Paris.

Le soir de la remise des prix, deux jeunes hommes en costumes sombres montent sur scène pour recevoir leur prix. Yves Saint Laurent, tout juste 18 ans et débarqué d'Oran, remporte un prix dans la catégorie "robes du soir" grâce à des esquisses de fourreaux noirs séduisants. A ses côtés, Karl Lagerfeld, âgé de 21 ans, récemment arrivé d'Hambourg et installé à Paris, est lauréat dans la catégorie "manteaux" pour le croquis d'une pièce couleur jonquille décolletée dans le dos, fantaisiste mais élégante.

Les deux apprentis s'éclipsent timidement mais se font repérer par le jury. Saint Laurent intègre la maison de couture de Christian Dior, tandis que Lagerfeld est recruté comme assistant chez Pierre Balmain. Leurs carrières sont lancées sur cette première note de rivalité.

Karl Lagerfeld et sa création primée en 1954 - Werner Baum/AP/SIPA

Karl Lagerfeld et Yves Saint Laurent découvrent en parallèle la beauté de la capitale française, le soir, à la sortie des ateliers. Heureux sans doute d'échapper à leur jeunesse teintée de brimades dues à leur homosexualité. Tous deux sont issus de familles aisées et vouent un culte à leur mère. Madame Lagerfeld était une femme rigide, impatiente mais très cultivée. Madame Saint Laurent, elle, aime les mondanités et transmet à Yves son goût pour la mode.

A Paris, Karl Lagerfeld est financièrement soutenu par son père. Dans son appartement parisien, il passe ses soirées entouré d'amis dont Saint Laurent et Victoire Doutreleau, son amie et mannequin fétiche. Les soirées s'achèvent au petit matin sur fond de volutes de fumées et de whisky pour Yves, de quelques verres de Coca-Cola pour Karl. Si Lagerfeld et Doutreleau s'apprécient, leur amitié ne peut se mesurer à la complicité qu'elle partage avec Yves Saint Laurent.
7 détails clefs pour comprendre le génie de Karl Lagerfeld
La bataille d'image

En 1957, Christian Dior décède subitement d'une crise cardiaque. Dans la panique, la maison de couture nomme Yves Saint Laurent à la tête de la création. Dès lors, le couturier est rongé par l'angoisse. Persuadé de ne jamais pouvoir rivaliser avec le succès de Monsieur Dior, il sombre dans la dépression. L'Algérie en guerre appelle alors Yves Saint Laurent à rejoindre les réservistes, mais son état psychologique est jugé trop inquiétant. Hospitalisé, il abandonne ses créations.

Dans les rangs de la mode, personne n'a encore retenu le nom de Karl Lagerfeld. Discret chez Balmain, l'Allemand affûte en revanche son image sociale, celle d'un jeune dandy apprêté qui sort la nuit et sait s'entourer. Durant la convalescence de Saint Laurent, Lagerfeld va jusqu'à instaurer des petits déjeuners hebdomadaires avec Victoire Doutreleau.

Yves Saint Laurent et Victoire en 1959 - AFP / STF STAFF / AFP

"Après Balmain, Karl travaillera certainement pour d'autres maisons. Mais il ne veut pas suivre un chemin tout tracé : prendre un jour la tête de l'une d'entre elles, devenir son propre patron. Il aspire à autre chose qu'à cette image du créateur noyé au milieu des tissus et des épingles, du matin au soir", écrit Laurent Allen-Caron dans "le Mystère Lagerfeld" (éd. Fayard).

Une image endossée par Yves Saint Laurent, mais refusée par Karl Lagerfeld.
Karl Lagerfeld, le téméraire
La voyante aux yeux turquoise

A la fin des années 1960, "Karl consulte avec Yves une voyante aux yeux turquoise, rue de Maubeuge, [qui] prédit à Saint Laurent un succès fulgurant". Mais aussi que "tout commencerait pour [Lagerfeld] quand tout s'arrêterait pour les autres", apprend-t-on du créateur sur "le Divan" de Marc-Olivier Fogiel et dans "Madame Figaro", en 2015.

En 1958, Yves Saint Laurent rentre à Paris et fait la rencontre de Pierre Bergé, avec qui il débute une relation amoureuse. L'homme d'affaires de six ans son aîné le prend sous son aile et le pousse à ouvrir sa propre maison de couture. Quatre ans plus tard, il présente sa première collection à Paris. Le succès est immédiat.

Karl Lagerfeld est un électron libre. Après Balmain, le couturier rejoint la maison Chloé et accepte simultanément de bousculer le commerce de fourrure ronronnant de la famille italienne Fendi. Posséder sa propre griffe ne l'intéresse pas, dépendre d'un homme d'affaires encore moins.

A cette époque, Paris est une fête. Karl Lagerfeld et Yves Saint Laurent sortent beaucoup mais la personnalité à la fois mystérieuse et sociable de Lagerfeld se détache. L'Allemand organise des soirées, donne des dîners, des bals, et rencontre, en 1973, Jacques de Bascher, un dandy esthète, qui deviendra l'amour de sa vie.

Jacques de Bascher, Karl Lagerfeld, Helmut Berger fêtent le 3e anniversaire du Palace en 1981 - VILLARD/SIPA

Entre deux Coca-Cola, Karl Lagerfeld savoure sa popularité dans le milieu de la nuit. Yves Saint Laurent, lui, carbure à l'alcool fort, aux drogues dures et se laisse peu à peu gagner par ses angoisses. D'autant que le nouvel homme aux côtés de Karl Lagerfeld lui plaît. Yves Saint Laurent tombe follement amoureux de Jacques de Bascher et cherche par tous les moyens à attirer son attention. Ce dernier s'en amuse et cède à ses avances. Sur la minuscule piste de danse du Sept, alors haut-lieu des nuits parisiennes homosexuelles, Pierre Bergé, ivre de rage, veut en découdre.

"D'un seul coup, il y a eu un bruit. Tout le monde a été sidéré", raconte le styliste Kenzo Takada à Laurent Allen-Caron dans "le Mystère Lagerfeld".
Quand Karl Lagerfeld était le roi des nuits parisiennes
La rupture

Des rumeurs disent que Bergé serait par la suite allé jusqu'à menacer physiquement Lagerfeld dans son appartement. Si bien que personne ne reverra jamais De Bascher en compagnie de Saint Laurent. Cet incident marquera une rupture dans la relation entre Karl Lagerfeld et Yves Saint Laurent. Bien sûr, les deux hommes se recroiseront souvent, mais l'entente ne sera que cordiale.

"La liaison avec Jacques n'est que le prétexte de la rupture prévisible depuis qu'Yves et Karl ont partagé la même scène en 1954", décrit Alicia Drake dans son livre "Beautiful People" (éd. Gallimard). "Ils ont abordé la mode parisienne timidement, dissimulés derrière leurs inhibitions, et ont juré de la conquérir. Yves a triomphé à 21 ans, remportant un succès précoce et incontestable qui ne pouvait que rendre fou son rival. Jamais ces deux immenses talents concurrents ne pourront se satisfaire de partager le même plateau."

Yves Saint Laurent travaille avec acharnement, dessine sans relâche, entre Paris et Marrakech, tout en sombrant dans la drogue et la dépression. Son talent explose et le succès est au rendez-vous. Karl Lagerfeld démarre plus tard, pour finalement s'imposer sur le devant de la scène à partir de 1983, lorsqu'il reprend les rênes de la maison Chanel.

Lagerfeld rayonne, Saint Laurent lutte contre ses démons. Régulièrement annoncé mourant, le couturier est porté à bout de bras par Pierre Bergé. Jusqu'à son décès, le 1er juin 2008, à 71 ans.

"Yves fut mon meilleur ami pendant 20 ans", confiait Lagerfeld à "Elle" en 2008, peu après les obsèques de Saint Laurent, auxquelles il n'a pas assisté. "Yves était l'être le plus amusant et sympathique qui soit [...] A la fin, il n'était plus la personne que j'ai connue."

La fin d'une amitié en dents de scie, sur fond d'amour, de rivalité mais surtout de mode.
Magali Moulinet

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Karl Lagerfeld / Yves Saint Laurent : histoire d'une amitié rivale

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Karl Lagerfeld est mort. Avec la disparition du couturier et directeur artistique de Chanel, l'ensemble de la planète mode célèbre soixante-cinq ans d'une carrière riche et talentueuse, tout se remémorant sa flamboyance, notamment lors des nuits parisiennes des années 1960 et 1970.

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Have you ever wondered which films are filled with the most expletives, or which actor curses the most on the big screen? You may be surprised by the results of our study of over 3,500 movie scripts: https://www.buzzbingo.com/bingo-games/profanity-on-film/ via @Buzz_Bingo

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The Pubs Are Closed, but Brits Keep Quizzing

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The Pubs Are Closed, but Brits Keep Quizzing

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Today, it’s estimated that around half of all pubs in the U.K. have a regular quiz—a reason that is primarily due to money.

“Quizzers drink like fish”

Fundamentally, though, pub quizzes are still very much a British institution. “It combines our two great loves: drinking, and being right"

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In an era of social distancing, one British institution has proven resilient.

Rose Wong

"Which country has the longest coastline?"

"Which television characters are associated with Wimbledon?"

" Sniffled Rotten is an anagram of which famous cartoon character?"

I didn't know any of the answers. And judging by the many bemused faces in front of me, I wasn't alone. Some chose to confer with their partners, making sure to turn their mouths away so that no one might read their lips, before scribbling down their response. Others, seemingly resigned to their fate, took a swig of beer and leaned back in their chair. Looking down at my own paper, I knew the chances of my team-just myself and my boyfriend-winning this pub quiz was going to be slim. But hey, there was always the next round.

The questions were challenging, perhaps not unlike those that would be asked of "punters" at any of the thousands of pub quizzes that are typically held on a given night across Britain. Only this wasn't a typical quiz night, nor was it taking place in a pub. Rather, this quiz was happening via a Zoom call at the Corona Arms, a "virtual pub" that, until a few weeks ago, had no reason to exist.

The outbreak of the coronavirus changed that. The first cases emerged in Britain earlier this year, and any semblance of normal life has since come to a grinding halt. Social-distancing measures have been put into place, and nonessential areas of congregation, including restaurants, gyms, and cinemas, are now closed. In the nationwide effort to curb the spread of the virus, not even a treasured institution like the pub-perhaps one of the most recognizable symbols of ordinary British life-was spared.

But the pubs didn't disappear entirely; instead, they adapted. Some offer food and drink to go through pickup or home delivery, while others converted into makeshift grocery stores, offering essential items such as eggs, milk, and bread. As more and more real-life pubs closed their doors, though, virtual ones began appearing to take their place. Created by existing boozers and enterprising individuals alike, these digital havens offer all the things a traditional pub might: a place to socialize with strangers, to share a drink with friends, and, of course, to take part in a weekly pub quiz-all from the comfort of one's own home.

While the coronavirus pandemic has tested the resilience of virtually every institution-from democracies to local parks -in some cases it has also reaffirmed their worth. At a time when people are being confined to the home for the foreseeable future, familiar rituals such as the pub quiz have emerged as a symbol of enduring normalcy, a cure for isolation, and, if nothing else, a way to have fun.

The last time I went to a pub quiz in real life, it was in December at the Walkers of Whitehall, a three-story pub hidden in an alleyway just minutes away from Trafalgar Square in central London. Unlike most of the pub quizzes I've been to, this one had a theme (Brexit), prizes (coffee mugs), and, unfortunately for myself, steep competition: civil servants, think tankers, and political reporters-all the sorts of people you could count on to remember exactly how many parliamentarians voted for Theresa May's Brexit deal at its first attempt of passing, precisely which years in the 20th century Britain held a general election in December, and which particular European Union politician served as the acting president of the European Commission in November. The answers were, in order: 230; 1918 and 1923; and Frans Timmermans.

But the quiz also had all the things I'd come to learn every good one should have: clever team names; an audible quizmaster who can even be heard by the teams at the very back of the room; a fair point system (in this quiz, each team graded another team's answer sheet); at least one team that all the others can quietly resent for being too good; and, of course, plenty of food and drink to fuel the evening.

Britain has long been a nation of quiz takers-though not always at the pub. Among the earliest examples dates back to January 1938, when the BBC aired its first-ever radio quiz: a transatlantic spelling bee between undergraduates at Harvard and Radcliffe Colleges in the United States and Oxford University. At the time, general-knowledge quizzes were a foreign concept in Britain, a U.S. export the BBC had to explain as being "very popular with American listeners."

The concept nonetheless took hold, and soon the BBC was broadcasting more "bees," some of which eventually had nothing to do with spelling. By April of the same year, the General Knowledge Bee was born. The radio program quizzed participants on everything from agriculture to naval intelligence. "It really started in earnest during the [Second World War], when the BBC realized they could use this format of the spelling bee for civic training," Alan Connor, the author of The Joy of Quiz and a former question editor for the BBC quiz show Only Connect, told me. In one such show, he said, "they would get air-raid wardens from Leeds and air-raid wardens from Manchester and check if they knew the protocol correctly and announce the winner of the pair of them."

For a game rooted in facts, the history of how quizzing made the transition from the radio to pubs is incredibly muddled. Still, there are a few clues: By the 1940s, quiz nights started being advertised in local newspapers. These events, which were organized by community-based organizations such as Women's Institutes and Mothers' Unions, were envisaged to be wholesome affairs at a local town hall or civic center. "As far as I can make out, this was ironically an attempt to keep menfolk away from the pub for an evening," Connor said, noting that it probably didn't take men long to realize that "if they wrote the questions themselves, they could do it in the Fox and Hounds."
Read: There's no escaping Brexit, even at the pub
That's one theory, at least. It would nevertheless take several more decades for the pub quiz to emerge as a popular concept. Though pubs have existed as a social institution in Britain for centuries, quizzes didn't really become a common feature within them until the 1990s. "I figure there were almost no pub quizzes 30 years ago," Marcus Berkmann, the author of A Matter Of Facts, told me. It was around that time that Berkmann attended his first pub quiz. He's been going to his current one at the Prince of Wales pub in Highgate, a leafy neighborhood of north London, for 25 years, and has run the quiz there for nearly as long. "That was one of the first," he said.

A lot has changed in that time. Today, it's estimated that around half of all pubs in the U.K. have a regular quiz-a reason that is primarily due to money. Though pubs tend to have no trouble filling themselves up on a Friday or Saturday, they are usually emptier on weeknights, an issue that pub quizzes were intended to fix. "Quizzes are lucrative because they cost very little," Berkmann said, noting that airing sports games, by comparison, costs pub owners tens of thousands of pounds in television fees a year with little financial return. "People who watch football tend to sit there and nurse a pint ... and then go at the end of the game," Berkmann said. Quiz attendees, on the other hand, usually stick around for hours, eating and drinking all the while. "Quizzers drink like fish," he added.

Among the first to recognize the financial benefit of pub quizzes was Sharon Burns, a pub owner based in the coastal English city of Southampton. In 1983, she went into business with her former boss and mentor Tom Porter and founded Burns and Porter, a firm dedicated to organizing pub quizzes. The company dominated the nascent industry, according to a profile of Burns in the February 1988 issue of Director magazine, overseeing 6,000 teams and more than 100,000 quiz matches a year at their peak. They also published a series of books on quizzes. "Until someone tells me they never have a quiet night in their pub," Burns told Director, "I will not stop believing there is a huge market for supplying a whole range of organized activities."

Burns sold the business in 1988, but by that point quizzing had already gained plenty of ground in the U.K., appearing in the form of coin-operated pub-quiz machines, board games (Trivial Pursuit, which was first released in 1981, was a "huge hit," Berkmann said), and television shows such as Mastermind, Countdown, and Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? The phenomenon even started spreading beyond Britain. In the U.S., for example, trivia nights have become more commonplace in American bars and restaurants. "I would say the majority of bars have some sort of trivia night, even if it's just monthly," Brian Jones, a quiz host based in Washington, D.C., told me. "Bars see it as a good way to get people in. It's usually pretty cheap, and it gets recurring business."
Read: The very British tradition of 'verbal cartooning'
Fundamentally, though, pub quizzes are still very much a British institution. "It combines our two great loves: drinking, and being right," the British playwright James Graham, whose play Quiz chronicles a Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? cheating scandal, told The Economist. But there are other reasons that pub quizzes have taken off over the years. "My take on why people enjoy quizzes as much as they do is that we fill up our brains with knowledge at school and we get used to getting tested for it," Alan Connor said. In adulthood, however, there are no such tests. "Nobody cares how much you know, your family and friends will not be impressed if you know that Swaziland changed its name recently ... So quizzing is the one activity where you can be rewarded and feel good about having retained information."

For Berkmann, the reason behind the success of the pub quiz is more fundamental: It gives people the opportunity to go out and play. "It's like sports for the unsporting," he said. "If you can't play tennis to a high standard or you can't play football or cricket, you can nonetheless go to the pub and answer questions that nobody else knows the answers to, and you get the same buzz out of it."

These days, pub quizzes have become more than just an opportunity to flex some knowledge and compete with friends. In an era of social distancing, where traditional gatherings have been banned, the pub quiz is an unlikely savior for those in need of something to do or someone to (virtually) hang out with. In the weeks since Britain went into lockdown, dozens of online pub quizzes have emerged to meet that need-many of them adapted by existing quizmasters across the country.

Berkmann, whose weekly Prince of Wales pub quiz has since been rebranded "Quiz Night at the Covid Arms," hosts the virtual quiz Tuesday evenings using Facebook Live, with some competitions attracting more than 50 teams. Jones, whose three weekly trivia nights were canceled after the U.S. capital closed its bars and restaurants last month, has also started hosting a Tuesday trivia night via Facebook Live, to which he typically invites around 20 friends. "Any more than 20 and I just can't keep up," he said.

The Corona Arms, which boasts more than 8,000 followers, or "regulars," on Instagram, uses multiple platforms to host its weekly quiz nights. The one I attended attracted 52 participants on Zoom and an additional 200 players following along on Instagram Live, with some tuning in from as far afield as Austria, Spain, and Canada. Though I could see everyone playing alongside me on my laptop screen, I couldn't hear any of them, and they couldn't hear me. The quizmasters muted all the participants to make sure everyone could hear the questions, though that didn't stop a few stragglers (myself included) from taking to the chat window to ask for some of the questions to be repeated. (The answers to the questions I didn't know, by the way, were Canada, the Wombles, and Fred Flintstone.)

Unlike a normal pub quiz, where teams assemble at different tables, this socially distant version had members of some teams competing from multiple locations, forcing them to confer with each other through platforms such as WhatsApp and Facebook Messenger. Also unlike a normal pub quiz, the Corona Arms used its virtual setting to get creative with some of the questions. In one round, the quizmasters acted out famous movie posters and tasked players with naming the film. In another, they lip-synced to famous songs-while on mute to everyone watching-before asking players to name the song and, for a bonus point, the artist.

All of that wasn't a perfect replacement for the pub quiz, of course. For one, since the quiz depends on participants having access to a phone or laptop, there is no way to police against cheating-something that could be easily called out in a pub-like setting. Both the Covid Arms and the Corona Arms ask their teams to keep track of their own scores, which they are then invited to submit after the game ends for tallying. Virtual quizzes also tend to lack the competitive and jocular atmosphere of a traditional one. Though some platforms allow you to see the other players on your screen, you are rarely allowed to hear them. The lack of jeering and cheering makes it hard to figure out which team is the one to beat. "You can't replicate the rivalry in the room and the semi-joking resentment toward the smart-ass team in the corner," Connor said.
Read: Yes, make coronavirus jokes
For many participants in virtual pub quizzes, however, the point isn't to replicate what has been lost; it's about savoring what, even in these most unprecedented of times, can be retained. For the best of quizzes, this means making the questions challenging, but not impossible (no dull questions, Berkmann said, such as "What's the capital of Peru?"); keeping the competition vibrant, but low stakes (most online pub quizzes don't have prizes or entry costs, though the Corona Arms does encourage participants to contribute to their weekly fundraiser for select charities); and ensuring that the quiz is fun enough for people to want to come back the following week (even if they probably don't have much going on at the moment anyway).

But perhaps most importantly for this moment, a good pub quiz must provide a source of levity. As the Corona Arms quiz wound down, with many of the participants choosing to stick around after the quiz had ended to chat with friends and compare scores, it was clear that it had.

"Don't forget to be kind; stay indoors," Harry, one of the hosts, said. "And wash your bloody hands!"

We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to letters@theatlantic.com.

Yasmeen Serhan is a London-based staff writer at The Atlantic.

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recognizable symbols of ordinary british life

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The Pubs Are Closed, but Brits Keep Quizzing

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In an era of social distancing, one British institution has proven resilient. "Which country has the longest coastline?" "Which television characters are associated with Wimbledon?" " Sniffled Rotten is an anagram of which famous cartoon character?" I didn't know any of the answers. And judging by the many bemused faces in front of me, I wasn't alone.

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Le Juif et la France est une exposition raciste et antisémite s'étant déroulée du 5 septembre 1941 au 15 janvier 1942 à Paris, durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Elle est organisée et financée par la propagande de l'occupant allemand à travers l'Institut d'étude des questions juives (IEQJ). Cette exposition s'appuie sur le travail de George Montandon, professeur à l'École d'anthropologie de Paris et auteur du livre Comment reconnaître le Juif ? publié en novembre 1940. Cette exposition se veut donc scientifique.

C'est au palais Berlitz que l'exposition est inaugurée, deux semaines après la seconde grande rafle parisienne¹, par le propagandiste antisémite Paul Sézille, secrétaire général de l'IEQJ, qui en a rédigé l'introduction du catalogue. Le thème général est la supposée emprise corruptrice générale des Juifs sur les institutions et les secteurs d'activité français : l'armée, le cinéma, l'économie, la littérature : l'inversion sexuelle, la destruction de nos traditions sont les thèmes favoris des écrivains juifs². Pour aider les visiteurs à se faire une idée précise et concrète de l'ennemi, photographies et maquettes exposent des visages juifs correspondant aux stéréotypes antisémites, comme le nez crochu ou les cheveux sales.

Présentée comme une entreprise d'éducation populaire — pour aider les Français à reconnaître les Juifs par leurs caractéristiques physiques ³ —, cette exposition est utilisée par la propagande pour tenter de justifier diverses mesures discriminatoires prises par Vichy à l'encontre des Juifs français. Mais les promoteurs réels de l'exposition, qui en assurent d'ailleurs le financement, sont le bureau parisien du service allemand de la Sureté ainsi que la section d'information de l'ambassade d'Allemagne ⁴.

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Le Juif et la France est une exposition raciste et antisémite s'étant déroulée du 5 septembre 1941 au 15 janvier 1942 à Paris, durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Elle est organisée et financée par la propagande de l' occupant allemand à travers l' Institut d'étude des questions juives (IEQJ). Cette exposition s'appuie sur le travail de George Montandon, professeur à l' École d'anthropologie de Paris et auteur du livre Comment reconnaître le Juif ? publié en . Cette exposition se veut donc scientifique.

C'est au palais Berlitz que l'exposition est inaugurée, deux semaines après la seconde grande rafle parisienne, par le propagandiste antisémite Paul Sézille, secrétaire général de l'IEQJ, qui en a rédigé l'introduction du catalogue. Le thème général est la supposée emprise corruptrice générale des Juifs sur les institutions et les secteurs d'activité français : l'armée, le cinéma, l'économie, la littérature : l'inversion sexuelle, la destruction de nos traditions sont les thèmes favoris des écrivains juifs. Pour aider les visiteurs à se faire une idée précise et concrète de l'ennemi, photographies et maquettes exposent des visages juifs correspondant aux stéréotypes antisémites, comme le nez crochu ou les cheveux sales.

Présentée comme une entreprise d'éducation populaire - pour aider les Français à reconnaître les Juifs par leurs caractéristiques physiques -, cette exposition est utilisée par la propagande pour tenter de justifier diverses mesures discriminatoires prises par Vichy à l'encontre des Juifs français. Mais les promoteurs réels de l'exposition, qui en assurent d'ailleurs le financement, sont le bureau parisien du service allemand de la Sureté ainsi que la section d'information de l' ambassade d'Allemagne.

Entre autres symboles, une araignée symbolise la juiverie faisant un festin avec le sang de notre France, la sculpture d'un Juif errant hideux étreint le monde dans ses griffes au pied de " La France nouvelle "... L'exposition stigmatise en outre, à travers leurs portraits parmi d'autres sur des panneaux d'exposition, une série de personnalités de diverses professions et en particulier le célèbre - à l'époque - marchand de meubles Wolff Lévitan, le journaliste de radio Jean-Michel Grunebaum, le journaliste Pierre Lazareff, le dramaturge Henri Bernstein, le producteur Bernard Natan ou encore l'homme politique Léon Blum.

Les chiffres de fréquentation divergent selon les sources ; certaines parlent de 155 000 visiteurs, d'autres mentionnant les 500 000 visiteurs payants, avec autant de gratuits et demi-tarifs, revendiqués par les autorités collaborationnistes pour la région parisienne. Il semble néanmoins qu'après un succès de curiosité les premiers jours, l'intérêt se soit émoussé auprès d'une population méfiante face à ce qui est proposé par l'occupant. L'exposition ou une partie de celle-ci est aussi présentée à Bordeaux (mars-) et à Nancy ().

" L'identification des Juifs " : l'héritage de l'exposition de 1941 " Le Juif et la France ", in Revue d'histoire de la Shoah 173, , p. 170-191.

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Le Juif et la France est une exposition raciste et antisémite s'étant déroulée du 5 septembre 1941 au 15 janvier 1942 à Paris, durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Elle est organisée et financée par la propagande de l' occupant allemand à travers l' Institut d'étude des questions juives (IEQJ).

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China is proposing to introduce a new security law in Hong Kong that could ban sedition, secession and treason.

The move is likely to provoke strong opposition internationally and in Hong Kong, which last year saw months of pro-democracy protests.

China's delayed National People's Congress, its legislature, will debate the issue when it opens on Friday.

Hong Kong's mini-constitution requires it to bring in such a law but it failed to do so amid widespread opposition.

The so-called Basic Law was introduced when the UK handed back Hong Kong's sovereignty to China in 1997 and provides certain freedoms not available on mainland.

Beijing has always had the power to enact the national security law into the Basic Law but has so far refrained from doing so.

But Hong Kong is heading for elections to its own legislature in September and if last year's success for pro-democracy parties in district elections is repeated, government bills could be blocked.

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China proposes controversial HK security law

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China is proposing to introduce a new security law in Hong Kong that could ban sedition, secession and subversion. The move is likely to provoke strong opposition internationally and in Hong Kong, which was last year rocked by months of pro-democracy protests. China's delayed National People's Congress, its legislature, will debate the issue when it opens on Friday.

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Volkswagen apologises for 'racist' advert showing a giant white hand flicking a black person away

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The far more pernicious issue with pangrams, as a means for evaluating typefaces, is how poorly they portray what text actually looks like. Every language has a natural distribution of letters, from most to least common, English famously beginning with the E that accounts for one eighth of what we read, and ending with the Z that appears just once every 1,111 letters.

Letter frequencies differ by language and by era — the J is ten times more popular in Dutch than English; biblical English unduly favors the H thanks to archaisms like thou and sayeth — but no language behaves the way pangrams do, with their forced distribution of exotics. Seven of the most visually awkward letters, the W, Y, V, K, X, J, and Z, are among the nine rarest in English, but pangrams force them into every sentence, guaranteeing that every paragraph will be riddled with holes. A typeface designer certainly can’t avoid accounting for these unruly characters, but there’s no reason that they should be disproportionately represented when evaluating how a typeface will perform/

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Type designers love a good pangram. Pangrams, of course, are sentences that contain each letter of the alphabet at least once, of which the quick brown fox jumps over the lazy dog is surely the most famous. Lettering artists of the previous generation bequeathed us jackdaws love my big sphinx of quartz; puzzlers are fond of the impossibly compact Mr Jock, TV quiz PhD, bags few lynx for its 26-letter world record. Some time in the early nineties, I whiled away an entire afternoon in a San Francisco café coming up with a bunch of my own, honoring typeface designers (mix Zapf with Veljović and get quirky Béziers), and philosophers (you go tell that vapid existentialist quack Freddy Nietzsche that he can just bite me, twice), and the uplifting grace of a cosmos in balance (Wham! Volcano erupts fiery liquid death onto ex-jazzbo Kenny G.) Pangrams are unctuous little brain ticklers, challenging to concoct, droll to read, and immensely popular for presenting fonts.

I find them singularly useless in type design, and I don't use them in my work.

The Problem with Pangrams

In years past, our proofs were full of pangrammatic foxes and lynxes and the rest, which made for some very merry reading. But invariably, I'd find myself staring down a lowercase J - and if I questioned the amount of space assigned to its left side, I'd set off in search of some confirmation in the proof. Each time, I'd be reminded that while pangrams delivered all kinds of jocks and japes and jutes and judges, even our prodigious list featured not a single word with a J in the middle. I also started to notice that Xs had an unusually strong affinity for Ys in pangrams, because pangrams make a sport of concision. Words like foxy and oxygen deliver real bang for your buck if you're out to craft a compact sentence, but to the typeface designer noticing that the pair XY looks consistently wrong, none of these words will reveal which letter is at fault. I'd find myself rewriting the pangrams, popping in an occasional 'doxology' to see if the X was balanced between round letters, or 'dynamo' to review the Y between flat ones.

The far more pernicious issue with pangrams, as a means for evaluating typefaces, is how poorly they portray what text actually looks like. Every language has a natural distribution of letters, from most to least common, English famously beginning with the E that accounts for one eighth of what we read, and ending with the Z that appears just once every 1,111 letters. Letter frequencies differ by language and by era - the J is ten times more popular in Dutch than English; biblical English unduly favors the H thanks to archaisms like thou and sayeth - but no language behaves the way pangrams do, with their forced distribution of exotics. Seven of the most visually awkward letters, the W, Y, V, K, X, J, and Z, are among the nine rarest in English, but pangrams force them into every sentence, guaranteeing that every paragraph will be riddled with holes. A typeface designer certainly can't avoid accounting for these unruly characters, but there's no reason that they should be disproportionately represented when evaluating how a typeface will perform.

Frequency distribution of letters: natural English versus pangrammatic text.

A New Approach

In 2015, I dumped the pangrams we'd accumulated and rewrote our proofs from scratch, trading their wacky and self-satisfied cleverness for lists of words that are actually illustrative. My initial goal was to show each letter between flat- and round-sided neighbors, to illustrate categorically how each letter was spaced. (While drawing, type designers use strings such as nnsnonosoo to evaluate how a lowercase s fits between flat letters and round ones, judged by evaluating the fragments nsn and oso. Elsewhere in this string are three 'control' textures: the all-flat nn, the all-round oo, and the mixed-shape nono, which offer a baseline against which to measure any turbulence caused by the s.) Anecdotally, I know that the words "e nsnare" and "b oso n" illustrate these same relationships, so I set about finding words that were similarly useful for the rest of the alphabet, using a combination of algorithmic dictionary searches and personal preference.

I also thought it might be useful if our proofs demonstrated each letter at the start of a word, and at the end, and also - crucially - doubled: letters like s and g take on mysterious properties once they start to accumulate, making words like "mi ssing" and "bu ggy" often illuminating. (Some German-speaking typographers call these 'schnapps-words,' an endearing tribute to boozy double-vision. Satisfyingly, schnapps is itself a schnapps-word.) Even better than the schnapps-word "buggy," which positions the gg pair next to an awkward y, would be something with a neutral context: the word "smu ggle" does the job, with its flat-sided u and l.

But most importantly, I wanted to organize the text logically, so that instead of spending a whole afternoon stalking a wild K in the bush, I'd always know exactly where to find it. I thought I might further ease the process by choosing words that were familiar, comfortable to read, easy to remember, and easy to hear over the phone, to provide a little succor before the project of kerning individual pairs of letters would begin, and we'd find ourselves exiled to a bloodcurdling realm of Grijpskerks and Quijquemeyas.

Finally, I wanted the text to have the visual cadences of my native English, in which words of variable but digestible length are punctuated by shorter ones. Type, after all, should be something that you want to read.

Here's the result:

H&Co Lowercase 1.0

Angel Adept Blind Bodice Clique Coast Dunce Docile Enact Eosin Furlong Focal Gnome Gondola Human Hoist Inlet Iodine Justin Jocose Knoll Koala Linden Loads Milliner Modal Number Nodule Onset Oddball Pneumo Poncho Quanta Qophs Rhone Roman Snout Sodium Tundra Tocsin Uncle Udder Vulcan Vocal Whale Woman Xmas Xenon Yunnan Young Zloty Zodiac. Angel angel adept for the nuance loads of the arena cocoa and quaalude. Blind blind bodice for the submit oboe of the club snob and abbot. Clique clique coast for the pouch loco of the franc assoc and accede. Dunce dunce docile for the loudness mastodon of the loud statehood and huddle. Enact enact eosin for the quench coed of the pique canoe and bleep. Furlong furlong focal for the genuflect profound of the motif aloof and offers. Gnome gnome gondola for the impugn logos of the unplug analog and smuggle. Human human hoist for the buddhist alcohol of the riyadh caliph and bathhouse. Inlet inlet iodine for the quince champion of the ennui scampi and shiite. Justin justin jocose for the djibouti sojourn of the oranj raj and hajjis. Knoll knoll koala for the banknote lookout of the dybbuk outlook and trekked. Linden linden loads for the ulna monolog of the consul menthol and shallot. Milliner milliner modal for the alumna solomon of the album custom and summon. Number number nodule for the unmade economic of the shotgun bison and tunnel. Onset onset oddball for the abandon podium of the antiquo tempo and moonlit. Pneumo pneumo poncho for the dauphin opossum of the holdup bishop and supplies. Quanta quanta qophs for the inquest sheqel of the cinq coq and suqqu. Rhone rhone roman for the burnt porous of the lemur clamor and carrot. Snout snout sodium for the ensnare bosom of the genus pathos and missing. Tundra tundra tocsin for the nutmeg isotope of the peasant ingot and ottoman. Uncle uncle udder for the dunes cloud of the hindu thou and continuum. Vulcan vulcan vocal for the alluvial ovoid of the yugoslav chekhov and revved. Whale whale woman for the meanwhile blowout of the forepaw meadow and glowworm. Xmas xmas xenon for the bauxite doxology of the tableaux equinox and exxon. Yunnan yunnan young for the dynamo coyote of the obloquy employ and sayyid. Zloty zloty zodiac for the gizmo ozone of the franz laissez and buzzing.

How to use this proof

The new proof begins with each of the capital letters bounded by flat-sided and round-sided neighbors: the capital A up against the flat side of the n, and then the round side of the d, in the pair " Angel Adept." This pattern continues through the Z, with " Zloty Zo diac."

From here, each sentence begins with a capital letter, in alphabetical order, making things easy to locate: everything connected with the lowercase K, for example, is in the "K-sentence," which begins with the capital-K " Knoll." The sentence includes examples of this letter at the head of a word, bordering flat and round neighbors (" knoll koala"), and then between flat and round letters ("ba nknote lo okout"), where we can categorically see how they're fitted with typographically-neutral forms. Each sentence proceeds to show the letter at the ends of words ("dybb uk outlo ok"), and concludes with a schnapps-word ("tre kked"). I've sprinkled the proof with short fragments of connective tissue ( and, of the, for the) to produce a pattern that's plausibly comparable to real text, useful for those many times when the goal is not to evaluate the behavior of an individual letter, but rather to take in the text en masse, to appreciate its rhythm, its color, and its texture.

Because the text favors plain-sided letters for context - the hs and ns and ms delightfully known as "typographical sirloin" - it consequently uses fewer characters with awkward silhouettes. This applies not only to the edge-case v, w, and y, with their diagonal profiles, but also the more common e, t, r, and c that are unavoidably cavernous on their right sides. (The omission of familiar letters always passes without notice, as lipogrammeur George Perec wickedly demonstrated in La Disparition, his 300-page novel written entirely without the benefit of the letter e.) Because the new font proofs overrepresent these neutral letters, they produce an unusually calm rhythm, which helps to cast into especially sharp relief any problems with individual letters. That is, any issues with the b should be immediately apparent from a mere glance at the B-sentence, where, amidst the agreeable sirloin, there is a concentration of the letter b nine times greater than statistics would suggest.

Distribution of letters in the new font proofs, overrepresenting visually 'neutral' letterforms by design.

Further Variations

Because upper- and lowercase letters have different properties - a lowercase d is round on the left and flat on the right, the exact opposite of a capital D - I've put together additional proofs for evaluating both capitals and small caps. These follow the same underlying scheme as the lowercase proof, and are designed to be used the same way: K-related issues are best evaluated by the K-sentence, which is alphabetized under K.

H&Co Uppercase 1.0

ABIDE ACORN OF THE HABIT DACRON FOR THE BUDDHA GOUDA QUAALUDE. BENCH BOGUS OF THE SCRIBE ROBOT FOR THE APLOMB JACOB RIBBON. CENSUS CORAL OF THE SPICED JOCOSE FOR THE BASIC HAVOC SOCCER. DEMURE DOCILE OF THE TIDBIT LODGER FOR THE CUSPID PERIOD BIDDER. EBBING ECHOING OF THE BUSHED DECAL FOR THE APACHE ANODE NEEDS. FEEDER FOCUS OF THE LIFER BEDFORD FOR THE SERIF PROOF BUFFER. GENDER GOSPEL OF THE PIGEON DOGCART FOR THE SPRIG QUAHOG DIGGER. HERALD HONORS OF THE DIHEDRAL MADHOUSE FOR THE PENH RIYADH BATHHOUSE. IBSEN ICEMAN OF THE APHID NORDIC FOR THE SUSHI SAUDI SHIITE. JENNIES JOGGER OF THE TIJERA ADJOURN FOR THE ORANJ KOWBOJ HAJJIS. KEEPER KOSHER OF THE SHRIKE BOOKCASE FOR THE SHEIK LOGBOOK CHUKKAS. LENDER LOCKER OF THE CHILD GIGOLO FOR THE UNCOIL GAMBOL ENROLLED. MENACE MCCOY OF THE NIMBLE TOMCAT FOR THE DENIM RANDOM SUMMON. NEBULA NOSHED OF THE INBRED BRONCO FOR THE COUSIN CARBON KENNEL. OBSESS OCEAN OF THE PHOBIC DOCKSIDE FOR THE GAUCHO LIBIDO HOODED. PENNIES PODIUM OF THE SNIPER OPCODE FOR THE SCRIP BISHOP HOPPER. QUANTA QOPHS OF THE INQUEST OQOS FOR THE CINQ COQ SUQQU. REDUCE ROGUE OF THE GIRDLE ORCHID FOR THE MEMOIR SENSOR SORREL. SENIOR SCONCE OF THE DISBAR GODSON FOR THE HUBRIS AMENDS LESSEN. TENDON TORQUE OF THE UNITED SCOTCH FOR THE NOUGHT FORGOT BITTERS. UNDER UGLINESS OF THE RHUBARB SEDUCE FOR THE MANCHU HINDU CONTINUUM. VERSED VOUCH OF THE DIVER OVOID FOR THE TELAVIV KARPOV FLIVVER. WENCH WORKER OF THE UNWED SNOWCAP FOR THE ANDREW ESCROW GLOWWORM. XENON XOCHITL OF THE MIXED BOXCAR FOR THE SUFFIX ICEBOX EXXON. YEOMAN YONDER OF THE HYBRID ARROYO FOR THE DINGHY BRANDY SAYYID. ZEBRA ZOMBIE OF THE PRIZED OZONE FOR THE FRANZ ARROZ BUZZING.

Best Practices

Because so many combinations appear more than once, it's tempting to make notes wherever something is noticed, but I've found it useful to develop some discipline around this. If a rogue double "logb"h O in ook" stands out, it's best to confirm this observation in the O-sentence, where the word ooded" unequivocaly reveals whether or not these letters are behaving. This not only has the benefit of demonstrating the OO pair in a typographically neutral context, undisturbed by the open space of the B in "logbook", it also helps you find your own notes, by keeping all your comments about the O together in the O-sentence.

Finally, there's a proof for the small caps, whose text essentially duplicates the behavior of the capitals, with an additional section on top. In the words "Abide Acorn Anaheim," we have not only a capital A next to flat and round small caps ( B and C), but also the word "" for comparing the capital and small cap forms in close proximity. These are included for every letter, i.e. etc.

H&Co Small Caps 1.0

Abide Acorn Anaheim. Bench Bogus Babcock. Census Coral Cocoon. Demure Docile Didion. Ebbing Echoing Energetic. Feeder Focus Fiftieth. Gender Gospel Gogol. Herald Honors Hohokus. Ibsen Iceman Isinglass. Jennies Jogger Jejune. Keeper Kosher Kokopelli. Lender Locker Liliput. Menace Mccoy Mimosa. Nebula Noshed Nonesuch. Obsess Ocean Onondaga. Pennies Podium Popcorn. Quanta Qophs Queque. Reduce Rogue Reread. Senior Sconce Sesame. Tendon Torque Totality. Under Ugliness Usually. Versed Vouch Vivacious. Wench Worker Wowed. Xenon Xochitl Xerxes. Yeoman Yonder Yoyo. Zebra Zombie Zizek.

Abide abide acorn of the habit dacron for the buddha gouda quaalude. Bench bench bogus of the scribe robot for the aplomb jacob ribbon. Census census coral of the spiced jocose for the basic havoc soccer. Demure demure docile of the tidbit lodger for the cuspid period bidder. Ebbing ebbing echoing of the bushed decal for the apache anode needs. Feeder feeder focus of the lifer bedford for the serif proof buffer. Gender gender gospel of the pigeon dogcart for the sprig quahog digger. Herald herald honors of the dihedral madhouse for the penh riyadh bathhouse. Ibsen ibsen iceman of the aphid nordic for the sushi saudi shiite. Jennies jennies jogger of the tijera adjourn for the oranj kowboj hajjis. Keeper keeper kosher of the shrike bookcase for the sheik logbook chukkas. Lender lender locker of the child gigolo for the uncoil gambol enrolled. Menace menace mccoy of the nimble tomcat for the denim random summon. Nebula nebula noshed of the inbred bronco for the cousin carbon kennel. Obsess obsess ocean of the phobic dockside for the gaucho libido hooded. Pennies pennies podium of the sniper opcode for the scrip bishop hopper. Quanta quanta qophs of the inquest oqos for the cinq coq suqqu. Reduce reduce rogue of the girdle orchid for the memoir sensor sorrel. Senior senior sconce of the disbar godson for the hubris amends lessen. Tendon tendon torque of the united scotch for the nought forgot bitters. Under under ugliness of the rhubarb seduce for the manchu hindu continuum. Versed versed vouch of the diver ovoid for the telaviv karpov flivver. Wench wench worker of the unwed snowcap for the andrew escrow glowworm. Xenon xenon xochitl of the mixed boxcar for the suffix icebox exxon. Yeoman yeoman yonder of the hybrid arroyo for the dinghy brandy sayyid. Zebra zebra zombie of the prized ozone for the franz arroz buzzing.

I'm making these texts available from the Hoefler&Co Github repo, where I hope they'll be of use to anyone looking critically at type, most of all the designers with whom I've been conducting free type clinics on Twitter. I'd welcome any contributions or extensions in keeping with the original idea: more than once, I've found myself wondering what speakers of other languages, and other script systems, might do with this approach.

My thanks to Lydia Hill for illustrating some of the beloved denizens of Camp Pangram, like the breezy kinkajou, piqued zebra, and warm-hearted hyrax above. I feel better about booting them from the font proofs, knowing that they'll forever inhabit this dazzling realm of hyacinths, foxgloves, and jonquils. -JH

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Text for Proofing Fonts | Fonts by Hoefler&Co.

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Type designers love a good pangram. Pangrams, of course, are sentences that contain each letter of the alphabet at least once, of which the quick brown fox jumps over the lazy dog is surely the most famous.

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See this One of a Kind Brick Ranch, Converted into a 2 Story. Enter the Door to a 13th Century Castle Décor Sunken Living Rm, w/ Dramatic, High, Oak Beamed Ceiling, Hardwood Floor, Brick Fireplace, a Ladder to an Elevated Library. Time Travel at Warp Speed to the 25th Century Starship. A Talking Space Alien greets you as you walk toward the Floor to Ceiling, Outer Space Wall Mural. The Dining Rm Command Center Rear Wall opens up to the Spaceship Main Bridge-Working Computer & Controls from an Apache Helicopter, Speakers & a 55 Inch Screen (TV works). Pocket Door to the Functional "Galley Kitchen." Open the Hatch Door & you find the Laundry, Large Storage Area & Workshop. Take the Spiral Staircase to Explore the 2nd Floor, which has a Den Area, a Walkway & 3 Bedrooms. There's a Tropical Island Themed Bedroom & a 1970 Hippie Crash Pad Bedroom with a Queen Water Bed. Level Back Yard w/ a Pool (under warranty) and Patio Area. Beautiful Wisteria over Pergola

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Do you like Fun & Adventure? See this One of a Kind Brick Ranch, Converted into a 2 Story. Enter the Door to a 13th Century Castle Décor Sunken Living Rm, w/ Dramatic, High, Oak Beamed Ceiling, Hardwood Floor, Brick Fireplace, a Ladder to an Elevated Library. Time Travel at Warp Speed to the 25th Century Starship. A Talking Space Alien greets you as you walk toward the Floor to Ceiling, Outer Space Wall Mural. The Dining Rm Command Center Rear Wall opens up to the Spaceship Main Bridge-Working Computer & Controls from an Apache Helicopter, Speakers & a 55 Inch Screen (TV works). Pocket Door to the Functional "Galley Kitchen." Open the Hatch Door & you find the Laundry, Large Storage Area & Workshop. Take the Spiral Staircase to Explore the 2nd Floor, which has a Den Area, a Walkway & 3 Bedrooms. There's a Tropical Island Themed Bedroom & a 1970 Hippie Crash Pad Bedroom with a Queen Water Bed. Level Back Yard w/ a Pool (under warranty) and Patio Area. Beautiful Wisteria over Pergola.

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For sale: $159,900. Do you like Fun & Adventure? See this One of a Kind Brick Ranch, Converted into a 2 Story. Enter the Door to a 13th Century Castle Décor Sunken Living Rm, w/ Dramatic, High, Oak Beamed Ceiling, Hardwood Floor, Brick Fireplace, a Ladder to an Elevated Library.

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Anthony Stephen Fauci ( /ˈfaʊtʃi/; born December 24, 1940) is an American physician and immunologist who has served as the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) since 1984. Since January 2020, he has been one of the lead members of the Trump Administration's White House Coronavirus Task Force addressing the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States.

Fauci is recognized as one of the world's leading experts on infectious diseases.[3][4] As a physician with the National Institutes of Health (NIH), Fauci has served American public health in various capacities for over 50 years, and has been an advisor to every U.S. president since Ronald Reagan.[3] He has made contributions to HIV/AIDS research and other immunodeficiencies, both as a scientist and as the head of the NIAID at the NIH, and from 1983 to 2002 was one of the world's most-cited scientists in scientific journals.[5]

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When unexplained events terrify a young boy in 1960s New Jersey, the first purported haunting in a public housing project begins. Unearthed through original interviews and thousands of pages of archival records.

May 6, 1961
On the evening of his thirteenth birthday, Ernie Rivers, shy and serious, was playing in his bedroom in an apartment in the Felix Fuld housing development in Newark, New Jersey. Loneliness had become routine for Ernie, even on his birthday. His no-nonsense grandmother, Mabelle Clark, took care of housework in her bedroom. As she did, a glass jar on top of a dresser on the opposite end of the room crashed to the floor. Mabelle was shaken for a moment - the jar seemed to have moved by itself - then brushed it off. Ernie heard the noise from his room, but didn't think much about it.

Listen to the audio version of this story from Audm

On May 8, two days after the glass jar incident, Ernie and his grandmother were eating in the kitchen when six punchbowl cups in the living room - connected by an open doorway to the kitchen - came off the hooks on the wall and crashed to the floor, one after the other. "That's when it really started," Mabelle later recalled. "Everything started smashing... Smashing - smashing - smashing." Later that evening, several bottles in the bathroom fell to the floor and shattered. One of them, a bottle of antiseptic stored in the medicine cabinet, flew into the living room and landed on the floor. Stunned, Mabelle walked to the bathroom only to find its door closed, making the bizarre incident flatly impossible. Not knowing what else to do, she rushed into the bathroom to take down the remaining bottles, containers, and items from the medicine cabinet and place them on the floor.

When a neighbor came to their door later, Mabelle, still reeling, tried to pretend everything was normal. The three of them - Mabelle, Ernie, and neighbor Yetta Mandle - were chatting over the hum of the television in the background when a cologne bottle from the bathroom suddenly darted into the living room, zigzagging in midair ("turning a jig in the air," as a frightened Yetta described it) before shattering against the floor. The air filled with its strong scent. Yetta also watched as a glass decanter began moving by itself to the edge of the refrigerator. She raced to catch it just before it fell. Mabelle now had no choice but to come clean to Yetta about what had been happening the last two days. As she did, a lamp in the living room spontaneously shattered, the last straw. Mabelle and Ernie fled, staying elsewhere for the night.

A statuesque, self-sufficient, and reserved woman, Mabelle did not like to draw attention to herself. She especially didn't want the housing authority catching wind of what was going on for fear that she and her grandson would be labeled unruly, kicked out of the apartment, and probably be accused of lying. Like many metropolitan areas in the United States in the 1960s, Newark's public housing reinforced systemic segregation, and was infested with racist practices against African American families such as theirs. But Mabelle could only hide this for so long. Their lives had just begun to be turned upside down by what would come to be called the "Project Poltergeist," the first haunting documented by parapsychologists in a housing project in the United States.

A dark turn in the family's history had led Ernie to live with his grandmother. Ernie's younger years were spent in Montclair, New Jersey, with his mother and father, Ann Clark and Ernest Rivers Sr., in a cozy apartment on the third floor of a multifamily house.

Ernest Sr. was a fighter in the Golden Gloves - an especially dangerous amateur boxing circuit with heavy mob ties - in 1948 and 1949 while working as a construction worker. Ann mostly stayed home to take care of Ernie. She was frequently sick. Because the couple had no insurance, they usually couldn't afford doctor visits, and even when she did get checked, the causes of her conditions often remained mysterious.

Less than two weeks before Christmas, 1956, Ann had fallen ill again. After watching television for a few hours, Ernest Sr. and Ann retired to their bedroom around 10 o'clock that night. Ernie, who was eight years old at the time, was asleep in the other room.

"I need to go to the doctor," Ann said.

"The only extra money I have is for Ernie's Christmas gifts," Ernest Sr. said.

The argument escalated and the last thing Ernest Sr. said was, "You're nothing but a doctor's bill to me." In a nightmare she had that night, Ann dreamed that her husband was attempting to kill her with a gun. Stirred awake by the dream in the middle of the night, Ann looked under the bed and found the suitcase where her husband kept his .38 caliber revolver - the same one from her dream - in case of emergencies. Ann pried the case open. She took the gun out and turned the radio on quietly before drifting back to sleep for about an hour. Waking up again at 5 o'clock in the morning, she stared at her husband for a few moments.

"Ernest, are you tired of me?" she asked him.

When he didn't respond, Ann cocked the gun before shooting him twice in the chest. Ernest Sr. died instantly. The noise woke up one of the other residents of the house, and Ann ran downstairs saying that her husband had shot himself after they got into an argument.

Detectives took Ann to the police station. After three hours, she confessed to the murder. In her statement to the police, Ann said she worried that her husband had plans to kill her, recounting the dream she had right before she shot him and his comment that she was a doctor's bill to him. On May 29, 1957, five months after the murder, Ann was sentenced to a term of 18 to 22 years at the Clinton Reformatory for Women (now known as the Edna Mahan Correctional Facility for Women) in Clinton, New Jersey.

Shortly after, Ernie arrived at the Felix Fuld housing development on 125 Rose Street to live with his maternal grandparents in their first floor, four-bedroom apartment. Young Ernie continued to experience confusing changes. First, his grandfather passed away. Then, in April 1961, his mother Ann escaped from the minimum security institution. She was still at large when the events at Mabelle's apartment in Newark began a month later.

In those startling days after Ernie's thirteenth birthday, he and Mabelle tallied close to 20 incidents involving plates, mugs, light bulbs, mirrors, and other objects falling or flying around the apartment. At one point, Ernie sat doing his schoolwork at the dining room table when he thought he saw movement from the side of the stove. After he caught the motion again out of the corner of his eye, he watched, as he later reported, one of the pepper shakers from the top of the stove start to levitate above the surface before rapidly floating over and landing beside him. Soon afterwards, according to family accounts, a glass floated from the kitchen sink and crashed onto the living room floor.

With each terrifying occurrence, the two residents grew more perplexed and afraid. Twice during that time, Ernie and Mabelle left to stay with her daughter and son-in-law, Ruth and William Hargwood, at their house in Belleville, the next town over, but they could only accommodate them for short stretches.

Mabelle cherished Ernie, calling him an "unbelievably good boy," but he presented a frustrating case study in non-communication; the boy who had been through so much upheaval would never acknowledge feeling sadness or fear or, for that matter, anything at all. He mostly replied to his grandmother's questions with a bland "I don't know" or "yes." He seemed to harbor secrets. "I don't know what goes on inside of him, I just can't explain it," Mabelle later lamented. She wanted him to be more open to love. The specter of Ann and Ernest Sr.'s tragedy lurked everywhere, even as Ann herself lurked - nobody knew where - after her escape from prison.

It wasn't long before other residents and the public started to hear about what was happening at Mabelle's apartment. Neighbors reported unusual noises. It was only a matter of time before the press picked up on it.

On May 11, Mabelle's son-in-law William and another relative were visiting when a Newark News reporter, Douglas Eldridge, stopped by. As the five of them chatted in the kitchen, they heard a cup fall and loudly crash by the pantry. Just a half hour before, Eldridge had seen the cup sitting on a sturdy bookshelf. The reporter turned pale - it was impossible for the cup to have fallen on its own without some sort of push. At the time, Ernie had been lying in his bed while the adults sat in the kitchen. "I was laughing when I first came here," William admitted, not laughing anymore. A distraught Mabelle revealed that it was the fifth incident of the day. Reluctantly opening up to the reporter, she recounted how a small mirror, a bottle of antiseptic, and a light bulb had all crashed and fallen at different times throughout the day. Ernie also described watching another light bulb unscrew itself before crashing to the floor.

Reporters dubbed the events at the housing complex the "Project Poltergeist." Citing paranormalists' belief that poltergeists usually fed on the psychic energy of adolescents, journalists eagerly connected the events to the presence of Ernie. For skeptics who suspected a hoax, the 13-year-old boy also seemed the likely source of mischief. Everyone seemed to agree Ernie had something to do with the mysterious occurrences, though he insisted he didn't have a clue what caused them.

When learning that earlier-documented poltergeists tended to stop after a few months, Mabelle balked, as did a visiting relative. "A couple months!" the relative said, turning to Mabelle. "Why, you'd be in Greystone [psychiatric hospital] by then!"

The housing development opened an investigation. Irving Laskowitz, the Tenant Relations Division director of the Newark Housing Authority (NHA), took charge of the inquiry. In the eyes of many African American residents, Newark authorities often looked for excuses to kick tenants out of public housing, at which point they would be at the mercy of predatory landlords who charged as much as triple the market value for rents.

"I don't want to move unless I have to," Mabelle insistently told Irving. "I don't think this is going to go on forever."

"It can't go on forever," replied Irving, who was dismissive of any idea of a poltergeist under his watch. "Pretty soon, you'll run out of things to break."

"Admittedly perplexed officials swarmed through the four room apartment," the Newark News reported of the investigation by Irving and his team. The officials examined every inch of the apartment as well as the surrounding units and basement. "There must be some kind of magnetism in the apartment," Irving said sarcastically. One of Irving's aides added, "Maybe it's the moon. We'd better check on that." Despite their snide commentary, Irving admitted Mabelle had a clear record the previous 20 years. And they also found no evidence of trickery or any physical cause for the seemingly invisible force. After things only got worse, Irving later sighed: "I only wish we had."

The NHA had to acknowledge that a strange, unexplainable phenomena hung over the apartment. They accepted the services of Edward Del Russo, a balding contractor and self-proclaimed exorcist, referred to by one of the housing officials as an "amatuer house de-haunter." Del Russo said he had "the ability to work with unseen powers."

"We all have it," he added, "but few people use it." He came by the apartment to banish the invisible forces, which he identified as a "lost soul" trying to get a message across to Mabelle. He burned a beeswax candle on their living room coffee table and declared the poltergeist banished. But the forces proved to be immune to his attempt, or maybe became agitated because of them. In the days after Del Russo's demonstration, the press reported that the disturbances "returned with a vengeance."

A deep fear took hold of Mabelle - and spread throughout the housing complex - that the spirit of Ernest Rivers, Sr. might be responsible for the disturbances, trying to get Ernie away from her. Ernie, who had already been a target of bullying in the eighth grade at West Kinney Junior High School, had always tried to be strong about it, but now he seemed even more likely to be ostracized. Luckily, the other kids at the Felix Fuld complex stuck by him, especially one boy with whom Ernie was best friends. They continued to play in the courtyard and to go to the movies.

But these attempts at normalcy were a facade. They needed help fast, and needed more than a part-time exorcist.

The media spread the word beyond Newark, until it eventually reached Dr. Charles D. Wrege, a Newark native and respected assistant professor in the Department of Management at Rutgers University with a longstanding interest in parapsychology. After hearing about the curious case, he jumped at the chance to potentially interact with an actual poltergeist, German for "noisy spirits." Researchers and professionals in the field had begun to refer formally to such phenomena as Recurrent Spontaneous Psychokinesis, or RSPK.

Reports of objects moving, seemingly at random, had been claimed for centuries, and linked to larger supernatural occurrences. In one case from 1846, witnesses and scientists observed a girl who, as she entered a room, would cause objects to scatter "as though physically shoved." As paranormal researchers began to define the category of RSPK by studying historical and contemporary cases, they theorized that unseen forces interacted on a human "agent," often an adolescent, which manifested in a physical environment through disordered movements of commonplace objects at hand.

Dr. Wrege, 37, who had a diminutive stature and warm demeanor, planned to come to the apartment to observe Ernie the night of May 12. Earlier that day, Mabelle was in the apartment with Yetta when an iron that weighed five pounds flew into her room. Ernie had been in the bathroom in a different part of the apartment. That night Dr. Wrege arrived and questioned them. Yetta told Wrege she saw the iron "in the air and noticed that the cord was stretched out stiff behind it." Yetta would also describe to the professor witnessing the cover of a sugar bowl lift up and fall to the floor.

"The stuff came on like gangbusters," Mabelle added to these accounts. A salt cellar (a large container of salt) launched from a shelf like a missile into Ernie's back. Yetta also recalled how she, Mabelle and Ernie entered the apartment and, while turning on the lights, saw a bookcase topple over - a bookcase, according to Mabelle and Ernie, that had already fallen over a couple of other times. In another startling moment, the TV overturned as Ernie was turning the key to enter the apartment. Mabelle then began turning the TV to face the wall, hoping that would prevent it from breaking if it were to fall again.

Wrege, who had trained as an engineer, studied the apartment over the course of two days. Just before midnight on the second day, a loud knocking at the door startled Dr. Wrege and Ernie. "We want to see the boy with the flying objects!" a voice yelled from the other side. Several more people were heard in the background - some echoing the first voice in a taunting way while others laughed.

Dr. Wrege and Ernie waited in silence, hoping the group of drunk young men would grow tired and leave. Then a rock siled through an open window in the apartment. Wrege pulled Ernie into the kitchen to protect him. Just as Wrege was about to pick up the phone to call the police, a glass from the top of the counter fell to the floor. Wrege looked at Ernie - who was visibly upset from the commotion and loud noises outside - standing near the counter. Wrege put his arm around Ernie to comfort him. While Wrege was on the phone with the police, a crash came from the living room. A lamp had fallen off the table and toppled onto the floor, about 15 feet away from them.

"Can you call my uncle and ask him to come get me?" Ernie pleaded softly. The boy, who had tried to remain so stoic, now appeared terrified.

Dr. Wrege, who had still been holding Ernie at this point, let go. Suspicious by vocation, he examined the area for any sign of trickery. "I checked the remains of the lamp and the cord to see if any strings or wires were attached," he recalled later. But he found nothing. With Ernie having been by Wrege's side throughout the night, the investigator ruled out any possibility that Ernie was playing a prank.

By the time the police arrived, the group of belligerent men were long gone. Though the white Rutgers professor may not have realized it, even calling the Newark police could be a hazardous choice for African Americans at a time when the city was a tinderbox of racial tensions. Interactions with police could range from antagonism to violence. This time, the cops leaned toward indifference, leaving the housing complex after finding no sign of the disruptive chanters.

Ernie's Uncle William came by and listened to details from Wrege and Ernie. The three of them were cleaning up the pieces of the broken lamp when an ashtray leapt from the end table next to them, grazed Willliam's chin, and flew into Mabelle's bedroom, landing on the floor. Wrege immediately looked over at Ernie, who was holding a dustpan with both hands, collecting the leftover lamp parts. William cried out from the living room. This time, a pepper shaker had struck him in the back.

Mabelle consults with one of the endless array of experts that visited.

Growing anxious, the three of them prepared to leave the apartment. Ernie stepped out first and as William was turning off the kitchen and living room lights, William yelled out yet again. A salt shaker had struck him on the back of the head - seeming to slow down as it did - before accelerating and smashing against the living room wall and landing on the ground. As the two men rushed to get out of there as fast as they could, another ashtray on a bookshelf near the door came off the shelf and landed between William and Dr. Wrege. Ruling out rigged objects, Wrege's records elevated the events to the level of a confirmed case of RSPK.

A few days later, a reporter from the Newark Star-Ledger and the assistant director of the NHA came by the apartment to investigate again. While there, the two men heard a noise in the hallway and watched as a pill bottle on a shelf flew and landed in Mabelle's room. The reporter, sensitive to suspicions that Ernie had to be behind the incidents, documented that with Ernie in his room at the time he would have had to "teleport" back and forth to have been responsible for the act. When the reporter interviewed neighbors and witnesses, nobody could explain what was happening in the Clark apartment.

Wrege firmly believed the energy of the adolescent was the lynchpin of the case, in the tradition of scholarly literature on RSPK. Wrege decided on an experiment. He asked Ernie to "choose a target for the RSPK forces," as he recorded in the case files. Ernie chose a mustard jar that he put down on the kitchen table. Twenty minutes later, while Ernie was in the living room and Wrege and William were in the kitchen, the mustard jar "left the table and moved over the heads of the two men," crashing against the wall. Wrege noticed yet another oddity that defied physics: "the jar," he reported, " seemed to shatter before reaching the wall."

In early September 1961, the massive Henry Hudson Hotel in Manhattan's bustling Columbus Circle played host for three days to a unique group of visitors from around the world: the Parapsychological Association Convention, a blur of dark suits and floral dresses. Between participating in symposiums and lectures, Dr. William G. Roll, who was the director of the Psychical Research Foundation at Duke University and considered a leader in their community, met Charles Wrege. Roll had been reading about the purported poltergeist in Newark when it first became public in May, and after crossing paths with Dr. Wrege, the case now captured his interest.

The German-born Roll, 35, had fought for the Dutch Resistance in WWII before pursuing paranormal studies at Oxford, where he penned a thesis on "Theory and Experiment in Psychical Research." A dapper dresser with an exotic accent and a love for nature, he commanded every room he entered. On September 9, the last day of the convention, Roll ventured into Newark to visit the apartment for himself. When he arrived, he learned that Ernie had been staying for a few weeks at his aunt and uncle's place, where no disturbances had been reported. Whatever was happening, a nexus seemed to exist involving the apartment at 125 Rose Street, Ernie, and Mabelle. Roll asked Mabelle to bring Ernie back to the apartment so the professor could observe him there.

Roll, a pioneering researcher and prolific writer on paranormal subjects, had been the one to coin the term RSPK a few years earlier, when the Herrmann family in Long Island reported unexplained phenomena in their home. The Hermanns had two adolescent children, and Roll believed that inner turmoil in the young family members had unleashed the poltergeist - a situation eerily similar to what was now being experienced by Ernie and his family.

Once Ernie returned to stay at Mabelle's apartment, Roll visited them multiple times. At one point, Roll was in the hall outside the apartment when he heard a commotion. According to Ernie, an ashtray hit the power button on a remote control, shutting the TV off while the boy was in the middle of watching something. As per his notes, Roll rushed into the apartment to witness an ashtray "still moving on the floor." Ernie was seated quietly and calmly on a couch on the opposite end of the room. Another time when Roll was inside the apartment, money went missing from Mabelle's purse, with the visiting professor and Mabelle herself suspecting Ernie must have swiped it, however uncharacteristic of him; but his pockets were empty. When the boy took the trash to the basement, he found money strewn around the halls, including one bill ripped in half, all told adding up to two dollars more than what had gone missing, as if the forces were toying with them - this time trying to direct the adults' ire and blame against Ernie.

Emotions ran high. Just as Roll felt he was coming closer to figuring out what was causing the disruptions, Mabelle grew agitated with the whole investigation. She told Roll and Ernie both to leave the apartment. Roll reassured Mabelle nobody would get hurt. But as Roll began to debate with Mabelle, something hard hit him in the back of the head. It was a bottle. Roll had been facing the direction of Ernie, who remained calm and composed in the same position on the sofa. Ernie later revealed that a bottle struck him, too, when he had walked out of the apartment.

Sending Ernie back to his aunt and uncle was no simple matter of convenience, but also of safety. Accounts of extended poltergeists from the same era described conditions that got so bad they became deadly. In the 1960s, a young girl in Brazil began to be tormented by strange movements of stones and bricks in and around rooms she entered. The incidents turned into an all-out assault when, according to reports, her food was tainted when poison fell into it, and she was suffocated by a series of objects that landed on her face while she slept.

When Ernie's aunt and uncle no longer had the resources for him to stay with them, he moved back into Mabelle's apartment. In the coming months, the two reported being terrorized by the poltergeist. The TV set, the washing machine, the refrigerator and even a kitchen cupboard crashed to the floor. Ernie lived in a constant state of terror.

Most of these larger objects were the property of the Newark Housing Authority. In his notes, Dr. Roll recorded the very practical impact: "From being a family problem, the poltergeist now mushroomed into a problem for the housing project and thereby the county authorities."

The Herrmann family of Long Island, whom Roll had studied in 1958 until their own experiences with poltergeists faded, reached out to express their support to Mabelle and Ernie. "Keep up your courage," Lucille Herrmann urged, "and don't panic." The Herrmanns had been on the cover of Life magazine, and, years later, their case was said to have inspired the classic horror film Poltergeist. While receiving their share of press, Ernie and Mabelle had turned into subjects of rumor and innuendo. Looking back, it becomes difficult not to sense racial bias in the way the compassion for the Herrmanns, who were white and middle class, contrasted with suspicion and distrust of Ernie and his family. The tenants at 125 Rose Street, some of whom had witnessed incidents, generally believed the family's accounts but also feared a malevolent spirit.

With nowhere left for Ernie to stay, Mabelle brought him to the Newark police station and begged them to take him in to protect him. They refused. They said there was nothing they could do for him unless he broke the law or was deemed mentally unstable. Mabelle brought Ernie to the house of one friend and then another. At each house, a disturbance reportedly occurred and nobody would allow Ernie to stay. The forces - whatever their cause, whatever they were - had broken free of the confines of the housing project and crescendoed.

For the NHA, policy dictated removing problems, or at least shuffling them elsewhere. Irving, the division director, worked closely with a case work supervisor from the Essex County district office and a representative from the New Jersey Board of Child Welfare. A decision was made. Ernie would be removed from Mabelle's custody and placed in a group home.

Dr. Roll saw a unique chance to more deeply explore a once-in-a-lifetime case. But he was operating under a ticking clock - RSPK cases tended to end abruptly, which investigators believed made them so elusive to observe. Consulting with Charles Wrege and experts at NYU who did an examination of Ernie, Roll scrambled to arrange a trip that December for Ernie to come to the Parapsychology Laboratory at Duke University. Since the events seemed to begin and intensify when Mabelle was around, they wanted to make sure she was present, too. Ernie and his grandmother had not seen each other for a month when they were reunited to go to North Carolina. If Roll felt pressure to make a discovery, so did Ernie. This could be his last chance to have an authority figure advocate returning him to his grandmother.

The West Duke Building

The Parapsychology Laboratory, which had been established in 1935, occupied the second floor of what was known as the West Duke Building, a grand Neoclassical structure of white pressed brick. The winter afternoon they arrived in Durham, Ernie and Mabelle were walking down a hallway outside of Roll's office when a book that was on Roll's desk fell to the hallway floor. "The poltergeist was still active," Roll concluded, "and was ready to be confronted on laboratory territory."

Roll brought them to the Jack Tar Hotel, where a room waited for them. Once Roll returned home, he received messages from Mabelle that things had devolved at the hotel. When Roll rushed back to their room, he arrived to the sight of Ernie on the floor with his arms around the television. Ernie and Mabelle reported that an ashtray had fallen and that a glass smashed while Ernie was inside the bathroom. Ernie described seeing the toothpaste float from the shelf into the bathtub. Then Mabelle related how a lamp that she put on the floor to avoid from breaking flipped over and the phone fell down. That was the moment when Ernie had grabbed the television to keep it from falling over. Roll rushed Ernie to his own house to stay there instead of the hotel. Dr. Gaither Pratt, another psychologist who worked at Duke, ended up sneaking into the hotel to repair the damage.

Laboratory observations began on the Duke campus on December 18, with a bevvy of investigators involved. Stakes and tension mounted as details of what happened at the hotel and at Roll's office were collected. "The fact that even the Parapsychology Laboratory failed to inhibit the poltergeist," Roll later reflected, "offered an opportunity for closer observation than we had been able to achieve so far."

Technicians placed cold metal discs on Ernie's head as a neurology professor tested his brainwaves. At first, the neurologist concluded Ernie's tests fell into the normal range, but after reviewing the results he noticed odd spikes of activity he was uncertain how to classify. Dr. John Altrocchi, professor of medical psychology, herded in a group of graduate students to interview and observe Ernie.

Altrocchi became fascinated by the boy. "He is the only person I have ever examined," Altrocchi reported, "with no discrepancy between self and ideal self" - that is, Ernie did not have an idealized version of himself that he wished to present, further supporting conclusions shared across the board by the investigators that Ernie was not trying to deceive anyone about his role or understanding of the phenomena.

Altrocchi considered how difficult it must have been for Ernie to be an African American boy "being examined by strange white people in hospitals and laboratories five hundred miles from home" (the psychiatry professor's notes also acknowledged, "I have not examined many negro boys his age"). Duke was still an all-white student body and faculty, a year away from becoming the last major university to integrate its campus. Altrocchi observed that the bashful Ernie tended to keep all his emotions, positive or negative, bottled up, to the point where they seemed ready to burst at any moment. The questioners pushed Ernie to the point that tears filled his eyes, even as he continued to deny feelings. In a word association test, Ernie responded in particular to the words "birthday" and "home," evoking the first report of the poltergeist on the evening of his birthday at Mabelle's apartment, which was another in a long line of places he called home that had a pattern of being ripped away from him. The experts observed that just as Mabelle wished Ernie was more open to affection, Ernie longed for a level of attention and love he was not given - or could not be given, considering all the losses of the last few years (a father lost to murder, a mother lost to prison, a grandfather lost to death).

Ernie's strong exterior broke. He admitted that the kids picking on him at school made him angry. The taciturn boy wouldn't have recounted the specifics, but the cruel taunting was easy enough to imagine: Look at that police car, Ernie, are they chasing your mom? However much he tried to suppress it, a storm of sadness and fury brewed inside him.

Even darker secrets spilled out. Ernie described the angriest he had ever been in his life as coming in the wake of his father beating him as a child. Altrocchi's case notes present a fascinating snapshot of inner turmoil: It became clear at an early age, no matter how furious he was, he felt completely helpless and unable to express or act upon the anger. It is as if this way of dealing with - or not dealing with - anger has persevered and generalized so that it pervades his personality now.

What also became clear was that Ernie had quietly lived through a childhood of explosive violence. Altrocchi and his team delved further into the impact of the tragedy of Ernie's parents on his inner life. It is interesting to note, the case records point out, that his grandmother describes him as timid, like his mother, so that it is conceivable that he has the idea that if he should ever let any anger out he would kill somebody as his mother did.

With such a breakthrough in the psychological workup, it fell on the paranormal experts to accelerate their own examination. A suite was prepared with a one-way mirror to an observation chamber. Dr. Gaither - who had been the one to clean the visitors' hotel room - volunteered to observe from the other side while Ernie and Mabelle were placed in the meeting room and asked to wait. After a while, Mabelle left for a short period. Dr. Gaither watched as Ernie took two measuring tapes from the table and quickly hid them under his shirt. When Mabelle returned and left again, Ernie threw the two tapes after her. Not seeing Ernie throw the tapes, Mabelle called for Roll and told him another unexplained event had occurred. When confronted, Ernie denied throwing the tapes at his grandmother.

In that moment, everything turned upside-down. For the skeptics who had been circling the case, it would have seemed all that was left was to stamp the whole thing a fraud and declare that Ernie, indeed, had been fooling everyone all along. For believers, they'd have to struggle to reconcile this moment with those others that Ernie could not possibly have manipulated. The biggest twist was yet to come.

The Duke scientists swarming around Ernie came from across the university and other institutions, with experts chiming in from departments ranging from electrical engineering to mathematics. They initiated a polygraph and numerous other intensive tests including the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, the Rorschach test, the Thematic Apperception Test, and figure drawing exercises. From these tests, Roll and his colleagues referred to Ernie as a "daydreamer" with "below average intelligence," but also showed he had a latent ability to excel.

The polygraph test was conducted by Roll with the professor's full knowledge that Ernie threw those tapes at his grandma. First he asked Ernie simple questions with simple answers. Did you take a plane to Durham? Did you go to public school when you were living in Newark? Ernie, struggling to keep up with so many tests, slumped down in his seat.

"I'm sleepy," he said.

"Just sit straight forward, lift your head, and relax," Roll said.

This led into direct questions about specific incidents, including the one from May when the lamp fell in the living room while Dr. Wrege had his arm around him. Ernie said that he didn't know how it happened - and the polygraph confirmed his position with flying colors, supporting Wrege's insistence that Ernie could not have been manipulating the disturbances.

But how to reconcile the incidents independent witnesses - relatives, reporters, neighbors, the housing authority, and paranormal investigators - had concluded had been genuinely unexplained, with the fact the boy threw those measuring tapes in front of their eyes? When questioned, Ernie insisted he did not throw the tapes at his grandmother. Then came a shocker: the polygraph showed Ernie was entirely honest when he denied throwing the tapes. Either Ernie, whom they had just tested in a below average range, had outwitted the polygraph and a cadre of Duke University faculty, or something bigger - something stranger - was going on.

Duke's Dr. Ben Feather, meanwhile, hypnotized Ernie and confirmed that Ernie possessed no knowledge of throwing the measuring tapes. Feather concluded that Ernie threw the tapes in a state of disassociation, which the team believed might relate to the unexplained cerebral spikes shown in the EEG. Building on this theory of disassociation, what surprised Roll was that Ernie seemed to be unconscious both during moments of the documented genuine events and the instance with the tape measures.

During his interviews with the boy, Feather was able to unearth more of the boy's past, giving insight into his psyche and - possibly - forces of energy around him. When asked about his father, the young boy appeared to show disdain and described a cruel man who beat him and his mother, which often times landed the elder Ernest in jail. According to these accounts, two years of constant fighting had contributed to his mother killing his father. In Feather's observations, Ernie did not appear to show any sort of emotion toward his father's death except relief that his father had not been the one to kill his mother. In another interview, Ernie admitted admiration and fondness for his father.

The team examining Ernie came to the conclusion that the poltergeist experiences were connected to family turmoil as well as psychological distress and trauma. In light of the tests indicating disassociation, these forces invading Ernie's broken family could now have turned into something even more dangerous and chilling - taking control of Ernie himself to carry on disturbances. Unseen forces controlling objects around him appeared to evolve into unseen forces controlling him. The one-way mirror in the room where Ernie had been at that pivotal moment presented another intriguing element. Supernaturalists believe mirrors reflecting mirrors - an effect sometimes recreated in carnival funhouses - could open paranormal pathways. For centuries, experts of the paranormal have advised covering mirrors while sleeping.

It was the nightmare scenario for the specialists and family members alike: Ernie could be slipping away from them.

Back in Newark earlier that year, Charles Wrege had suggested that Ernie might learn to harness and control the psychokinetic forces that seemed to surround him. Now as the case at Duke came to a head, a pivotal moment had arrived for the experts to either help or discard Ernie. In the case of the Herrmann family, the Long Island poltergeist case, even the police had become involved alongside Roll's team in trying to understand and overcome the mysterious occurrences - with the Herrmanns reportedly finding peace once the forces were banished (paving the way to what became, quite literally, a Hollywood ending when their journey was immortalized in Poltergeist). Giving hope to Ernie was the fact that Roll had actually moved into family homes experiencing poltergeists, and even ended up becoming a de facto foster father to a young woman who was kicked out by her family after a poltergeist.

But those other cases seemed to be divided from Ernie's by racial and socioeconomic fault lines. Not only did the police refuse to help Mabelle and Ernie, they turned them away. In the Herrmann case, the investigators could take their time in the single family home both to thoroughly observe the family and help put the poltergeist behind them. But in Newark a continuation of the disturbances would mean certain eviction for Mabelle with a threat to sink into poverty.

Ernie indicated to the team at Duke that "he would really like to live with his grandmother and if only these objects would stop flying through the air he would be able to return to her." As the moment of truth came toward the end of the family's stay in Durham, the team could have braced for a possible extended battle grappling with unexplained forces on one side, and with bureaucratic officials on the other, to keep Ernie's family together and finally give them hope for the future. To finally turn Ernie's home into a home he could count on.

Instead, they crushed those hopes with a far blunter recommendation to solve the psychological and paranormal crisis.

Ernie and Mabelle should be separated for good.

With the frenzy around the "Project Poltergeist" quieting down, reporters and professors began to leave Ernie and his family alone. After a stint in a foster home and a farm for foster children, Ernie's Aunt Ruth and Uncle William took him back to their Belleville home. While similar incidents of glasses and items flying and breaking occured in Belleville, far away from the limelight, they proved less violent than in Newark. In October 1965, Ann (whose escape from prison had been short-lived) was paroled after serving eight years in the Clinton Reformatory for Women. Shortly after she was released, Ann was murdered by a pair of alleged mobsters seeking vengeance for the murder of their prized boxer just a few years before.

Unrest in Newark's public housing, with its drastic inequities and institutionalized racism, as well as police treatment of minority citizens, contributed to a major riot in 1967. A National Guard tank was driven into the courtyard of the Felix Fuld housing project, and the buildings where Ernie had spent so much time echoed with gunfire.

The overextended William and Ruth considered sending their orphaned nephew back to a group home, but they ultimately embraced stability for Ernie. William promised Ernie that whatever was going on with him or following him around, they would face it without the help of psychologists and parapsychologists. The incidents gradually stopped by the time Ernie turned 18 and joined the Marine Corps.

For years after parting ways with Ernie, Roll continued to speak about the Newark events at parapsychological conventions and write about it in technical journals. The 1962 Parapsychological Association Convention, the first to take place after Ernie's experiences, was hosted for at the Jack Tar Hotel, where Ernie and Mabelle had stayed, and featured talks on what had happened in the Newark housing project. The case contributed to Roll's rising stock in the paranormal community.

Ernie remained in New Jersey through adulthood. He married and had children of his own, the violent incidents receding into family lore. But later, Ernie's wife claimed to experience some unusual phenomena in the house. An occasional glass would drop in the kitchen from time-to-time. There was one moment in particular she never forgot.

She woke in the middle of the night to glimpse what she believed to be a man sitting on their windowsill. Startled, she jostled Ernie to let him know what happened. Ernie responded as though he knew just what it was she had seen.

"Just go back to sleep," he said. "Don't worry about it."

SALEAH BLANCAFOR is a New York- and New Jersey-based writer originally hailing from Oklahoma. Her bylines can be found in NBC News, People Magazine, Entertainment Weekly, Real Simple, Texas Monthly, Eater and more.
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May 6, 1961 On the evening of his thirteenth birthday, Ernie Rivers, shy and serious, was playing in his bedroom in an apartment in the Felix Fuld housing development in Newark, New Jersey. Loneliness had become routine for Ernie, even on his birthday. His no-nonsense grandmother, Mabelle Clark, took care of housework in her bedroom.

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As coronavirus has swept through the United States, finding the true number of people who have been infected has been stymied due to lack of testing. Now, official counts of coronavirus deaths are being challenged, too.

In Colorado, for example, a Republican state legislator has accused the state's public health department of falsely inflating COVID-19 deaths; in Florida, local media have objected to the State Department of Health's refusal to release medical examiner data to the public, alleging that the state may be underreporting deaths.

The reality is that assigning a cause of death is not always straightforward, even pre-pandemic, and a patchwork of local rules and regulations makes getting valid national data challenging. However, data on excess deaths in the United States over the past several months suggest that COVID-19 deaths are probably being undercounted rather than overcounted.

Cause of death

Death certificates can be signed by a physician who was responsible for a patient who died in a hospital, which accounts for many COVID-19 deaths. They can also be signed by medical examiners or coroners, who are independent officials who work for individual counties or cities. Many COVID-19 death certificates are being handled by physicians unless the death occurred outside of the hospital, in which case a medical examiner or coroner would step in, said Dr. Sally Aiken, the president of the National Association of Medical Examiners (NAME). In some jurisdictions, including cities such as Chicago and Milwaukee, medical examiners are involved in determining the cause of death for every suspected COVID-19 case. In those jurisdictions, medical examiners review medical records even of patients who die in hospitals to ensure that the symptoms and any testing indicate that the patient did indeed die of COVID-19.

Having medical examiners confirm COVID-19 deaths can create more uniformity and clearer documentation, Aiken told Live Science. On a death certificate, there are spaces to list an immediate cause of death, as well as the chain of events that led to that final disease or incident. There are also spaces for adding contributing factors.

For COVID-19, the immediate cause of death might be listed as respiratory distress, with the second line reading "due to COVID-19." Contributing factors such as heart disease, diabetes or high blood pressure would then be listed further down. This has led to some confusion by people arguing that the "real" cause of death was heart disease or diabetes, Aiken said, but that's not the case.

"Without the COVID19 being the last straw or the thing that led to the chain of events that led to death, they probably wouldn't have died," she said.

Detecting COVID-19

How hard it is to accurately determine whether COVID-19 was truly that last straw depends on the situation. Most COVID-19 deaths seen at Mount Sinai Health System in New York are in people who have comorbid (or co-occurring) conditions such as coronary artery disease or kidney disease, said Dr. Mary Fowkes, the chief of autopsy services at Mount Sinai. But it's not typically difficult to tell what killed them.

"Most of the cases are pretty straightforward," Fowkes told Live Science. "The lungs are usually so severely involved with pathology, so they are two to three times or more the normal weight of a normal lung."

(The excess weight is due to fluid and cell detritus from damaged lung tissues.)

In some cases, particularly those where someone dies at home or quickly perishes after entering an emergency room, the determination can be a little more fuzzy, said Dr. Jeremy Faust, an emergency physician at Brigham and Women's Hospital in Massachusetts.

"The challenge is knowing who died of COVID-19 versus who died with the virus that causes COVID-19," Faust told Live Science.

Autopsies can help answer that question, but autopsy rates were low even pre-pandemic, Fowkes said. Even at Mount Sinai, a rare medical system that offers every family a chance to have their loved one autopsied for free, the rate of autopsy was only about 20% prior to the pandemic. According to NAME, there is an ongoing shortage of forensic pathologists working in the United States, with about 500 currently employed and a need for 1,200. Autopsies for COVID-19 can also be dangerous due to the infectious nature of the disease and ongoing shortages of personal protective equipment for pathologists.

Another complication for assigning a cause of death for COVID-19 is that some younger people have died of strokes and heart attacks and then tested positive for COVID-19 without any history of respiratory symptoms. The virus is now known to cause blood clots, suggesting that COVID-19 was the killer in these cases, too. Fowkes and her colleagues conducted a microscopic inspection of the brains of 20 COVID-19 victims in her hospital system and found that six of them contained tiny blood clots that had caused small strokes before death.

"We're seeing it in younger patients than you would expect, and we're seeing it in a distribution that you wouldn't expect, so we think it's related to the COVID," Fowkes said.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has issued guidelines for how to attribute a death to COVID-19. The guidelines urge using information from COVID-19 testing, where possible, but also allow for deaths to be listed as "presumed" or "probable" COVID-19 based on symptoms and the best clinical judgment of the person filling out the death certificate. A medical examiner trying to determine a cause of death in the absence of testing would comb medical records and query family and loved ones about the person's symptoms before they died, Aiken said. Postmortem COVID-19 tests may be possible, depending on the jurisdiction.

Underreporting or overreporting?

All of the inconsistencies of cause-of-death reporting precede the COVID-19 pandemic, says Jay Wolfson, a professor of public health at the University of South Florida (USF). But getting good data about deaths is now extremely pressing, he told Live Science. Death certificates are often used by epidemiologists and public health officials to detect strange clusters of deaths or to link certain risk factors to certain causes of death. But because different states and localities have different rules about recording and reporting causes of death, the cumulative data is always messy.

"I think some states are reluctant to open their databases up, knowing they have validity problems or knowing the data might be misused," Wolfson said. But public health officials need access, he said, and they need to figure out ways to dig into the data and standardize them. Wolfson and other researchers at USF are already working with state officials to see what kind of data the state can legally release, he said.

Meanwhile, as the political debate over the response to the virus heats up, some have argued that death reports are being deliberately skewed. Aiken rejected the notion of a vast conspiracy by medical examiners; medical examiners are designed to be independent entities, she said, and they run the political gamut from conservative to liberal.

"It always cracks me up," she said. "Medical examiners and coroners aren't organized enough to have a conspiracy."

In Colorado, the discrepancy over people dying with COVID-19 versus of COVID-19 is due to federal reporting guidelines requiring the health department to report any COVID-positive death to the CDC, even if COVID-19 wasn't thought to cause the death, Gov. Jared Polis said in a news conference Friday (May 15). The health department has been instructed not to report those deaths as being caused by COVID-19 to the public, Polis said.

In Florida, state law prevents the release of death certificate data, Wolfson said, but it may be possible to get public release of death certificates with identifying information removed, or of cumulative datasets.

Both undercounts and overcounts of COVID-19 deaths are possible, Wolfson said, but it's not yet clear which is more likely, or whether they might simply balance each other out. Fowkes said that based on her experience, it's more likely that COVID-19 deaths are being missed than overcounted. That's because New York is among several cities that show spikes in deaths at home, and these anomalous spikes could be due to untested, untreated COVID-19.

Perhaps, the best clue as to whether COVID-19 deaths have been undercounted or overcounted is excess mortality data. Excess mortality is deaths above and beyond what would normally be expected in a given population in a given year. CDC data shows a spike of excess mortality in early 2020, adding up to tens of thousands of deaths.

Some argue that many of these excess deaths are related to COVID-19 lockdowns, not COVID-19 themselves, Faust said, because people fear catching the disease if they go to the hospital for other reasons. A study in the Journal of the American College of Cardiology did find that nine major hospitals saw a 38% drop in emergency visits for a particular kind of heart attack in March. That suggests that people really are delaying or avoiding medical care, which could mean that some of them die of preventable causes.

But non-COVID conditions probably don't explain most excess deaths, Faust said. Only a portion of heart attack visits would have represented lives saved, he said, because doctors must treat perhaps 10 patients to save one life. And other causes of death-such as motor vehicle accidents-are down.

This could change with time, Faust cautioned. For example, if cancer patients forego their treatments for a year, rather than a few months, the impact on their death rates is much more likely to be noticeable in the population-wide data. But for now, he said, "it's unlikely that the coronavirus deaths are being overcounted by a magnitude that explains our observation that something very unusual is going on."
Copyright 2020 Read more about the coronavirus outbreak from Scientific American here. And read coverage from our international network of magazines here. LiveScience.com, a Future company. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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As coronavirus has swept through the United States, finding the true number of people who have been infected has been stymied due to lack of testing. Now, official counts of coronavirus deaths are being challenged, too.

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One day before a top Florida Department of Health data manager lost her role maintaining the state's COVID-19 data, she objected to the removal of records showing people had symptoms or positive tests before the cases were announced, according to internal emails obtained by the Tampa Bay Times.

On Tuesday, a spokeswoman for Gov. Ron DeSantis said she had been fired.

According to the emails, department staff gave the order shortly after reporters requested the same data from the agency on May 5. The data manager, Rebekah Jones, complied with the order, but not before she told her supervisors it was the "wrong call."

By the next morning, control over the data was given to other employees, according to an email Jones posted Friday on a public listserv. Jones, the department's geographic information systems manager, wrote that she was no longer handling questions about the department's "Florida's COVID-19 Data and Surveillance Dashboard." She implied her removal was an act of retribution.

Jones said Tuesday that she was offered a settlement and the option to resign in lieu of being fired, effective May 26.

The dashboard that Jones managed is the best official source for in-depth data on how the deadly pandemic is moving through the state. Studying it is the surest way to know where outbreaks are growing and where testing is being done. Without access to the data, Floridians would have to rely on the word of officials and politicians without being able to verify for themselves.

Along with the dashboard, the department releases the same data, with only slightly more information, in daily reports, as well as in another format that allows for easier data analysis.

In her Friday email to subscribers of a COVID data listserv, Jones said she was reassigned on May 5 "[f]or reasons beyond my division's control" and warned that whoever took over may be less straightforward.

"As a word of caution, I would not expect the new team to continue the same level of accessibility and transparency that I made central to the process during the first two months. After all, my commitment to both is largely (arguably entirely) the reason I am no longer managing it," she wrote.

"They are making a lot of changes. I would advise being diligent in your respective uses of this data."

Jones also told CBS12 in Tallahassee on Monday that she refused to "manually change data to drum up support for the plan to reopen" the state.

When asked during a Tuesday news conference about Jones' public email detailing her reassignment, DeSantis said he did not know who she was but that he had been shown an email that Jones sent to her supervisor, apologizing.

His spokeswoman, Helen Aguirre Ferré, wrote in an email to reporters after the news conference that Jones "exhibited a repeated course of insubordination during her time with the Department, including her unilateral decisions to modify the Department's COVID-19 dashboard without input or approval from the epidemiological team or her supervisors."

Ferré's email included the email that DeSantis referenced. Sent Saturday, Jones told her supervisor that her comments about the employees replacing her had been misconstrued.

"What I meant when I said I don't expect the same level of accessibility is that they are busy and can't answer every single email they get right away," Jones wrote to her supervisor. "Is this one of those stupid things I shouldn't have said?"

Still, there was much DeSantis didn't address. Why was Jones instructed to take data down, as shown in the emails? Why was she taken off the dashboard and later terminated? He then left the conference as reporters shouted follow-up questions.

Emails sent within the department on May 4 indicate a busy timeline leading up to Jones' reassignment.

That day, according to the Miami Herald, reporters contacted the department to ask about the "EventDate" field of data, which showed when people first reported coronavirus symptoms or positive test results. Some people had listed dates as early as January 1, indicating people reported symptomatic or tested positive much earlier than when cases were confirmed in March. It is unclear when the state learned about those cases, or when the people were tested.

Sometime that day, the column vanished from the "Person Cases" data, which lists anonymized records for every confirmed case in Florida. The Palm Beach Post reported the disappearance the next day, May 5.

The Tampa Bay Times automatically checks for changes in the data and archives new updates. Shortly before 10:12 a.m on May 4., data still included the EventDate field, showing records with listed dates that people reported symptoms as early as January 1. By 3:02 p.m., the column was gone.

For much of the next day, May 5, the column was either missing or empty, with every row listing "None." Finally, it returned shortly before 8:02 p.m.

Times reporters asked Health Department spokesman Alberto Moscoso that day why the data disappeared. Two days later, he said, "This field continues to be represented on the Department's COVID-19 Dashboard."

Moscoso did not reply to requests for comment Tuesday.

According to internal emails reviewed by the Times, Department of Health I.T. Director Craig Curry emailed Rebekah Jones just before 5 p.m. on May 4. He cited Dr. Carina Blackmore, director for the Division of Disease Control and Health Protection.

"Per Dr. Blackmore, disable the ability to export the data to files from the dashboard immediately. We need to ensure that dates (date fields) in all objects match their counterpart on the PDF line list published," Curry wrote.

The tables in the PDF documents did not include the column of data showing when symptoms were first reported, only the "Case Date" - the date the state recorded and confirmed the case.

"This is the wrong call," Jones replied minutes later.

A few minutes later, she emailed Curry again. "Case line data is down."

Then, just after 6 p.m., the I.T. director emailed both Jones and Dr. Blackmore. "Re-enable for now please."

Jones replied, "10-4."

Neither Dr. Blackmore nor Curry replied to requests for comment.

Shortly before DeSantis' Tuesday news conference, Florida Commissioner of Agriculture Nikki Fried, the only Democrat holding statewide office, released an open letter to the governor, requesting top health officials appear before the Cabinet next week.

Fried wrote that Jones' reported reassignment and forced resignation "undermine public trust in our government, are extraordinarily dangerous to public health, and are absolutely inconsistent with the transparency and accuracy that Floridians expect and deserve during this pandemic."

In a video news conference following DeSantis' remarks, state Senate Democrats criticized the decision to fire Jones. They argued it was an act of political retribution.

"(Jones) was a brave woman who refused to fudge the numbers and she was punished for it, and that's wrong," Janet Cruz, D-Tampa, said in response to a question about the data manager.

According to the Syracuse University alumni magazine, Jones joined the Department of Health in 2018. She worked for emergency response teams after hurricanes Michael and Dorian before becoming GIS manager in November 2019. Jones graduated from Syracuse before earning a master's degree in geography at Louisiana State University and then teaching and working towards a Ph.D. at Florida State University, according to a resume posted to Florida State's website.

Jones, 30, built the dashboard "from scratch," she told the magazine in March. Through early May, she had provided information and updates on the tool to researchers and journalists, including Times reporters.

"If you look at our data services, there's a lot of publicly available data, because it's critical information," Jones in April told a blog by Esri, the company that creates software used by the department.

"We would much rather the public or the press have the data that we've triple checked than to scrape the web trying to count cases or have a research group or university create a model with data that we haven't verified," Jones said in the article. "The efforts in the academic community to do serious data modeling are crucial right now."

The same dashboard received national attention when Dr. Deborah Birx, the White House coronavirus response coordinator, first raved about it April 20.

"So I did spend about five hours going to every state website, and I will tell you that the - Florida's Department of Health website is extraordinary," Birx told reporters at the White House. "This is how we have to inform the American public, and this is where the American public will develop confidence in each of their counties and local governments."

Jones said she was reassigned 15 days later.

EDITOR'S NOTE: An earlier version of this story listed the incorrect date on an email from Craig Curry to Rebekah Jones. It was sent May 4, not May 5.

* * *
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Florida Health Department manager told to delete coronavirus data is fired

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One day before a top Florida Department of Health data manager lost her role maintaining the state's COVID-19 data, she objected to the removal of records showing people had symptoms or positive tests before the cases were announced, according to internal emails obtained by the Tampa Bay Times.

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Couchés sur un lit de pétales de cerisiers en fleurs, ces cerfs offrent un spectacle féerique

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Couchés sur un lit de pétales de cerisiers en fleurs, ces cerfs offrent un spectacle féerique

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One of the oldest public gardens in Japan, Nara Park is home to over 1,200 wild sika deer who roam freely around the 502 hectares (1,240 acres) grounds. The gentle creatures usually share the park with crowds of tourists, but since the COVID-19 lockdown, the deer have been enjoying the quiet time. Locals are still allowed to visit (as long as they uphold social distancing), so Japanese photographer Kazuki Ikeda recently went there for a pre-wedding photoshoot. And while the couple were the focus of the shots, he also had time to capture a group of deer on video, and it looks like something from a fairytale.

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【奈良公園の鹿と桜】Deer and cherry blossoms in Nara Park

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commentaire google sur le bois de boulogne

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commentaire google sur le bois de boulogne

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Faites gaffes aux flash après c'est une horreur de passer là-bas avec toutes et tous ses peripatéticiennes/ciens! !! Qui sont visibles tout le long des rues expliques à ton neveux nièce ou gamin pourquoi la dame ressemble à un homme et pourquoi la dame elle est en culotte dehors! Alors le coup de il y a une piscine extérieure c'est pour ça mais après le gamin te dis je veux y aller euhhhhh na!!! Mais quand le monsieur-dame se mets à agité ses faux lolo va donner une explication !  J'ai dis à mon neveux qu'elle/il avait mange du pain et c'est mis des miettes partout ! Ça va pas tenir longtemps ce scénario c'est honteux que l'état  ne fasse rien   ils doivent utiliser les services c'est pas possible !

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1937 Len Lye - "Trade tattoo" (highlights edit)

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La guerre de 1870 va provoquer la ruine de sa famille, et Sisley, va passer, pour le reste de sa vie, du statut de fils de famille aisé financièrement, au statut d'artiste devant vivre difficilement de sa peinture.

La Commune de Paris en 1871 le conduit à se réfugier à Londres, où il rencontre le marchand  d'art Durand-Ruel, qui a ouvert une galerie pour faire connaître les artistes français.
Il revient en France, à Louveciennes peu après les évènements.

Maintenant ruiné, il doit dans un souci d'économie quitter définitivement Paris et Louveciennes en 1874 pour s'installer en face de l'Abreuvoir de Marly-le-Roi.

| Il fait partie en 1874 des 31 exposants de la première exposition du groupe des Impressionnistes, puis expose aux suivantes, en 1876 et 1877, sans toutefois y acquérir la sympathie, ou l'enthousiasme des critiques.Il peint alors essentiellement à Argenteuil, Marly et Bougival. "Bateaux à l'écluse de Bougival" en 1873, " La Neige à Louveciennes " en 1874, "L'Inondation à Port-Marly" en 1876), sont parmi ses oeuvres les plus marquantes de cette époque. |   |

Il ne quittera plus alors l'Ile-de-France.

Après 1880, Sisley alla alors s'installer dans une retraite solitaire, à Moret-sur-Loing, chef-lieu de canton de Seine-et-Marne, proche de Fontainebleau.

| Il trouve dans cet endroit les lieux d'une vive source d'inspiration où il compose inlassablement de nombreuses toiles aujourd'hui célèbres
Il éprouve là un plaisir inlassable de peindre en plein air et en toute saison les paysages de cette région.

Alfred Sisley passe ici les dernières années de sa vie, dans la simplicité, et meurt en 1899, sans avoir pu obtenir la nationalité française qu'il demandait depuis 1895. Il fallut attendre sa mort pour qu'il soit reconnu comme l'un des plus grands peintres impressionnistes

Le langage pictural d' Alfred Sisley s'est toujours fortement inscrit dans l'impressionnisme, mais il a toujours montré également son attachement à ses premiers inspirateurs que furent Corot et Daubigny.Ce qui le distingue, c'est cependant sa constante discrétion, la sensibilité de son inspiration, son goût pour les paysages paisibles. Il y a toujours eu chez lui une grande humilité dans sa tentative de retranscrire sur la toile l'enchantement qu'il ressentait devant les situations et les paysages réels.D'aucuns y ont vu un manque de personnalité artistique, son éventail thématique étant effectivement restreint aux seuls paysages, dans lesquels quelques personnages font parfois office de décor, sans aucun trait vraiment personnel. De son vivant, il ne sera jamais considéré, par les amateurs d'art, que comme un peintre du mouvement impressionniste peignant un peu comme Monet. Pourtant les tableaux de Sisley présentent une atmosphère positive de beauté, de clarté et de légèreté, et représentent un haut degré d'aboutissement impressionniste.

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NOUVELLE-ZÉLANDE

Len Lye fut l'un des pionniers de la création de films en couleur dans les années 30. Il utilisa la technique du Dr Bela Gaspar, le gasparcolor (it), où la camera était équipée d'un miroir semi-réfléchissant qui divisait le spectre en trois images monochromes, qui une fois recombinées, formaient une image en couleur. Il fut aussi l'inventeur du direct film, créé sans camera. le plus fameux est Free Radicals. À de nombreuses reprises il entreprit d'utiliser des instruments chirurgicaux, des pinceaux, des crayons, etc. pour créer des formes et des textures sur de la pellicule.

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L’Espagne va-t-elle vraiment mettre en place un revenu de base universel ?

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L’Espagne va-t-elle vraiment mettre en place un revenu de base universel ?

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Bien qu’elle complète les politiques actuelles de plusieurs manières, cette mesure est loin de constituer un revenu de base. Elle n’est pas individuelle, ni inconditionnelle ni universelle, trois des principales caractéristiques de la politique dite de revenu de base universel que certains médias utilisent pour qualifier la future politique qui sera mise en œuvre en Espagne. Bien au contraire, le “revenu minimum vital” actuellement à l’étude est une prestation non imposable de dernier recours destinée aux ménages les plus vulnérables. Il sera accordé aux ménages et non aux individus, et s’apparente ainsi davantage à une politique de minimum social,

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Mouvement Français pour un Revenu de Base

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#Spoileralert : Non ! Les mesures actuellement envisagées par le gouvernement espagnol n'ont rien à voir avec un revenu de base universel. L'article qui suit offre une explication exhaustive et tombe à point nommé alors que le traitement médiatique à l'international a provoqué une confusion sur la mesure en cours de discussion dans le gouvernement espagnol. Il a été rédigé par Leire Ricón, doctorante en sciences politiques à l'université de Barcelone et a été originalement publié le 10 avril sur le site du Basic Income Earth Network (BIEN).

Quelques éléments de contexte sur le système de protection sociale espagnol pour nos lecteurs·trices francophones
Appliqués au niveau des régions (Comunidades Autonomas), les filets de protection sociale espagnols ont des trous béants : seuls 8% de la population vivant sous le seuil de pauvreté (775€/mois) - 22% au total - sont bénéficiaires des minimas sociaux. Début avril, le gouvernement espagnol a annoncé sa volonté de mettre en place un dispositif d'urgence pour assurer un revenu minimum à la population la plus fragilisée par le contexte de crise sanitaire, devenue sociale et économique. Si cette mesure qui doit entrer en vigueur dès le mois de mai s'avère nécessaire pour assurer rapidement un revenu de subsistance aux ménages les plus précaires, la Red Renta Básica et le mouvement citoyen Marea Básica contre le chômage et la précarité ont émis de sérieuses critiques à son encontre. Ces collectifs dénoncent les montants extrêmement faibles et la conditionnalité de son octroi ( voir cet article en espagnol). Il s'agit selon eux d'une occasion manquée d'impulser une véritable politique de protection sociale rompant avec la logique de conditionnalité et marquant un vrai tournant avec les politiques d'austérité qui ont gravement affectées le pays en une décennie.

Une mesure ni individuelle, ni inconditionnelle, ni universelle

En pleine crise du coronavirus et suite aux bouleversements sociaux et économiques qu'elle a déclenché, de nombreux économistes, journalistes et personnalités publiques et politiques ont plaidé pour la mise en place d'un revenu de base universel. Toutefois, le décalage est grand entre le débat public et médiatique sur la mise en place imminente d'un revenu de base universel et les mesures politiques envisagées par nos gouvernements en réponse à la crise économique et sanitaire.

En Espagne, le gouvernement de coalition a évoqué sa volonté de mettre en place un revenu minimum d'existence ( ingreso minimo vital, en espagnol) afin de pallier le ralentissement économique en cours. Certains médias ( Bloomberg, the independent, Business Insider, The Local, or Forbes) ont utilisé le concept de revenu de base universel pour faire référence aux mesures politiques actuellement à l'étude en Espagne, alors que le dispositif s'apparente en fait davantage à un revenu minimum. Le terme de revenu de base a même été utilisé par une journaliste espagnole dans une interview avec la troisième vice-présidente du gouvernement espagnol, Nadia Calviño, lorsqu'elle l'a interrogée sur la politique de revenu minimum vital actuellement en étude.

Malgré l'insistance des médias à utiliser le terme de revenu de base, la mesure en question est loin d'être une politique véritablement universelle et inconditionnelle. Bien que le gouvernement espagnol soit encore en train d'examiner les détails de sa mise en œuvre, le ministre de la sécurité sociale et des migrations, José Luis Escrivà, a confirmé dans une récente interview que cette politique est un revenu minimum destiné aux ménages vulnérables et que son montant dépendra du nombre de personnes et d'enfants qui les composent. À titre d'exemple, il est prévu que les familles monoparentales recevront des montants plus élevés. Un article récent de La Vanguardia, annonce un montant fixé à 500 euros pour les personnes vivant seules et ne disposant d'aucun revenu, et à 1000 euros pour les familles avec enfants. Actuellement, le ministère de la sécurité sociale et des migrations élabore une typologie des ménages espagnols et travaille à une première estimation du nombre de futur·e·s bénéficiaires. En résumé, bien que le montant n'ait pas encore été clairement défini, on sait d'ores et déjà que cette mesure ne sera pas temporaire mais permanente et remplira la fonction d'un minimum social, plus pérenne et plus sécurisant que les autres types de prestations déjà existantes.

Nous savons également qu'il s'agira d'un versement en espèces non imposable qui s'ajoutera aux politiques de protection sociale déjà existantes et ce de différentes manières. Les chômeurs·euses en fin de droit pourront y avoir accès, de même que celles et ceux qui n'ont pas droit aux allocations de chômage s'ils remplissent les critères d'obtention. Il importe de préciser qu'il s'agit en principe d'une allocation permanente, qui ne prendra fin que lorsque le/la bénéficiaire aura un emploi. Une telle mesure est particulièrement pertinente pour cibler des groupes de personnes vulnérables, comme les travailleurs·euses domestiques sans contrat ou les travailleurs·euses indépendant·es qui ont vu leur activité prendre fin. Selon la ministre de l'emploi Yolanda Diaz, cette mesure pourrait bénéficier à un total de 5 millions de personnes, soit près de 10 % de la population espagnole.

Bien qu'elle complète les politiques actuelles de plusieurs manières, cette mesure est loin de constituer un revenu de base. Elle n'est pas individuelle, ni inconditionnelle ni universelle, trois des principales caractéristiques de la politique dite de revenu de base universel que certains médias utilisent pour qualifier la future politique qui sera mise en œuvre en Espagne. Bien au contraire, le "revenu minimum vital" actuellement à l'étude est une prestation non imposable de dernier recours destinée aux ménages les plus vulnérables. Il sera accordé aux ménages et non aux individus, et s'apparente ainsi davantage à une politique de minimum social, comme le résume le tableau ci-dessous :

Au-delà du coronavirus

Le "revenu minimum vital" qui figure actuellement en haut de l'agenda politique en Espagne n'est pas uniquement pensé comme une réponse à la crise du coronavirus. Il faisait partie de l'accord gouvernemental déjà signé en 2019 entre les deux partis de coalition PSOE et Unidas Podemos. Un montant d'environ 600 euros par personne était envisagé, avec un maximum de 1.200 euros pour certains ménages et son coût était estimé à environ 10 milliards d'euros. Dans une récente interview accordée à la chaîne La Sexta, la troisième vice-présidente Nadia Calviño a annoncé que l'introduction du revenu minimum vital se voulait une première version de la politique convenue dans l'accord gouvernemental de 2019. Ainsi, indépendamment de la forme que prend cette politique aujourd'hui, sa mise en œuvre devrait être structurelle et permanente.

Le terme de revenu de base universel dévoyé une nouvelle fois

Une fois de plus, plusieurs médias ont utilisé à tort le terme de revenu de base universel pour qualifier des politiques qui en sont pourtant encore loin. En fait, l'ensemble des politiques d'urgence mises en place en réponse au coronavirus s'inscrit dans la même logique de ciblage et de conditionnalité. Ceci se traduit par un patchwork de prestations destinées à couvrir des besoins différents et pour lesquelles les taux de non-recours sont élevés. Le gouvernement a d'ores-et-déjà mis en place différentes mesures d'urgence en réponse à la crise sanitaire : on compte parmis elles la simplification du recours au chômage technique pour les entreprises ("ERTE") afin de prévenir le chômage de masse, mais aussi un gel des prêts hypothécaires, des mesures d'exonération fiscale pour les travailleurs·euses indépendant·es, ainsi que des indemnités pour celles et ceux qui ont vu leur activité considérablement réduite. Si ces différentes mesures font sens, elles appartiennent néanmoins à la même rhétorique qui consiste à bricoler un patchwork de programmes plutôt que de travailler à la construction d'un véritable filet de sécurité efficace pour tout le monde, comme pourrait l'être le revenu de base universel. Il importe de rappeler qu'en raison de la complexité des différentes conditions et critères d'obtention, nombreux·ses sont les ayant-droits écarté·es de ces divers programmes dont les procédures administratives sont complexes et excluantes.

Les prochaines étapes

Le débat politique actuel porte sur les détails techniques du revenu minimum vital, notamment sur le montant, les groupes cibles et le modèle de financement. Mardi 7 avril, Alberto Garzon a déclaré dans une interview que l'Espagne appelle l'Europe à une " sortie partagée ", avec des fonds adaptés sans qu'il s'agisse de prêts. M. Escrivà avait déjà fait un calcul pour une politique de ce type, lorsqu'il était président de l'AIREF (autorité indépendante pour la responsabilité fiscale). Avec 1,8 million de bénéficiaires, le coût s'élèverait à environ 5,5 milliards d'euros. Ce calcul est basé sur un montant de 430 euros pour les ménages dont le revenu disponible serait compris entre 263 euros et 497 euros par mois, selon le nombre d'individus du foyer. Son coût descendrait à 3,5 milliards d'euros si des prestations similaires étaient supprimées. Toutefois, ce calcul est grandement remis en question et est rendu obsolète par la crise sanitaire, sociale et économique en cours.

Quelques mots sur le processus de mise en place politique

Cette politique d'urgence s'est considérablement affinée lors d'une réunion entre Pablo Iglesias, la Ministre de l'emploi Yolanda Díaz, le Ministre de l'inclusion de la Sécurité Sociale et de la Migration Jose Luis Escrivà, ainsi que plusieurs représentant·es de groupes d'intérêts clés en Espagne, dont des ONG comme Oxfam, Cáritas, la FACUA (une association de défense des consommateurs·trices) Cermi (une association de défense des personnes en situation de handicap), ainsi que différents syndicats dont la Confédération syndicale des Commissions ouvrières (CCOO) et l'Union Générale des Travailleurs (UGT). La Confédération espagnole des entreprises (CEOE), principale organisation patronale du pays a, quant à elle, refusé de participer aux discussions. Cependant, Pablo Iglesias a été en contact téléphonique avec des personnalités clés du monde des affaires et du secteur bancaire qui ont parlé positivement de cette mesure, et a également été en contact avec Antonio Garamendi, le président de la CEOE, avec lequel il a échangé quelques données.

Un revenu minimum vital transitoire pour répondre à l'urgence

Étant donné que la mise en place de cette proposition de revenu minimum prendrait environ trois mois le gouvernement a travaillé à la mise en place d'une mesure "transitoire" (IMVP, ingreso minimo vital puente), qui serait appliquée en urgence. Le 16 avril, le gouvernement a annoncé vouloir le rendre effectif dès le mois de mai. Ce revenu minimum vital transitoire serait compris entre 500 et 950 euros par ménage, selon le nombre d'enfants, il sera aussi versé aux personnes seules dont les revenus sont inférieurs à 200 euros ou inférieurs à 450 euros si le ménage est composé de deux personnes ou plus. Le montant des prestations sera plus élevé pour celles et ceux qui ont des enfants à charge. Le gouvernement a annoncé que cette mesure est temporaire et devrait être en vigueur pendant une durée de 3 mois, jusqu'à l'approbation du revenu minimum vital permanent.

Dans une interview récente, le ministre José Luis Escrivà a estimé le nombre de bénéficiaires de cette mesure d'urgence à 1 million de ménages, dont 10% de ménages monoparentaux et 3 millions d'individus. Il a également précisé que cette prestation ne serait pas annulée immédiatement après le retour à l'emploi du/de la bénéficiaire mais prendrait fin quand sa situation économique sera à nouveau stabilisée.

Bien que les détails du dispositif ne soient pas encore tous tranchés, il est évident que cette mesure est loin de s'apparenter à un quelconque revenu de base et elle semble encore plus éloignée de son objectif de réduction de la pauvreté dans le pays. Selon le dernier rapport du Réseau Européen Contre la Pauvreté et l'Exclusion , l'Espagne en 2019 comptait 12,3 millions de personnes en risque de pauvreté et d'exclusion sociale. Le dispositif en cours de discussion ne toucherait qu'à peine le tiers d'entre elles.

Traduction : Elena Ambühl

Crédit photo : Antonio Marín Segovia

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L'Espagne va-t-elle vraiment mettre en place un revenu de base universel ? - Mouvement Français pour un Revenu de Base

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Spoileralert : Non ! Les mesures actuellement envisagées par le gouvernement espagnol n'ont rien à voir avec un revenu de base universel. L'article qui suit offre une explication exhaustive et tombe à point nommé alors que le traitement médiatique à l'international a provoqué une confusion sur la mesure en cours de discussion dans le gouvernement espagnol.

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Free Radicals est un court film d'animation du réalisateur expérimental Len Lye. Entamé en 1958 et terminé en 1979, Lye a créé ce film en grattant directement la pellicule. Les « formes en mouvement » qui en résultent sont accompagnées par une musique de la tribu Barma du Tchad.

Free Radicals apparaît sur le DVD Rhythms, un recueil de courts-métrages de Lye².

« J'ai créé Free Radicals sur une pellicule noire 16 mm, que vous pouvez obtenir de DuPont. J'ai pris un burin, plusieurs sortes d'aiguilles. (Mon échantillon incluait des pointes de flèche pour le romantisme.) Vous fixez les bords avec une bande de scotch et vous vous mettez à travailler en grattant la matière. […] Vous tenez votre main à la bonne hauteur et faites comme si vous apposiez votre signature. Cela dure une éternité. Vous pouvez avoir une conception pictographique dans votre tête et faire un petit dessin. Vous ne pouvez pas voir ce que vous faites parce que votre main fait écran. C'est pourquoi ces choses ont cet aspect spastique³. »

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Иван Васильев

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Len Lye - Free Radicals  ( "Johnathan Livingston" )

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(Reuters) - With jury trials on hold throughout the United States because of the coronavirus pandemic, court officials in Texas are trying something new: let jurors hear a case through Zoom.

Lawyers in an insurance dispute in Collin County District Court on Monday picked a jury to hear the case by videoconference, in what officials believe is the first virtual jury trial to be held nationally amid the COVID-19 crisis.

More than two dozen potential jurors logged in by smartphone, laptop and tablet for jury selection, which was streamed live on YouTube here with a judge occasionally providing tech advice on how to best use their devices.

The one-day trial is a so-called summary jury trial, in which jurors hear a condensed version of a case and deliver a non-binding verdict.

The parties, having seen how their case could fare before a jury in a full-blown trial, will sit down for mediation and try to negotiate a settlement on Tuesday.

Officials say the abbreviated format and non-binding verdict make it ideal to test the viability of holding jury trials remotely, as they grapple with the more daunting challenge of how to conduct them safely in person during the pandemic.

"You can't drag people down to the courthouse and make them sit together for days at a time," Texas Supreme Court Chief Justice Nathan Hecht said in an interview. "It's just too dangerous."

Courts throughout the country have since March curtailed operations and limited in-person court hearings as states adopted stay-at-home orders and ordered businesses closed to slow the spread of the coronavirus.

In 39 states and the District of Columbia, court systems on a statewide basis directed or encouraged judges to conduct hearings remotely by phone or videoconference, according to the National Center for State Courts. But jury trials came to a halt.

Monday's case, a lawsuit accusing the insurer State Farm of failing to honor its obligations to cover property damage to a building caused by a 2017 storm, was originally set to go to trial in McKinney, Texas, in March.

Even as courts in many states draw up plans to resume operations, judges and court officials have questioned how to safely conduct in-person trial proceedings.

Ideas include spreading jurors out in a courtroom and requiring them and lawyers to wear masks. Even with these precautions, it is not clear how hundreds of people can be asked to show up for jury duty in cramped courthouses.

"It's just imponderable," Hecht said. "There are hundreds of people over the country studying how do we get back to jury trials."

The Indiana Supreme Court said last week that once jury trials resume in the state, parties in civil cases can agree to conduct them remotely. And in Arizona, the state's top court has said it will allow jurors to be selected remotely.

The moves come as courts face a growing backlog of cases. In 2019, Texas held an average of 186 jury trials per week, said David Slayton, the Texas Office of Court Administration's administrative director.

Whether virtual trials will be successful remains to be seen.

Judge Emily Miskel, whose courthouse is overseeing Monday's trial, said the case could illuminate whether a "hybrid approach" is possible, in which jury selection is virtual and the remainder of the trial is conducted in person.

Slayton acknowledged that holding trials remotely presents challenges, including making sure jurors remain attentive and do not conduct research online. But those issues also exist with in-person trials and can be easily dealt with by a warning from the judge, he said.

"Obviously it's on video, so the judge can tell if jurors are washing dishes or doing something else," Slayton said.

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judicial process / court cases / court decisions

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Texas tries a pandemic first: a jury trial by Zoom

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(Reuters) - With jury trials on hold throughout the United States because of the coronavirus pandemic, court officials in Texas are trying something new: let jurors hear a case through Zoom.

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Depuis la mi-mars, dans presque toute l'Europe, c'est le même spectacle désolant. La quasi-totalité de la population est confinée chez elle, sans droit de sortir, sauf pour quelques actes à justifier, sans droit de rencontrer des tiers, même de sa propre famille, sauf rares exceptions.

Toutes ces libertés qui ont disparu

Il s'agit purement et simplement d'une assignation à résidence de la quasi-totalité de la population. La situation ressemble très fort à celle de condamnés placés sous bracelet électronique. Encore ceux-ci bénéficient-ils en général de libertés un peu plus larges que la population des pays d'Europe.

Cette atteinte aux libertés fondamentales est considérable. Il s'agit de la quasi-totalité des droits de l'individu qui sont mis en cause. Même l' habeas corpus, que protégeait déjà la Magna Carta de 1315 ne s'applique plus.

C'est le fondement même des libertés individuelles qui est dénié, avec une kyrielle d'autres, tout aussi fondamentales : la liberté d'enseignement, puisque les écoles ont été fermées par décret, la liberté du commerce, puisque la quasi-totalité d'entre eux ont été fermés, la liberté de réunion, puisque celles-ci ont été interdites, la liberté religieuse, puisque les cultes ne pouvaient plus être tenus, le droit de travailler et tant d'autres droits fondamentaux.

Confinement : le choix de la méthode la plus liberticide

Tout cela s'est fait, dans la plupart des pays, en quelques heures ou quelques jours, par simple décision gouvernementale, parfois accompagnée d'une très formelle autorisation parlementaire. Rares ont été les réactions négatives, les protestations, contre cette situation inédite en temps de paix.

L'objectif était évidemment justifié puisqu'il s'agissait de sauver des vies. Le choix de la méthode permet en revanche la discussion puisque les États avaient à choisir entre deux systèmes, dont les résultats avaient été très différents en Asie, où le virus avait frappé en premier lieu.

Face au Covid-19, la dictature communiste chinoise, où le mal a trouvé son origine, a choisi, dans la province concernée, une méthode autoritaire, le lockdown complet de la population. Des États voisins, comme Taïwan, la Corée du Sud et le Japon, et même le territoire de Hong Kong, se sont bien gardés, à l'image de Singapour, d'utiliser des méthodes aussi extrêmes.

Et ils semblent avoir obtenu des meilleurs résultats, en termes de vies sauvées, non seulement que la République Populaire de Chine (dont les chiffres paraissent, d'ailleurs, sans surprise, être falsifiés), mais aussi que l'ensemble des pays européens qui ont suivi la méthode " chinoise ".

L'argument sanitaire qui permet tout

On pourra discuter longtemps de l'opportunité, sur le plan scientifique, des mesures prises. Mais il est à tout le moins inquiétant de constater qu'aussi facilement, des États dits démocratiques, ont, sans hésiter, opté pour la méthode la plus liberticide, alors qu'il en existait visiblement d'autres.

En temps normal, l'abandon, même partiel, d'une seule des libertés ainsi mises à mal aurait engendré des réactions indignées à l'égard de l'État coupable d'avoir porté atteinte à des droits fondamentaux et cela aurait été fort bien ainsi.

Il a suffi qu'à tort ou à raison, des États brandissent un argument d'ordre sanitaire pour que tout le monde, en Europe occidentale, s'incline et que les citoyens se comportent comme de bons petits soldats. D'ailleurs, l'opinion publique n'a cessé de soutenir les mesures les plus extrêmes, allant parfois dans la surenchère.

On a pu constater que lorsque des foules étaient soumises à d'extrêmes contraintes, leur réaction n'était plus de combattre celles-ci ou de simplement protester, mais d'exiger que chacun soit soumis à des contraintes au moins équivalentes.

Il y a là, hélas, à n'en pas douter, un terrain fertile pour l'instauration de régimes totalitaires. Il faut s'inquiéter lorsque les citoyens préfèrent que l'oppression soit générale plutôt que de défendre leurs libertés.

Des mesures pas si temporaires...

Certes, les mesures ont été annoncées comme temporaires. D'abord, dans la plupart des États, l'on a prétendu qu'elles seraient édictées pour deux ou trois semaines seulement, alors que chacun savait qu'elles seraient plus longues. Lorsque les masses ont compris qu'il en serait ainsi, on a commencé par les laisser rêver à une hypothétique " Libération ", à un jour où les libertés perdues seraient retrouvées.

Nous comprenons aujourd'hui que cette libération n'aura pas lieu, et qu'il restera, pendant très longtemps, des traces des mesures extrêmes dont nous avons été victimes. Ce n'est que pas à pas que le déconfinement sera toléré, alors que le confinement, lui, a été immédiat.

On trouve certes des motifs, répétés à satiété par des experts choisis par les gouvernements, à cette prudence dans le rétablissement de quelques libertés.

Mais on peut déjà se demander aujourd'hui si, comme c'est toujours le cas lors des graves crises, les États n'en profiteront pas pour augmenter, d'une manière ou d'une autre, leurs pouvoirs déjà grandissants dans nos sociétés que l'on éprouve beaucoup de peine à encore qualifier de " libérales ".

À chaque guerre, à chaque crise économique, les États en profitent systématiquement pour maintenir les atteintes à une partie des droits qu'ils ont bannis à titre provisoire sous la pression des nécessités qu'ils ont invoquées.

C'est particulièrement le cas dans le domaine des libertés économiques, qui est sans doute celui où la crise du confinement laissera le plus de traces durables.

C'est l'État qui a tué des entreprises, non le virus

Des secteurs économiques entiers ont été ravagés, en raison de l'interdiction qui leur a été faite de travailler, tout simplement. Il en est ainsi du secteur aéronautique, des cafés et des restaurants, du secteur événementiel, du sport et des spectacles, de la culture en général, et de la plupart des commerces de détail, à l'exception de l'alimentation et des pharmacies.

Il en est même ainsi du domaine médical, où des précautions excessives ont amené à la fermeture, dans la plupart des pays, de nombre d'hôpitaux et de cliniques, et où l'activité médicale elle-même s'est souvent trouvée interdite, à l'exception de la lutte contre une seule maladie et des cas d'extrême urgence.

Toutes ces professions se sont retrouvées, après quelques semaines seulement d'activité, en situation de devoir demander ce que les États ont, avec beaucoup d'audace, qualifié d'" aides ".

Ce mot est particulièrement injustifié. Les " aides " en question se sont en général limitées à l'octroi de crédits, ou de garanties à des crédits, voire à quelques primes souvent insuffisantes pour garantir la survie des professionnels, condamnés à ne plus percevoir aucune recette, tout en devant encore supporter l'essentiel de leurs frais fixes.

Lorsqu'on entend certains hommes politiques affirmer que ces prétendues aides doivent être limitées parce qu'il appartient aux entreprises de supporter leurs pertes, et non de recourir au système de la " collectivisation des pertes " après la " privatisation des bénéfices ", on ne peut que constater une énorme erreur de raisonnement.

Certes, les entreprises doivent assumer les résultats de la gestion qui est la leur, et doivent même supporter les conséquences des aléas de la vie, en ce compris ceux liés à la concurrence, au climat, ou à l'évolution des marchés. Mais c'est à tort que les gouvernants affirment aujourd'hui que la ruine de nombreuses entreprises est due à un virus, qui serait un cas fortuit.

Le virus tue des gens ou les rend malades, et c'était une bonne raison pour que les États réagissent, d'une manière ou d'une autre. Les préjudices subis par les entreprises ne sont toutefois pas la conséquence du virus, mais celle du confinement, qui est une mesure imposée par les États, qui a causé d'autres dommages, à d'autres victimes, que le virus lui seul.

Ces préjudices résultant d'un choix, qui peut certes se justifier, fait par les États, mais les conséquences économiques sont le résultat de ce choix, et non d'un coronavirus.

Lorsque les États accordent quelques menus avantages aux entreprises, il s'agit d'une indemnisation très partielle du préjudice résultant de leurs décisions, et non d'une " aide ".

En appelant " aides " ces quelques mesures de réparation partielle, les États transforment des entreprises et des travailleurs indépendants en mendiants, contraints, en raison de leur attitude, à quémander quelques prétendues faveurs.

Il s'agit là d'une vérité qui doit être rétablie, parce qu'en continuant à affirmer que des entreprises sont victimes de la " crise du coronavirus ", alors que leurs malheurs proviennent de décisions de confinement, on donne aux États un argumentaire idéal pour soumettre à l'avenir les entreprises privées à leurs diktats.

La libre entreprise est encore davantage en danger aujourd'hui que ne le sont les libertés individuelles des citoyens.

Fin de la liberté d'entreprendre ?

Elle l'est par exemple lorsque, non contents de qualifier leurs interventions d' " aides ", les États sont déjà aujourd'hui tout occupés à les soumettre à des conditions, à prétendre que les entreprises qu'ils indemnisent ainsi partiellement, devront s'abstenir d'investir dans certains pays ou de distribuer des dividendes, ou encore, comme dans le secteur aérien, se soumettre à des obligations d'ordre environnemental, qui, même à court terme, sont de nature à compromettre leur rentabilité.

Le problème se posera encore davantage, demain, lorsqu'il faudra payer les conséquences, non pas de la crise du virus, mais de la crise du confinement et de la quasi mise à l'arrêt de l'économie, par la volonté des États.

On entend déjà certains affirmer, comme d'habitude, qu'il faudra " faire payer les riches ", ou permettre un plus grand contrôle de l'économie par les États.

Il est temps de réagir. Avant même la crise du confinement, les États européens s'étaient arrogés des pouvoirs considérables, notamment en matière économique, où il faut rappeler que les plus gourmands d'entre eux accaparaient déjà la moitié de ce que les citoyens et les entreprises produisent, et en dépensaient près de 60 %. Il faut craindre aujourd'hui une dégradation rapide de cette situation déjà inquiétante.

Octroyer aux États une part encore plus importante des revenus de chacun, leur permettre de dépenser encore davantage, et de réguler des pans encore plus importants de l'économie, c'est s'avancer dangereusement sur la voie de la collectivisation.

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Retrouverons-nous un jour nos libertés perdues ?

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Depuis la mi-mars, dans presque toute l'Europe, c'est le même spectacle désolant. La quasi-totalité de la population est confinée chez elle, sans droit de sortir, sauf pour quelques actes à justifier, sans droit de rencontrer des tiers, même de sa propre famille, sauf rares exceptions.

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La pelouse de Madrid est depuis 1865 un lieu dédié au sport avec le Cercle des Patineurs, puis dès 1899 « l’Association du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne» ou «Tir aux Pigeons».

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La pelouse de Madrid est depuis 1865 un lieu dédié au sport avec le Cercle des Patineurs, puis dès 1899 " l'Association du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne" ou "Tir aux Pigeons".

De l'origine du Bois de Boulogne au Cercle des Patineurs

Au cours du Second Empire, le Bois de Vincennes comme le Bois de Boulogne sont concédés par l'Etat à la Ville de Paris pour y développer un lieu de promenade et la pratique du sport.

En 1852, le Bois de Boulogne est cédé à la Ville et fait alors l'objet de travaux d'embellissement, selon les instructions de Napoléon III, sur le modèle des parcs londoniens, avec la création de grands lacs, de rivières et de cascades.

Les deux grands lacs attirant l'hiver de nombreux patineurs, avec un risque élevé d'accident et de noyade, il apparaît nécessaire de disposer d'un plan d'eau adapté à ce sport. Aussi la Ville concède-t-elle à bail en 1865 un terrain situé Pelouse de Madrid, à un "Cercle des Patineurs''. Les lacs de patinage, de très faible profondeur, sont creusés selon les plans de l'ingénieur des Ponts et Chaussées Jean-Charles-Adolphe Alphand. Le succès est immédiat, l'empereur et l'impératrice Eugénie viennent y patiner et de grandes fêtes sur glace y sont données.

Du Cercle des Patineurs au Cercle du Bois de Boulogne dit " Tir aux Pigeons "

Dès 1866, l'association concessionnaire décide d'étendre la gamme de ses activités sportives et crée des installations de tir. Après trente ans, la concession du Cercle des Patineurs est reprise en 1895 par une société sportive, Les Acacias. En 1899, la Société pour l'Encouragement des Tirs en France, association régie par la loi de 1901 constituée à cet effet le 15 juillet 1899, lui succède et constitue le Cercle du Bois de Boulogne.
Le tir aux pigeons, sport désormais emblématique du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne, fonde sa réputation à travers une saison jalonnée de prix et de concours internationaux. C'est au début du XX ème siècle le premier club de tir en France et l'un des premiers d'Europe, comptant parmi ses membres le Baron de Coubertin et accueillant lors de l'Exposition Universelle de 1900, comme lors des années suivantes, des concours internationaux prestigieux. Entre les deux-guerres, le Cercle du Bois de Boulogne développe ses activités sportives, et le tennis prend son essor en parallèle avec la création du tournoi de Roland Garros. Afin de pouvoir organiser des compétitions régionales et nationales, il crée en 1945 l'Association Sportive du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne, agréée par le Ministère de l'Education en 1946.

L'Association Sportive du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne de 1946 à 2007

L'Association Sportive du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne poursuit après la seconde guerre mondiale une politique ambitieuse d'investissements au service du sport de haut niveau.

Dans la discipline du tir, devenu ball-trap et tir aux assiettes, l'Association organise ainsi le Championnat de France, le Grand Prix de Paris, et en 1962 la Coupe des Nations, le site disposant de la fosse olympique la plus belle et la plus rapide d'Europe. Parallèlement, des courts de tennis en terre battue de grande qualité sont construits et permettent la participation à de nombreux tournois ainsi que l'accueil de champions tels que Borg, Mc Enroe, Evert, Graf, Henin, Lendl, Navratilova, Sampras, Sharapova, Wilander, les sœurs Williams, ... pour l'entraînement et les qualifications de Roland Garros.

La création enfin d'une piscine en 1971, puis le développement du football, marquent sur la fin du XX ème siècle l'évolution de l'Association Sportive du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne vers une association multisports dont la dimension sportive, socio- éducative et familiale constitue la vocation intemporelle.

2007 : LE TIR (Association Sportive du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne) devient club résident du site

En septembre 2007, et pour une durée de 19 ans, la Ville de Paris a concédé le site du Tir aux Pigeons à la Ligue de Tennis de Paris. Cette concession prévoit que l'Association Sportive du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne, désormais également appelée "LE TIR", en référence à son histoire, en demeure le club résident. La Ligue développe sur le site, aux côtés des activités du TIR, ses missions de détection et d'entraînement des talents du tennis de demain.

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La pelouse de Madrid est depuis 1865 un lieu dédié au sport avec le Cercle des Patineurs, puis dès 1899 " l'Association du Cercle du Bois de Boulogne" ou "Tir aux Pigeons".

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Compilation pub Gerflor Gerflor "Et hop !" de 1986 à 1996

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L'hypnopédie est une méthode reposant sur la théorie que l'Homme peut apprendre en dormant. Ainsi certaines méthodes d'apprentissage se sont développées, recommandant à un sujet de s'endormir en écoutant sa leçon. La recherche dans ce domaine a néanmoins largement discrédité l'efficacité de cette technique ¹,².

L'hypnopédie repose sur la théorie que l'apprentissage ne cesserait pas complètement pendant le sommeil, que le cerveau en serait quelque peu ralenti mais garderait toutes ses facultés d'écoute. Ce serait la même chose pour les personnes qui sont dans le coma. Cela n'enlève pas que le respect du sommeil lors d'une période d'apprentissage a une influence bénéfique.

Dans le livre d'Aldous Huxley, Le Meilleur des mondes, l'éducation des enfants est fondée sur l'hypnopédie. On leur répète des centaines de fois des théories, dans le but de formater leurs esprits. Par l'intermédiaire de ces méthodes, Huxley souhaite critiquer les dérives possibles des théories comportementalistes apparues dans les années 1930 en psychologie.

Pourtant des expériences ont montré que des listes de chiffres ou de mots données à des dormeurs ne leur ont laissé aucun souvenir à leur réveil.

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Le soma est, dans le roman dystopique Le Meilleur des Mondes d'Aldous Huxley, une drogue artificielle de synthèse présentée au peuple comme étant un simple médicament.

Les citoyens sont tous incités à utiliser ce produit qui peut, à forte dose, plonger celui qui en prend dans un sommeil paradisiaque.

Il se consomme sous forme de comprimés, distribués au travail en fin de journée. Cette substance est supposément le secret de la cohésion de cette société : grâce à elle, chaque élément de la société serait heureux et ne revendiquerait rien.

Elle est présentée comme étant dénuée d'effet secondaire indésirable : Huxley s'interroge sur le problème essentiel de la modification artificielle de la perception dans la recherche du bien-être, voire d'un bonheur simulé, sans se heurter selon lui aux problèmes techniques annexes de santé publique ou autre liés à toutes les drogues existantes.

Les individus de toutes les castes se satisfont de leur statut par le double usage du conditionnement hypnopédique et du soma.

Le thème de l'altération de la perception et de la drogue comme moyen de fermeture ou d'éveil pour l'esprit sera plus tard important dans la vie et l'oeuvre de l'auteur ; le soma n'est pas sans rappeler la mescaline, expérimentée par Huxley, expérience qui sera à l'origine de l'essai Les Portes de la perception (1954).

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Tchernobyl brûle | Tous les Internets | ARTE

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Un drone utilisé à Paris, en 2015. DOMINIQUE FAGET / AFP

Depuis la mi-mars, la Préfecture de police (PP) de Paris a utilisé des drones pour veiller au respect des consignes de confinement. Leur usage pouvait être envisagé pour prévenir les rassemblements de personnes dans le cadre des restrictions toujours en vigueur avec la mise en place du déconfinement. Mais le Conseil d'Etat en a décidé autrement : les drones de la Préfecture ne pourront plus décoller jusqu'à nouvel ordre, selon une ordonnance rendue publique lundi 18 mai - publiée en intégralité par le site NextInpact. La plus haute juridiction administrative ordonne " à l'Etat de cesser, sans délai, de procéder aux mesures de surveillance par drone " à Paris, dans le cadre du déconfinement.

Le texte infirme un jugement du 5 mai émanant du tribunal administratif de Paris, qui avait été saisi par l'association La Quadrature du Net et par la Ligue des droits de l'homme (LDH). Les deux organisations reprochaient à la PP d'avoir déployé des moyens de capter, enregistrer et exploiter des images d'individus grâce aux caméras des drones, et ceci " hors d'un véritable cadre légal ". Le tribunal administratif n'avait pas donné suite, arguant que rien ne permettait d'établir " que les services de la Préfecture de police auraient utilisé les drones dans des conditions permettant d'identifier les individus au sol ". La Quadrature du Net et la LDH avaient annoncé faire appel afin d'obtenir une " décision plus constructive " de la part du Conseil d'Etat.

Un déploiement " sans texte réglementaire "

Ce dernier, dans son ordonnance du 18 mai, ne remet pas en cause le principe consistant à utiliser des drones - du moment qu'ils ne visent pas à constater les infractions ou à identifier leurs auteurs, mais bien à informer les équipes de policiers au sol pour qu'ils fassent respecter les mesures de distanciation et empêcher, en particulier, les rassemblements de plus de dix personnes. En revanche, le Conseil d'Etat considère que rien ne garantit que les images recueillies par ces appareils pilotés à distance - qui volent entre 80 et 100 m de hauteur et filment avec un grand-angle, tout en étant équipés d'un zoom optique - ne seront pas utilisées pour " un usage contraire aux règles de protection des données personnelles ".

Même si la Préfecture assure que ces drones ne disposent pas de carte mémoire et qu'aucun enregistrement n'est réalisé à distance, la transmission du flux d'images au centre de commandement ne permet pas d'écarter le risque potentiel qu'une utilisation litigieuse en soit faite. En l'état actuel de la législation, ces photos et vidéos, relève le Conseil d'Etat, ont été obtenues " sans l'intervention préalable d'un texte réglementaire " susceptible de déterminer les modalités d'utilisation de ces données au regard du droit au respect de la vie privée.
Il vous reste 59.14% de cet article à lire. La suite est réservée aux abonnés.

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Le Conseil d'Etat ordonne à la Préfecture de police de Paris de laisser ses drones au sol

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Depuis la mi-mars, la Préfecture de police (PP) de Paris a utilisé des drones pour veiller au respect des consignes de confinement. Leur usage pouvait être envisagé pour prévenir les rassemblements de personnes dans le cadre des restrictions toujours en vigueur avec la mise en place du déconfinement.

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jouy fabric blue toile fabric vie rustique dior la vie tissu double width french toile tissus oxford blue

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De nos jours, la toile de Jouy est une étoffe de coton dite indienne ¹ sur laquelle sont représentés des personnages avec décors ou des paysages.

Les dessins sont le plus souvent monochromes, rouges ou violets (aubergine sur fond écru ou bistre mais peuvent se décliner dans d'autres coloris, rose, bleu clair ou marine, vert clair ou foncé voire beige ou gris. Parfois, les couleurs sont inversées, c'est-à-dire qu'on peut avoir des dessins de teinte écrue ou bistre sur des fonds colorés.

À l'origine, ce type de toile fut créé dans les ateliers de la manufacture fondée en 1760 par Christophe-Philippe Oberkampf dans la commune de Jouy-en-Josas (actuellement dans les Yvelines en France). L'emplacement fut choisi en raison de la présence de la Bièvre et de ses qualités chimiques propices au lavage des toiles. Cette manufacture devint rapidement l'une des plus importantes indienneries du xviiie siècle et a laissé son nom dans l'histoire de l'art décoratif.

C'est surtout la variété de ses motifs imprimés qui fait sa renommée, et ce grâce à des artistes, des peintres reconnus, comme Jean-Baptiste Huet.

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Temps de lecture: 9 min

Personne n'aime manger des pâtes molles.

Si vous ne me croyez pas, je vous conseille d'inviter mon amie Lauren à dîner et de tenter de lui servir des bucatinis trop cuits. Mais ne venez pas pleurer sur mon épaule lorsqu'elle vous fera son laïus sur la cuisson al dente. Enfin, en fait de laïus, il s'agit plutôt d'une succession de gestes grandiloquents et d'un regard assassin mêlant déception et mépris -une expérience pire que vous ne pouvez l'imaginer.

Vous pouvez me croire, le mieux est de retirer vos pâtes au moment précis où elles sont à la fois tendres et un peu fermes, pas une seconde de plus, puis de terminer la préparation en les recouvrant de leur sauce accompagnée d'une petite quantité d'eau de cuisson (pleine d'amidon) et de parmesan finement râpé.

Au-delà de ces vérités bien connues sur les pâtes (ne jamais en faire de la bouillie et mélanger tous les ingrédients en fin de cuisson), la question de savoir comment changer ses habitudes pour un meilleur résultat est aussi trouble que l'eau de cuisson elle-même, notamment sur des points comme le volume d'eau à utiliser et la quantité de sel à ajouter.

Certaines personnes, comme la grande Marcella Hazan, affirment que quatre litres d'eau sont nécessaires pour 500 grammes de pâtes. Avec moins d'eau, écrit Hazan, "elles deviennent collantes" (elle a aussi des idées bien arrêtées sur la quantité de sel: il faudrait en ajouter au moins une cuillère à soupe et demie dans l'eau).

D'autres, dont l'autrice de ces lignes (sans doute pas tout à fait aussi grande, mais qui se débrouille tout de même), recommandent de mettre moins d'eau pour un résultat plus riche en amidon, qui permettra une meilleure adhérence de la sauce, et plus de sel pour que le goût soit plus prononcé. D'autres encore préconisent de moins saler, voire d'utiliser plus de quatre litres d'eau par demi-kilo de pâtes.

Aussi, je ne vais pas vous mentir, quand mon rédacteur en chef m'a chargée de trouver la meilleure façon de cuire des pâtes pour les Absolute Best Tests, j'ai commencé à avoir des sueurs froides. Les nonnas italiennes allaient-elles venir s'en prendre à moi? Ou pire, Twitter?

Après avoir pris plusieurs profondes inspirations et m'être fait la remarque que je n'allais absolument rien manger d'autre que des spaghettis durant deux jours, j'ai commencé à faire des recherches pour savoir quelle était la quantité idéale d'eau et de sel par kilogramme de pâtes sèches, ainsi qu'à me renseigner sur d'autres facteurs, par exemple s'il fallait mettre de l'huile dans l'eau ou se pelotonner de honte pour avoir ne serait-ce qu'effleuré cette idée.

Alors, je vous en prie, profitez bien du résultat de mes essais: je vous les présente après avoir ingéré bien trop de féculents et subi plusieurs blessures (sans gravité) causées par l'utilisation de la râpe.

De haut en bas et de gauche à droite: rinçage à froid, juste assez pour couvrir, "comme la mer", sans rinçage, 2 litres pour 500 grammes. | Ella Quittner

Détail de la méthode

Pour tous les essais, j'ai utilisé la même marque de pâtes sèches. En ce qui concerne le type de pâtes, j'ai choisi des spaghettis pour les tests "quantité de sel" et "autres facteurs", et des rigatonis pour le test "quantité d'eau".

Je me suis servie de gros sel, que j'ai ajouté seulement une fois que l'eau avait atteint l'ébullition, parce que j'ai très peur de piquer mes casseroles en faisant autrement.

J'ai laissé toutes les pâtes sur le feu deux minutes de moins que le temps indiqué sur la boîte pour une cuisson al dente puis, les deux dernières minutes, j'ai fait cuire les pâtes dans leur sauce, avec un quart de tasse d'eau de cuisson. Cette étape avait pour objectif de découvrir si les différentes eaux pouvaient aider la sauce à adhérer aux pâtes.

Et maintenant, entrons dans le vif du sujet...

Quantité de sel

S'il y a bien une chose que nous avons apprise avec les expériences méticuleuses d'Absolute Best Tests, c'est que l'assaisonnement est crucial. Bien évidemment, cette règle s'applique aussi aux pâtes sèches, qui se gorgent d'eau de cuisson à mesure qu'elles cuisent.

J'ai effectué trois tests, en utilisant à chaque fois 500 grammes de spaghettis secs, que j'ai fait cuire dans quatre litres d'eau.

Ella Quittner
Une cuillère à soupe de sel
Les seules notes que j'ai écrites sur cet essai de cuisson avec une seule cuillère à soupe de sel (une quantité souvent conseillée) disent "sans intérêt" et "pourquoi s'embêter???". Je n'ai même pas senti le goût du sel dans les pâtes nature, ce que j'ai pu confirmer lorsque je les ai goûtées à nouveau en les comparant avec des pâtes cuites dans de l'eau que j'avais oublié de saler (que j'ai éliminées des résultats).

À ma grande surprise, la sauce n'a quasiment pas adhéré aux pâtes, alors qu'elle a beaucoup mieux enrobé les spaghettis ayant cuit dans une eau plus salée.

D'après le Dr Robert Brackett, professeur en nutrition et sciences de l'alimentation à l'Institut de technologie de l'Illinois (et par conséquent beaucoup plus qualifié que moi, qui ai mené toutes ces expériences dans un pyjama que j'ai récupéré après un vol de nuit), cela se tient.

"L'adhérence des pâtes dépend principalement de la gélatinisation de l'amidon, et l'ajout de sel modifie cette gélatinisation, explique-t-il. Il est possible qu'une moins grande concentration de sel réduise l'adhérence et qu'une concentration plus forte puisse avoir l'effet inverse et permettre une adhérence plus importante, comme vous l'avez observé." Compris. Comme si j'avais besoin d'une raison supplémentaire d'aimer le sel...

"Certains scientifiques spécialisés dans l'alimentation peuvent passer toute leur carrière à faire de la recherche fondamentale pour répondre à des questions "simples" comme les vôtres, poursuit le Dr Brackett. Mais avec la science, la vérité est rarement simple."

Ça n'est pas rassurant. Continuons.
Trois cuillères à soupe de sel
Le goût de ces pâtes était délicieux même nature, et une fois mélangées avec la sauce, l'assaisonnement était parfait (la sauce collait tellement qu'on aurait dit un groupe de copines adolescentes!).

Je conseillerais de commencer la préparation de vos pâtes par cette quantité de sel (qui équivaut à deux grosses cuillères à café par litre d'eau), puis de rectifier ensuite, si vous les accompagnez par exemple d'une sauce très peu salée.
Eau "salée comme la mer"
Si vous avez déjà cuisiné avec une personne qui sait ce qu'elle fait quand elle est aux fourneaux, vous avez peut-être déjà entendu parler d'eau "salée comme la mer" ou de saler "jusqu'à obtenir le goût de l'océan" (ces personnes sont trop occupées pour être précises!).

J'ai fait quelques calculs, c'est-à-dire que j'ai utilisé les premières statistiques sur la salinité moyenne de l'eau de mer que j'ai pu trouver, puis j'ai introduit les données dans un calculateur spécial afin de déterminer la quantité de sel à ajouter pour chaque litre d'eau.

Ainsi, pour obtenir le taux de 3,5% de salinité de l'eau de mer, il faut ajouter environ 35 grammes de sel (et donc, pour quatre litres d'eau, environ 140 grammes, ce qui représente une véritable montagne).

Pour faire court, les spaghettis cuits dans cette eau étaient tellement salés qu'ils étaient presque immangeables. C'était comme de boire la tasse lors d'une baignade à la plage.

Je suppose que cela doit pouvoir passer pour des personnes souhaitant n'assaisonner leurs pâtes qu'avec de l'huile d'olive et de l'ail, mais le résultat risque d'être abominable si l'on ajoute du fromage.

(Remarque: par la suite, je suis tombée sur cet article de Serious Eats que je recommande vivement à qui veut de plus amples informations sur le salage de l'eau. À côté de ses pourcentages rigoureux et de son tableau récapitulatif à la fin, mes mini essais semblent bien ridicules.)

Quantité d'eau

Après avoir réglé le problème de la quantité de sel (environ deux grosses cuillères à café par litre, donc), je me suis intéressée à la question suivante: combien d'eau est nécessaire pour 500 grammes de pâtes sèches?

J'ai effectué trois essais, utilisant à chaque fois 500 grammes de rigatonis secs ( la meilleure forme de pâtes, et je ne m'excuserai pas pour ce choix) et la même quantité de sel.

De gauche à droite: 5 litres pour 500 grammes, 2 litres pour 500 grammes, juste assez pour couvrir. | Ella Quittner
Cinq litres d'eau
J'ai opté pour cinq litres, car il était recommandé sur la boîte de faire chauffer entre quatre et six litres d'eau, et qu'il fallait bien que je fasse un choix.

C'est pour cet essai que l'eau a mis, sans surprise, le plus de temps à arriver à ébullition. L'attente a été si éprouvante que, quand l'eau s'est enfin mise à bouillir, j'ai furieusement jeté le sel dans la casserole comme si j'allais frotter une blessure avec.

J'aurais volontiers excusé tout ce temps perdu si l'utilisation d'une telle quantité d'eau avait présenté un avantage certain (comme, je ne sais pas, une saveur exceptionnelle... ou de l'argent qui apparaît de nulle part), mais le goût des pâtes s'est révélé très similaire à celui des pâtes cuites dans deux litres, sans le côté amidonné de l'eau. Ce qui signifie que pour cet essai, la sauce n'a pas adhéré aussi bien aux rigatonis. Pas l'idéal, donc, même si ce n'était pas non plus un désastre.
Deux litres d'eau
Mon inquiétude concernant cet essai (peur d'avoir des pâtes collantes, encore et toujours) s'est totalement calmée lorsque je me suis rendu compte qu'aucune des pâtes ne s'était collée à d'autres.

Bien que j'ai trouvé un peu ennuyeux de mélanger les pâtes avec une cuillère en bois, étant donné qu'elles étaient plus serrées, cette fournée était réussie et, avantage supplémentaire, l'eau de cuisson bien amidonnée. La texture des pâtes était normale et agréable, elles n'étaient ni gorgées d'eau, ni molles comme celles de l'essai suivant (spoiler!).

Cependant, pour une cuisson plus uniforme, je recommanderais de commencer la cuisson avec une quantité d'eau se rapprochant des trois litres, surtout pour les formes les plus grosses, car les pâtes en absorbent beaucoup pendant qu'elles cuisent et si l'on se contente de deux litres, les pâtes risquent de pointer à la surface.
Juste assez d'eau pour couvrir les pâtes
À ce sujet, justement! J'ai déjà écrit un article sur cette méthode, pour laquelle les pâtes sèches sont versées dans une casserole ou une poêle et recouvertes d'eau froide, qui est ensuite portée à ébullition. L'idée est que l'eau de cuisson devient très chargée en raison d'une plus grande concentration d'amidon, ce qui est idéal pour des sauces de type aglio e olio (ail et huile d'olive), principalement réalisée avec l'eau de cuisson émulsionnée avec du parmesan râpé.

Toutefois, lors de mon essai, j'ai trouvé que les rigatonis cuits de cette façon étaient étonnamment collants et d'une consistance s'approchant de la purée. Comme on peut s'y attendre, c'est avec cette méthode que la sauce a le mieux adhéré aux pâtes... mais à quel prix?

Autres facteurs

En bas et de gauche à droite: Autres facteurs, huile dans l'eau, sans rinçage, rinçage à froid. | Ella Quittner
Ajout d'huile dans l'eau
Tout le monde ou presque, de Lidia Bastianich à Rachel Ray, déconseille d'ajouter de l'huile d'olive dans l'eau de cuisson des pâtes. Mais voilà, chez Absolute Best Tests, nous sommes un peu cinglé·es (bon, ok, surtout moi). Nous tenons à tout essayer au moins une fois!

Par ailleurs, quand j'étais enfant, j'avais une voisine très gentille qui ne jurait que par cette astuce pour éviter que les pâtes ne collent les unes aux autres. Malheureusement, cette fois-ci du moins, le résultat a été désastreux. Il faut toujours écouter Lidia.
Rincer ou ne pas rincer?
Ne rincez surtout pas! Vous perdriez tout le précieux amidon qui permet à la sauce d'adhérer à vos pâtes. Je pourrais vous bassiner avec tous les détails de mes tests, mais vous avez des pâtes à faire cuire, alors je vais vous laisser retourner à votre vie.

En résumé

De haut en bas et de gauche à droite: Quelle quantité de sel?, 1 cuillère à soupe, 3 cuillères à soupe, "comme la mer". Quelle quantité d'eau?, 5 litres/500 grammes, 2 litres/500 grammes, juste assez pour couvrir (départ à froid!), Autres facteurs, huile dans l'eau, sans rinçage, rinçage à l'eau froide. | Ella Quittner

Pour une eau de cuisson riche en amidon sans sacrifier la consistance des pâtes, prévoyez trois litres pour 500 grammes de pâtes, ou un peu plus de deux litres si vous vous engagez à remuer sans faiblir les pâtes qui sortent de l'eau.

Ne salez pas au point d'obtenir une eau salée comme la mer, mais comptez deux grosses cuillères à café de gros sel par litre d'eau, en sachant que vous pouvez en mettre un peu plus ou un peu moins en fonction de votre sauce.

Enfin, maniez votre râpe avec beaucoup de précautions.

Note de la traductrice: tout au long de son article, comme on peut le voir sur les photos, l'autrice a utilisé les unités de mesures américaines "quart " (équivalant à 0,946 litres) et "pound " (453,6 grammes), mais pour des raisons pratiques évidentes, nous avons transposé les quantités évoquées en litres et grammes.

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Après de (trop) nombreux essais, je suis parvenue à déterminer le meilleur moyen d'obtenir des pâtes au top. Personne n'aime manger des pâtes molles. Si vous ne me croyez pas, je vous conseille d'inviter mon amie Lauren à dîner et de tenter de lui servir des bucatinis trop cuits....

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Joe Meek - Vampires, Cowboys, Spacemen & Spooks - The Very Best Of Joe Meek's Instrumentals

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Consultez des crédits, des avis, des pistes et achetez la référence 2007 CD de Vampires, Cowboys, Spacemen & Spooks - The Very Best Of Joe Meek's Instrumentals sur Discogs.

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La carotte orange fait son apparition dans les serres hollandaises au XVI ème siècle, à la suite de croisements et de sélections entre des carottes rouges apparues spontanément dans leurs serres, et des carottes blanches. En créant un légume orange, ces hollandais souhaitent faire un cadeau au Prince d’Orange et lui prouver fidélité. Le Prince d’Orange – de la Maison d’Orange – fait en effet partie de la famille régnante en Hollande depuis cette époque.

Comme cette nouvelle espèce, la carotte orange, était bien plus agréable à manger que son ancêtre blanche, elle se fait une place sur les tables du Prince, avant de s’exporter dans les autres pays puis dans le monde.

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Les carottes que l'on trouve sur les étalages, longues et orangées, doivent leur couleur à la présence decarotène. Il n'en a pourtant pas toujours été ainsi ; quelle est l'origine de la jolie couleur de cette racine ? Le saviez-vous ?
. En tant que telle, elle est coincée sous la terre, ne voit jamais le soleil et n'est donc pas pigmentée. C'est pourquoi La carotte est une racine les carottes - à l'origine- étaient blanches.

Comme on pourrait s'y attendre pour une racine, les premières variétés de carottes cultivées étaient blanchâtres. Avec leur peau dure et leur chair fibreuse, cesn'ont jamais eu leur place sur les tables royales. Tout comme le panais (sorte de carotte sucrée), elles étaient en revanche très consommées par la population car elle était peu coûteuse. Une autre variété de carottes, venant de Syrie, possédait des couleurs allant du rouge au violet. Cette étrange couleur est due à la présence d'.

Les anthocyanessont des pigments végétauxqui sont surtout présents dans les racines et bourgeons, et qui leur confère une forte protection contre les UV. Leur concentration diminue là où la plante synthétise de la chlorophylle(essentiellement dans les feuilles). Elles peuvent aussi avoir un rôle antioxydant, qui protège des infections et attaques bactériennes, ou encore interagr avec des hormones végétales pour contrôler la croissance.

Et notre carotte orange ? Elle fait son apparition dans les serres hollandaises au siècle, à la suite de croisements et de sélections entre des carottes rouges apparues spontanément dans leurs serres, et des carottes blanches. En créant un légume orange, ces hollandais souhaitent faire un cadeau au Prince d'Orange et lui prouver fidélité. Le Prince d'Orange - de la Maison d'Orange - fait en effet partie de la famille régnante en Hollande depuis cette époque.

Comme cette nouvelle espèce, la carotte orange, était bien plus agréable à manger que son ancêtre blanche, elle se fait une place sur les tables du Prince, avant de s'exporter dans les autres pays puis dans le monde.
Le saviez-vous ?
La carotte rouge apportée de Syrie, bien que plus tendre, n'a jamais eu beaucoup de succès en France. Peut-être à cause d'une légende qui attribuerait sa couleur rouge à la période de persécution des premiers chrétiens, où une servante chrétienne poignardée par un païen aurait versé son sang sur les carottes qu'elle était en train d'éplucher...

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A l'origine la carotte était blanche ! - HortitecNews

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Les carottes que l'on trouve sur les étalages, longues et orangées, doivent leur couleur à la présence decarotène. Il n'en a pourtant pas toujours été ainsi ; quelle est l'origine de la jolie couleur de cette racine ? Le saviez-vous ? .

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The medieval engineering strokes of genius that led to the building of Old London Bridge

Medieval bridges were marvels of engineering, given the technology available at the time — and nowhere more so than in the case of London Bridge, where deep, tidal flows made construction incredibly challenging. David Harrison explains

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Medieval bridges were marvels of engineering, given the technology available at the time - and nowhere more so than in the case of London Bridge, where deep, tidal flows made construction incredibly challenging. David Harrison explains.

Every Tuesday, we look back in Country Life's architecture archive for a treasure of the past. Today, we examine a 2005 article describing the building of the original London Bridge, a remarkable feat of engineering given the technology available. The piece was written by David Harrison, author of The Bridges of Medieval England.

Despite our familiarity with bridges, their history has scarcely been studied. The most famous is Old London Bridge because, as the song tells us, it fell down. Engineers have often stressed that it was a clumsy structure with its piers resting on massive wooden platforms, creating a narrow, turbulent waterway, inferior to the works of the Romans and the Renaissance.

Despite its failings, it was, in fact, a remarkable work of civil engineering. It was also utterly atypical.

How so? Well, most major medieval bridges 'were built by skilled masons', adds David, and around 200 of them are still standing. Many more lasted until the second half of the 18 th century, only to be destroyed and rebuilt purely because they weren't wide enough for two wagons to pass.

Their construction was carried out using ' coffer dams', temporary structures erected in the river which could be sealed off and drained, to allow the creation of a dry working space for laying foundations. It was a horrendous job, as David explains:

A poem on a 15th-century memorial in Abingdon gives us an insight into bridge construction in the town and at nearby Culham. Geoffrey Barbour, a merchant, provided the huge sum of 1,000 marks. In 1416, 300 men were at work. The foundations were a major problem:

The poem is probably describing the erection of a coffer dam in the riverbed from which water was removed with buckets, a long and gruelling job. At Albi, France, in 1408 it took several men, often working day and night, 12 days to empty one coffer dam.

That solution wouldn't work for London, however:

Laying foundations at Abingdon or Albi was difficult enough but there were a few places where it was far harder, in particular where the river was deep and tidal. The leaky riverbed of the Thames at London was an additional problem. Here, coffer dams could not be used. Instead, at old London Bridge, piles were driven into the water to create pens standing proud of the river at low tide into which rubble was thrown. The piers were built on top of the pens, but because the pens were unstable they were surrounded by other pens filled with rubble, known as starlings.

Construction took 33 years, from 1176 to 1209. A few other places required this type of construction, such as Rochester at the mouth of the Medway. Two long medieval bridges survive, a reminder of those now lost, at Barnstaple and Bideford. The latter, made famous by Charles Kingsley in Westward Ho!, has 24 arches and is more than 200m long.

Old London Bridge undoubtedly had problems: it acted as a dam, with water rushing through the narrow openings, undermining the foundations. Yet it was a remarkable achievement, lasting with just two major collapses until the 19th century, when steam engines and other technical advances offered a better way of laying foundations at London.

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The medieval engineering strokes of genius that led to the building of Old London Bridge - Country Life

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Medieval bridges were marvels of engineering, given the technology available at the time - and nowhere more so than in the case of London Bridge, where deep, tidal flows made construction incredibly challenging. David Harrison explains. Every Tuesday, we look back in Country Life's architecture archive for a treasure of the past.

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Nous comptabilisons à ce jour 37 mesures en vigueur, 3 mesures partiellement levées, 2 mesures levées.

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Observatoire des libertés confinées

L'Observatoire des Libertés Confinées assure un état des lieux, actualisé chaque semaine, de près de 42 restrictions apportées aux libertés et droits fondamentaux pendant l'épidémie de Covid-19 en France.
Les mesures restrictives adoptées " temporairement " par le passé pour faire face aux crises ont eu tendance à ne jamais être entièrement abrogées. Notre think-tank met donc à disposition des citoyens et journalistes un outil de suivi afin de s'assurer que les libertés et droits des individus n'échappent pas au déconfinement.
Nous comptabilisons à ce jour 37 mesures en vigueur, 3 mesures partiellement levées, 2 mesures levées. Dernière actualisation le 18/05/2020 à 15:30

État de droit / Démocratie

Libertés publiques

Droit du travail

Libertés économiques

Méthodologie :

Ce tableau recense les mesures attentatoires aux libertés et droits fondamentaux adoptées par l'Etat français dans le cadre de la lutte contre le Covid-19. Les notions de libertés et droits fondamentaux étant larges et fluctuantes, quatre domaines précis ont été choisis : l'état de droit et la démocratie, les libertés publiques, les libertés économiques et le droit du travail. L'Observatoire se concentre sur les mesures de portée générale adoptées par l'Etat central, à l'exclusion des mesures individuelles et de celles adoptées par les collectivités territoriales. Parmi les mesures étatiques, ont été sélectionnées celles qui constituent une atteinte sérieuse aux droits et libertés. Sauf exception, les décisions de justice ont été laissées de côté. Chaque mesure, sauf exception, trouve son origine dans un texte ayant force juridique. Lorsqu'une mesure comporte plusieurs aspects importants, ceux-ci sont présentés séparément. A l'inverse, certaines mesures très proches les unes des autres sont présentées conjointement. Tous les textes auxquels il est fait référence sont librement accessibles sur legifrance.gouv.fr. GenerationLibre remercie Lucile Nassif pour sa précieuse aide.

Une mesure aurait échappé à notre vigilance ? Ecrivez-nous àcontact@generationlibre.eu

L'ensemble de ses contributions.

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Observatoire des Libertés Confinées - GenerationLibre

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L'Observatoire des Libertés Confinées assure un état des lieux, actualisé chaque semaine, de près de 42 restrictions apportées aux libertés et droits fondamentaux pendant l'épidémie de Covid-19 en France. Les mesures restrictives adoptées " temporairement " par le passé pour faire face aux crises ont eu tendance à ne jamais être entièrement abrogées.

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Interrogé sur la gestion des stocks de masques dans un documentaire de BFMTV, le président de la République a notamment affirmé qu'il n'y a pas eu de "rupture". Des déclarations qui ne résistent pas à l'examen des faits.

Emmanuel Macron avec un masque chirurgical, le 7 avril 2020. (GONZALO FUENTES / POOL)

Louis Mondot franceinfo Radio France

La France n'a pas connu de pénurie de masques mais "des manques, des tensions". Emmanuel Macron l'a encore assuré ce lundi 18 mai sur BFM, en ajoutant : " Ayons collectivement l'honnêteté de dire qu'au début du mois de mars, encore plus en février ou en janvier, personne ne parlait des masques parce que nous n'aurions jamais pensé être obligés de restreindre la distribution de ceux-ci pour les soignants".

La question de l'approvisionnement en masques n'était pas présente dans le débat public avant le début du confinement et personne n'envisageait de restreindre leur distribution aux soignants ? C'est faux, la Cellule Vrai du Faux vous explique pourquoi.

Réquisition des masques début mars

Personne ne parlait des masques début mars ? Pourtant, Emmanuel Macron a lui même annoncé le 3 mars sur Twitter la réquisition de " tous les stocks et la production de masques de protection". Des masques qui seront distribués en priorité aux "professionnels de santé et aux Français atteints par le coronavirus".

Nous réquisitionnons tous les stocks et la production de masques de protection. Nous les distribuerons aux professionnels de santé et aux Français atteints par le coronavirus.
- Emmanuel Macron (@EmmanuelMacron) March 3, 2020

Le décret publié le lendemain précise que sont concernés les masques de protection respiratoire de type FFP2 et les masques anti-projections (c'est-à-dire de type chirurgical) déjà produits ou fabriqués d'ici le 31 mai 2020. Dix jours plus tard, un nouveau décret élargit cette réquisition à davantage de types de masques de protection respiratoire.

Des inquiétudes dès le mois de janvier

Dès l'annonce des premiers cas de Covid-19 en France, de nombreux Français inquiets se sont rendus dans les pharmacies pour acheter des masques. sont en rupture de stock en région parisienne expliquait dès le 26 janvier Martial Fraysse, président honoraire du Conseil régional de l'Ordre des pharmaciens et membre de l'académie nationale de pharmacie, à nos confrères de"La plupart des officines", France bleu.

Un mois plus tard, plusieurs catégories de personnels soignants se sont également inquiétés d'un manque d'accès aux masques. Le syndicat "Jeunes Médecins" déplorait le 26 février que les médecins libéraux n'aient " bénéficié d'aucun matériel de protection lors de l'examen des patients (masques adaptés, tuniques de protection)". Même inquiétude de la part de la Confédération des syndicats médicaux, le même jour, pour qui " il est maintenant indispensable que l'État passe aux actes et dote au plus vite les cabinets de médecins libéraux de toutes les protections possibles (masques, blouses jetables, lunettes) et de solutions hydroalcooliques ".

La question de l'accès aux masques de protection, y compris pour les soignants, s'est donc bien posée avant le début du confinement, contrairement à ce que dit Emmanuel Macron.

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Coronavirus : Emmanuel Macron a-t-il raison de dire que "personne ne parlait des masques" début mars ?

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Interrogé sur la gestion des stocks de masques dans un documentaire de BFMTV, le président de la République a notamment affirmé qu'il n'y a pas eu de "rupture". Des déclarations qui ne résistent pas à l'examen des faits. Louis Mondot franceinfo Radio France La France n'a pas connu de pénurie de masques mais "des manques, des tensions".

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The Moontrekkers - Dance Legless Russian

Un dimanche matin, avec ma putain sur ma mobylette

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Musicians with a hatred of memorisation may bemoan Clara Schumann and Franz Liszt, who were among the first 19th Century musicians to spark this trend.

The image of a piano virtuoso was beginning to form at this time, with Liszt declaring that "virtuosity is not an outgrowth, but an indispensable element of music".

Before this time, it was considered arrogant to perform without the score.

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In a feat of musical memory, the Aurora Orchestra will perform Beethoven's Pastoral Symphony without printed scores at the BBC Proms 2015. Neuroscientist Jessica Grahn explores how musicians manage to remember highly complex arrangements.

The extraordinary ability of musicians to recall millions of musical notes over a lifetime is undoubtedly one of the most impressive feats of human memory.

For scientists, such feats provide an opportunity to understand how human memory works - but, for musicians, having to achieve this on a regular basis can be terrifying.

Most musicians will have to perform from memory at some time in their career. Some, especially singers or soloists, have to perform from memory most of the time.

Feelings about the practice are divided. Some musicians feel that performing without a score allows them to be freer and more expressive. Others feel that memorisation is time-consuming and less reliable than using a written score.

Moreover, the fear of memory "slips" can hamper expressive performance, or worse. Debilitating stage fright may cause a musician to withdraw from the profession entirely.

Most ensembles escape the burden of memorisation - with notable exceptions being the Kolisch Quartet in the 1930s and the Chiara and Zehetmair Quartets today. An entire orchestra playing from memory, as the Aurora Orchestra will do this summer at the Proms, is all but unheard of.

Musicians with a hatred of memorisation may bemoan Clara Schumann and Franz Liszt, who were among the first 19th Century musicians to spark this trend.

The image of a piano virtuoso was beginning to form at this time, with Liszt declaring that "virtuosity is not an outgrowth, but an indispensable element of music".

Before this time, it was considered arrogant to perform without the score.

Beethoven explicitly disapproved of one of his pupils, who could play the composer's entire set of works from memory, as he was concerned that important details in the score could be missed.

Chopin was angered when he heard that one of his pupils wanted to play him a Nocturne from memory. Mendelssohn had an amazing musical memory, but would not let on - before one performance when his score was unavailable, he had a page-turner place a random book in front of him and pretend it was the score.

However, prior to the Renaissance, playing from memory was a necessity, as little or no musical notation was available.

Clara Schumann - the female virtuoso

A German musician and composer, born in 1819

She was a child prodigy, trained by her father, the renowned music teacher Friedrich Wieck

By the age of nine she played public piano concerts, and as an 11-year-old she toured Paris playing solo recitals

Married the composer Robert Schumann, one of her father's piano students. Schumann had been living in the Wieck household as a piano student and boarder

She is believed to have been Schumann's creative partner, and played an important role in the work of her close friend Johannes Brahms

Memorised music performance has interested scientists since as far back as the 1800s. One type of memory that musicians use is commonly called "muscle memory", but the memories are not actually stored in the muscles.

Muscle memory instead refers to a type of "procedural" memory called motor learning, in which memories for movement patterns are acquired through repetition. Procedural memory is separate from other types of memory, such as our memory for events (autobiographical memory) or general knowledge about the world (semantic memory).

We use procedural memory for actions such as driving, typing on a keyboard or riding a bike. This is the type of memory for which "practice makes perfect", and it allows us to perform complex actions, such as driving a car, with little attention.

However, when we are stressed or anxious, procedural memory may fail, and we "choke". Choking is often seen in athletes in high-pressure situations. Musicians also experience choking, for example when performance anxiety disrupts a procedural memory that is normally second nature, resulting in mistakes or memory slips.

Many of the practice strategies that musicians use are aimed at preventing and recovering from slips. Simple repetition, the most common practice strategy, does not necessarily prevent slips.

A more useful set of strategies for performers is to vary the interactions with the music, providing different sources of memory in case one source fails.

For example, musicians may write out the score to rehearse their visual memory, or conduct harmonic analyses to strengthen their memory of the music's structures.

Another strategy is to practise the piece starting from multiple points within it. Procedural memories often form as chains of actions, with each action triggering the memory for the next action, and starting anywhere but the beginning of the chain is difficult.

If musicians only practise from the beginning, then any momentary distraction (like an audience cough or ringing phone) can break the action chain, and the memory for the next action won't be triggered. Simply knowing that various starting points are available may reduce anxiety enough that memory slips are less likely to occur.

The demands placed on musicians' memories may physically alter their brains. When hearing familiar music, both musicians and non-musicians activate a key brain area called the hippocampus, but in musicians the activity is higher.

Moreover, musicians have more "grey matter" in their hippocampuses, as do others in memory-demanding professions, such as London taxi drivers who have completed "the Knowledge".

Neuroscientists have found that musical memories can be preserved in the brain even when most other memories are lost. Memory loss, such as that experienced by amnesiacs, provides a window for neuroscientists to study how memory works.

One amnesiac patient, a German professional cellist, had such profound memory loss that he could not remember well-known facts about Germany, nor important details from his youth or adulthood. He had no memory of relatives and friends, except for his brother and his full-time care-giver.

However, he could still play the cello and sight-read music. Moreover, his memory for music from his past was just as good as that of his non-amnesiac colleagues. He could even learn to recognise new music (but not new faces or objects).

Somehow, his musical memory system was intact, even though most of his other memories were gone.

Neuroscientists are still trying to discover why music can be resistant to memory problems. One possibility is that music, like smell, taps into primitive emotional centres in the brain that have widespread connections to other brain areas.

These connections across the brain are what make the memories robust. This wide distribution could also explain why music conjures up rich memories, as for example with a song that hasn't been heard for decades.

Even if expectations of memorisation change, there will no doubt continue to be musicians who feel that memorisation is indispensable to performance. And scientists will be glad, as music provides a rich avenue to study the limits of human memory.
Jessica Grahn is a cognitive neuroscientist and an Assistant Professor at the Brain and Mind Institute at Western University, London, Ontario. She investigates how music affects the brain and behaviour. Subscribe to the BBC News Magazine's email newsletter to get articles sent to your inbox.

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In a feat of musical memory, the Aurora Orchestra will perform Beethoven's Pastoral Symphony without printed scores at the BBC Proms 2015. Neuroscientist Jessica Grahn explores how musicians manage to remember highly complex arrangements. The extraordinary ability of musicians to recall millions of musical notes over a lifetime is undoubtedly one of the most impressive feats of human memory.

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Le Masque de la mort rouge (The Masque of the Red Death) est une nouvelle d'Edgar Allan Poe publiée pour la première fois en mai 1842 dans le Graham's Lady's and Gentleman's Magazine sous le titre The Mask of the Red Death, avec le sous-titre A Fantasy. Une version révisée est parue le 19 juillet 1845 dans le Broadway Journal sous son titre définitif. Traduite en français par Charles Baudelaire, elle fait partie du recueil Nouvelles histoires extraordinaires. La nouvelle se situe dans la tradition du roman gothique et a souvent été analysée comme une allégorie sur l'inéluctabilité de la mort, bien que d'autres interprétations aient été faites.

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Paul Léautaud, né le 18 janvier 1872 et mort le 22 février 1956, était un écrivain et critique dramatique français.

Père indifférent, mère absente, Léautaud quitte l’école à 15 ans, exerce toutes sortes de petits emplois pour vivre, s’éduque lui-même en lisant tard le soir les grands auteurs. Connu des milieux littéraires dès 1903 avec Le Petit Ami, du grand public seulement en 1950 après ses entretiens radiophoniques avec Robert Mallet qui le rendent célèbre, il publie peu, ayant en horreur la littérature alimentaire. Pour avoir la liberté d’écrire ce qui lui fait plaisir, il accepte, en 1907, un travail mal payé d’employé au Mercure de France. Chargé — un temps seulement — de la chronique dramatique sous le nom de plume de « Maurice Boissard », il se fait connaître par sa franchise, son esprit moqueur et subversif.

Solitaire, recueillant les animaux abandonnés dans son pavillon de Fontenay-aux-Roses et vivant lui-même pauvrement, il se consacre pendant plus de 60 ans à son Journal, qu’il appellera littéraire, où il relate, au jour le jour, sous l'impression directe, les événements qui le touchent. Je n’ai vécu que pour écrire. Je n’ai senti, vu, entendu les choses, les sentiments, les gens que pour écrire. J’ai préféré cela au bonheur matériel, aux réputations faciles. J’y ai même souvent sacrifié mon plaisir du moment, mes plus secrets bonheurs et affections, même le bonheur de quelques êtres, pour écrire ce qui me faisait plaisir à écrire. Je garde de tout cela un profond bonheur.
Ses dernières paroles avant de mourir ont été : Maintenant, foutez-moi la paix

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D'après la Rainbow Map 2020 de l'ILGA-Europe, la France continue de reculer du classement des pays LGBT-friendly du continent, quittant pour la première fois depuis 2013 le top 10.

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L'association ILGA-Europe a établi son classement annuel " Rainbow Map " des 49 pays européens, sur la base de l'engagement de chaque nation en faveur des droits LGBT+.

Dans le classement, chaque pays se voit attribuer un pourcentage en fonction de sa position dans six domaines clés : égalité et non-discrimination ; famille ; crimes de haine et discours de haine ; reconnaissance juridique du genre et intégrité corporelle ; la société civile et asile.

La liste de cette année désigne l'Azerbaïdjan comme pays le moins LGBT-friendly d'Europe avec un score de seulement 2,3 %. Les autres pays en bas du classement sont la Turquie (3,8 %), l'Arménie (7,5 %), la Russie (10 %) et la Pologne (16 %).

À l'inverse, Malte domine le classement pour la cinquième année consécutive, avec un score de 89 %. Elle est suivie de la Belgique et le Luxembourg (73 % chacun), le Danemark et la Norvège (68 % chacun) et l'Espagne (67 %).

La France, 13ème pays LGBT-friendly d'Europe

Cette année, la France chute dans le classement Rainbow Map, et arrive à la 13ème place. C'est la première fois depuis l'adoption du mariage pour tou.te.s que le pays quitte le top 10 des pays LGBT-friendly en Europe.

L'ILGA détaille les critères pour la France. En ce qui concerne l'égalité et la non-discrimination, le pays obtient seulement 48 %. L'association cite notamment le rapport de SOS homophobie de 2019, qui a recensé près de 2 000 cas de le harcèlement et la discrimination à l'encontre des personnes LGBT+.

Bilan mitigé pour les familles

Pour le critère famille, le bilan est mitigé avec 57 %. L'ILGA mentionne la loi de bioéthique, qui a ouvert la procréation médicalement assistée (PMA) aux couples de femmes et femmes seules. Elle rappelle cependant les lacunes de cette loi. Les personnes trans et intersexes n'ont pas accès à la PMA, les règles pour les couples hétérosexuels et homosexuels sont différentes. Ainsi, seuls les couples de même sexe doivent établir une " déclaration commune anticipée de filiation ".

La France obtient 100 % pour la société civile, 51 % pour les crimes de haine et discours de haine, 60 % pour la reconnaissance juridique du genre et l'intégrité corporelle et seulement 33 % pour l'asile.

L'ILGA propose trois mesures pour améliorer la situation en France en ce qui concerne les droits LGBT+. Elle suggère de voter une loi pour permettre aux couples de même sexe d'avoir " accès à l'adoption conjointe et à l'insémination médicalement assistée ".

Mineur.e.s intersexes

Elle mentionne également une interdiction des interventions médicales sur les mineur.e.s intersexes lorsque celles-ci n'ont aucune nécessité médicale. Enfin, elle recommande l'adoption d'un cadre juridique sur la reconnaissance du genre, " fondé sur un processus d'autodétermination exempt d'exigences abusives " (telles que la stérilisation, la dysphorie de genre ou toute intervention médicale) et sans discrimination fondée sur l'âge.

Face à cette chute inédite, HES estime que le pouvoir est responsable : " Les LGBTI n'existent pas vraiment pour ce gouvernement et Macron "

De son côté, l'Inter-LGBT " rappelle l'urgence de renouveler le plan national de lutte contre la haine et les discriminations anti-LGBT, co-construit avec les associations et ainsi donner une vision politique ambitieuse sur le long terme ".

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La France recule dans le classement des pays LGBT-friendly en Europe

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L'association ILGA-Europe a établi son classement annuel " Rainbow Map " des 49 pays européens, sur la base de l'engagement de chaque nation en faveur des droits LGBT+.

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Jean-Marie Pillu, dit Jean-Marie Périer, est un photographe français, né le 1er février 1940 à Neuilly-sur-Seine, célèbre entre autres pour sa collaboration à Salut les copains.

Miles Davis, Ella Fitzgerald, Dizzy Gillespie seront les premiers artistes qui poseront devant l’objectif de Jean-Marie Périer.

Après 28 mois de service militaire en Algérie, Daniel Filipacchi l’engage en 1962 dans l’équipe du nouveau mensuel Salut les copains — créé à la suite du succès de l’émission éponyme (en novembre 1964 paraîtra aussi l’équivalent féminin, Mademoiselle Âge Tendre).

Son style, dénué de réalisme, laisse libre cours à son imagination en mettant en scène les jeunes chanteurs populaires des années « yéyé », dont Françoise Hardy avec qui il se lie. Il réalise notamment une photo regroupant quarante-six des vedettes de ce mouvement.

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Ces photos peuvent être tirées au maximum à 30 exemplaires, signés et tamponnés.
Elles sont disponibles sur papier C.Print pour la couleur et sur papier Baryté pour le noir et blanc.

Pour chaque image il y a deux ou trois formats prédéfinis.

Pour en avoir un aperçu, elles sont présentées par noms d'artistes ci-dessous :

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Jean-Marie Perier - Photographe - Photos

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Ces photos peuvent être tirées au maximum à 30 exemplaires, signés et tamponnés.Elles sont disponibles sur papier C.Print pour la couleur et sur papier Baryté pour le noir et blanc. Pour chaque image il y a deux ou trois formats prédéfinis.

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Le paresseux ne défèque qu'une fois par semaine, au péril de sa vie

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Le paresseux ne défèque qu'une fois par semaine, au péril de sa vie

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Le cycle commence avec les papillons qui vivent sur le pelage de l'animal. Pour les femelles papillons sur le point de pondre, la crotte d'aï est la pouponnière rêvée puisque les larves la consomment une fois écloses. Parvenus à l'âge adulte, les femelles papillons n'ont qu'à voleter dans l'arbre au pied duquel elles ont vu le jour pour trouver l'aï et renouveler le cycle.

L'aï n'en retire rien directement mais les chercheurs ont découvert que plus il attirait de papillons, plus la concentration de son pelage en azote augmentait.

C'est là que les algues entrent en jeu. Grâce à la structure unique des poils de l'aï, dont les fentes recueillent une grande quantité d'eau de pluie, les algues peuvent s'y installer et sont ensuite nourries par l'azote qui leur sert d'engrais.

Lorsqu'il lèche sa fourrure pour se nettoyer, le paresseux ingère à son tour ces algues - "particulièrement riches en glucides et en lipides digestes" - qui viennent compléter son régime alimentaire de feuilles, très peu nourrissante

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Any skiving student worth their salt knows the usual tricks to make an essay look longer: use larger punctuation marks and spaces, mess around with the margins, maybe even try to creep up to a larger font size. But now, there’s an easier solution: Times Newer Roman, a font from internet marketing firm MSCHF . Times Newer Roman looks a lot like the go-to academic font, but each character is subtly altered to be 5 to 10 percent wider, making your essays look longer without having to actually make them longer.

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As someone who is ostensibly a professional writer, I can say with some authority that sometimes, writing is hard. And when you're staring at page three of an essay that your professor has insisted should be at least five pages, single-spaced, in size 12 Times New Roman font... sometimes, you need a little help.

Any skiving student worth their salt knows the usual tricks to make an essay look longer: use larger punctuation marks and spaces, mess around with the margins, maybe even try to creep up to a larger font size. But now, there's an easier solution: Times Newer Roman, a font from internet marketing firm MSCHF (which you may remember from the Tabagotchi Chrome extension). Times Newer Roman looks a lot like the go-to academic font, but each character is subtly altered to be 5 to 10 percent wider, making your essays look longer without having to actually make them longer.

Please note: The Verge does not actually condone cheating on your essays

According to Times Newer Roman's website, a 15-page, single-spaced document in 12 point type only requires 5,833 words, compared to 6,680 for the standard Times New Roman. (That's 847 words you don't need to write, which is more than twice the length of this post!)

To get around things like the fact that actual Times New Roman is a licensed font, Times Newer Roman is actually "an altered version of Nimbus Roman No.9 L (1), a free and open-source font meant to mimic the size and look of the original Times New Roman typeface." All the changes that MSCHF has made simply make the Nimbus Roman No.9 L characters wider, leaving the vertical heights untouched. So, hopefully, it's tougher to notice the difference.

Of course, it's the digital age, so there are some downsides: Times Newer Roman will only work for assignments you have to submit by hand or in a PDF. If you're sending in a Word document using a custom font that professors almost certainly don't have installed won't help. Similarly, Times Newer Roman is only useful for hitting larger page counts; if you have a strict word count limit, you're out of luck.

Times Newer Roman is available now as a free download. (Please note that The Verge does not actually condone cheating on your essays.)

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Times Newer Roman is a sneaky font designed to make your essays look longer

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As someone who is ostensibly a professional writer, I can say with some authority that sometimes, writing is hard. And when you're staring at page three of an essay that your professor has insisted should be at least five pages, single-spaced, in size 12 Times New Roman font...

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MAIS QUI PEUT ENCORE SOUTENIR MACRON SANS AVOIR HONTE ?

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CAIRO: Construction work on a bridge built a hairline away from residential apartment buildings in Cairo has sent social media abuzz.

However, sources at the Ministry of Housing said that four buildings, which are ultra-close to Teraet Al-Zomor Bridge, were actually built in violation of the law.
The bridge is located on an axis in the Giza governorate which passes through Nasr El-Din Street in Al-Haram in Cairo.
The sources said that a decision to demolish the buildings had been issued since the completion of the bridge, adding that Al-Zomor Bridge had met all required standards, and that the buildings were unlicensed and therefore the obstacle.
Pictures posted on social media appear to show the bridge almost glued to the buildings.
The bridge is 12 kilometers long and up to 65.5 meters wide. When completed later this year, its estimated cost will be 5 billion pounds ($317 million).
Mahmoud Nassar, head of the Central Agency for Construction in Egypt, said that the bridge was crucial and will be useful to the neighborhood.
Regarding the buildings that are now a whisker away from the bridge, Nassar said around 50 centimeters separates them from the bridge. He added that a specialized committee from the Land Survey Authority and from the governorate had been set up to survey all the buildings constructed on the path of the axis, in order to compensate residents who have not committed any housing violations.
He said 250 million Egyptian pounds had been allocated to compensate residents of the buildings to be demolished.
The residents objected to the bridge's construction because of its proximity, and also because the height of the bridge blocks the view of residents living on the first few floors.
The owner of one building affected by the bridge construction, Hazem Ezzat Qassem, called those who claimed that the buildings were unlicensed "liars." He said the buildings were issued licenses from Al-Omranyea in 2008 permitting construction.

"We do not object to the project since it is a national project," Qassem said. "But compensation must be given to store owners and apartment owners of the first six floors."
Member of Parliament Mohamed Fouad, representing Al-Omraneya constituency in Giza, submitted an urgent request to Prime Minister Mustafa Madbouly as well as other ministers to debate the construction of the Teraet Al-Zomor Bridge.
"For years we have been monitoring the great project which extends Teraet Al-Zomor with Al-Haram Street and Al-Omraneya. However, there was very slow action taken by the executive bodies," Fouad said. He pointed out that work on the project "started suddenly and was quickly in full swing, which caused complete chaos in the implementation process."
Fouad added that the bridge's problems had breached housing codes and that the bridge was constructed in a way that directly affects the road beneath it. He added that the bridge violated the privacy of homes and exposed residents to danger by being built so close to it and that of surrounding buildings.
The path of Teraet Al-Zomor begins from the Al-Mounib Ring Road to the Al-Warraq Ring Road in Giza governorate. It connects the main axes of July 26, including Gamaet El-Dowal El-Arabeya, Saft El-Laban, Faisal, and El-Haram in addition to the streets of Mostashfa El-Sadr, El-Thalathiny, Khatem Al-Morsaleen, and Embaba Airport.

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hajj،عرب نيوز

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This town ain't big enough for both of us: New Cairo bridge 50cm from homes

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CAIRO: Construction work on a bridge built a hairline away from residential apartment buildings in Cairo has sent social media abuzz. However, sources at the Ministry of Housing said that four buildings, which are ultra-close to Teraet Al-Zomor Bridge, were actually built in violation of the law.

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G-Eazy "I'm So Tired" (The Beatles Cover)

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Vie et mort d'Émile Ajar, est un roman de Romain Gary publié à titre posthume le 17 juillet 1981 aux éditions Gallimard.

Romain Gary a créé de toutes pièces le personnage d'Émile Ajar sans jamais en révéler de son vivant l'identité réelle. C'est juste avant son suicide en 1980 qu'il rédige cet ouvrage où il révèle toute la supercherie. Gary a terminé ce manuscrit le 21 mars 1979 ¹ et l’a envoyé à son éditeur le jour de sa mort², le 2 décembre 1980.

Les derniers mots du livre sont : « Je me suis bien amusé. Au revoir et merci. »

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I think you should leave - saison 1

très prometteur pour du US, grosse inspiration des sketchs shows classiques 90s/00s anglais, surtout "Big Train".

Tim Robinson (born May 23, 1981) is an American actor, comedian, and writer best known for starring in the Netflix series I Think You Should Leave with Tim Robinson and the Comedy Central series Detroiters.[1][2] Prior to that, he was known for his work as a writer and cast member on Saturday Night Live.

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I Think You Should Leave with Tim Robinson | Official Trailer [HD] | Netflix

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I Think You Should Leave with Tim Robinson - Door Scene

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Localement ou à certaines époques, le terme indigène dans le domaine des sciences ethnologiques et historiques a pu prendre une connotation péjorative, désignant des individus ou des arts « non-civilisés », ou avec un sens équivalent à celui de barbare ou de sauvage, en particulier en Amérique du Sud au xviie siècle.

À partir des années Trente, l'engouement considérable suscité par l'exposition coloniale et la construction du Musée des colonies françaises (Palais de la Porte Dorée), par le développement de l'ethnologie, par l'influence de l'art nègre sur le cubisme et la musique jazz, font perdre complètement à ce mot la connotation péjorative qu'il avait pu avoir.

Pendant la période coloniale, le terme « indigène » est devenu une catégorie officielle désignant l es droits, les coutumes et les institutions particulières qui restaient en vigueur pour certains peuples autochtones, renouant avec les institutions du droit local de l'Ancien Régime.Ainsi, en Algérie, les citoyens de confession musulmane qui ne voulaient pas être régis par le droit civil et le calendrier français, continuaient à être régis par un droit, des institutions et un statut désignés comme indigènes. Avec l'indépendance des départements et protectorats français, l'occidentalisation s'est accélérée, et le mot indigène s'est chargé de toute la détestation pour les anciennes institutions coloniales.

Au Québec les termes autochtone, amérindien ou natif sont également plus souvent employés, s'ils bénéficient du statut officiel. On utilise également l'expression Premières Nations.

L'antonyme d'indigène est allogène.

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De manière générale, indigène est un adjectif indiquant que des personnes, des coutumes ou des formes d'art sont nées dans le pays (région) considéré (étymologie : " originaire du pays " du latin indigena, de indu forme renforcée archaïque de in " dans ", et -gena " né de ", de genere " engendrer "), ce concept s'étendant également aux espèces tant animales que végétales.

En Europe, le terme autochtone était utilisé avec un sens équivalent dans l'histoire des Romains pour désigner les populations qui vivaient dans le Latium avant la fondation de Rome. Un indigène est une personne qui est anciennement originaire d'un pays et qui en possède la langue, les coutumes et les usages, avec une connotation culturelle.

L' adjectif et substantif " indigène " est un emprunt, savant, au latin,, classique , adjectif et substantif,. Il est attesté, en moyen français, au : d'après le Trésor de la langue française informatisé et le Dictionnaire historique de la langue française, sa plus ancienne occurrence connue se trouve dans le Pantagruel de François Rabelais.

L'emploi de ce terme en français ne devient d'usage courant qu'après le siècle suivant. On peut ainsi y soupçonner une assimilation plus ou moins proche, selon les préjugés du temps et tenant compte des intérêts des locuteurs, avec le latin phonétiquement voisin indigens qui signifie " indigent ", ou " qui manque de ". C'est aussi une époque où le terme générique attribué aux " Indes" correspond au territoire du potentiel d'une plus-value économique mirifique sur les investissements.

Localement ou à certaines époques, le terme indigène dans le domaine des sciences ethnologiques et historiques a pu prendre une connotation péjorative, désignant des individus ou des arts " non-civilisés ", ou avec un sens équivalent à celui de ou de , en particulier en Amérique du Sud au siècle.

À partir des années Trente, l'engouement considérable suscité par l' exposition coloniale et la construction du Musée des colonies françaises ( Palais de la Porte Dorée), par le développement de l'ethnologie, par l'influence de l' art nègre sur le cubisme et la musique jazz, font perdre complètement à ce mot la connotation péjorative qu'il avait pu avoir.

Pendant la période coloniale, le terme " indigène " est devenu une catégorie officielle désignant les droits, les coutumes et les institutions particulières qui restaient en vigueur pour certains peuples autochtones, renouant avec les institutions du droit local de l'Ancien Régime. Il existe aussi des régiments indigènes, des gardes indigènes, des arts et des langues indigènes. Ainsi, en Algérie, les citoyens de confession musulmane qui ne voulaient pas être régis par le droit civil et le calendrier français, continuaient à être régis par un droit, des institutions et un statut désignés comme indigènes. Avec l'indépendance des départements et protectorats français, l'occidentalisation s'est accélérée, et le mot indigène s'est chargé de toute la détestation pour les anciennes institutions coloniales.

Dans le contexte d'une expansion du franglais, indigène semble depuis quelques années connaître un retour en grâce par le biais de l'anglais indigenous, qui a conservé dans cette langue son sens étymologique d'" individu originaire " du lieu où il vit.

Pour les mêmes raisons, en français, l'emploi de langue vernaculaire ou langue autochtone sera préféré à celui de langue indigène, et ce contrairement aux anglophones qui ont conservé l'expression indigenous language .

Au Québec les termes autochtone, amérindien ou natif sont également plus souvent employés, s'ils bénéficient du statut officiel. On utilise également l'expression Premières Nations. En Nouvelle-Calédonie, les accords de Nouméa reconnaissent un statut coutumier aux populations kanak.

Le terme est d'emploi officiel dans plusieurs pays d' Amérique latine.

En biologie, le terme Indigène est un adjectif qui qualifie une espèce endémique dont l'évolution s'est faite dans le lieu dont on parle.

Indigénat dans le domaine des sciences naturelles ( botanique, mycologie, zoologie, taxonomie..) décrit le caractère plus ou moins autochtone ou non d'une espèce ou d'un taxon (genre, famille...). Selon une définition stricte, ne seraient pas indigènes toutes les espèces qui n'auraient jamais pu atteindre la région étudiée sans les activités humaines (Pyšek, 1995), mais en général, on ne tient pas compte des espèces arrivées avant le début du néolithique (5-6 000 ans BC) dont certaines pourraient avoir été introduites par l'Homme,.

Les enjeux sont ici multiples: de l' évaluation environnementale, mais aussi de l' écologie rétrospective et prospective, de la connaissance du patrimoine naturel et de l'évaluation des menaces qui pèsent sur certaines espèces (listes rouges, etc.) ; ces menaces peuvent éventuellement être hiérarchisées au regard de l'endémisme, du caractère jugé patrimonial d'un taxon, de son caractère protégé ou non, ou des risques d' invasivité de certaines espèces introduites, etc.
Dans les cas d'introduction récente des enjeux sanitaires existent aussi.

En France, un taxon végétal est dit :

Naturalisé (N) ou allochtone si introduit (volontairement ou non) et se comportant comme indigène. Dans ce groupe on distingue parfois deux sous-groupes :
- les taxons archéonaturalisés (Na), naturalisé avant une certaine date (environ un siècle en général, depuis 1914 pour la flore du bassin parisien),
- les taxons néonaturalisés (Nn), naturalisés après 1914,
- les taxons amphinaturalisé (assimilé indigène et présents sur un vaste espace) ;

Des approches du même type existent pour les taxons animaux. Dans certaines régions de France par exemple, une espèce très commune comme le lapin de garenne (Oryctolagus cuniculus) peut être dite non pas indigène mais " archéonaturalisée ".

Bibliographie

Benito Sylvain, Faculté de droit et des sciences économiques, Étude historique sur le sort des indigènes dans les colonies d'exploitation, (thèse de doctorat), L. Boyer, Paris,

Articles connexes

Études théoriques

1. Définitions ↑ lexicographiques et étymologiques de " indigene " du Trésor de la langue française informatisé, sur le site du Centre national de ressources textuelles et lexicales

2. Dictionnaire de la langue française ↑ Le Robert.

3. ↑ a b et c " Indigène ", dans le Dictionnaire de l'Académie française, sur Centre national de ressources textuelles et lexicales [consulté le 29 avril 2017].

4. ↑ Définitions a b c et d lexicographiques et étymologiques d'" indigène " du Trésor de la langue française informatisé, sur le site du Centre national de ressources textuelles et lexicales [consulté le 29 avril 2017].

5. ↑ a b et c Alain Rey (dir.), Marianne Tomi, Tristan Hordé et Chantal Tanet, Dictionnaire historique de la langue française, Paris, Dictionnaires Le Robert, (réimpr. 2011), 4e éd. (1re éd. 1992), 1 vol., XIX -2614 p., 29 cm (ISBN 978-2-84902-646-5 et 978-2-84902-997-8 , notice BnF no FRBNF42302246, SUDOC 147764122), s.v. indigène [consulté le 29 avril 2017].

6. Guy Jucquois, ↑ Manières de vivre, manières de penser : la diversité du vivant en Occident (XVII e - XX e siècles), Louvain-la-Neuve, Academia et aperçu) [consulté le Bruylant, coll. " Sciences et enjeux " (no 1), , 1re éd., 1 vol., 299 p., in-8o (22 cm) (ISBN 2-87209-578-0 , OCLC 465863788, notice BnF no FRBNF40072894, SUDOC 067175775), p. 103 (29 avril 2017].

7. Entrée ↑ " indigène " dans les Dictionnaires de français [en ligne], sur le site des éditions Larousse [consulté le 29 avril 2017].

8. ↑ a et b (la+fr) Entrée " indĭgĕna, ae ", dans Félix Gaffiot , Dictionnaire illustré latin-français, Paris, Hachette, 1934 (paru le ), 1re éd., 1702-XVIII p., in-8o (26 cm) (OCLC 798807606, notice BnF no FRBNF32138560, SUDOC 125527209), p. 804 [consulté le 29 avril 2017].

9. "↑ L'origine primeves de mes aves et ataves fut indigene des régions Lemovicques, où requiesce le corpore de l'agiotate sainct Martial. J'entens bien, dist Pantagruel ; tu es Lymosin, pour tout potaige. Et tu veulx icy contrefaire le Parisian. Or vien çza, que je te donne un tour de pigne !". François Rabelais, Louis Moland, Henri Clouzot, Œuvres de Rabelais collationnées sur les éditions originales accompagnées d'une bibliographie et d'un glossaire, (œuvre), Garnier Frères, Paris et Chartres, , page Internet Archive.

10. Pyšek, P., 1995. ↑ On the terminology used in plant invasion studies. In: Pysek, P., Prach, K., Rejmànek, M., Wade, M. (Eds.), Plant Invasions: General Aspects and Special Problems. SPB Academic Publishing, Amsterdam, p. 71-81.

11. Pyšek, P., Parch, K., 1995. ↑ Invasion dynamics of Impatiens glandiflora: a century of spreading reconstructed. Biol. Conserv. 74, 41-48

12. François Moutou, Vincent Spony, ↑ Mammifères exotiques et risques sanitaires

13. ↑ Muséum d'histoire naturelle de Paris, et CRBNBP a b c et d liste rouge régionale centre, méthodologie pour la flore

14. Cécile Callou, ↑ De la garenne au clapier : étude archéozoologique du Lapin en Europe occidentale, Éd. Mémoires du Muséum d'Histoire Naturelle - 2003 (compte rendu en ligne)

15. Picardie-Nature, ↑ Référentiel Mammifères terrestres, Faune de Picardie

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
De manière générale, indigène est un adjectif indiquant que des personnes, des coutumes ou des formes d'art sont nées dans le pays (région) considéré (étymologie : " originaire du pays " du latin indigena, de indu forme renforcée archaïque de in " dans ", et -gena " né de ", de genere " engendrer "), ce concept s'étendant également aux espèces tant animales que végétales.

# data[].attributes.body
De manière générale, indigène ¹ est un adjectif indiquant que des personnes, des coutumes ou des formes d'art sont nées dans le pays (région) considéré , ce concept s'étendant également aux espèces tant animales que végétales.

En Europe, le terme autochtone était utilisé avec un sens équivalent dans l'histoire des Romains pour désigner les populations qui vivaient dans le Latium avant la fondation de Rome. Un indigène est une personne qui est anciennement originaire d'un pays et qui en possède la langue, les coutumes et les usages, avec une connotation culturelle.

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The Confessions of Marcus Hutchins, the Hacker Who Saved the Internet

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At around 7 am on a quiet Wednesday in August 2017, Marcus Hutchins walked out the front door of the Airbnb mansion in Las Vegas where he had been partying for the past week and a half. A gangly, 6'4", 23-year-old hacker with an explosion of blond-brown curls, Hutchins had emerged to retrieve his order of a Big Mac and fries from an Uber Eats deliveryman. But as he stood barefoot on the mansion's driveway wearing only a T-shirt and jeans, Hutchins noticed a black SUV parked on the street-one that looked very much like an FBI stakeout.

He stared at the vehicle blankly, his mind still hazed from sleep deprivation and stoned from the legalized Nevada weed he'd been smoking all night. For a fleeting moment, he wondered: Is this finally it?

But as soon as the thought surfaced, he dismissed it. The FBI would never be so obvious, he told himself. His feet had begun to scald on the griddle of the driveway. So he grabbed the McDonald's bag and headed back inside, through the mansion's courtyard, and into the pool house he'd been using as a bedroom. With the specter of the SUV fully exorcised from his mind, he rolled another spliff with the last of his weed, smoked it as he ate his burger, and then packed his bags for the airport, where he was scheduled for a first-class flight home to the UK.

Hutchins was coming off of an epic, exhausting week at Defcon, one of the world's largest hacker conferences, where he had been celebrated as a hero. Less than three months earlier, Hutchins had saved the internet from what was, at the time, the worst cyberattack in history: a piece of malware called WannaCry. Just as that self-propagating software had begun exploding across the planet, destroying data on hundreds of thousands of computers, it was Hutchins who had found and triggered the secret kill switch contained in its code, neutering WannaCry's global threat immediately.

This legendary feat of whitehat hacking had essentially earned Hutchins free drinks for life among the Defcon crowd. He and his entourage had been invited to every VIP hacker party on the strip, taken out to dinner by journalists, and accosted by fans seeking selfies. The story, after all, was irresistible: Hutchins was the shy geek who had single-handedly slain a monster threatening the entire digital world, all while sitting in front of a keyboard in a bedroom in his parents' house in remote western England.

Still reeling from the whirlwind of adulation, Hutchins was in no state to dwell on concerns about the FBI, even after he emerged from the mansion a few hours later and once again saw the same black SUV parked across the street. He hopped into an Uber to the airport, his mind still floating through a cannabis-induced cloud. Court documents would later reveal that the SUV followed him along the way-that law enforcement had, in fact, been tracking his location periodically throughout his time in Vegas.

When Hutchins arrived at the airport and made his way through the security checkpoint, he was surprised when TSA agents told him not to bother taking any of his three laptops out of his backpack before putting it through the scanner. Instead, as they waved him through, he remembers thinking that they seemed to be making a special effort not to delay him.

He wandered leisurely to an airport lounge, grabbed a Coke, and settled into an armchair. He was still hours early for his flight back to the UK, so he killed time posting from his phone to Twitter, writing how excited he was to get back to his job analyzing malware when he got home. "Haven't touched a debugger in over a month now," he tweeted. He humblebragged about some very expensive shoes his boss had bought him in Vegas and retweeted a compliment from a fan of his reverse-engineering work.

Hutchins was composing another tweet when he noticed that three men had walked up to him, a burly redhead with a goatee flanked by two others in Customs and Border Protection uniforms. "Are you Marcus Hutchins?" asked the red-haired man. When Hutchins confirmed that he was, the man asked in a neutral tone for Hutchins to come with them, and led him through a door into a private stairwell.

Then they put him in handcuffs.

In a state of shock, feeling as if he were watching himself from a distance, Hutchins asked what was going on. "We'll get to that," the man said.

Hutchins remembers mentally racing through every possible illegal thing he'd done that might have interested Customs. Surely, he thought, it couldn't be the thing, that years-old, unmentionable crime. Was it that he might have left marijuana in his bag? Were these bored agents overreacting to petty drug possession?

The agents walked him through a security area full of monitors and then sat him down in an interrogation room, where they left him alone. When the red-headed man returned, he was accompanied by a small blonde woman. The two agents flashed their badges: They were with the FBI.

For the next few minutes, the agents struck a friendly tone, asking Hutchins about his education and Kryptos Logic, the security firm where he worked. For those minutes, Hutchins allowed himself to believe that perhaps the agents wanted only to learn more about his work on WannaCry, that this was just a particularly aggressive way to get his cooperation into their investigation of that world-shaking cyberattack. Then, 11 minutes into the interview, his interrogators asked him about a program called Kronos.

"Kronos," Hutchins said. "I know that name." And it began to dawn on him, with a sort of numbness, that he was not going home after all.

Fourteen years earlier, long before Marcus Hutchins was a hero or villain to anyone, his parents, Janet and Desmond, settled into a stone house on a cattle farm in remote Devon, just a few minutes from the west coast of England. Janet was a nurse, born in Scotland. Desmond was a social worker from Jamaica who had been a firefighter when he first met Janet in a nightclub in 1986. They had moved from Bracknell, a commuter town 30 miles outside of London, looking for a place where their sons, 9-year-old Marcus and his 7-year-old brother, could grow up with more innocence than life in London's orbit could offer.

At first the farm offered exactly the idyll they were seeking: The two boys spent their days romping among the cows, watching farmhands milk them and deliver their calves. They built tree houses and trebuchets out of spare pieces of wood and rode in the tractor of the farmer who had rented their house to them. Hutchins was a bright and happy child, open to friendships but stoic and "self-contained," as his father, Desmond, puts it, with "a very strong sense of right and wrong." When he fell and broke his wrist while playing, he didn't shed a single tear, his father says. But when the farmer put down a lame, brain-damaged calf that Hutchins had bonded with, he cried inconsolably.

Hutchins didn't always fit in with the other kids in rural Devon. He was taller than the other boys, and he lacked the usual English obsession with soccer; he came to prefer surfing in the freezing waters a few miles from his house instead. He was one of only a few mixed-race children at his school, and he refused to cut his trademark mop of curly hair.

But above all, what distinguished Hutchins from everyone around him was his preternatural fascination and facility with computers. From the age of 6, Hutchins had watched his mother use Windows 95 on the family's Dell tower desktop. His father was often annoyed to find him dismantling the family PC or filling it with strange programs. By the time they moved to Devon, Hutchins had begun to be curious about the inscrutable HTML characters behind the websites he visited, and was coding rudimentary "Hello world" scripts in Basic. He soon came to see programming as "a gateway to build whatever you wanted," as he puts it, far more exciting than even the wooden forts and catapults he built with his brother. "There were no limits," he says.

In computer class, where his peers were still learning to use word processors, Hutchins was miserably bored. The school's computers prevented him from installing the games he wanted to play, like Counterstrike and Call of Duty, and they restricted the sites he could visit online. But Hutchins found he could program his way out of those constraints. Within Microsoft Word, he discovered a feature that allowed him to write scripts in a language called Visual Basic. Using that scripting feature, he could run whatever code he wanted and even install unapproved software. He used that trick to install a proxy to bounce his web traffic through a faraway server, defeating the school's attempts to filter and monitor his web surfing too.

On his 13th birthday, after years of fighting for time on the family's aging Dell, Hutchins' parents agreed to buy him his own computer-or rather, the components he requested, piece by piece, to build it himself. Soon, Hutchins' mother says, the computer became a "complete and utter love" that overruled almost everything else in her son's life.

Hutchins still surfed, and he had taken up a sport called surf lifesaving, a kind of competitive lifeguarding. He excelled at it and would eventually win a handful of medals at the national level. But when he wasn't in the water, he was in front of his computer, playing videogames or refining his programming skills for hours on end.

Janet Hutchins worried about her son's digital obsession. In particular, she feared how the darker fringes of the web, what she only half-jokingly calls the "internet boogeyman," might influence her son, who she saw as relatively sheltered in their rural English life.

So she tried to install parental controls on Marcus' computer; he responded by using a simple technique to gain administrative privileges when he booted up the PC, and immediately turned the controls off. She tried limiting his internet access via their home router; he found a hardware reset on the router that allowed him to restore it to factory settings, then configured the router to boot her offline instead.

"After that we had a long chat," Janet says. She threatened to remove the house's internet connection altogether. Instead they came to a truce. "We agreed that if he reinstated my internet access, I would monitor him in another way," she says. "But in actual fact, there was no way of monitoring Marcus. Because he was way more clever than any of us were ever going to be."

Many mothers' fears of the internet boogeyman are overblown. Janet Hutchins' were not.

Within a year of getting his own computer, Hutchins was exploring an elementary hacking web forum, one dedicated to wreaking havoc upon the then-popular instant messaging platform MSN. There he found a community of like-minded young hackers showing off their inventions. One bragged of creating a kind of MSN worm that impersonated a JPEG: When someone opened it, the malware would instantly and invisibly send itself to all their MSN contacts, some of whom would fall for the bait and open the photo, which would fire off another round of messages, ad infinitum.

Hutchins didn't know what the worm was meant to accomplish-whether it was intended for cybercrime or simply a spammy prank-but he was deeply impressed. "I was like, wow, look what programming can do," he says. "I want to be able to do this kind of stuff."

Around the time he turned 14, Hutchins posted his own contribution to the forum-a simple password stealer. Install it on someone's computer and it could pull the passwords for the victim's web accounts from where Internet Explorer had stored them for its convenient autofill feature. The passwords were encrypted, but he'd figured out where the browser hid the decryption key too.

Hutchins' first piece of malware was met with approval from the forum. And whose passwords did he imagine might be stolen with his invention? "I didn't, really," Hutchins says. "I just thought, 'This is a cool thing I've made.'"

As Hutchins' hacking career began to take shape, his academic career was deteriorating. He would come home from the beach in the evening and go straight to his room, eat in front of his computer, and then pretend to sleep. After his parents checked that his lights were out and went to bed themselves, he'd get back to his keyboard. "Unbeknownst to us, he'd be up programming into the wee small hours," Janet says. When she woke him the next morning, "he'd look ghastly. Because he'd only been in bed for half an hour." Hutchins' mystified mother at one point was so worried she took her son to the doctor, where he was diagnosed with being a sleep-deprived teenager.

One day at school, when Hutchins was about 15, he found that he'd been locked out of his network account. A few hours later he was called into a school administrator's office. The staff there accused him of carrying out a cyberattack on the school's network, corrupting one server so deeply it had to be replaced. Hutchins vehemently denied any involvement and demanded to see the evidence. As he tells it, the administrators refused to share it. But he had, by that time, become notorious among the school's IT staff for flouting their security measures. He maintains, even today, that he was merely the most convenient scapegoat. "Marcus was never a good liar," his mother agrees. "He was quite boastful. If he had done it, he would have said he'd done it."

Hutchins was suspended for two weeks and permanently banned from using computers at school. His answer, from that point on, was simply to spend as little time there as possible. He became fully nocturnal, sleeping well into the school day and often skipping his classes altogether. His parents were furious, but aside from the moments when he was trapped in his mother's car, getting a ride to school or to go surfing, he mostly evaded their lectures and punishments. "They couldn't physically drag me to school," Hutchins says. "I'm a big guy."

Hutchins' family had, by 2009, moved off the farm, into a house that occupied the former post office of a small, one-pub village. Marcus took a room at the top of the stairs. He emerged from his bedroom only occasionally, to microwave a frozen pizza or make himself more instant coffee for his late-night programming binges. But for the most part, he kept his door closed and locked against his parents, as he delved deeper into a secret life to which they weren't invited.

Around the same time, the MSN forum that Hutchins had been frequenting shut down, so he transitioned to another community called HackForums. Its members were a shade more advanced in their skills and a shade murkier in their ethics: a Lord of the Flies collection of young hackers seeking to impress one another with nihilistic feats of exploitation. The minimum table stakes to gain respect from the HackForums crowd was possession of a botnet, a collection of hundreds or thousands of malware-infected computers that obey a hacker's commands, capable of directing junk traffic at rivals to flood their web server and knock them offline-what's known as a distributed denial of service, or DDoS, attack.

There was, at this point, no overlap between Hutchins' idyllic English village life and his secret cyberpunk one, no reality checks to prevent him from adopting the amoral atmosphere of the underworld he was entering. So Hutchins, still 15 years old, was soon bragging on the forum about running his own botnet of more than 8,000 computers, mostly hacked with simple fake files he'd uploaded to BitTorrent sites and tricked unwitting users into running.

Even more ambitiously, Hutchins also set up his own business: He began renting servers and then selling web hosting services to denizens of HackForums for a monthly fee. The enterprise, which Hutchins called Gh0sthosting, explicitly advertised itself on HackForums as a place where "all illegal sites" were allowed. He suggested in another post that buyers could use his service to host phishing pages designed to impersonate login pages and steal victims' passwords. When one customer asked if it was acceptable to host "warez"-black market software-Hutchins immediately replied, "Yeah any sites but child porn."

But in his teenage mind, Hutchins says, he still saw what he was doing as several steps removed from any real cybercrime. Hosting shady servers or stealing a few Facebook passwords or exploiting a hijacked computer to enlist it in DDoS attacks against other hackers-those hardly seemed like the serious offenses that would earn him the attention of law enforcement. Hutchins wasn't, after all, carrying out bank fraud, stealing actual money from innocent people. Or at least that's what he told himself. He says that the red line of financial fraud, arbitrary as it was, remained inviolable in his self-defined and shifting moral code.

In fact, within a year Hutchins grew bored with his botnets and his hosting service, which he found involved placating a lot of "whiny customers." So he quit both and began to focus on something he enjoyed far more: perfecting his own malware. Soon he was taking apart other hackers' rootkits-programs designed to alter a computer's operating system to make themselves entirely undetectable. He studied their features and learned to hide his code inside other computer processes to make his files invisible in the machine's file directory.

When Hutchins posted some sample code to show off his growing skills, another HackForums member was impressed enough that he asked Hutchins to write part of a program that would check whether specific antivirus engines could detect a hacker's malware, a kind of anti-antivirus tool. For that task, Hutchins was paid $200 in the early digital currency Liberty Reserve. The same customer followed up by offering $800 for a "formgrabber" Hutchins had written, a rootkit that could silently steal passwords and other data that people had entered into web forms and send them to the hacker. He happily accepted.

Hutchins began to develop a reputation as a talented malware ghostwriter. Then, when he was 16, he was approached by a more serious client, a figure that the teenager would come to know by the pseudonym Vinny.

Vinny made Hutchins an offer: He wanted a multifeatured, well-maintained rootkit that he could sell on hacker marketplaces far more professional than HackForums, like Exploit.in and Dark0de. And rather than paying up front for the code, he would give Hutchins half the profits from every sale. They would call the product UPAS Kit, after the Javanese upas tree, whose toxic sap was traditionally used in Southeast Asia to make poison darts and arrows.

Vinny seemed different from the braggarts and wannabes Hutchins had met elsewhere in the hacker underground-more professional and tight-lipped, never revealing a single personal detail about himself even as they chatted more and more frequently. And both Hutchins and Vinny were careful to never log their conversations, Hutchins says. (As a result, WIRED has no record of their interactions, only Hutchins' account of them.)

Hutchins says he was always careful to cloak his movements online, routing his internet connection through multiple proxy servers and hacked PCs in Eastern Europe intended to confuse any investigator. But he wasn't nearly as disciplined about keeping the details of his personal life secret from Vinny. In one conversation, Hutchins complained to his business partner that there was no quality weed to be found anywhere in his village, deep in rural England. Vinny responded that he would mail him some from a new ecommerce site called Silk Road.

This was 2011, early days for Silk Road, and the notorious dark-web drug marketplace was mostly known only to those in the internet underground, not the masses who would later discover it. Hutchins himself thought it had to be a hoax. "Bullshit," he remembers writing to Vinny. "Prove it."

So Vinny asked for Hutchins' address-and his date of birth. He wanted to send him a birthday present, he said. Hutchins, in a moment he would come to regret, supplied both.

On Hutchins' 17th birthday, a package arrived for him in the mail at his parents' house. Inside was a collection of weed, hallucinogenic mushrooms, and ecstasy, courtesy of his mysterious new associate.

Hutchins finished writing UPAS Kit after nearly nine months of work, and in the summer of 2012 the rootkit went up for sale. Hutchins didn't ask Vinny any questions about who was buying. He was mostly just pleased to have leveled up from a HackForums show-off to a professional coder whose work was desired and appreciated.

The money was nice too: As Vinny began to pay Hutchins thousands of dollars in commissions from UPAS Kit sales-always in bitcoin-Hutchins found himself with his first real disposable income. He upgraded his computer, bought an Xbox and a new sound system for his room, and began to dabble in bitcoin day trading. By this point, he had dropped out of school entirely, and he'd quit surf lifesaving after his coach retired. He told his parents that he was working on freelance programming projects, which seemed to satisfy them.

With the success of UPAS Kit, Vinny told Hutchins that it was time to build UPAS Kit 2.0. He wanted new features for this sequel, including a keylogger that could record victims' every keystroke and the ability to see their entire screen. And most of all, he wanted a feature that could insert fake text-entry fields and other content into the pages that victims were seeing-something called a web inject.

Vinny added that he knew Hutchins' identity and address. If their business relationship ended, perhaps he would share that information with the FBI.

That last demand in particular gave Hutchins a deeply uneasy feeling, he says. Web injects, in Hutchins' mind, had a very clear purpose: They were designed for bank fraud. Most banks require a second factor of authentication when making a transfer; they often send a code via text message to a user's phone and ask them to enter it on a web page as a double check of their identity. Web injects allow hackers to defeat that security measure by sleight of hand. A hacker initiates a bank transfer from the victim's account, and then, when the bank asks the hacker for a confirmation code, the hacker injects a fake message onto the victim's screen asking them to perform a routine reconfirmation of their identity with a text message code. When the victim enters that code from their phone, the hacker passes it on to the bank, confirming the transfer out of their account.

Over just a few years, Hutchins had taken so many small steps down the unlit tunnel of online criminality that he'd often lost sight of the lines he was crossing. But in this IM conversation with Vinny, Hutchins says, he could see that he was being asked to do something very wrong-that he would now, without a doubt, be helping thieves steal from innocent victims. And by engaging in actual financial cybercrime, he'd also be inviting law enforcement's attention in a way he never had before.

Until that point, Hutchins had allowed himself to imagine that his creations might be used simply to steal access to people's Facebook accounts or to build botnets that mined cryptocurrency on people's PCs. "I never knew definitively what was happening with my code," he says. "But now it was obvious. This would be used to steal money from people. This would be used to wipe out people's savings."

He says he refused Vinny's demand. "I'm not fucking working on a banking trojan," he remembers writing.

Vinny insisted. And he added a reminder, in what Hutchins understood as equal parts joke and threat, that he knew Hutchins' identity and address. If their business relationship ended, perhaps he would share that information with the FBI.

As Hutchins tells it, he was both scared and angry at himself: He had naively shared identifying details with a partner who was turning out to be a ruthless criminal. But he held his ground and threatened to walk away. Vinny, knowing that he needed Hutchins' coding skills, seemed to back down. They reached an agreement: Hutchins would work on the revamped version of UPAS Kit, but without the web injects.

As he developed that next-generation rootkit over the following months, Hutchins began attending a local community college. He developed a bond with one of his computer science professors and was surprised to discover that he actually wanted to graduate. But he strained under the load of studying while also building and maintaining Vinny's malware. His business partner now seemed deeply impatient to have their new rootkit finished, and he pinged Hutchins constantly, demanding updates. To cope, Hutchins began turning back to Silk Road, buying amphetamines on the dark web to replace his nighttime coffee binges.

After nine months of all-night coding sessions, the second version of UPAS Kit was ready. But as soon as Hutchins shared the finished code with Vinny, he says, Vinny responded with a surprise revelation: He had secretly hired another coder to create the web injects that Hutchins had refused to build. With the two programmers' work combined, Vinny had everything he needed to make a fully functional banking trojan.

Hutchins says he felt livid, speechless. He quickly realized he had very little leverage against Vinny. The malware was already written. And for the most part, it was Hutchins who had authored it.

In that moment, all of the moral concerns and threats of punishment that Hutchins had brushed off for years suddenly caught up with him in a sobering rush. "There is no getting out of this," he remembers thinking. "The FBI is going to turn up at my door one day with an arrest warrant. And it will be because I trusted this fucking guy."

Still, as deep as Hutchins had been reeled in by Vinny, he had a choice.

Vinny wanted him to do the work of integrating the other programmer's web injects into their malware, then test the rootkit and maintain it with updates once it launched. Hutchins says he knew instinctively that he should walk away and never communicate with Vinny again. But as Hutchins tells it, Vinny seemed to have been preparing for this conversation, and he laid out an argument: Hutchins had already put in nearly nine months of work. He had already essentially built a banking rootkit that would be sold to customers, whether Hutchins liked it or not.

Besides, Hutchins was still being paid on commission. If he quit now, he'd get nothing. He'd have taken all the risks, enough to be implicated in the crime, but would receive none of the rewards.

As angry as he was at having fallen into Vinny's trap, Hutchins admits that he was also persuaded. So he added one more link to the yearslong chain of bad decisions that had defined his teenage life: He agreed to keep ghostwriting Vinny's banking malware.

Hutchins got to work, stitching the web inject features into his rootkit and then testing the program ahead of its release. But he found now that his love of coding had evaporated. He would procrastinate for as long as possible and then submerge into daylong coding binges, overriding his fear and guilt with amphetamines.

In June 2014, the rootkit was ready. Vinny began to sell their work on the cybercriminal marketplaces Exploit.in and Dark0de. Later he'd also put it up for sale on AlphaBay, a site on the dark web that had replaced Silk Road after the FBI tore the original darknet market offline.

After arguments with jilted customers, Vinny had decided to rebrand and drop the UPAS label. Instead, he came up with a new moniker, a play on Zeus, one of the most notorious banking trojans in the history of cybercrime. Vinny christened his malware in the name of a cruel giant in Greek mythology, the one who had fathered Zeus and all the other vengeful gods in the pantheon of Mount Olympus: He called it Kronos.

When Hutchins was 19, his family moved again, this time into an 18th-century, four-story building in Ilfracombe, a Victorian seaside resort town in another part of Devon. Hutchins settled into the basement of the house, with access to his own bathroom and a kitchen that had once been used by the house's servants. That setup allowed him to cut himself off even further from his family and the world. He was, more than ever, alone.

When Kronos launched on Exploit.in, the malware was only a modest success. The largely Russian community of hackers on the site were skeptical of Vinny, who didn't speak their language and had priced the trojan at an ambitious $7,000. And like any new software, Kronos had bugs that needed fixing. Customers demanded constant updates and new features. So Hutchins was tasked with nonstop coding for the next year, now with tight deadlines and angry buyers demanding he meet them.

To keep up while also trying to finish his last year of college, Hutchins ramped up his amphetamine intake sharply. He would take enough speed to reach what he describes as a state of euphoria. Only in that condition, he says, could he still enjoy his programming work and stave off his growing dread. "Every time I heard a siren, I thought it was coming for me," he says. Vanquishing those thoughts with still more stimulants, he would stay up for days, studying and coding, and then crash into a state of anxiety and depression before sleeping for 24-hour stretches.

All that slingshotting between manic highs and miserable lows took a toll on Hutchins' judgment-most notably in his interactions with another online friend he calls Randy.

When Hutchins met Randy on a hacker forum called TrojanForge after the Kronos release, Randy asked Hutchins if he'd write banking malware for him. When Hutchins refused, Randy instead asked for help with some enterprise and educational apps he was trying to launch as legitimate businesses. Hutchins, seeing a way to launder his illegal earnings with legal income, agreed.

Randy proved to be a generous patron. When Hutchins told him that he didn't have a MacOS machine to work on Apple apps, Randy asked for his address-which again, Hutchins provided-and shipped him a new iMac desktop as a gift. Later, he asked if Hutchins had a PlayStation console so that they could play games together online. When Hutchins said he didn't, Randy shipped him a new PS4 too.

Unlike Vinny, Randy was refreshingly open about his personal life. As he and Hutchins became closer, they would call each other or even video chat, rather than interact via the faceless instant messaging Hutchins had become accustomed to. Randy impressed Hutchins by describing his philanthropic goals, how he was using his profits to fund charities like free coding education projects for kids. Hutchins sensed that much of those profits came from cybercrime. But he began to see Randy as a Robin Hood-like figure, a model he hoped to emulate someday. Randy revealed that he was based in Los Angeles, a sunny paradise where Hutchins had always dreamed of living. At some points, they even talked about moving in together, running a startup out of a house near the beach in Southern California.

Randy trusted Hutchins enough that when Hutchins described his bitcoin daytrading tricks, Randy sent him more than $10,000 worth of the cryptocurrency to trade on his behalf. Hutchins had set up his own custom-coded programs that hedged his bitcoin buys with short selling, protecting his holdings against bitcoin's dramatic fluctuations. Randy asked him to manage his own funds with the same techniques.

One morning in the summer of 2015, Hutchins woke up after an amphetamine bender to find that there had been an electrical outage during the night. All of his computers had powered off just as bitcoin's price crashed, erasing close to $5,000 of Randy's savings. Still near the bottom of his spasmodic cycle of drug use, Hutchins panicked.

He says he found Randy online and immediately admitted to losing his money. But to make up for the loss, he made Randy an offer. Hutchins revealed that he was the secret author of a banking rootkit called Kronos. Knowing that Randy had been looking for bank fraud malware in the past, he offered Randy a free copy. Randy, always understanding, called it even.

This was the first time Hutchins had divulged his work on Kronos to anyone. When he woke up the next day with a clearer head, he knew that he had made a terrible mistake. Sitting in his bedroom, he thought of all the personal information that Randy had so casually shared with him over the previous months, and he realized that he had just confided his most dangerous secret to someone whose operational security was deeply flawed. Sooner or later, Randy would be caught by law enforcement, and he would likely be just as forthcoming with the cops.

Hutchins had already come to view his eventual arrest for his cybercrimes as inevitable. But now he could see the Feds' path to his door. "Shit," Hutchins thought to himself. "This is how it ends."

When Hutchins graduated from college in the spring of 2015, he felt it was time to give up his amphetamine habit. So he decided to quit cold turkey.

At first the withdrawal symptoms simply mired him in the usual depressive low that he had experienced many times before. But one evening a few days in, while he was alone in his room watching the British teen drama Waterloo Road, he began to feel a dark sensation creep over him-what he describes as an all-encompassing sensation of "impending doom." Intellectually, he knew he was in no physical danger. And yet, "My brain was telling me, I'm about to die," he remembers.

He told no one. Instead he just rode out the withdrawal alone, experiencing what he describes as a multiday panic attack. When Vinny demanded to know why he was behind on his Kronos work, Hutchins says he found it was easier to say he was still busy with school, rather than admit that he was caught in a well of debilitating anxiety.

But as his symptoms drew on and he became even less productive over the weeks that followed, he found that his menacing business associate seemed to bother him less. After a few scoldings, Vinny left him alone. The bitcoin payments for Kronos commissions ended, and with them went the partnership that had pulled Hutchins into the darkest years of his life as a cybercriminal.

For the next months, Hutchins did little more than hide in his room and recover. He played videogames and binge-watched Breaking Bad. He left his house only rarely, to swim in the ocean or join groups of storm chasers who would gather on the cliffs near Ilfracombe to watch 50- and 60-foot waves slam into the rocks. Hutchins remembers enjoying how small the waves made him feel, imagining how their raw power could kill him instantly.

It took months for Hutchins' feeling of impending doom to abate, and even then it was replaced by an intermittent, deep-seated angst. As he leveled out, Hutchins began to delve back into the world of hacking. But he had lost his taste for the cybercriminal underworld. Instead, he turned back to a blog that he'd started in 2013, in the period between dropping out of secondary school and starting college.

The site was called MalwareTech, which doubled as Hutchins' pen name as he began to publish a slew of posts on the technical minutiae of malware. The blog's clinical, objective analysis soon seemed to attract both blackhat and whitehat visitors. "It was kind of this neutral ground," he says. "Both sides of the game enjoyed it."

At one point he even wrote a deep-dive analysis of web injects, the very feature of Kronos that had caused him so much anxiety. In other, more impish posts, he'd point out vulnerabilities in competitors' malware that allowed their victims' computers to be commandeered by other hackers. Soon he had an audience of more than 10,000 regular readers, and none of them seemed to know that MalwareTech's insights stemmed from an active history of writing malware himself.

During his post-Kronos year of rehabilitation, Hutchins started reverse-engineering some of the largest botnets out in the wild, known as Kelihos and Necurs. But he soon went a step further, realizing he could actually join those herds of hijacked machines and analyze them for his readers from the inside. The Kelihos botnet, for instance, was designed to send commands from one victim computer to another, rather than from a central server-a peer-to-peer architecture designed to make the botnet harder to take down. But that meant Hutchins could actually code his own program that mimicked the Kelihos malware and "spoke" its language, and use it to spy on all the rest of the botnet's operations-once he had broken past all the obfuscation the botnets' designers had devised to prevent that sort of snooping.

Using this steady stream of intelligence, Hutchins built a Kelihos botnet "tracker," mapping out on a public website the hundreds of thousands of computers around the world it had ensnared. Not long after that, an entrepreneur named Salim Neino, the CEO of a small Los Angeles-based cybersecurity firm called Kryptos Logic, emailed MalwareTech to ask if the anonymous blogger might do some work for them. The firm was hoping to create a botnet tracking service, one that would alert victims if their IP addresses showed up in a collection of hacked machines like Kelihos.

In fact, the company had already asked one of its employees to get inside Kelihos, but the staffer had told Neino that reverse-engineering the code would take too much time. Without realizing what he was doing, Hutchins had unraveled one of the most inscrutable botnets on the internet.

Neino offered Hutchins $10,000 to build Kryptos Logic its own Kelihos tracker. Within weeks of landing that first job, Hutchins had built a tracker for a second botnet too, an even bigger, older amalgamation of hacked PCs known as Sality. After that, Kryptos Logic made Hutchins a job offer, with a six-figure annual salary. When Hutchins saw how the numbers broke down, he thought Neino must be joking. "What?" he remembers thinking. "You're going to send me this much money every month?"

It was more than he had ever earned as a cybercriminal malware developer. Hutchins had come to understand, too late, the reality of the modern cybersecurity industry: For a talented hacker in a Western country, crime truly doesn't pay.

In his first months at Kryptos Logic, Hutchins got inside one massive botnet after another: Necurs, Dridex, Emotet-malware networks encompassing millions of computers in total. Even when his new colleagues at Kryptos believed that a botnet was impregnable, Hutchins would surprise them by coming up with a fresh sample of the bot's code, often shared with him by a reader of his blog or supplied by an underground source. Again and again, he would deconstruct the program and-still working from his bedroom in Ilfracombe-allow the company to gain access to a new horde of zombie machines, tracking the malware's spread and alerting the hackers' victims.

"When it came to botnet research, he was probably one of the best in the world at that point. By the third or fourth month, we had tracked every major botnet in the world with his help," Neino says. "He brought us to another level."

Hutchins continued to detail his work on his MalwareTech blog and Twitter, where he began to be regarded as an elite malware-whisperer. "He's a reversing savant, when it comes down to it," says Jake Williams, a former NSA hacker turned security consultant who chatted with MalwareTech and traded code samples with him around that time. "From a raw skill level, he's off the charts. He's comparable to some of the best I've worked with, anywhere." Yet aside from his Kryptos Logic colleagues and a few close friends, no one knew MalwareTech's real identity. Most of his tens of thousands of followers, like Williams, recognized him only as the Persian cat with sunglasses that Hutchins used as a Twitter avatar.

In the fall of 2016, a new kind of botnet appeared: A piece of malware known as Mirai had begun to infect so-called internet-of-things devices-wireless routers, digital video recorders, and security cameras-and was lashing them together into massive swarms capable of shockingly powerful DDoS attacks. Until then, the largest DDoS attacks ever seen had slammed their targets with a few hundred gigabits per second of traffic. Now victims were being hit with more like 1 terabit per second, gargantuan floods of junk traffic that could tear offline anything in their path. To make matters worse, the author of Mirai, a hacker who went by the name Anna-Senpai, posted the code for the malware on HackForums, inviting others to make their own Mirai offshoots.

In September of that year, one Mirai attack hit the website of the security blogger Brian Krebs with more than 600 gigabits per second, taking his site down instantly. Soon after, the French hosting company OVH buckled under a 1.1-terabit-per-second torrent. In October, another wave hit Dyn, a provider of the domain-name-system servers that act as a kind of phone book for the internet, translating domain names into IP addresses. When Dyn went down, so did Amazon, Spotify, Netflix, PayPal, and Reddit for users across parts of North America and Europe. Around the same time, a Mirai attack hit the main telecom provider for much of Liberia, knocking most of the country off the internet.

Hutchins, always a storm chaser, began to track Mirai's tsunamis. With a Kryptos Logic colleague, he dug up samples of Mirai's code and used them to create programs that infiltrated the splintered Mirai botnets, intercepting their commands and creating a Twitter feed that posted news of their attacks in real time. Then, in January 2017, the same Mirai botnet that hit Liberia began to rain down cyberattacks on Lloyds, the largest bank in the UK, in an apparent extortion campaign that took the bank's website down multiple times over a series of days.

Thanks to his Mirai tracker, Hutchins could see which server was sending out the commands to train the botnet's firepower on Lloyds; it appeared that the machine was being used to run a DDoS-for-hire service. And on that server, he discovered contact information for the hacker who was administering it. Hutchins quickly found him on the instant messaging service Jabber, using the name "popopret."

So he asked the hacker to stop. He told popopret he knew that he wasn't directly responsible for the attack on Lloyds himself, that he was only selling access to his Mirai botnet. Then he sent him a series of messages that included Twitter posts from Lloyds customers who had been locked out of their accounts, some of whom were stuck in foreign countries without money. He also pointed out that banks were designated as critical infrastructure in the UK, and that meant British intelligence services were likely to track down the botnet administrator if the attacks continued.

The DDoS attacks on the banks ended. More than a year later, Hutchins would recount the story on his Twitter feed, noting that he wasn't surprised the hacker had ultimately listened to reason. In his tweets, Hutchins offered a rare hint of his own secret past-he knew what it was like to sit behind a keyboard, detached from the pain inflicted on innocents far across the internet.

"In my career I've found few people are truly evil, most are just too far disconnected from the effects of their actions," he wrote. "Until someone reconnects them."

Around noon on May 12, 2017, just as Hutchins was starting a rare week of vacation, Henry Jones was sitting 200 miles to the east amid a cluster of a half-dozen PCs in an administrative room at the Royal London Hospital, a major surgical and trauma center in northeast London, when he saw the first signs that something was going very wrong.

Jones, a young anesthesiologist who asked that WIRED not use his real name, was finishing a lunch of chicken curry and chips from the hospital cafeteria, trying to check his email before he was called back into surgery, where he was trading shifts with a more senior colleague. But he couldn't log in; the email system seemed to be down. He shared a brief collective grumble with the other doctors in the room, who were all accustomed to computer problems across the National Health Service; after all, their PCs were still running Windows XP, a nearly 20-year-old operating system. "Another day at the Royal London," he remembers thinking.

But just then, an IT administrator came into the room and told the staff that something more unusual was going on: A virus seemed to be spreading across the hospital's network. One of the PCs in the room had rebooted, and now Jones could see that it showed a red screen with a lock in the upper left corner. "Ooops, your files have been encrypted!" it read. At the bottom of the screen, it demanded a $300 payment in bitcoin to unlock the machine.

Jones had no time to puzzle over the message before he was called back into the surgical theater. He scrubbed, put on his mask and gloves, and reentered the operating room, where surgeons were just finishing an orthopedic procedure. Now it was Jones' job to wake the patient up again. He began to slowly turn a dial that tapered off the sevoflurane vapor feeding into the patient's lungs, trying to time the process exactly so that the patient wouldn't wake up before he'd had a chance to remove the breathing tube, but wouldn't stay out long enough to delay their next surgery.

As he focused on that task, he could hear the surgeons and nurses expressing dismay as they tried to record notes on the surgery's outcome: The operating room's desktop PC seemed to be dead.

Jones finished rousing the patient and scrubbed out. But when he got into the hallway, the manager of the surgical theater intercepted him and told him that all of his cases for the rest of the day had been canceled. A cyberattack had hit not only the whole hospital's network but the entire trust, a collection of five hospitals across East London. All of their computers were down.

Jones felt shocked and vaguely outraged. Was this a coordinated cyberattack on multiple NHS hospitals? With no patients to see, he spent the next hours at loose ends, helping the IT staff unplug computers around the Royal London. But it wasn't until he began to follow the news on his iPhone that he learned the full scale of the damage: It wasn't a targeted attack but an automated worm spreading across the internet. Within hours, it hit more than 600 doctor's offices and clinics, leading to 20,000 canceled appointments, and wiped machines at dozens of hospitals. Across those facilities, surgeries were being canceled, and ambulances were being diverted from emergency rooms, sometimes forcing patients with life-threatening conditions to wait crucial minutes or hours longer for care. Jones came to a grim realization: "People may have died as a result of this."

Cybersecurity researchers named the worm WannaCry, after the .wncry extension it added to file names after encrypting them. As it paralyzed machines and demanded its bitcoin ransom, WannaCry was jumping from one machine to the next using a powerful piece of code called EternalBlue, which had been stolen from the National Security Agency by a group of hackers known as the Shadow Brokers and leaked onto the open internet a month earlier. It instantly allowed a hacker to penetrate and run hostile code on any unpatched Windows computer-a set of potential targets that likely numbered in the millions. And now that the NSA's highly sophisticated spy tool had been weaponized, it seemed bound to create a global ransomware pandemic within hours.

"It was the cyber equivalent of watching the moments before a car crash," says one cybersecurity analyst who worked for British Telecom at the time and was tasked with incident response for the NHS. "We knew that, in terms of the impact on people's lives, this was going to be like nothing we had ever seen before."

As the worm spread around the world, it infected the German railway firm Deutsche Bahn, Sberbank in Russia, automakers Renault, Nissan, and Honda, universities in China, police departments in India, the Spanish telecom firm Telefónica, FedEx, and Boeing. In the space of an afternoon, it destroyed, by some estimates, nearly a quarter-million computers' data, inflicting between $4 billion and $8 billion in damage.

Wannacry seemed poised to spread to the US health care system. "If this happens en masse, how many people die?" Corman remembers thinking. "Our worst nightmare seemed to be coming true."

For those watching WannaCry's proliferation, it seemed there was still more pain to come. Josh Corman, at the time a cybersecurity-focused fellow for the Atlantic Council, remembers joining a call on the afternoon of May 12 with representatives from the US Department of Homeland Security, the Department of Health and Human Services, the pharmaceutical firm Merck, and executives from American hospitals. The group, known as the Healthcare Cybersecurity Industry Taskforce, had just finished an analysis that detailed a serious lack of IT security personnel in American hospitals. Now WannaCry seemed poised to spread to the US health care system, and Corman feared the results would be far worse than they had been for the NHS. "If this happens en masse, how many people die?" he remembers thinking. "Our worst nightmare seemed to be coming true."

At around 2:30 on that Friday afternoon, Marcus Hutchins returned from picking up lunch at his local fish-and-chips shop in Ilfracombe, sat down in front of his computer, and discovered that the internet was on fire. "I picked a hell of a fucking week to take off work," Hutchins wrote on Twitter.

Within minutes, a hacker friend who went by the name Kafeine sent Hutchins a copy of WannaCry's code, and Hutchins began trying to dissect it, with his lunch still sitting in front of him. First, he spun up a simulated computer on a server that he ran in his bedroom, complete with fake files for the ransomware to encrypt, and ran the program in that quarantined test environment. He immediately noticed that before encrypting the decoy files, the malware sent out a query to a certain, very random-looking web address: iuqerfsodp9ifjaposdfjhgosurijfaewrwergwea.com.

That struck Hutchins as significant, if not unusual: When a piece of malware pinged back to this sort of domain, that usually meant it was communicating with a command-and-control server somewhere that might be giving the infected computer instructions. Hutchins copied that long website string into his web browser and found, to his surprise, that no such site existed.

So he visited the domain registrar Namecheap and, at four seconds past 3:08 pm, registered that unattractive web address at a cost of $10.69. Hutchins hoped that in doing so, he might be able to steal control of some part of WannaCry's horde of victim computers away from the malware's creators. Or at least he might gain a tool to monitor the number and location of infected machines, a move that malware analysts call "sinkholing."

Sure enough, as soon as Hutchins set up that domain on a cluster of servers hosted by his employer, Kryptos Logic, it was bombarded with thousands of connections from every new computer that was being infected by WannaCry around the world. Hutchins could now see the enormous, global scale of the attack firsthand. And as he tweeted about his work, he began to be flooded with hundreds of emails from other researchers, journalists, and system administrators trying to learn more about the plague devouring the world's networks. With his sinkhole domain, Hutchins was now suddenly pulling in information about those infections that no one else on the planet possessed.

For the next four hours, he responded to those emails and worked frantically to debug a map he was building to track the new infections popping up globally, just as he had done with Kelihos, Necurs, and so many other botnets. At 6:30 pm, around three and a half hours after Hutchins had registered the domain, his hacker friend Kafeine sent him a tweet posted by another security researcher, Darien Huss.

The tweet put forward a simple, terse statement that shocked Hutchins: "Execution fails now that domain has been sinkholed."

In other words, since Hutchins' domain had first appeared online, WannaCry's new infections had continued to spread, but they hadn't actually done any new damage. The worm seemed to be neutralized.

Huss' tweet included a snippet of WannaCry's code that he'd reverse-engineered. The code's logic showed that before encrypting any files, the malware first checked if it could reach Hutchins' web address. If not, it went ahead with corrupting the computer's contents. If it did reach that address, it simply stopped in its tracks. (Malware analysts still debate what the purpose of that feature was-whether it was intended as an antivirus evasion technique or a safeguard built into the worm by its author.)

Hutchins hadn't found the malware's command-and-control address. He'd found its kill switch. The domain he'd registered was a way to simply, instantly turn off WannaCry's mayhem around the world. It was as if he had fired two proton torpedoes through the Death Star's exhaust port and into its reactor core, blown it up, and saved the galaxy, all without understanding what he was doing or even noticing the explosion for three and a half hours.

When Hutchins grasped what he'd done, he leaped up from his chair and jumped around his bedroom, overtaken with joy. Then he did something equally unusual: He went upstairs to tell his family.

Janet Hutchins had the day off from her job as a nurse at a local hospital. She had been in town catching up with friends and had just gotten home and started making dinner. So she had only the slightest sense of the crisis that her colleagues had been dealing with across the NHS. That's when her son came upstairs and told her, a little uncertainly, that he seemed to have stopped the worst malware attack the world had ever seen.

"Well done, sweetheart," Janet Hutchins said. Then she went back to chopping onions.

It took a few hours longer for Hutchins and his colleagues at Kryptos Logic to understand that WannaCry was still a threat. In fact, the domain that Hutchins had registered was still being bombarded with connections from WannaCry-infected computers all over the globe as the remnants of the neutered worm continued to spread: It would receive nearly 1 million connections over the next two days. If their web domain went offline, every computer that attempted to reach the domain and failed would have its contents encrypted, and WannaCry's wave of destruction would begin again. "If this goes down, WannaCry restarts," Hutchins' boss, Salim Neino, remembers realizing. "Within 24 hours, it would have hit every vulnerable computer in the world."

Almost immediately, the problem grew: The next morning, Hutchins noticed a new flood of pings mixed into the WannaCry traffic hitting their sinkhole. He quickly realized that one of the Mirai botnets that he and his Kryptos colleagues had monitored was now slamming the domain with a DDoS attack -perhaps as an act of revenge for their work tracking Mirai, or simply out of a nihilistic desire to watch WannaCry burn down the internet. "It was like we were Atlas, holding up the world on our shoulders," Neino says. "And now someone was kicking Atlas in the back at the same time."

For days afterward, the attacks swelled in size, threatening to bring down the sinkhole domain. Kryptos scrambled to filter and absorb the traffic, spreading the load over a collection of servers in Amazon data centers and the French hosting firm OVH. But they got another surprise a few days later, when local police in the French city of Roubaix, mistakenly believing that their sinkhole domain was being used by the cybercriminals behind WannaCry, physically seized two of their servers from the OVH data center. For a week, Hutchins slept no more than three consecutive hours as he struggled to counter the shifting attacks and keep the WannaCry kill switch intact.

Meanwhile, the press was chipping away at Hutchins' carefully maintained anonymity. On a Sunday morning two days after WannaCry broke out, a local reporter showed up at the Hutchins' front door in Ilfracombe. The reporter's daughter had gone to school with Hutchins, and she recognized him in a Facebook photo that named him in its caption as MalwareTech.

Soon more journalists were ringing the doorbell, setting up in the parking lot across the street from their house, and calling so often that his family stopped answering the phone. British tabloids began to run headlines about the "accidental hero" who had saved the world from his bedroom. Hutchins had to jump over his backyard's wall to avoid the reporters staking out his front door. To defuse the media's appetite, he agreed to give one interview to the Associated Press, during which he was so nervous that he misspelled his last name and the newswire had to run a correction.

In those chaotic first days, Hutchins was constantly on edge, expecting another version of WannaCry to strike; after all, the hackers behind the worm could easily tweak it to remove its kill switch and unleash a sequel. But no such mutation occurred. After a few days, Britain's National Cybersecurity Center reached out to Amazon on Kryptos' behalf and helped the firm negotiate unlimited server capacity in its data centers. Then, after a week, the DDoS mitigation firm Cloudflare stepped in to offer its services, absorbing as much traffic as any botnet could throw at the kill-switch domain and ending the standoff.

When the worst of the danger was over, Neino was concerned enough for Hutchins' well-being that he tied part of his employee's bonus to forcing him to get some rest. When Hutchins finally went to bed, a week after WannaCry struck, he was paid more than $1,000 for every hour of sleep.

As uncomfortable as the spotlight made Hutchins, his newfound fame came with some rewards. He gained 100,000 Twitter followers virtually overnight. Strangers recognized him and bought him drinks in the local pub to thank him for saving the internet. A local restaurant offered him free pizza for a year. His parents, it seemed, finally understood what he did for a living and were deeply proud of him.

But only at Defcon, the annual 30,000-person Las Vegas hacker conference that took place nearly three months after WannaCry hit, did Hutchins truly allow himself to enjoy his new rock star status in the cybersecurity world. In part to avoid the fans who constantly asked for selfies with him, he and a group of friends rented a real estate mogul's mansion off the strip via Airbnb, with hundreds of palm trees surrounding the largest private pool in the city. They skipped the conference itself, with its hordes of hackers lining up for research talks. Instead they alternated between debaucherous partying-making ample use of the city's marijuana dispensaries and cybersecurity firms' lavish open-bar events-and absurd daytime acts of recreation.

One day they went to a shooting range, where Hutchins fired a grenade launcher and hundreds of high-caliber rounds from an M134 rotary machine gun. On other days they rented Lamborghinis and Corvettes and zoomed down Las Vegas Boulevard and through the canyons around the city. At a performance by one of Hutchins' favorite bands, the Chainsmokers, he stripped down to his underwear and jumped into a pool in front of the stage. Someone stole his wallet out of the pants he'd left behind. He was too elated to care.

Three years had passed since Hutchins' work on Kronos, and life was good. He felt like a different person. And as his star rose, he finally allowed himself-almost-to let go of the low-lying dread, the constant fear that his crimes would catch up with him.

Then, on his last morning in Vegas, Hutchins stepped barefoot onto the driveway of his rented mansion and saw a black SUV parked across the street.

Almost immediately, Hutchins gave his FBI interrogators a kind of half-confession. Minutes after the two agents brought up Kronos in the McCarran Airport interrogation room, he admitted to having created parts of the malware, though he falsely claimed to have stopped working on it before he turned 18. Some part of him, he says, still hoped that the agents might just be trying to assess his credibility as a witness in their WannaCry investigation or to strong-arm him into giving them control of the WannaCry sinkhole domain. He nervously answered their questions-without a lawyer present.

His wishful thinking evaporated, however, when the agents showed him a printout: It was the transcript of his conversation with "Randy" from three years earlier, when 20-year-old Hutchins had offered his friend a copy of the banking malware he was still maintaining at the time.

As his star rose, he finally allowed himself-almost-to let go of the low-lying dread, the constant fear that his crimes would catch up with him.

Finally, the red-headed agent who had first handcuffed him, Lee Chartier, made the agents' purpose clear. "If I'm being honest with you, Marcus, this has absolutely nothing to do with WannaCry," Chartier said. The agents pulled out a warrant for his arrest on conspiracy to commit computer fraud and abuse.

Hutchins was driven to a Las Vegas jail in a black FBI SUV that looked exactly like the one he'd spotted in front of his Airbnb that morning. He was allowed one phone call, which he used to contact his boss, Salim Neino. Then he was handcuffed to a chair in a room full of prisoners and left to wait for the rest of the day and the entire night that followed. Only when he asked to use the bathroom was he let into a cell where he could lie down on a concrete bed until someone else asked to use the cell's toilet. Then he'd be moved out of the cell and chained to the chair again.

Instead of sleep, he mostly spent those long hours tumbling down the bottomless mental hole of his imagined future: months of pretrial detention followed by years in prison. He was 5,000 miles from home. It was the loneliest night of his 23-year-old life.

Unbeknownst to Hutchins, however, a kind of immune response was already mounting within the hacker community. After receiving the call from jail, Neino had alerted Andrew Mabbitt, one of Hutchins' hacker friends in Las Vegas; Mabbitt leaked the news to a reporter at Vice and raised the alarm on Twitter. Immediately, high-profile accounts began to take up Hutchins' cause, rallying around the martyred hacker hero.

"The DoJ has seriously fucked up," tweeted one prominent British cybersecurity researcher, Kevin Beaumont. "I can vouch for @MalwareTechBlog being a really nice guy and also for having strong ethics," wrote Martijn Grooten, the organizer of the Virus Bulletin cybersecurity conference, using Hutchins' Twitter handle. Some believed that the FBI had mistakenly arrested Hutchins for his WannaCry work, perhaps confusing him with the hackers behind the worm: "It's not often I see the entire hacker community really get this angry, but arresting @MalwareTechBlog for stopping an attack [is] unacceptable," wrote Australian cypherpunk activist Asher Wolf.

Not everyone was supportive of Hutchins: Ex-NSA hacker Dave Aitel went so far as to write in a blog post that he suspected Hutchins had created WannaCry himself and triggered his own kill switch only after the worm got out of control. (That theory would be deflated eight months later, when the Justice Department indicted a North Korean hacker as an alleged member of a state-sponsored hacking team responsible for WannaCry.) But the overwhelming response to Hutchins' arrest was sympathetic. By the next day, the representative for Hutchins' region in the UK parliament, Peter Heaton-Jones, issued a statement expressing his "concern and shock," lauding Hutchins' work on WannaCry and noting that "people who know him in Ilfracombe, and the wider cyber community, are astounded at the allegations against him."

Mabbitt found Hutchins a local attorney for his bail hearing, and after Hutchins spent a miserable day in a crowded cage, his bail was set at $30,000. Stripped of his computers and phones, Hutchins couldn't get access to his bank accounts to cover that cost. So Tor Ekeland, a renowned hacker defense attorney, agreed to manage a legal fund in Hutchins' name to help cover the bond. Money poured in. Almost immediately, stolen credit cards began to show up among the sources of donations, hardly a good look for a computer fraud defendant. Ekeland responded by pulling the plug, returning all the donations and closing the fund.

But the hacker community's goodwill toward Hutchins hadn't run out. On the day he was arrested, a pair of well-known cybersecurity professionals named Tarah Wheeler and Deviant Ollam had flown back to Seattle from Las Vegas. By that Sunday evening, the recently married couple were talking to Hutchins' friend Mabbitt and learning about the troubles with Hutchins' legal fund.

Wheeler and Ollam had never met Hutchins and had barely even interacted with him on Twitter. But they had watched the Justice Department railroad idealistic young hackers for years, from Aaron Swartz to Chelsea Manning, often with tragic consequences. They imagined Hutchins, alone in the federal justice system, facing a similar fate. "We basically had a young, foreign, nerdy person of color being held in federal detention," Wheeler says. "He was the closest thing to a global hero the hacker community had. And no one was there to help him."

Wheeler had just received a five-figure severance package from the security giant Symantec because her division had been shuttered. She and Ollam had been planning to use the money as a down payment on a home. Instead, on a whim, they decided to spend it bailing out Marcus Hutchins.

Within 24 hours of leaving Las Vegas, they got on a flight back to the city. They landed on Monday afternoon, less than 90 minutes before the courthouse's 4 pm deadline for bail payments. If they didn't make it in time, Hutchins would be sent back to jail for another night. From the airport, they jumped in a Lyft to a bank where they took out a $30,000 cashier's check. But when they arrived at the courthouse, a court official told them it had to be notarized. Now they had only 20 minutes left until the court's office closed.

Wheeler was wearing Gucci loafers. She took them off and, barefoot in a black sweater and pencil skirt, sprinted down the street in the middle of a scorching Las Vegas summer afternoon, arriving at the notary less than 10 minutes before 4 pm. Soaked in sweat, she got the check notarized, flagged down a stranger's car, and convinced the driver to ferry her back to the courthouse. Wheeler burst through the door at 4:02 pm, just before the clerk closed up for the day, and handed him the check that would spring Marcus Hutchins from jail.

From there, Hutchins was bailed to a crowded halfway house, while even more forces in the hacker community were gathering to come to his aid. Two well-known veteran lawyers, Brian Klein and hacker defense attorney Marcia Hofmann, took his case pro bono. At his arraignment he pleaded not guilty, and a judge agreed that he could be put under house arrest in Los Angeles, where Klein had an office. Over the next two months, his lawyers chipped away at his pretrial detainment conditions, allowing him to travel beyond his Marina del Rey apartment and to use computers and the internet-though the court forbade him access to the WannaCry sinkhole domain he had created. Eventually, even his curfew and GPS monitoring ankle bracelet were removed.

Hutchins got the news that those last pretrial restrictions were being lifted while attending a bonfire party on the beach with friendly hackers from the LA cybersecurity conference Shellcon. Somehow, getting indicted for years-old cybercrimes on a two-week trip to the US had delivered him to the city where he'd always dreamed of living, with relatively few limits on his freedom of movement. Kryptos Logic had put him on unpaid leave, so he spent his days surfing and cycling down the long seaside path that ran from his apartment to Malibu.

And yet he was deeply depressed. He had no income, his savings were dwindling, and he had charges hanging over him that promised years in prison.

Beyond all of that, he was tormented by the truth: Despite all the talk of his heroics, he knew that he had, in fact, done exactly what he was accused of. A feeling of overwhelming guilt had set in the moment he first regained access to the internet and checked his Twitter mentions a month after his arrest. "All of these people are writing to the FBI to say 'you've got the wrong guy.' And it was heartbreaking," Hutchins says. "The guilt from this was a thousand times the guilt I'd felt for Kronos." He says he was tempted to publish a full confession on his blog, but was dissuaded by his lawyers.

Many supporters had interpreted his not-guilty plea as a statement of innocence rather than a negotiating tactic, and they donated tens of thousands of dollars more to a new legal fund. Former NSA hacker Jake Williams had agreed to serve as an expert witness on Hutchins' behalf. Tarah Wheeler and Deviant Ollam had become almost foster parents, flying with him to Milwaukee for his arraignment and helping him get his life set up in LA. He felt he deserved none of this-that everyone had come to his aid only under the mistaken assumption of his innocence.

In fact, much of the support for Hutchins was more nuanced. Just a month after his arrest, cybersecurity blogger Brian Krebs delved into Hutchins' past and found the chain of clues that led to his old posts on HackForums, revealing that he had run an illegal hosting service, maintained a botnet, and authored malware-though not necessarily Kronos. Even as the truth started to come into focus, though, many of Hutchins' fans and friends seemed undeterred in their support for him. "We are all morally complex people," Wheeler says. "For most of us, anything good we ever do comes either because we did bad before or because other people did good to get us out of it, or both."

But Hutchins remained tortured by a kind of moral impostor syndrome. He turned to alcohol and drugs, effacing his emotions with large doses of Adderall during the day and vodka at night. At times, he felt suicidal. The guilt, he says, "was eating me alive."

In the spring of 2018, nearly nine months after his arrest, prosecutors offered Hutchins a deal. If he agreed to reveal everything he knew about the identities of other criminal hackers and malware authors from his time in the underworld, they would recommend a sentence of no prison time.

Hutchins hesitated. He says he didn't actually know anything about the identity of Vinny, the prosecutors' real target. But he also says that, on principle, he opposed snitching on the petty crimes of his fellow hackers to dodge the consequences of his own actions. Moreover, the deal would still result in a felony record that might prevent him from ever returning to the US. And he knew that the judge in his case, Joseph Stadtmueller, had a history of unpredictable sentencing, sometimes going well below or above the recommendations of prosecutors. So Hutchins refused the deal and set his sights on a trial.

Soon afterward, prosecutors hit back with a superseding indictment, a new set of charges that brought the total to 10, including making false statements to the FBI in his initial interrogation. Hutchins and his lawyers saw the response as a strong-arm tactic, punishing Hutchins for refusing to accept their offer of a deal.

After losing a series of motions-including one to dismiss his Las Vegas airport confession as evidence-Hutchins finally accepted a plea bargain in April 2019. This new deal was arguably riskier than the one he'd been offered earlier: After nearly a year and a half of wrangling with prosecutors, they now agreed only to make no recommendation for sentencing. Hutchins would plead guilty to two of the 10 charges, and would face as much as 10 years in prison and a half-million-dollar fine, entirely up to the judge's discretion.

Along with his plea, Hutchins finally offered a public confession on his website-not the full, guts-spilling one he wanted, but a brief, lawyerly statement his attorneys had approved. "I've pleaded guilty to two charges related to writing malware in the years prior to my career in security," he wrote. "I regret these actions and accept full responsibility for my mistakes."

Then he followed up with a more earnest tweet, intended to dispel an easy story to tell about his past immorality: that the sort of whitehat work he'd done was only possible because of his blackhat education-that a hacker's bad actions should be seen as instrumental to his or her later good deeds.

"There's [a] misconception that to be a security expert you must dabble in the dark side," Hutchins wrote. "It's not true. You can learn everything you need to know legally. Stick to the good side."

On a warm day in July, Hutchins arrived at a Milwaukee courthouse for his sentencing. Wearing a gray suit, he slipped in two hours early to avoid any press. As he waited with his lawyers in a briefing room, his vision tunneled; he felt that familiar sensation of impending doom begin to creep over him, the one that had loomed periodically at the back of his mind since he first went through amphetamine withdrawal five years earlier. This time, his anxiety wasn't irrational: The rest of his life was, in fact, hanging in the balance. He took a small dose of Xanax and walked through the halls to calm his nerves before the hearing was called to order.

When Judge Stadtmueller entered the court and sat, the 77-year-old seemed shaky, Hutchins remembers, and he spoke in a gravelly, quavering voice. Hutchins still saw Stadtmueller as a wild card: He knew that the judge had presided over only one previous cybercrime sentencing in his career, 20 years earlier. How would he decipher a case as complicated as this one?

But Hutchins remembers feeling his unease evaporate as Stadtmueller began a long soliloquy. It was replaced by a sense of awe.

Stadtmueller began, almost as if reminiscing to himself, by reminding Hutchins that he had been a judge for more than three decades. In that time, he said, he had sentenced 2,200 people. But none were quite like Hutchins. "We see all sides of the human existence, both young, old, career criminals, those like yourself," Stadtmueller began. "And I appreciate the fact that one might view the ignoble conduct that underlies this case as against the backdrop of what some have described as the work of a hero, a true hero. And that is, at the end of the day, what gives this case in particular its incredible uniqueness."

The judge quickly made clear that he saw Hutchins as not just a convicted criminal but as a cybersecurity expert who had "turned the corner" long before he faced justice. Stadtmueller seemed to be weighing the deterrent value of imprisoning Hutchins against the young hacker's genius at fending off malevolent code like WannaCry. "If we don't take the appropriate steps to protect the security of these wonderful technologies that we rely upon each and every day, it has all the potential, as your parents know from your mom's work, to raise incredible havoc," Stadtmueller said, referring obliquely to Janet Hutchins' job with the NHS. "It's going to take individuals like yourself, who have the skill set, even at the tender age of 24 or 25, to come up with solutions." The judge even argued that Hutchins might deserve a full pardon, though the court had no power to grant one.

Then Stadtmueller delivered his conclusion: "There are just too many positives on the other side of the ledger," he said. "The final call in the case of Marcus Hutchins today is a sentence of time served, with a one-year period of supervised release."

Hutchins could hardly believe what he'd just heard: The judge had weighed his good deeds against his bad ones and decided that his moral debt was canceled. After a few more formalities, the gavel dropped. Hutchins hugged his lawyers and his mother, who had flown in for the hearing. He left the courtroom and paid a $200 administrative fee. And then he walked out onto the street, almost two years since he had first been arrested, a free man.

After five months of long phone calls, I arranged to meet Marcus Hutchins in person for the first time at a Starbucks in Venice Beach. I spot his towering mushroom cloud of curls while he's still on the crowded sidewalk. He walks through the door with a broad smile. But I can see that he's still battling an undercurrent of anxiety. He declines a coffee, complaining that he hasn't been sleeping more than a few hours a night.

We walk for the next hours along the beach and the sunny backstreets of Venice, as Hutchins fills in some of the last remaining gaps in his life story. On the boardwalk, he stops periodically to admire the skaters and street performers. This is Hutchins' favorite part of Los Angeles, and he seems to be savoring a last look at it. Despite his sentence of time served, his legal case forced him to overstay his visa, and he's soon likely to be deported back to England. As we walk into Santa Monica, past rows of expensive beach homes, he says his goal is to eventually get back here to LA, which now feels more like home than Devon. "Someday I'd like to be able to live in a house by the ocean like this," he says, "Where I can look out the window and if the waves are good, go right out and surf."

Despite his case's relatively happy ending, Hutchins says he still hasn't been able to shake the lingering feelings of guilt and impending punishment that have hung over his life for years. It still pains him to think of his debt to all the unwitting people who helped him, who donated to his legal fund and defended him, when all he wanted to do was confess.

I point out that perhaps this, now, is that confession. That he's cataloged his deeds and misdeeds over more than 12 hours of interviews; when the results are published-and people reach the end of this article-that account will finally be out in the open. Hutchins' fans and critics alike will see his life laid bare and, like Stadtmueller in his courtroom, they will come to a verdict. Maybe they too will judge him worthy of redemption. And maybe it will give him some closure.

He seems to consider this. "I had hoped it would, but I don't really think so anymore," he says, looking down at the sidewalk. He's come to believe, he explains, that the only way to earn redemption would be to go back and stop all those people from helping him-making sacrifices for him-under false pretenses. "The time when I could have prevented people from doing all that for me has passed."

His motives for confessing are different now, he says. He's told his story less to seek forgiveness than simply to have it told. To put the weight of all those feats and secrets, on both sides of the moral scale, behind him. And to get back to work. "I don't want to be the WannaCry guy or the Kronos guy," he says, looking toward the Malibu hills. "I just want to be someone who can help make things better."

Update 5/12/20, 6:25pm ET: This story has been updated to clarify that Lloyds Banking Group was targeted in a 2017 cyberattack, not Lloyd's of London as previously stated. In addition, the story's description of Hutchins' attorneys' legal advice has been clarified.
ANDY GREENBERG (@a_greenberg) is a senior writer at WIRED and the author of the book Sandworm: A New Era of Cyberwar and the Hunt for the Kremlin's Most Dangerous Hackers. A small section of this story is adapted from that book.
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The Confessions of the Hacker Who Saved the Internet

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At around 7 am on a quiet Wednesday in August 2017, Marcus Hutchins walked out the front door of the Airbnb mansion in Las Vegas where he had been partying for the past week and a half.

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Randonauting is using a random number generator to produce specific coordinates within a set radius of your current location that you can travel to as a way of exploring the world around you. People gather these coordinates through a dedicated app, Randonautica, where they can further define what they want to encounter.

The app encourages users to set a personal intention before visiting a location, in the hopes of uncovering ‘synchronicities,’ coincidences or occurrences outside usual patterns of experience. These experiences are then documented on the community’s various online forums.

“There are two main parts to randonauting,” says Joshua Lengfelder , who founded and is currently spearheading the randonauting movement. “Exploring blind-spots or places nearby that are outside of your conscious awareness, and experimenting with mind-machine interaction; the hypothesis that consciousness can influence the distribution of random numbers.”

For many, the appeal of randonauting comes with the opportunity to encounter coincidences and patterns that provide a deeper meaning or insight into real-life events and dilemmas. Instead of a standard random number generator, which can never be totally random, the Randonautica app uses quantum random number generators, including the Australian National University Quantum Random Numbers Server. The numbers themselves are generated in real-time in the lab “by measuring the quantum fluctuations of the vacuum,” and it’s that quantum mechanic that makes them, theoretically, truly random.

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La montagne Sainte-Victoire, en provençal Mont Venturi selon la norme classique ou Mount Ventùri selon la norme mistralienne, est un massif calcaire du Sud de la France, dans la région Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur.
Située à l'est d'Aix-en-Provence, elle a connu une notoriété internationale en partie grâce à la soixantaine d'œuvres du peintre Paul Cézanne dont elle est l'objet.
La montagne Sainte-Geneviève est une colline de la Rive gauche de Paris (située sur les rives gauches de la Seine et de la Bièvre, non loin de leur confluence). Elle occupe une grande partie du 5e arrondissement et du Quartier latin.

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Vighyan Bairav Tantra

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Techniques de méditation

Méditation extraite du texte indien Vighyan Bairav Tantra

Avec la bouche légèrement ouverte,
Maintenez la conscience au milieu de la langue.
Ou, de même que le souffle arrive silencieusement,
Sentez le son "echeeeee"

Cette technique permet de se concentrer sur la langue, sur le milieu de la langue. Avec la bouche légèrement ouverte comme si vous alliez parler. Pas fermée, mais légèrement ouverte, comme si vous alliez parler, non pas comme lorsque vous parlez, mais comme lorsque vous êtes sur le point de parler.

Maintenez alors la conscience au milieu de la langue.

Vous aurez un sentiment très étrange, parce que la langue a un centre, juste en son milieu, qui contrôle vos pensées. Si vous vous en rendez soudainement compte et que vous vous concentrez sur lui, vos pensées s´arrêteront. Concentrez-vous là, comme si votre conscience entière est située sur la langue -- juste au milieu. Laissez la bouche être légèrement ouverte comme si vous alliez parler et puis centrez la conscience comme si elle n´est pas dans la tête. Ressentez-la comme si elle est sur la langue, juste au milieu. La langue a le centre de la parole et la pensée est parole. Que faites-vous lorsque vous pensez ? Vous parler intérieurement. Pouvez-vous penser quelque chose sans parler intérieurement ? Vous êtes seul, vous ne parlez à personne, vous pensez. Que faites-vous tandis que vous pensez ? Vous parlez intérieurement, vous parlez à vous-même. Votre langue est impliquée.La prochaine fois, alors que vous pensez, soyez alerte, sentez votre langue. Elle vibre comme si vous parliez à quelqu´un d´autre. Puis de nouveau, ressentez cela et vous pourrez sentir que les vibrations sont centrées en son milieu. Elles viennent du milieu et alors elles se répandent partout dans la langue. Penser est parler intérieurement. Si vous pouvez apporter votre attention totale, votre conscience, au centre de la langue, le processus de penser s´arrête. Ainsi ceux qui ont pratiqué le silence, pratiquent simplement le fait de ne pas parler. Si vous cessez de parler extérieurement, alors vous vous rendrez compte très profondément du parler intérieur. Et si vous restez complètement silencieux pendant un ou deux mois ou une année, sans parler, vous sentirez votre langue vibrer violemment. Vous ne la sentez pas parce que vous continuez à parler et les vibrations sont libérées. Mais même maintenant, si vous vous arrêtez de parler et devenez conscient tout en pensant, vous sentirez votre langue vibrer légèrement.

Stoppez complètement votre langue et essayez alors de penser; vous ne pouvez pas penser.

Stoppez votre langue complètement comme si elle est gelée, ne la laissez pas se déplacer. Alors vous ne pouvez pas penser. Le centre est juste en son milieu, aussi apportez votre conscience là.

Avec la bouche légèrement ouverte,
Maintenez la conscience au milieu de la langue.
Ou, de même que le souffle arrive silencieusement,
Sentez le son "echeeeee"

C´est la deuxième technique. Elle est simplement identique:
Ou, de même que le souffle arrive silencieusement, sentez le son "echeeeee"

Avec la première technique vos pensées s´arrêteront, vous sentirez une solidité intérieure -- comme si vous étiez devenus assuré. Lorsque les pensées ne sont plus là vous devenez inébranlable, les pensées sont le mouvement intérieur. Et lorsque les pensées ne sont plus là et que vous êtes devenus inébranlable, vous êtes devenu partie de l´éternel, qui semble seulement se déplacer mais qui est immobile, qui reste sans indifférent.Dans le sans pensée vous devenez une partie de l´éternel, de l´indifférent. Avec la pensée vous faites partie du mouvement, parce que la nature est mouvement. Le monde est mouvement, c´est pourquoi nous l´avons appelé le samsar, la roue, il se déplace et se déplace et se déplace. Le monde est mouvement et le caché, l´ultime, est indifférent, immobile, inébranlable.Il est simplement comme une roue qui se déplace, mais une roue se déplace sur quelque chose qui ne se déplace jamais. Une roue peut se déplacer seulement parce qu´au centre il y a quelque chose qui ne se déplace jamais, qui reste indifférent. Le monde se déplace et le transcendantal reste indifférent.Si vos pensées s´arrêtent, soudainement vous passez de ce monde à l´autre. Avec le mouvement qui s´est arrêté à l´intérieur, vous devenez une partie de l´éternel, ce qui ne change jamais.

Ou, de même que le souffle arrive silencieusement, sentez le son "echeeeee".

Ouvrez votre bouche légèrement, comme si vous alliez parler. Inspirez alors et rendez-vous compte du son qui est créé par l´inspiration. C´est simplement " echeeeee " -- que vous inspiriez ou expiriez. Vous ne devez pas produire le son, vous devez simplement sentir le souffle entrant sur votre langue. C´est très silencieux. Vous sentirez " echeeeee." Ce sera très silencieux, très légèrement audible. Vous devez être très alerte pour vous en rendre compte. Mais n´essayez pas de le créer. Si vous le créez, vous avez manqué le but. Votre son créé ne sera d´aucune aide, c´est le son normal qui se produit lorsque vous inhalez ou exhalez.Mais la technique indique: Lorsque vous inhalez, pas lorsque vous exhalez, parce que lorsque vous expirez, vous en sortirez et avec le son, Vous sortirez, alors que l´effort est d´entrer. Ainsi tout en inhalant, entendez le son " echeeeee." Continuez à inhaler et à sentir le son " echeeeee." Tôt ou tard vous sentirez que le son n´est pas créé uniquement sur la langue, il est également créé dans la gorge. Mais alors il est très, très inaudible. Avec une vigilance très profonde vous pouvez vous en rendre compte. Commencez à partir de la langue, puis soyez de plus en plus alerte, continuez à le sentir. Vous l´entendrez dans la gorge, puis vous commencerez à l´entendre au coeur. Et lorsqu´il atteint le coeur, vous êtes allé au-delà du mental.

Toutes ces techniques sont simplement là en tant que passerelles d´où vous pouvez vous déplacer de la pensée vers le sans-pensée, du mental au non-mental, de la surface vers le centre.
Notre rubrique Méditation

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Maintenez la conscience au milieu de la langue

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Techniques de méditation Avec la bouche légèrement ouverte, Maintenez la conscience au milieu de la langue. Ou, de même que le souffle arrive silencieusement, Sentez le son "echeeeee" Cette technique permet de se concentrer sur la langue, sur le milieu de la langue. Avec la bouche légèrement ouverte comme si vous alliez parler.

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https://trends.google.com/trends/explore?q=pipi,caca

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En Europe, la dernière grande famine a lieu en Irlande de 1845 à 1852. Elle est causée par le mildiou, une maladie due à un champignon qui a détruit les récoltes de pommes de terre. La situation entraîne une grave catastrophe humanitaire alors que cette denrée constitue l’aliment de base des Irlandais. 1 million de personnes meurent de cette famine et 1,5 million d’autres sont contraintes à l’exil, notamment les paysans qui ne peuvent plus payer le loyer de leur parcelle de terre.

Introduite en Irlande à la fin du XVIe siècle, la culture de la pomme de terre s'est vite répandue car elle s'adaptait parfaitement aux conditions climatiques et géologiques (humidité et sols acides) de l'île. Les grands propriétaires - souhaitant favoriser l'élevage - étaient favorables à cette plante peu consommatrice d'espace. On estime qu'en 1845 près de 1,5 million de paysans pauvres se nourrissaient quasi exclusivement de pommes de terre (très nutritives car la seule déficience que présente un régime à base de pommes de terre est celle en vitamine A). Les journaliers agricoles les plus misérables pouvaient en consommer jusqu'à 6 kilos par jour. On accommodait ces tubercules avec du sel, du chou et occasionnellement du poisson. Il fallait produire 7 millions de tonnes par an du tubercule pour la consommation humaine dans les années 1840.

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En mars 1847, le grand homme politique britannique William Gladstone partage avec son ami (et futur cardinal) Henry Manning ses réflexions sur ce qu'il nomme la " plus grande horreur des temps modernes ". Comment expliquer que, " dans une période d'abondance, dans le pays le plus prospère de notre époque, un peuple meure de faim " ? Gladstone évoque la famine qui sévissait alors en Irlande depuis l'automne 1845. Au début des années 1850, le bilan démographique et social de cette catastrophe est déjà très lourd et représente un million de morts et un million et demi d'émigrés pour un pays qui comptait 8,5 millions d'habitants en 1841.

C'est le mildiou, maladie due à un champignon parasitaire, qui est à l'origine de la " famine de la pomme de terre ". En effet, le Phytophthora infestans, vraisemblablement transporté par des navires venant d'Amérique du Nord, atteint l'Europe du Nord-Ouest à l'été 1845. Les conditions météorologiques de cet été-là (pluie et vent) contribuent à la propagation de la maladie. A l'automne, un tiers de la récolte habituelle irlandaise est perdu. Les petits paysans irlandais sont particulièrement affectés car, depuis le début du XIXe siècle, l'essentiel de leur régime alimentaire repose sur la consommation de cette denrée. On pouvait à l'époque limiter les dégâts sociaux d'une récolte désastreuse - l'Irlande avait déjà connu des épisodes de famine dans les années 1720, 1730 et 1810 par exemple -, mais les récoltes des années 1846, 1848 et 1849 sont également décimées. Le parasite n'est pas identifié comme tel immédiatement, empêchant qu'il soit endigué. La première commission scientifique nommée par le gouvernement de Robert Peel (1841-1846) à l'automne 1845 désigne le climat humide et froid de l'été précédent comme responsable du pourrissement de la récolte et préconise d'abord la ventilation des tubercules puis leur immersion dans l'eau marécageuse.

La famine tue de deux manières : on estime que deux tiers des victimes meurent littéralement de faim (oedème et dysenterie) et qu'un tiers succombent à toutes les épidémies (choléra, typhus, fièvres) qui se propagent aisément au sein d'une population très affaiblie et concentrée dans les asiles pour pauvres et les grandes villes. Les enfants sont particulièrement touchés par la tuberculose et la fièvre scarlatine. Néanmoins, les plus pauvres ne sont pas les seuls affectés : les médecins, les administrateurs locaux, les prêtres et les pasteurs - tous ceux qui portent secours aux plus affaiblis - succombent eux aussi à diverses épidémies.

L'horreur des corps décharnés et des cadavres qui s'amoncellent dans les rues et les chaumières est rendue avec beaucoup de justesse par l'artiste dessinateur James Mahony. Les dessins qu'il publie en 1847 dans The Illustrated London News font la triste réputation des alentours de Skibbereen (comté de Cork) auprès d'un lectorat britannique et international.

L'Irlande faisant partie intégrante du Royaume-Uni depuis l'Acte d'union (1800), l'organisation de l'aide publique incombe donc au gouvernement britannique de Londres. Or les années 1840 marquent en Grande-Bretagne le triomphe de l'idéologie libérale, celle du libre-échange et du laisser-faire en économie. Les dirigeants sont donc tout à fait hostiles à un trop grand interventionnisme étatique. Pour interférer le moins possible avec les lois du marché, Robert Peel décide d'acheter en secret 100 000 livres sterling de maïs américain à l'automne 1845. L'objectif est de fournir le marché irlandais en céréales au printemps 1846. Pour cela, les instances d'assistance publique locales doivent le vendre à prix coûtant.En outre, Peel réactive une politique de chantiers publics sur lesquels sont embauchés ceux qui demandent de l'aide. En revanche, le gouvernement rechigne à venir en aide aux centaines de milliers d'émigrés qui doivent quitter l'île par leurs propres moyens.
Responsable de ses malheurs
Sous le gouvernement du libéral John Russell (1846-1852), l'aide étatique est réduite au strict minimum. Seules les soupes populaires permettent, un temps, de contrer chez certains pauvres les effets les plus sévères de la dénutrition (Soup Kitchen Act, 1846-1847). Les chantiers publics sont progressivement abandonnés (1847) et ce sont les asiles d'indigents qui accueillent les plus démunis dans des conditions déplorables de surpopulation, de misère et d'insalubrité. Ainsi, en mars 1847, l'asile de Fermoy (comté de Cork), prévu pour accueillir 800 pauvres, en héberge 1 800. Les bien portants et les malades sont logés ensemble si bien que, en l'espace de trois mois, 25 % des résidents meurent.

Les contemporains s'interrogent sur la responsabilité de la société irlandaise dans l'ampleur prise par ces crises agraires. Les économistes et la majorité des hommes politiques britanniques adoptent une vision dite " providentialiste " de la famine. Selon eux, si la responsabilité de cette tragédie n'incombe pas entièrement aux Irlandais - la catastrophe naturelle est vue comme un geste divin -, l'ampleur du désastre est le résultat d'une société paysanne arriérée, qui n'a pas su moderniser son agriculture ni prendre le grand virage capitaliste de la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Cette " arriération " de la paysannerie irlandaise est aussi une conséquence, aux yeux des dirigeants britanniques protestants, de son obstination à persister dans le catholicisme, religion de superstition et d'ignorance qui s'oppose au triomphe des Lumières et à celui du progrès humain et social.

Une des figures qui incarnent le mieux cette conception providentialiste est celle de Charles Trevelyan, le haut fonctionnaire en charge des opérations de secours gouvernementales de 1845 à 1847. Présenté tour à tour comme un simple exécutant des décisions du gouvernement ou au contraire comme un administrateur par trop zélé et sans pitié, il demeure un personnage controversé. Son action est guidée par sa vision de la question irlandaise - qu'il livre dans son ouvrage La Crise irlandaise en 1848. Trevelyan est un homme de son temps, partisan du libéralisme et du libre-échange, qui est choqué du retard économique irlandais : " Que peut-on attendre, écrit-il, d'une nation qui ne vit que de pommes de terre ? " Son obsession, aux résonances très contemporaines, est d'éviter de créer un pays d'" assistés " et de permettre aux Irlandais d'atteindre une autonomie économique. Pour lui, la famine constitue une occasion unique et providentielle de moderniser une Irlande stagnant dans l'archaïsme économique.
Charité privée et diaspora
Parmi ceux qui viennent au secours des plus démunis, les quakers1 jouent un rôle très important. A l'automne 1846, ayant pris la mesure de la détresse des paysans irlandais, certains d'entre eux forment un comité central de secours à Dublin et dans les principales villes irlandaises. Grâce au soutien financier de leurs coreligionnaires nord-américains, ils établissent des soup kitchens, des soupes populaires peu ou prou gratuites. La dimension internationale de l'aide apportée par les quakers est propre à l'événement que constitue la Grande Famine. En effet, cette générosité internationale est aussi liée au phénomène de la diaspora irlandaise installée aux quatre coins du globe depuis le début du XIXe siècle. A New York, des comités de soutien sont créés et, en avril 1847, le voilier Jamestown part de Boston pour Cork chargé de provisions. Des dons arrivent du Canada, des Antilles et d'Europe, où des bals de charité et des ventes aux enchères sont organisés en 1846 et 1847. En France, le journal catholique Le Correspondant lance une campagne de soutien aux plus démunis et la Société de Saint-Vincent-de-Paul envoie plus de 5 600 livres sterling aux associations caritatives irlandaises.

La dimension internationale de la Grande Famine se manifeste aussi par l'émigration de masse qu'elle provoque. En l'espace de six ans, 1,5 million d'Irlandais quittent leur île pour se rendre en Grande-Bretagne, en Amérique du Nord (États-Unis et Canada), en Australie et en Nouvelle Zélande. En l'absence de soutien étatique, le voyage est le plus souvent financé par des économies personnelles ou par des amis et des parents ayant déjà émigré (sous forme par exemple de billets prépayés pour traverser l'Atlantique). Il existe néanmoins quelques grands propriétaires terriens (comme le comte Fitzwilliam ou le vicomte Palmerston) qui aident matériellement leurs paysans à émigrer - mais le plus souvent c'est dans l'objectif de se débarrasser de locataires miséreux.

Certains vaisseaux partent directement d'Irlande. Toutefois, au fil du XIXe siècle, les ports de Grande-Bretagne, tels Liverpool ou Glasgow, deviennent les points clés de départ. Pour ceux qui traversent l'Atlantique, le prix d'un billet pour les colonies canadiennes est relativement faible - autour de 3 ou 4 livres -, ce qui représente un tiers du salaire annuelperçu par un manoeuvre. Le voyage transatlantique à bord des voiliers dure cinq à neuf semaines dans les années 1840 - un temps pendant lequel aucun salaire ne peut être gagné. A bord de ces navires, les émigrés sont confrontés à la maladie (dysenterie, choléra, typhus) et à la faim. Les tristement célèbres " bateaux cercueils " (coffin ships) sont restés l'image la plus couramment associée aux migrants de l'ère de la Grande Famine. Les voyages les plus mortels sont accomplis en 1847, " année noire " (the Black Year) de la famine. Parmi les 100 000 migrants irlandais qui partent au Québec au cours de cette année-là, un sixième meurent soit à bord du navire soit dans l'hôpital de Grosse-Ile où ils étaient retenus en quarantaine. Néanmoins dans l'ensemble, compte tenu des conditions de voyage et de l'état de santé de certains passagers, le taux de mortalité demeure relativement bas (autour de 2 %) et est comparable aux autres taux européens.
Les excuses de Tony Blair
L'ampleur de la catastrophe humaine a suscité dès le début - et jusqu'à aujourd'hui - nombre d'interrogations sur l'amplitude de la responsabilité des dirigeants britanniques. Combien d'Irlandais les gouvernants auraient-ils pu sauver ? En 1997, le Premier ministre Tony Blair a fait des excuses publiques au nom du gouvernement, dans un discours aux consonances gladstoniennes : " Que 1 million de personnes soient mortes dans une nation qui comptait alors parmi les plus riches et les plus puissantes est toujours source de douleur quand nous nous le remémorons aujourd'hui. Ceux qui gouvernaient alors ont manqué à leurs devoirs. " Dans cette déclaration, Tony Blair opérait un lien entre histoire et mémoire, ce qui est le coeur des enjeux historiques autour de la Grande Famine. Une approche uniquement mémorielle de l'événement a pu conduire certains historiens et journalistes à qualifier la famine de " génocide " perpétré intentionnellement par les Britanniques à l'encontre des Irlandais.

Un des premiers à avoir accusé les Britanniques de crime fut John Mitchel, journaliste et historien qui participa au soulèvement nationaliste de la Jeune-Irlande en 1848 et qui fut condamné au bagne australien. Sa déclaration sur la culpabilité des Britanniques dans son ouvrage paru en 1860 La Dernière Conquête de l'Irlande (sans doute) est demeurée célèbre : " Certes le Tout-Puissant nous a frappés du mildiou mais ce sont les Britanniques qui ont provoqué la famine. " Il accusait dans son livre les Britanniques d'avoir continué à exporter des céréales d'Irlande pendant que le peuple mourait de faim. Mitchel a initié une tradition historiographique dite " nationaliste " qui perdure aujourd'hui à la fois dans des ouvrages académiques et des histoires populaires de l'Irlande. Le journaliste Tim Pat Coogan, dans son ouvrage Le Complot de la famine (2012), a accusé ouvertement les Anglais d'avoir commis un " holocauste ".

A rebours de cette analyse, le courant historiographique dit " révisionniste " a émergé en Irlande à partir des années 1930. Les historiens qui se rattachent à ce courant n'ont eu de cesse d'insister sur les conditions économiques et sociales en Irlande qui pouvaient expliquer l'impact de la famine ainsi que sa dimension régionale (concentrée dans la partie ouest de l'île). Ils diminuent ainsi la responsabilité des gouvernants et des administrateurs britanniques. Depuis les commémorations de 1995, des historiens irlandais comme Peter Gray ou Cormac O Grada (parfois qualifiés de post-révisionnistes) ont mis en valeur une interprétation plus nuancée de la responsabilité britannique et ouvert des champs de recherche nouveaux comme l'histoire comparée des famines. Peter Gray conclut ainsi que l'attitude britannique peut être qualifiée de " négligence coupable "

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En mars 1847, le grand homme politique britannique William Gladstone partage avec son ami (et futur cardinal) Henry Manning ses réflexions sur ce qu'il nomme la " plus grande horreur des temps modernes ". Comment expliquer que, " dans une période d'abondance, dans le pays le plus prospère de notre époque, un peuple meure de faim " ?

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Lucile Commeaux, productrice adjointe de La Dispute, invite deux critiques pour discuter l'actualité culturelle dans une émission au format poche "faite maison". Au programme : cinéma, spectacle, série, opéra, bande-dessinée, etc... le tout accessible en ligne depuis chez soi. En 15 minutes : un sujet et un débat, pour une Dispute maison.
Aujourd'hui à notre sommaire, Set my heart on fire immediately, le nouvel album de Perfume Genius paru le 15 mai sur le label Matador.

Perfume Genius signe le cinquième opus de sa discographie, après le succès critique de en 2017. Né à Seattle à l'orée des années 1980 et désormais installé à Los Angeles, il revendique depuis ses débuts une esthétique résolument queer, à la croisée de la musique, du cinéma, de la danse et de la performance.

Son nouvel album Set my heart on fire immediately compte treize titres pour le moins contrastés, qui puisent à différentes sources pop. Pour un mélange des genres réussi ?

Un disque en ruptures

Elodie Maillot "Le disque fait alterner une atmosphère très intimiste, avec du piano-voix, par exemple, et des ruptures un peu brutales et parfois un peu lourdes, très rock, avec les grosses guitares et la batterie qui déboulent. Il y a aussi des arrangements de cordes et une légèreté, quelque chose de ciselé et de très bien fait. On ne sait jamais dans quel univers musical on évolue, ce qui me plait vraiment."

Lucile Commeaux "Les ruptures sont autant des ruptures de registres, de tons, que des ruptures musicales, et forcent un peu le trait de la surprise. Au bout de quelques titres, on comprend qu'il s'agit d'un fonctionnement. Il y a une volonté de baroque, de foisonnement total, qui ne ne crée pas, selon moi, une cohérence, ni musicale, ni narrative."

Mathilde Serrell "Le point de vue autobiographique qui s'exprime dans les paroles est très inspirant, et la traduction musicale des émotions, de ce qu'on abandonne, des scories du passé, est spectaculaire, où Perfume Genius alterne la guitare hawaïenne, l'électro, la new wave, le clavecin, etc... La composition musicale raconte parfaitement la trajectoire, c'est un album magnifique."

Perspectives changeantes

Mathilde Serrell "C'est une relecture, du point de vue queer, de tout un tas de styles musicaux. L'album fonctionne comme le roman "Ce coeur changeant" d'Agnès Desarthe, qui réécrivait l'histoire des romans du XIXe siècle mais d'un point de vue féminin."

Elodie Maillot "Le disque questionne la virilité, ce qui est très intéressant au regard de l'Amérique d'aujourd'hui. Mais on ne sait pas s'il s'agit vraiment d'un point de vue queer ou, sur certains morceaux, d'un point de vue féminin, et l'hyper falsetto très androgyne qui caractérise la voix de l'interprète sur certains morceaux participe de ça."

Également disponible :

Vie future de La Féline (Kwaidan Records), "un disque aux mélodies et aux productions chamaniques". Arnaud Laporte, Sophie Rosemont, Clémentine Goldszal et Christophe Conte en débattaient dans La Dispute du 15 octobre 2019 :

Twelve Nudes d'Ezra Furman (Bella Union), "un album glam punk qui n'est pas précieux et qui s'extirpe de ses étiquettes". Arnaud Laporte, Pascaline Potdevin, Philippe Azoury et Hugo Cassavetti en débattaient dans La Dispute du 3 septembre 2019 :

À RÉÉCOUTER À RÉÉCOUTER

Réécouter Faire tomber les genres : des libérations sexuelles en musique (4/5) : Aux rythmes des luttes LGBTQI écouter (58 min) 58 min

Réécouter Musique: Benjamin Biolay, Gorillaz et Perfume Genius écouter (58 min) 58 min

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Retrouvez chaque jour une proposition culturelle avec Culture Maison, et abonnez-vous à la newsletter pour la recevoir dans votre boite email avec deux autres suggestions : une fiction audio signée France Culture et une émission de savoirs pour votre culture générale.

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Musique : Perfume Genius, l'americana version queer

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Lucile Commeaux, productrice adjointe de La Dispute, Mathilde Serrell, critique de La Dispute et productrice de La Théorie, et Elodie Maillot, productrice de documentaires et de Séries musicales, débattent de l'album "Set my heart on fire immediately" de Perfume Genius (Matador).

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les recommandations de la Corée du Sud sont au nombre de deux :

1) Le port du masque par plus de 80% de la population.

2) Mais aussi (attention, plus compliqué) : l'application stricte du "Test-Trace-Isolate"

En français de non spécialiste, "Test-Trace-Isolate" veut dire simplement : tester massivement - enquêter sur les contacts passés de chaque porteur du virus - avant d'isoler et de traiter.

A la seule condition, prévient Guy-Philippe, d'être capable de conclure cette enquête en moins de 24 heures. La Corée du Sud a réussi à ramener ce délai de 24 heures à 10 minutes grâce à la technologie et en centralisant les données : GPS du téléphone, mais aussi les utilisations de la carte bancaire. La méthode, très intrusive, et autoritaire (sans le consentement des citoyens), a cependant permis d'enrayer l'épidémie, sans pour autant braquer les Coréens.

Pourquoi ? "Parce l'autorité en charge des enquêtes, créée pour l'occasion, était indépendante du gouvernement". Composée exclusivement de personnels sanitaires, elle était soumise au secret médical. Les données étaient détruites après l'opération, observe Guy-Philippe Goldstein.

« Dans les faits, la Corée n’a pas connu de réduction des libertés publiques. Au contraire : elle a pu tenir des élections législatives parfaitement libres le 15 avril. La participation y a été la plus élevée depuis 28 ans. Non seulement le tracing de masse n’a pas réduit l’exercice démocratique, mais il a contribué à le maintenir pleinement vivant. »

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Présenté au Louvre-Lens dans l’exposition « Pologne, peindre l’âme d’une nation », ce tableau de Jacek Malczewski fascine et déroute. Il faut connaître l’histoire de la Pologne, indissociable de celle de la peinture polonaise, pour percer les mystères de l’œuvre.

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Présenté au Louvre-Lens dans l'exposition " Pologne, peindre l'âme d'une nation ", ce tableau de Jacek Malczewski fascine et déroute. Il faut connaître l'histoire de la Pologne, indissociable de celle de la peinture polonaise, pour percer les mystères de l'œuvre.

La plupart des tableaux présentés dans l'exposition " Pologne " sont des œuvres très célèbres dans ce pays et Melancolia fait partie des plus fameuses. Son auteur, Jacek Malczewski (1854-1929), est lui-même une idole nationale. Il a peint quelque deux mille toiles et dessins et fut nommé en 1896 professeur à l'école des Beaux-Arts de Cracovie, où il avait lui-même étudié. Il exposa à Berlin, Munich, Paris, Chicago et Vienne. Pour parfaire son aura, il pouvait se targuer d'avoir été l'élève du plus célèbre peintre polonais du XIXe siècle, Jan Matejko, dont les scènes historiques monumentales firent grand bruit jusqu'à Paris et décrochèrent plusieurs médailles au Salon.
La peinture d'histoire, Malczewski la réinterprète à sa façon dans cette grande toile symboliste de 1894, qu'il a sous-titrée lui-même en français, au dos de la toile, " Prologue. Vision. Le dernier siècle en Pologne. Tout un siècle ". Malczewski a étudié aux Beaux-Arts de Paris en 1876 et 1877, où il a suivi les cours d'Henri Lehmann, qui fut l'élève favori d'Ingres. En pleine éclosion de l'impressionnisme, il n'a pas frayé avec les avant-gardes parisiennes. Les bords de Seine l'ont rendu nostalgique de la Pologne. Il est rentré à Cracovie parfaire sa formation académique auprès de Matejko, avec la ferme intention de produire, à l'instar du maître, une peinture vivifiant l'âme polonaise.

[...]

Il reste 90% de notre article à lire dans notre numéro de
novembre 2019

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Étude d'une œuvre : Melancolia de Jacek Malczewski | Connaissance des Arts

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Présenté au Louvre-Lens dans l'exposition " Pologne, peindre l'âme d'une nation ", ce tableau de Jacek Malczewski fascine et déroute. Il faut connaître l'histoire de la Pologne, indissociable de celle de la peinture polonaise, pour percer les mystères de l'œuvre.

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simulateur de propagation du coronavirus

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simulateur de propagation du coronavirus

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fonction du tx de masques portés

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Interactive Agent-Based Model Visualization for COVID-19 Masking

Watch this tutorial video and then play with this masksim simulator yourself - we're making an interactive version of this agent-based model available here for you to try experimenting with our new individual agent-based model, and see what different masking policies do. You'll see how much small accidents can affect the spread of infections as we've made each run completely randomized. Try many runs if you want to see the statistical tendencies under different masking policies.

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Watch this tutorial video and then play with this masksim simulator yourself - we're making an interactive version of this agent-based model available here for you to try experimenting with our new individual agent-based model, and see what different masking policies do.

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Voyage au Congo est un journal d'André Gide publié en 1927 aux éditions Gallimard. Il relate un voyage effectué par l'écrivain de juillet 1926 à mai 1927, en Afrique-Équatoriale française, de l'embouchure du Congo au lac Tchad.

érité du récit en fait, outre un inestimable état des lieux en ce milieu des années vingt, un véritable réquisitoire contre les pratiques des compagnies commerciales — et accessoirement de l'administration — à l'égard des Noirs. Le livre suscite une vive émotion et conduit même par la suite à des réformes¹.