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the former practice of segregating black people in the US.

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A poll tax is a tax levied as a prerequisite for voting. After Reconstruction (1865–1877)—the twelve-year period of rebuilding that followed the American Civil War (1861–1865)—many southern states passed poll taxes in an effort to keep African Americans from voting.

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The Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, usually referred to as simply the Freedmen's Bureau, was a U.S. federal government agency established in 1865 to aid freedmen (freed slaves) in the South during the Reconstruction era of the United States

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The 15th Amendment to the Constitution granted African American men the right to vote by declaring that the "right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude."

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The 14th Amendment to the Constitution was ratified on July 9, 1868, and granted citizenship to “all persons born or naturalized in the United States,” which included former slaves recently freed.

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Constitution declared that "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." Formally abolishing slavery in the United States, the 13th Amendment was passed by the Congress on January 31, 1865, and ratified by the states on December 6, 1865.

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Reconstruction refers to the period following the Civil War of rebuilding the United States. It was a time of great pain and endless questions.

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President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, as the nation approached its third year of bloody civil war. The proclamation declared "that all persons held as slaves" within the rebellious states "are, and henceforward shall be free."

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the act of abolishing or the state of being abolished; annulment. 2. (often capital) (in British territories) the ending of the slave trade (1807) or the ending of slavery(1833): accomplished after a long campaign led by William Wilberforce. 3.

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Protestant religious revival movement during the early 19th century in the United States. The movement began around 1790, gained momentum by 1800 and, after 1820, membership rose rapidly among Baptist and Methodist congregations whose preachers led the movement.

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The 19th-century doctrine or belief that the expansion of the US throughout the American continents was both justified and inevitable.

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a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, a religion founded in the US in 1830 by Joseph Smith, Jr.

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a principle of US policy, originated by President James Monroe in 1823, that any intervention by external powers in the politics of the Americas is a potentially hostile act against the US.

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land deal between the United States and France, in which the U.S. acquired approximately 827,000 square miles of land west of the Mississippi River for $15 million.

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Review by the US Supreme Court of the constitutional validity of a legislative act.

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The clause in the First Amendment of the US Constitution that prohibits the establishment of religion by Congress.

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“Congress shall make no law … prohibiting the free exercise (of religion)” is called the free-exercise clause of the First Amendment. The free-exercise clause pertains to the right to freely exercise one's religion. It states that the government shall make no law prohibiting the free exercise of religion.

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The first ten amendments to the US Constitution, ratified in 1791 and guaranteeing such rights as the freedoms of speech, assembly, and worship.

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Workforce Bill of Rights
First Amendment

Management shall make no law respecting establishment of a singular working style, or prohibiting the exercising thereof. Employees shall be trusted to utilize their own judgement and self awareness to complete assignments in the manor that optimizes their energy, talents and time. Provided an individual's choice of work styles does not adversely affect colleagues or clients, it shall be heretofore acknowledged that every individual performs differently, and the end goal should be the best product possible, not ridged adherence to arbitrarily concocted procedures.
Second Amendment

A physically comfortable workforce being necessary to the harmony of a climate controlled workplace, the right of the people to bare arms shall not be infringed. Short sleaved shirts shall be permitted at the discretion of employees. Heat rises, so sometimes the 12th floor will be substantially hotter than the first. Some people have the misfortune of being seated directly below heating vents. All employees will keep formal attire with in reach, should unexpected client facing duties occur. But, if employees are simply typing in a cubicle, appropriately comfortable wardrobe is heretofore deemed as American as wooden teeth.
Third Amendment

No offspring or domesticated member of the animal phylum shall, in hours of business, be quartered in any cubicle, other than that of attending parent or owner without consent. Bring Your Child to Work Day is a uniquely American tradition, installed to teach children of the abject hell their parents endure to pay for said children's braces and SAT classes. However, just because a co-worker maketh over the precociousness of a colleague's spawn, it does not convey that said co-worker has agreed to assure that said spawn does not swallow a box of staples while the guardian takes a 30 minute cigarette break.
Fourth Amendment

The right of people to be secure in their personal Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and Vine postings against unreasonable searches and scrutiny from current and potential employers shall not be violated. People had weekend indiscretions long before Mark Zuckerberg was even a sparketh in his father's eye, and you hired them anyway. The fact that you unearth 5 year old evidence that a prospective employee harbored a fondness for keg stands in college is hardly grounds to terminate the hiring process, especially if your company publicly extols the virtues of its "work hard, play hard" culture.
Fifth Amendment

Private property shall not be taken for public use, without just compensation. Popcorn, Sun Chips, Fun Sized Snickers and other snacks left on a desk, or elsewhere within the confines of an office, cubicle or other private workspace, are the property of the occupant of said space. Unauthorized consumption of said food items constitutes theft, and is hereby punishable by the tenets of Sharia Law, even though that s%#! is totally not American. But, the right to brazen hypocrisy is, so yeah, Sharia Law it is. Food left unattended in break rooms, kitchens or other common areas is fair game.
Sixth Amendment

In all hiring processes, the applicant shall enjoy the right to a speedy and private evaluation procedure, and is to be informed of the nature and cause of the decision, should said applicant not be selected for employment. Requiring applicants to submit a resume, and then fill out a web form with the exact same information contained in said resume does not heretofore comply with the definition of speedy, nor does asking applicants to interview separately with four different people who all ask the same questions. You've goteth a conference room, the perky lady showed it to m- errrr, the applicant, on the three hour tour. Grab five chairs and a pitcher of coffee and get it done in one session.
Seventh Amendment

In suits at common offices where the value shall exceed $1000, and the wearer is not scheduled to meet with any persons from outside the company, the right shall be preserved to mock, deride and ridicule the extreme show of ostentatiousness. Seriously, dude? We've just been granted the right to bare arms, and you're rocking a button up, a jacket and a vest? Who are you trying to impress? It's the redhead over in Exculpatory Services, isn't it? Ehh, okay, you get a pass. (Fist bump)
Eighth Amendment

Excessive overtime shall not be required, nor excessive hours imposed. Long hours for the occasional special project is part of white collar life. An office populated entirely by employees who resemble vampires because they haven't seen the sun in countless fortnights is a sign of a poorly managed enterprise. An office populated entirely by actual vampires would be pretty cool, and a great idea for a screenplay. Note to self....
Ninth Amendment

In enumeration of the employee handbook of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. Wow, that one works pretty much as it was written in the original version. The founding fathers really were quite wise. They also wore poofy wigs.
Tenth Amendment

The profits not delegated to the company by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the employees, are reserved to the employees respectively. Profit sharing keeps motivation high, and gives employees a sense of ownership, not just of their work product, but of their lives. One can dreameth, can't one?
Happy 4th of July!

Media Matters is a look at the week's top news stories, and what they can teach us about communications, business and life
About the Author Jeffrey Harvey is a Washington, DC based communications professional with experience in broadcasting, strategic communications, public relations, marketing and media analysis. He has written prolifically on subjects including technology, healthcare and arts and entertainment. His original one act play, Coffee won a staged reading at the Kennedy Center in the Source Theater Festival.

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Originally Published 7/1/14 Workforce Bill of Rights First Amendment Management shall make no law respecting establishment of a singular working style, or prohibiting the exercising thereof. Employees shall be trusted to utilize their own judgement and self awareness to complete assignments in the m

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The federal principle or system of government.

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Definition: the federal principle or system of government Sentence: Federalism is an important aspect of any government and is used in different ways in different areas.

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A person who opposed the ratification of the Constitution in 1789 and thereafter allied with Thomas Jefferson's Anti federal Party, which opposed extension of the powers of the federal Government.

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During the period from the drafting and proposal of the federal Constitution in September, 1787, to its ratification in 1789 there was an intense debate on ratification. The principal arguments in favor of it were stated in the series written by Madison, Hamilton, and Jay called the Federalist Papers, although they were not as widely read as numerous independent local speeches and articles.

The arguments against ratification appeared in various forms, by various authors, most of whom used a pseudonym. Collectively, these writings have become known as the Anti-Federalist Papers. We here present some of the best and most widely read of these. They contain warnings of dangers from tyranny that weaknesses in the proposed Constitution did not adequately provide against, and while some of those weaknesses were corrected by adoption of the Bill of Rights, others remained, and some of these dangers are nowcoming to pass.

The Anti Federalist Authors

A COLUMBIAN PATRIOT : Mercy Warren
A COUNTRYMAN : DeWitt Clinton
A CUSTOMER
A DEMOCRATIC FEDERALIST
A FARMER
A FARMER AND PLANTER
A FEDERALIST
A FEDERAL REPUBLICAN
A GEORGIAN
A NEWPORT MAN
A REPUBLICAN FEDERALIST : James Warren
AGRIPPA : James Winthrop
ALFRED
AN AMERICAN
AN OBSERVER
AN OFFICER OF THE LATE CONTINENTAL ARMY : William Findley
AN OLD WHIG
AMICUS
ARISTOCROTIS
BRUTUS : Robert Yates
BRUTUS JUNIOR
CANDIDUS : Benjamin Austin
CATO : George Clinton
CENTINEL : Samuel or George Bryan
CINCINNATUS
DELIBERATOR
HAMPDEN

HELVIDIUS PRISCUS : James Warren
JOHN HUMBLE
LEONIDAS
MASSACHUSETTENSIS
MONTEZUMA
PHILADELPHIENSIS
PHILANTHROPOS
PLEBIAN : Melancthon Smith REPUBLICUS
SYDNEY : Robert Yates
THE FEDERAL FARMER : Richard Henry Lee
THE PLAIN DEALER : Spencer Roane
THE YEOMANRY OF MASSACHUSETTS
VOX POPULI
WILLIAM PENN
Consider Arms
Samuel Field
William Grayson
Patrick Henry
John Lansing
Gilbert Livingston
Luther Martin
George Mason
Malichi Maynard
Eleazer Oswald
John F. Mercer
Joseph Taylor

The Anti-Federalist Papers

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The Anti-Federalist Papers During the period from the drafting and proposal of the federal Constitution in September, 1787, to its ratification in 1789 there was an intense debate on ratification. The principal arguments in favor of it were stated in the series written by Madison, Hamilton, and Jay called the Federalist Papers, although they were...

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a member of a major political party in the early years of the U.S. that wanted a strong central government

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One of the most important compromises reached during the drafting of the United States Constitution in 1787. The delegates were trying to figure out how each state would be represented in Congress.

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Virginia and New Jersey Plan: The Great Compromise

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The original constitution of the US, ratified in 1781, which was replaced by the US Constitution in 1789.

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Should USA Have Stuck with the Articles of Confederation?

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Formal statement written by Thomas Jefferson declaring the freedom of the thirteen American colonies from Great Britain.

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A political upheaval that took place between 1765 and 1783 during which colonists in the Thirteen American Colonies rejected the British monarchy and aristocracy, overthrew the authority of Great Britain, and founded the United States of America.

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Contents

1. Before the Battles of Trenton and Princeton

2. Washington Crosses the Delaware

3. The Battle of Trenton

4. Between Trenton and Princeton

5. The Battle of Princeton

6. Importance of the Battles of Trenton and Princeton

General George Washington's army crossed the icy Delaware on Christmas Day 1776 and, over the course of the next 10 days, won two crucial battles of the American Revolution. In the Battle of Trenton (December 26), Washington defeated a formidable garrison of Hessian mercenaries before withdrawing. A week later he returned to Trenton to lure British forces south, then executed a daring night march to capture Princeton on January 3. The victories reasserted American control of much of New Jersey and greatly improved the morale and unity of the colonial army and militias.

READ MORE: Explore George Washington's life in our interactive timeline

Before the Battles of Trenton and Princeton

Since August 1776, British forces under General William Howe had been driving the Continental Army south out of New York. On November 16 the British overran Fort Washington in Manhattan, taking 2,000 Americans prisoner.

Did you know? During the Battle of Princeton, Alexander Hamilton, the first secretary of the U.S. Treasury, fired cannons at British troops blockaded in Nassau Hall, the main building of the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University). Three years earlier, Hamilton had applied to the college but been rejected when he asked for permission to take courses at his own pace.

The British then pursued the Americans across New Jersey. In mid-December Washington led his army south across the Delaware River. They camped on the Pennsylvania side, short of food, ammunition and supplies.

Washington Crosses the Delaware

The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Washington realized that without a decisive action, the Continental Army was likely doomed, so he planned a daring assault on the Hessian garrison at Trenton. He envisioned a three-pronged attack, with his army of 2,400 flanked by a 1,900-man diversionary force under Colonel John Cadwalader and a blocking move by General James Ewing's 700 men.

Washington's men and cannons crossed the icy river in boats and began the 19-mile march towards Trenton in a freezing storm. In the end, neither Cadwalader nor Ewing were able to carry out their parts of the plan.

The Battle of Trenton

The Hessian force at Trenton numbered 1,400 under the leadership of Colonel Johann Rall. Although Rall had received warnings of colonial movements, his men were exhausted and unprepared for Washington's attack-though rumors that they were drunk from Christmas celebrations are unfounded.

As he approached the town, Washington divided his men, sending flanking columns under General Nathaniel Greene and General John Sullivan. Meanwhile, Colonel Henry Knox's cannons fired on the garrison. Rall attempted to rally his troops but was never able to establish a defensive perimeter, and was shot from his horse and fatally wounded. The Hessians quickly surrendered. All told, 22 were killed, 92 wounded, 918 captured and 400 escaped in the Battle of Trenton. The Americans suffered two frozen to death and five wounded.

Between Trenton and Princeton

Realizing his men could not hold Trenton against British reinforcements, Washington withdrew across the Delaware. However, on December 30 he crossed back into New Jersey with an army of 2,000. Informed that 8,000 British troops under Generals Charles Cornwallis and James Grant were marching south from Princeton, Washington worked quickly to supplement his numbers, urging militiamen whose terms had expired to stay on for six weeks.

On New Year's Day, Washington's force of 5,000 poorly trained men massed in Trenton. The next day Cornwallis arrived with an army 5,500. After skirmishes at the American lines and three attempts to cross the bridge at Assunpink Creek, Cornwallis relented for the day, assuming he had Washington trapped.

That night, Washington deployed 500 men to keep the campfires going while the rest of his troops made a nighttime march north to Princeton. To keep their movement secret, torches were extinguished and wagon wheels muffled in heavy cloth.
WATCH THE VIDEO: How to Get into Princeton (If You're George Washington)
The Battle of Princeton

At dawn on January 3, 1777, Cornwallis woke to find that his opponent had disappeared, while Washington's men were nearing the end of their 12-mile march to Princeton.

Washington sent a small force under General Hugh Mercer to destroy a bridge. Mercer's men encountered Redcoats under Lt. Col. Charles Mawhood and Mercer was killed in the fighting. Arriving militiamen under Col. Cadwalader had little effect. Then Washington arrived, riding between the firing lines until his terrified horse refused to go on. The Americans rallied and broke through Mercer's lines.

Importance of the Battles of Trenton and Princeton

As at Trenton, the Americans took prisoners, arms and supplies but quickly withdrew after winning the Battle of Princeton. Washington had wanted to advance to New Brunswick, but was fortuitously overruled by his officers (at the time, Cornwallis' men were en route to New Brunswick).

Washington's men marched to Morristown, in northern New Jersey, where they established winter quarters, safe from British incursions. The Continental Army basked in its achievements-at Princeton they had defeated a regular British army in the field. Moreover, Washington had shown that he could unite soldiers from all the colonies into an effective national force.

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Before the Battles of Trenton and Princeton Washington Crosses the Delaware The Battle of Trenton Between Trenton and Princeton The Battle of Princeton Importance of the Battles of Trenton and Princeton General George Washington's army crossed the icy Delaware on Christmas Day 1776 and, over the course of the next 10 days, won two crucial battles of the American Revolution.

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An organization of American colonists that was created in the Thirteen American Colonies. The secret society was formed to protect the rights of the colonists and to fight taxation by the British government.

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OUT NOW on BLU-RAY & DVD in Australia! ** SONS OF LIBERTY follows a defiant and radical group of young men - Sam Adams, John Adams, Paul Revere, John Hancock and Joseph Warren - as they band together in secrecy to change the course of history and make America a nation.

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A series of military engagements between Britain and France in North America between 1754 and 1763. The French and Indian War was the American phase of the Seven Years' War, which was then underway in Europe.

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George Washington’s forays into the Ohio country shaped his career and sparked a global war.

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An act of vesting the legislative, executive, and judicial powers of government in separate bodies.

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A European intellectual movement of the late 17th and 18th centuries emphasizing reason and individualism rather than tradition.

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The Enlightenment is a term so often used and abused that it might no longer be clear what it stands for. It has been widely viewed as the source of everything that is peculiarly modern, from liberal constitutions to alienating technology. Its legacy is now invoked by diverse groups and parties, sometimes advocating very different policies. In the stormy debates surrounding the publication in 2005 of a caricature of the prophet Muhammad in a Danish newspaper, Muslim protesters argued that the blasphemous images ran against the Enlightenment values of toleration and respect for minorities. Their opponents cast the Muslim response itself as opposed to Enlightenment notions of the freedom of the press and the right to self-expression. Was there ever a set of distinctive ideas we may safely refer to as 'the Enlightenment'?

Historians usually use the term to refer to the 18th century (in its shorter or longer versions) and especially to the intellectual developments brought to the fore by such luminaries as Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau, Hume, Smith and Kant. Yet this notion is burdened by the common tendency to assume that since two major revolutions took place in the late 18th century - the American and the French - they must have been prompted or caused by Enlightenment ideas.

The traditional view of the Enlightenment, initially crafted by Romantic and anti-revolutionary authors in the 19th century, cast it as a militantly republican, anti-religious and mainly French movement. Some residues of this view were still apparent in post-war works by authors who tried to reclaim the legacy of the Enlightenment (or some of its vestiges), such as Peter Gay's two-volume study The Enlightenment: An Interpretation (1966 and 1969) or Isaiah Berlin's essay on the Counter-Enlightenment in Against the Current (1979). However, this perspective has been revised since the 1980s. An important collection of essays, The Enlightenment in National Context, edited by Roy Porter and Mikuláš Teich (1981), inspired a wealth of works on the various shades and colours of 18th-century thought, from Greece and Russia to Scotland and Portugal. An increasing number of publications also highlighted the different intellectual issues at stake in different contexts, often within a single country. This awareness led to J.G.A. Pocock's call, in Barbarism and Religion, vol. 1: The Enlightenments of Edward Gibbon (1999), to treat the definite article with suspicion: instead of speaking of the Enlightenment we should think of different Enlightenments sharing some family resemblance.

These suggestions ushered in more nuanced investigations into the configurations of Enlightenment thought, while significantly widening the previously narrow geographical focus. Whereas we now know much more about local manifestations of Enlightenment across Europe and beyond, we have also been exposed to the contribution of religious thinkers - Jewish and Catholic alongside the Protestants - to Enlightenment ideas, as related, for example, in Jonathan Sheehan's The Enlightenment Bible (2005) and David Sorkin's The Religious Enlightenment (2008). Others have suggested that the Enlightenment can be seen as a unitary movement, if viewed from the perspective of its common media and social venues. Books, pamphlets, journals, as well as the different ways of reading and interpreting them, have stood at the centre of the work of Roger Chartier ( The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution, 1991) and Robert Darnton ( The Forbidden Bestsellers of Pre-Revolutionary France, 1996; The Devil in the Holy Water, 2009). Darnton focused on what he called the 'Grub Street hacks' of the French Enlightenment: by vulgarising the works of the more serious philosophers, these authors contributed to the diffusion of simplified ideas through libel, pornography and folksong.

Invigorating as the broader perspectives were, they also seem to have undermined the efforts to define the Enlightenment as a whole. It is now problematic to determine when the Enlightenment began and ended, or how different its ideas were from those of previous and subsequent reform movements. In the last decade attempts have been made to regain a more panoramic view of the Enlightenment, while taking into account the wealth of new information on its different manifestations. In his three-volume project (so far) Jonathan Israel focused on a minority of radical thinkers, whose thought he traced back to Spinoza and the 17th-century Dutch Republic. These thinkers, among them Diderot and Condorcet, were contrasted with such 'moderate' authors as Locke and Voltaire, who were willing in different circumstances to make compromises with the powers that be. The roots of modern human rights, equality and democracy were resolutely ascribed by Israel to the radicals ( Radical Enlightenment, 2001; Enlightenment Contested, 2005; Democratic Enlightenment, 2011). John Robertson followed a different path, comparing Enlightenment thought in Scotland and Naples in The Case for the Enlightenment (2005). According to Robertson, comparable political and cultural contexts, as well as engagement with the same authors, led to similar preoccupations. Both Scots and Neapolitans abandoned religious radicalism and centred their efforts on gradual economic and political reform.

Focusing on France, Dan Edelstein investigated the actual uses of 'Enlightenment' in the 18th century. According to his study The Enlightenment: A Genealogy (2010), this was a contemporary way to make sense of recent cultural changes. Edelstein linked its rise to the early 18th-century Quarrel of the Ancients and the Moderns, a debate over the respective merits of what we would call 'Enlightenment Europe' and the time-hallowed achievements of classical antiquity. My own book, Language and Enlightenment, (2012) shows how cross-European discussions, such as the debate on the emergence of language and society, were distinctly manifested in particular settings (in this case, Berlin).

These different perspectives on the Enlightenment are perhaps inevitable, given that our own use of the term differs from that of 18th-century authors. While we refer by 'Enlightenment' to a historical period, contemporaries usually saw it as a tendency, a frame of mind or a set of cultural achievements. Even if they thought Lumières or Aufklärung typical of their own time (the English term was not commonly used), it was usually not seen as limited or unique to that period. Immanuel Kant's essay of 1784, 'What is Enlightenment?', opens with the statement 'Enlightenment is man's emergence from his self-imposed immaturity'. This is a plea for independent thinking, as expressed in his call 'dare to know' ( sapere aude). It is in this sense that Kant saw his own time as a not yet enlightened age, but rather an age of enlightenment. According to this view, the Enlightenment might well still be a work in progress. Yet historians have to distinguish carefully between such normative assessments and historiographical markers; our 18th-century Enlightenment is not Kant's perpetual process.

Avi Lifschitz is Lecturer in European History at University College London.

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The Enlightenment: Those Who Dare to Know

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The Enlightenment is a term so often used and abused that it might no longer be clear what it stands for. It has been widely viewed as the source of everything that is peculiarly modern, from liberal constitutions to alienating technology. Its legacy is now invoked by diverse groups and parties, sometimes advocating very different policies.