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Explore the spectrum of gender identity, understanding its fluidity beyond the binary constructs of male and female. This post dives into the concepts of gender expression, the difference between sex and gender, and the importance of respecting each individual's gender identity.

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Sexual orientation

An inherent or immutable enduring emotional, romantic or sexual attraction to other people. Note: an individual's sexual orientation is independent of their gender identity.

Gender identity

One's innermost concept of self as male, female, a blend of both or neither - how individuals perceive themselves and what they call themselves. One's gender identity can be the same or different from their sex assigned at birth.

Gender expression

External appearance of one's gender identity, usually expressed through behavior, clothing, body characteristics or voice, and which may or may not conform to socially defined behaviors and characteristics typically associated with being either masculine or feminine.

Transgender

An umbrella term for people whose gender identity and/or expression is different from cultural expectations based on the sex they were assigned at birth. Being transgender does not imply any specific sexual orientation. Therefore, transgender people may identify as straight, gay, lesbian, bisexual, etc.

Gender transition

The process by which some people strive to more closely align their internal knowledge of gender with its outward appearance. Some people socially transition, whereby they might begin dressing, using names and pronouns and/or be socially recognized as another gender. Others undergo physical transitions in which they modify their bodies through medical interventions.

Gender dysphoria

Clinically significant distress caused when a person's assigned birth gender is not the same as the one with which they identify.

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Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Definitions

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Read through HRC's helpful list of terminology and definitions related to sexual orientation and gender identity.

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Learn why pronouns are vital in respecting people's identities and how using them correctly can foster inclusion and reduce harm. This guide provides insights on the power of language in affirming gender identity.

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Pronouns.org Resources on Personal Pronouns

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An introductory post on the differences and intersections between race and ethnicity. Discover how these identity markers are socially constructed and influence individual experiences and societal structures.

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The traditional definition of race and ethnicity is related to biological and sociological factors respectively. Race refers to a person's physical characteristics, such as bone structure and skin, hair, or eye color. Ethnicity, however, refers to cultural factors, including nationality, regional culture, ancestry, and language.

An example of race is brown, white, or black skin (all from various parts of the world), while an example of ethnicity is German or Spanish ancestry (regardless of race) or Han Chinese. Your race is determined by how you look while your ethnicity is determined based on the social and cultural groups you belong to. You can have more than one ethnicities but you are said to have one race, even if it's "mixed race".

Definitions of Ethnicity and Race

What is ethnicity?

Ethnicity is state of belonging to a social group that has a common national or cultural tradition. This is, by definition, a fluid concept; ethnic groups can be broadly or narrowly construed. For example, they can be as broad as " Native American" or as narrow as " Cherokee". Another example is the Indian subcontinent - Indians may be considered one ethnic group but there are actually dozens of cultural traditions and subgroups like Gujarati, Punjabi, Bengali, and Tamil that are also bona fide ethnic groups. Yet another example is people in Great Britain - they may be considered British, or more precisely English, Scottish or Welsh.

What is race?

A race is a group of people with a common physical feature or features. While there are hundreds - if not thousands - of ethnicities, the number of races is far fewer.

Difference Between Race and Ethnicity

Take the Caucasian (a.k.a., Caucasoid) race. The physical characteristics of Caucasians were described by M. A. MacConaill, an Irish anatomy professor, as including "light skin and eyes, narrow noses, and thin lips. Their hair is usually straight or wavy." Caucasians are said to have the lowest degree of projection in their alveolar bones that contain the teeth, a notable size prominence of the cranium and forehead region, and a projection of the midfacial region. A person whose appearance matches these characteristics is said to be a Caucasian. Caucasians don't always have white skin but in the United States "caucasian" is commonly used to mean white people.

Caucasians are found in many countries around the world. So while a Caucasian person in the United States may share certain racial characteristics with a Caucasian person from France, the two people have different ethnic backgrounds - one American, the other French. They will likely speak different languages most of the time, have different traditions, and may even have different beliefs that have been heavily influenced by their local cultures.

It is worth noting that "race" and "ethnicity" can be highly subjective, with lines between the two concepts frequently blurred. The video below discusses how terms for racial and ethnic identities have changed over the years and how a racial or ethnic term may not accurately describe a person's identity, as the person may have multiple racial and ethnic backgrounds.

Multiracial vs. Multicultural

In most cases, race is unitary - i.e., a person belongs to one race - but may claim ethnic membership in multiple groups. For example, Barack Obama is racially black in spite of his mother being caucasian. On the other hand, a person can self-identify ethnically as Scottish and German if she has indeed lived in both ethic groups.

Self-identification and Choice

Another difference between race and ethnicity is related to the ability to self-identify. A person does not choose her race; it is assigned by society based upon her physical features. However, ethnicity is self-identified. An individual can learn a language, social norms and customs, and assimilate into a culture to belong to an ethnic group.

Race relations

"Race relations" is one of the dominant themes in American politics from time to time, and refers to relationships between the major race groups - white, black, native American, Hispanic/Latino, "Asian," and others of mixed races.

America has also had a sometimes troubled history with ethnic strife - e.g., during the waves of Irish and Italian immigration to the U.S. These immigrants were Caucasian but had a different ethnicity compared to the Anglo Saxons who preceded them; they often faced ethnic discrimination.

"Asians"

The word "Asian" used in a racial context in the United States refers to people of Southeast Asian origin, including a vast variety of ethnic backgrounds, such as Chinese, Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese.

This colloquial usage is incorrect because "Asian" is not technically a race, as it means someone from Asia, including people from India, Saudi Arabia, Israel and parts of Russia.

Genetic Underpinning

Geneticist Luca Cavalli-Sforza has argued that neither ethnicity nor race have a genetic basis and cannot be scientifically defined. He notes that human populations have a great degree of genetic unity (even in their apparent diversity):

Most genetic differences are between individuals, not groups. Almost never does one group (racial or ethnic) have a trait that is missing in the rest of humanity. Our physical differences-skin color, facial features, hair texture- actually represent ancestral adaptations to different environments. These are malleable characteristics that evolve relatively swiftly. The obvious differences in skin color, for instance, relate to the intensity of sunlight at different latitudes.

References

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What's the difference between Ethnicity and Race? The traditional definition of race and ethnicity is related to biological and sociological factors respectively. Race refers to a person's physical characteristics, such as bone structure and skin, hair, or eye color. Ethnicity, however, refers to cultural...

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The Impact of Race and Ethnicity on Everyday Life

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The Impact of Race and Ethnicity on Everyday Life

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This post explores how race and ethnicity shape our interactions, opportunities, and perceptions within society. It highlights the importance of cultural competence and empathy in bridging divides.

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#FacingRace is a one-of-a-kind collaborative space for racial justice movement making, and YOU can get involved!

Are you an emerging (or seasoned) racial equity practitioner in government who believes it's important to build organizational capacity for change? This resource is for you. Our guide offers civil servants actions they can take to strengthen and grow the influence of our public institutions - to serve their highest purpose. Get the guide.

Race Forward is excited to announce Facing Race: A National Conference will be hosted both in-person in Phoenix, Arizona, and online, November 17- 19! Register now, and learn how to get involved in the event.

Our latest brief with PolicyLink examines how the Biden administration can advance an equitable economy and build a just society to improve outcomes for communities of color and the nation as a whole. Download the brief and watch the replay of the webinar!

On this episode of Momentum: A Race Forward Podcast, Gauge co-founder Joshua DuBois joins Chevon & Hiba to discuss his time as White House Exec Dir of Faith-based Partnerships, how @GaugeResearch connects community leaders & brands on racial justice initiatives and more. [Listen]

Let us begin to equip ourselves with some of the tools, resources and analysis we need in order to actively choose racial justice, every time. Register for a virtual Building Racial Equity training. View our full training calendar.

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FacingRace is a one-of-a-kind collaborative space for racial justice movement making, and YOU can get involved! Are you an emerging (or seasoned) racial equity practitioner in government who believes it's important to build organizational capacity for change? This resource is for you.

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An overview of the world's major religions, their beliefs, practices, and historical contexts. This post aims to foster understanding and respect among different faiths.

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What are the ethical dilemmas that affect your world? Delve deeper, explore the world's religions and track the year's significant religious festivals

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Examine the role of religion in shaping societies and individuals. This post discusses the impact of religious beliefs on cultural norms, values, and conflicts, promoting a deeper understanding of religious diversity.

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An introductory guide to the spectrum of human sexuality, including different sexual orientations and the concept of asexuality. This post aims to promote acceptance and understanding of diverse sexual identities.

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Although we can choose whether to act on our feelings, psychologists do not consider sexual orientation to be a conscious choice that can be voluntarily changed.

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Learn about the significance of creating inclusive environments for LGBTQ+ individuals. This post discusses the challenges faced by LGBTQ+ communities and highlights the importance of allyship and advocacy.

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GLAAD (), an acronym of Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation, is an American non-governmental media monitoring organization. Originally founded as a protest against defamatory coverage of gay and lesbian demographics and their portrayals in the media and entertainment industries, it has since included bisexual and transgender people.

Formed in New York City in 1985 to protest against what it saw as the New York Post's defamatory and sensationalized AIDS coverage, GLAAD put pressure on media organizations to end what it saw as homophobic reporting. Initial meetings were held in the homes of several New York City activists as well as after-hours at the New York State Council on the Arts. The first reported meeting occurred on November 14, 1985. The founding group included film scholar Vito Russo; Gregory Kolovakos, then on the staff of the NYS Arts Council and who later became the first executive director; Darryl Yates Rist; Allen Barnett; and Jewelle Gomez, the organization's first treasurer.

In 1987, after a meeting with GLAAD, The New York Times changed its editorial policy to use the word "gay" instead of harsher terms referring to homosexuality. GLAAD advocated that the Associated Press and other television and print news sources follow. GLAAD's influence soon spread to Los Angeles, where organizers began working with the entertainment industry to change the way the gay and lesbian community were portrayed on screen.

Entertainment Weekly has named GLAAD as one of Hollywood's most powerful entities, and the Los Angeles Times described GLAAD as "possibly one of the most successful organizations lobbying the media for inclusion".

Within the first five years of its founding in New York as the Gay and Lesbian Anti-Defamation League (soon after changed to "Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation" after legal pressure by the Anti-Defamation League), GLAAD chapters had been established in Los Angeles and other cities, with the LA chapter becoming particularly influential due to its proximity to the California entertainment industry. GLAAD/NY and GLAAD/LA would eventually vote to merge in 1994, with other city chapters joining soon afterward; however, the chapters continue to exist, with the ceremonies of the GLAAD Media Awards being divided each year into three ceremonies held in New York City, Los Angeles and San Francisco.

Following the 2011 resignation of Jarrett Barrios from the GLAAD presidency, Mike Thompson served as interim president until the announcement of Herndon Graddick, previously GLAAD's Vice-President of Programs and Communications, to the presidency on April 15, 2012. Graddick is the younger son of Charles Graddick of Mobile, a circuit court judge and the former Attorney General of Alabama.

In 2013, Jennifer Finney Boylan was chosen as the first openly transgender co-chair of GLAAD's National Board of Directors.

On March 24, 2013, GLAAD announced that it had formally dropped the "Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation" from their name and would now be known only as GLAAD to reflect their work more accurately; the name change was a commitment to incorporate bisexual and transgender people in their efforts to support the LGBTQ+ community in its entirety.

Sarah Kate Ellis is the current president and CEO of GLAAD. Ellis took reign in 2014 and under her leadership GLAAD's revenue grew by 38%. In 2015, Ellis hired Nick Adams as director of the transgender media program.

GLAAD/NY Executive Directors (1985-1994)

GLAAD Early Board Members/Officers

Christopher Borden Paine (1985-?)

Amy Bauer (1986-?)

GLAAD/LA Executive Directors (pre-1994)

Richard Jennings and Jehan Agrama (1989-1992)

Peter M. Nardi (1992-1993)

Lee Werbel (1993-1994)

Post-merger (1994-present)

William Waybourn (as national managing director; 1995 - 1997)

Joan M. Garry (1997 - June 2005)

Neil Giuliano (September 2005 - June 2009)

J. Michael Durnil (interim; June - September 2009)

Jarrett Barrios (September 2009 - June 2011)

Mike Thompson (acting) (June 2011 - 2012)

Herndon Graddick (April 2012 - May 2013)

Dave Montez (May 2013 - November 2013)

Other executives

The GLAAD Media Awards were established in 1989. Ceremonies are held annually in New York City, Los Angeles and San Francisco.

Established in 2002, GLAAD's Announcing Equality project has resulted in more than 1,000 newspapers including gay and lesbian announcements alongside other wedding listings.

In March 2012, GLAAD launched the Commentator Accountability Project, which seeks to index and document frequent contributors, guests and pundits who regularly express anti-LGBT bias and misinformation in their contributions to journalism outlets.

In August 2013, GLAAD launched its first annual Studio Responsibility Index, which indexes "the quantity, quality and diversity of images of LGBT people in films released by six major motion picture studios".

GLAAD Media Reference Guide

The GLAAD Media Reference Guide is a style guide of recommendations for writers, especially journalistic outlets, to reference in positive, inclusive depiction of LGBT people. It has been published since the 1990s (then known as the GLAAD Media Guide to the Lesbian and Gay Community), with the 11th edition, being the most recent, published in 2022.

The 2021 GLAAD Social Media Safety Index, based on an analysis of Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, Twitter and YouTube, assessed that social media was "effectively unsafe for LGBTQ users."

GLAAD has begun the Together Movement, which encourages all to join in support of those discriminated against including women, Muslims, immigrants and members of the LGBTQ+ community.

In 2010, GLAAD launched Spirit Day. Spirit Day is an annual national day of action to show LGBTQ youth that they are not alone.

In 2016, Spirit Day was the world's largest and most visible anti-bullying campaign. The campaign works to bring anti-bullying resources to classrooms all around the world by inspiring educators to take action against bullying through hosting events and rallies. The campaign also created a GLAAD's Spirit Day kit for use in classrooms, which is available in 6 languages.

On social media, people are encouraged to wear purple or go purple online in order to stand united against bullying. Large media companies such as NBC Universal and Viacom show support for Spirit Day on the airwaves, and change their on-air logo to purple for the day. They also enlist people who wear purple during the day's broadcast. The hashtag #Spirit Day has become a trending topic on Twitter and Facebook every year. On social media, people such as Oprah Winfrey, Ellen DeGeneres and President Barack Obama have shown their support for the campaign.

GLAAD has at times worked with companies and studios in a consultative role to help with the depiction of LGBT characters and themes in specific projects. In 2004, Fox provided GLAAD with an advance copy of their reality television special Seriously, Dude, I'm Gay for review. Upon review of the special, GLAAD condemned it as "an exercise in systematic humiliation." The special was shelved only hours before a scheduled meeting between GLAAD and Fox entertainment president Gail Berman to discuss the network's on-air depictions of gay men. Ray Giuliani, an executive producer of Seriously, Dude, I'm Gay, largely attributed the special's cancellation to pressures that Fox faced from GLAAD. Following the cancellation of the special, Fox organized another meeting with GLAAD for discussion over how to improve their on-air representations of the LGBT community. Following the cancellation of Seriously, Dude, I'm Gay the executive producers of the TBS series consulted GLAAD for review of the transgender representation in their own program.

The crossover fighting game Street Fighter X Tekken, developed by Japanese video game developer and publisher Capcom, was released in 2012. The game features Poison, who is a transgender woman, as a playable character. Capcom worked closely with GLAAD on the game's script to ensure they do not "alienate anybody" in regard to Poison's representation, and "anything that might be offensive has been very tailored to not be".

is an episodic narrative adventure game developed by French studio Dontnod Entertainment and published by Xbox Game Studios in 2020. The game focuses on twin siblings Alyson and Tyler Ronan, who is a transgender man. Tell Me Why was the first Triple-A game to feature a transgender protagonist. GLAAD helped in creating Tyler's character, with the game's director Florent Guillaume described GLAAD as "invaluable" in developing Tyler's character and making him a "realistic hero". GLAAD's director of transgender representation Nick Adams served as consultant who, amongst other areas, helped ensure that Tyler would be played by a trans actor; August Black. Adams described authentic representations of trans people in media as a "powerful tool for acceptance and understanding".

The third season of Young Justice consulted GLAAD on the subject of representing minority characters and narratives.

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GLAAD (), an acronym of Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation, is an American non-governmental media monitoring organization. Originally founded as a protest against defamatory coverage of gay and lesbian demographics and their portrayals in the media and entertainment industries, it has since included bisexual and transgender people.

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In the United States, there's a political battle raging over the concept of systemic racism. One side claims racism is the domain of individuals and isolated incidents - if it still exists at all - while the other side argues racism is woven into the fabric of the country's systems. Who's right? One can find evidence of systemic racism by taking a close look at areas of society like education, employment, housing, healthcare, the criminal justice system, and immigration policy. On the surface, a single stat may have more than one explanation but taken all together, the data paints a clear picture: someone's race affects things like their education, how much money they earn, where they can live, and the kind of medical care they receive. Here are six examples of systemic racism in the United States:

Education

In many ways, access to education lays the foundation for the rest of a person's life. A lack of good schooling limits a person's employment opportunities and income potential, which has a ripple effect on every area of their life and their children's lives. School discipline is a big source of racial disparities. According to 2013-2014 data from the U.S. Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights, Black K-12 students are almost 4 times more likely than white students to get one or more out-of-school suspensions. Black girls in particular are much more likely to be suspended compared to white girls, but it isn't because they're committing worse offenses. According to a report from the National Women's Law Center, Black girls are 5.5 times more likely than white girls to be suspended. Native American girls are 3.3 times more likely to face suspension.

Systemic racism affects education quality, as well. School districts with the most Black, Native, and Latino students get significantly less revenue than districts with fewer students of color. For districts with 5,000 students, that can mean losing $13.5 million. Less funding means fewer computers, fewer teachers, outdated textbooks, and run-down buildings. Even in schools with resources like gifted-education programs, racial disparities are a problem. In one study, after adjusting for factors like standardized test scores, researchers found Black students were 54% less likely to be referred to gifted-education programs. Lower-quality education and fewer resources affect where - and if - a student attends college, how many loans they need, if they graduate, and more.

Employment and wealth

Systemic racism's effect on employment is well-documented. It begins with the hiring process. Black Americans with "white-sounding" names receive 50% more callbacks for their job applications. Even having a college degree doesn't necessarily help one's chances. Between 2010-2012, one study showed that while only 6% of all engineering graduates were unemployed, 10% of Black college graduates with engineering degrees were unemployed. Despite these numbers, is getting a degree still worth it for everyone? Studies show that while white college-educated households enjoy higher lifetime earnings and better economic achievements, this doesn't apply to Black college-educated households. The reason is tied to the fact that white college graduates are much more likely to get (and give) financial support for education and/or home ownership from their parents, while Black college graduates are more likely to be the ones supporting their parents.

What about income? Workplaces are still discriminating against people of color, especially women. While white women earn about 79 cents for every white man's dollar, Black women earn 63 cents while Hispanic/Latina women earn 58 cents. Black men earn about 71 cents per dollar. According to a Citi report, the Black pay gap alone equals about $2.7 trillion. All that lost income leads to higher rates of poverty within non-white communities. According to census data from 2019, Black and Hispanic Americans were over-represented in poverty compared to their representation in the overall population. The data represented an improvement from years past, but the COVID-19 pandemic most likely undid that progress.

Homeownership

Systemic racism in housing has a long history. The National Housing Act of 1934 formalized redlining, which effectively provided housing to white families and left out people of color. Instead of getting to live in the newly-established suburbs, Black Americans and other people of color were segregated into urban housing projects. The government was not subtle. According to the Federal Housing Administration's reasoning, if Black Americans bought suburban homes, the property values would go down. This would put the loans of white Americans at risk. There was no evidence of this and in fact, as Richard Rothstein explains, property values actually went up when Black Americans moved in because they were willing to pay more for housing than white Americans. The FHA's justification was racism pure and simple.

Redlining has lasting consequences to this day. Black homebuyers are more likely to be denied a real estate agent appointment, while housing lenders are more likely to recommend subprime loans to Black homebuyers even if they qualify for prime loans. According to real-estate brokerage firm Redfin, just 44% of Black householders own their homes as opposed to 73.7% of white householders. Compared to white neighborhoods, similar homes located in Black-majority neighborhoods are worth 23% less.

Healthcare

The healthcare system has abused non-white people (especially Black Americans) for centuries. It's so prevalent it has its own term: "medical racism." Hiding behind the veneer of science and medicine, doctors and researchers in the 1800s promoted ideas like phrenology (which is the belief that the shape of a person's skull relates to their moral character) and that Black people were naturally submissive and therefore meant to be enslaved. From 1932-1972, the US government recruited Black men with syphilis, saying they would treat them, but instead left the disease untreated to study its progress. The Tuskegee study is one of the most infamous examples of healthcare abuse.

Systemic racism in healthcare is still prevalent. It can show up in odd ways, such as the belief that Black patients feel less pain. Studies show that Black people are significantly less likely to receive pain medication and when they do get it, they get it at lower doses. When Batten professor and social psychologist Sophie Trawalter went to learn why, she found the belief isn't always linked to negative feelings about race, but rather a belief that race is biological. This shows that even someone with good intentions can end up perpetuating systemic racism. How can the healthcare industry deal with its issues? A more diverse medical field can help. Only around 5% of doctors are Black. White doctors represent 56% of the field, while Asian doctors are 17% and Hispanic doctors are around 6%. These stats matter because research shows more ethnic diversity in the medical field leads to better outcomes and increased trust.

Surveillance and the criminal justice system

Like many examples, discrimination begins early in the criminal justice system with police surveillance. In 2020, a study using a dataset with 100 million traffic stops across the US found that Black drivers are 20% more likely to get stopped than white drivers relative to their residential population. Once pulled over, Black drivers are then 1.5-2 times more likely to be searched than white drivers, despite the fact they're less likely to be carrying guns, drugs, or other illegal contraband. Are we sure race is the factor? That same study found that as the sun sets and it gets harder to tell the race of a driver, there's a 5-10% drop in the number of Black drivers stopped. Other forms of police surveillance, like wiretaps, aerial surveillance, and facial recognition, also target people based on their race.

Once a person is in the criminal justice system, their race impacts what happens next. Black youth are more than 4 times more likely to be detained or committed to juvenile facilities compared to their white peers. According to a 2017 report, Black men got 19.1% longer sentences for the same federal crime than white men between 2012-2016. This accounted for factors like criminal history, age, citizenship, and education. The long-term effects of systemic racism? Despite making up just 13% of the US population, Black people make up 38% of the population in jails and prisons. In certain states (like Michigan, Virginia, Louisiana, and North Carolina), more than 50% of the prison population is Black.

Immigration policy

Race and immigration policies in the United States have always been closely aligned. It's all about who the US considers worthy of citizenship. When the country was first deciding who could be a citizen in 1790, only "free white persons" with good character and who had lived in the US for two years were eligible. Eligibility expanded, but the US remained deeply invested in the type of person who entered the country. Millions of mostly white immigrants entered the country illegally from the early 1900s through the 1960s, but were generally welcomed and lawfully employed. Non-white immigrants did not enjoy the same privileges. As more people from Asia, Africa, and Latin America began arriving, policies got stricter. Chinese immigrants were a favorite target early on. In 1882, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, which was the first comprehensive federal immigration legislation. It banned all immigration of Chinese laborers for a decade with few exceptions.

As the 20th century rolled in, Congress passed the Immigration Act of 1924, which set up a quota system to limit immigration. To keep "undesirable" immigrants out (like immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe and Asia), the law was based on census data from 1890, when most immigrants were white Protestants from Western and Northern Europe. Policies like this shaped the population of the United States and helped stoke anti-immigrant and racist sentiments. Today, Mexican immigrants are a frequent target, but studies show Arab and Asian immigrants also experience higher rates of racial discrimination than white immigrants. This impacts access to education, healthcare, housing, civic participation, equitable employment, and more.
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5 Examples of Systemic Racism in the USA

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In the United States, there's a political battle raging over the concept of systemic racism. One side claims racism is the domain of individuals and isolated incidents - if it still exists at all - while the other side argues racism is woven into the fabric of the country's systems. Who's right?

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Pew Research Center's Hispanic Trends Project

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Latinos with darker skin color report more discrimination experiences than Latinos with lighter skin color

The perceived impact of skin color in the lives of U.S. Latinos is broad. From impacting their ability to get ahead in the country to shaping their daily life experiences to dealing with discrimination, skin color is seen by Latinos as an important factor affecting their lives and life chances.

A majority (62%) of Hispanic adults say having a darker skin color hurts Hispanics' ability to get ahead in the United States today at least a little. A similar share (59%) say having a lighter skin color helps Hispanics get ahead. And 57% say skin color shapes their daily life experiences a lot or some, with about half saying discrimination based on race or skin color is a "very big problem" in the U.S. today, according to Pew Research Center's National Survey of Latinos, a bilingual, national survey of 3,375 Hispanic U.S. adults conducted in March 2021.

Colorism is a form of discrimination based on skin color, usually, though not always, favoring lighter skin color over darker skin color within a racial or ethnic group. While it can be tied to racism, it is not necessarily the same. (Racism is prejudice directed at members of a racial or ethnic group because of their origin.) For example, Hispanics in the U.S. may face discrimination because they are Hispanic (a form of racism), but the degree of discrimination may vary based on skin color, with those of darker shades experiencing more incidents (a form of colorism). And because of colorism's deep roots in the histories of Latin America and the United States, discrimination based on skin color can occur among Hispanics just as much as it can be directed at Hispanics by non-Hispanics.

To measure this dimension of Latino identity in the United States, the survey asked respondents to identify the skin color that best resembled their own using a version of the Yadon-Ostfeld skin-color scale. Respondents were shown ten skin colors that ranged from fair to dark (see text box below for the images and scale used). Fully 80% of Latino adults selected a color between one and four, or lighter skin colors, while 15% selected a color between five and ten on the scale, or darker skin colors.

Discrimination and skin color

Colorism in the Americas

Discrimination based on skin color has deep historical roots in Latin America and the Caribbean. Centuries ago, a hierarchical or caste system was established in the Americas, tying privilege, individual worth and access to opportunities to one's skin color, race and birthplace. This was further shaped by the arrival of slaves from Africa across the region and the mixing of Indigenous, European and African populations.

Today, skin color remains an important determinant of outcomes across the region. Individuals with darker skin achieve lower levels of educational attainment or have less access to health care, for example. And those of lighter skin color experience less discrimination than those of darker skin color.

Colorism is present in the U.S. as well and has similarly impacted the lives of Hispanics, Black Americans and Asian Americans, existing alongside racial discrimination. And it is similarly linked to a number of outcomes. For example, racism may impact both Hispanics of lighter skin and darker skin color, but Hispanics with darker skin may experience more discrimination.

Overall, about half (54%) of Hispanic adults experienced at least one of the eight discrimination incidents asked about in the survey, reflecting broader and ongoing experiences with discrimination among U.S. Hispanics no matter their skin color. However, the new survey finds Hispanics with darker skin color are more likely to have experienced at least one discrimination incident than Hispanics with lighter skin color. Nearly two-thirds (64%) of Hispanics with darker skin say they personally experienced at least one of the eight discrimination incidents during the year previous to the survey, while 54% of Hispanics with lighter skin color say the same.

Among the discrimination experiences included in the survey, being treated as if they were not smart is the most reported. Some 42% of Latinos with darker skin say this happened to them, as do 34% of Latinos with lighter skin.

The next most common discrimination experiences were those directed at Hispanics by non-Hispanics and Hispanics alike, with the chances of these incidents happening linked to skin color. Some 42% of Hispanics with darker skin personally experienced discrimination or were treated unfairly by someone who is not Hispanic, while 29% of those with lighter skin say the same happened to them. And 41% of Hispanics with darker skin say they personally experienced discrimination or were treated unfairly by someone who is Hispanic, while 25% of those who have a lighter skin color say they too experienced discrimination by someone who is Hispanic.

Still, no matter their skin color and despite the notable gap, Latinos are experiencing discrimination. About one-third (32%) of Latinos with darker skin say someone told them to go back to their country, for example, as did 20% 0f those with lighter skin. Some 33% of Latinos with darker skin say someone criticized them for speaking Spanish in public, as did 22% of those with lighter skin. And 27% of Latinos with darker skin say they feared for their personal safety while 20% of those with lighter skin say the same.

While Latinos' skin color is linked to discrimination experiences, those with darker skin and lighter skin alike say skin color affects opportunity and life experiences in America. For example, majorities of both groups say skin color shapes their daily life experiences - 62% among Latinos with darker skin and 57% among Latinos with lighter skin. And both groups are just as likely to say darker skin color "hurts" Latinos' ability to get ahead in the U.S. (63% and 64% respectively). About half (49%) of Latinos with lighter skin say discrimination based on race or skin color is a very big problem, as do 41% of those with darker skin.

Impact of race, skin color is a topic of conversation with relatives and friends for Hispanics

Race, skin color and the state of race relations sometimes come up in conversations Latinos have with family and friends. Roughly half (48%) say discrimination based on race or skin color is a topic in conversations at least sometimes with friends and relatives. But these conversations are not happening frequently among all Latinos. About half (51%) say these conversations with relatives and friends happen rarely (30%) or never (21%).

Conversations about racial or skin color discrimination are happening more often among Hispanics with darker skin than those with lighter skin. Six-in-ten Hispanics with darker skin color (60%) say they often or sometimes talk with family and friends about discrimination based on race or skin color, a share that falls to 46% among Hispanics with lighter skin.

And 44% say the topic of U.S. race relations often or sometimes comes up when talking with family and friends. About half (52%) of Hispanics with darker skin say this, as do 43% of Hispanics with lighter skin.

Racial identity and experiences with racism have been a part of some Latinos' experiences growing up as well. About one-in-four Latinos (27%) say their family talked to them at least sometimes about the challenges they might face due to their race or ethnicity when they were growing up. This is more common among Latinos who indicate they have darker skin (41%) than among those who indicate they have lighter skin (25%).

Capturing skin color among U.S. Hispanics

A self-assessed measure of skin color was included in the survey as one of four measures of racial identity. The survey used a version of the Yadon-Ostfeld 10-point skin color scale, where one represents the lightest skin color and 10 the darkest. (The scale used in the survey is reproduced below.) Survey respondents were asked to select the color that most closely matches their own, even if none of them were exactly right.

Responses were distributed mostly toward lighter skin colors. Eight-in-ten Hispanics selected one of the four lightest skin colors, with the second-lightest ranking on top (28%), followed by the third (21%) and fourth lightest colors (17%). By contrast, 15% of Latino respondents selected one of the six darker skin colors, with only 3% in total selecting one of the four darkest skin colors (7-10). For this report, those who indicated their skin color is between one and four are identified as of a lighter skin color, while those who indicated their skin color is between five and 10 are identified as of a darker skin color.

Half of Latinos say there is too little national attention on racial issues concerning Latino people

After nearly a year of national engagement over issues of race following the killing of George Floyd in May of 2020 and subsequent nationwide racial justice protests, Latinos are split over whether there is too much or too little attention paid to race and racial issues in the country today. Overall, 37% say that too little attention is paid to these issues, while 36% say there is too much attention and 25% say the amount of attention given to race and racial issues is about the right amount.

The views of Latinos on this have shifted as the share saying too little attention is paid to race relations has dipped compared with 2019 and 2020, when 50% and 46% of Latinos respectively said the same. At the same time, a growing share say there is too much attention paid to race and racial issues nationally. Some 36% say this today, up from 27% who said the same in 2019.

Even before recent events, Latinos were downbeat about race relations in the U.S. In another 2019 Pew Research Center survey, six-in-ten Latinos (60%) said race relations in the country then were generally bad and getting worse. In the same survey, more Latinos said people not seeing racism where it really does exist was a bigger problem in the country than people seeing racial discrimination where it really does not exist.

Yet, when it comes to how much attention is paid to race and racial issues concerning Hispanic people, about half of all Hispanics (51%) say too little attention is paid to them today. Among Hispanics with darker skin, 57% say too little attention is paid to racial issues concerning Hispanic people, a higher share than the 50% of those with lighter skin color who say the same.

About as many Hispanics hold this view about the level of national attention paid to race and racial issues concerning Asian people. Over half (55%) of Hispanics say too little attention is paid to race issues concerning Asian people in the country today. Meanwhile, 29% of Hispanics say the amount of national attention paid to race issues concerning Asian people is about right and 14% say too much attention is paid to these issues. (The survey was fielded just as the number of hate and violence incidents focused on Asian Americans drew wide national attention.)

At the same time, 30% of Hispanics say too little attention is paid to race and racial issues related to Black people today, while 45% say too much attention is paid to them and 23% say the right amount of attention is paid to these issues.

Hispanics are hearing racially insensitive comments and jokes coming from other Hispanics, according to the survey. Nearly half (48%) of Hispanic adults say they have often or sometimes heard a Hispanic friend or family member make comments or jokes about other Hispanics that might be considered racist or racially insensitive. Similar shares of Hispanics who identify with a lighter skin color (48%) or darker skin color (52%) say they have heard these types of comments or jokes from friends or family at least sometimes.

And 45% of Hispanic adults say the same about hearing a Hispanic friend or family member make racist or racially insensitive comments or jokes about others who are not Hispanic often or at least sometimes. Among Hispanics with darker skin color, 53% say this, a higher share than among Hispanics with lighter skin color (44%).

This is little changed from 2019, when a similar share of Hispanics (47%) said they heard a Hispanic friend or family member make what might be considered a racist comment about people who are not Hispanic. In the same 2019 survey, half of those who heard these comments or jokes from people close to them said they confronted a friend or family member about it.

While Hispanics say skin color affects their ability to get ahead in America, other factors are seen as important as well

While a majority of Latinos say skin color impacts Latinos' opportunity in the U.S. today, education and immigration status are viewed by more as having an impact on the ability to get ahead.

About eight-in-ten Hispanics (82%) say having a college degree helps the ability of Hispanics to get ahead in the U.S. these days. And 78% say the same about living in the U.S. legally. Both are higher than the 59% saying a lighter skin color helps Hispanics get ahead in America and the 62% saying a darker skin color hurts Hispanics.

When asked if gender affects Hispanics' ability to get ahead in the U.S. today, about half (52%) of Hispanics say being a man helps, while 21% say the same about being a woman. Roughly one-in-three say that being a Hispanic man or woman is neither an advantage nor disadvantage in America today.

Latinos' views on topics related to race or skin color differ by their own experiences with discrimination. Those who reported experiencing at least one of eight specific forms of discrimination asked about in the survey were more likely than those who did not report one to say having a lighter skin color helps at least a little in the ability of Hispanics to get ahead - 66% vs. 51% respectively.

About two-thirds (68%) of Latinos who had a discrimination experience in the past year say skin color shapes their daily life experiences a lot or some, compared with 43% of those who had no discrimination experiences that say the same.

In addition, those who had at least one discrimination experience in the past year were more likely than those who did not have such experiences to say discrimination based on race or skin color is a "very big problem" in the U.S., that discrimination based on skin color comes up often or sometimes in conversations with family and friends and that too little attention is paid to race and racial issues in the U.S. these days.

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Luis Noe-Bustamante, Ana Gonzalez-Barrera, Khadijah Edwards, Lauren Mora and Mark Hugo Lopez

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Majority of Latinos Say Skin Color Impacts Opportunity in America and Shapes Daily Life

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Latinos with darker skin color report more discrimination experiences than Latinos with lighter skin color.

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From birth to death, Black people face systemic disadvantages in American life more than 150 years after slavery was abolished.

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From birth to death, Black people face systemic disadvantages in American life more than 150 years after slavery was abolished. Click or use arrow keys to advance Tap or swipe to advance

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Pew Research Center's Social & Demographic Trends Project

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The gender pay gap - the difference between the earnings of men and women - has barely closed in the United States in the past two decades. In 2022, American women typically earned 82 cents for every dollar earned by men. That was about the same as in 2002, when they earned 80 cents to the dollar. The slow pace at which the gender pay gap has narrowed this century contrasts sharply with the progress in the preceding two decades: In 1982, women earned just 65 cents to each dollar earned by men.

There is no single explanation for why progress toward narrowing the pay gap has all but stalled in the 21st century. Women generally begin their careers closer to wage parity with men, but they lose ground as they age and progress through their work lives, a pattern that has remained consistent over time. The pay gap persists even though women today are more likely than men to have graduated from college. In fact, the pay gap between college-educated women and men is not any narrower than the one between women and men who do not have a college degree. This points to the dominant role of other factors that still set women back or give men an advantage.

One of these factors is parenthood. Mothers ages 25 to 44 are less likely to be in the labor force than women of the same age who do not have children at home, and they tend to work fewer hours each week when employed. This can reduce the earnings of some mothers, although evidence suggests the effect is either modest overall or short-lived for many. On the other hand, fathers are more likely to be in the labor force - and to work more hours each week - than men without children at home. This is linked to an increase in the pay of fathers - a phenomenon referred to as the " fatherhood wage premium " - and tends to widen the gender pay gap.
Related: Gender pay gap in U.S. hasn't changed much in two decades
Family needs can also influence the types of jobs women and men pursue, contributing to gender segregation across occupations. Differential treatment of women, including gender stereotypes and discrimination, may also play a role. And the gender wage gap varies widely by race and ethnicity.

How the gender pay gap increases with age

Younger women - those ages 25 to 34 and early in their work lives - have edged closer to wage parity with men in recent years. Starting in 2007, their earnings have consistently stood at about 90 cents to the dollar or more compared with men of the same age. But even as pay parity might appear in reach for women at the start of their careers, the wage gap tends to increase as they age.

Consider, for example, women who were ages 25 to 34 in 2010. In that year, they earned 92% as much as men their age, compared with 83% for women overall. But by 2022, this group of women, now ages 37 to 46, earned only 84% as much as men of the same age. This pattern repeats itself for groups of women who were ages 25 to 34 in earlier years - say, 2005 or 2000 - and it may well be the future for women entering the workforce now.

A good share of the increase in the gender pay gap takes place when women are between the ages of 35 and 44. In 2022, women ages 25 to 34 earned about 92% as much as men of the same ages, but women ages 35 to 44 and 45 to 54 earned 83% as much. The ratio dropped to 79% among those ages 55 to 64. This general pattern has not changed in at least four decades.

The increase in the pay gap coincides with the age at which women are more likely to have children under 18 at home. In 2022, 40% of employed women ages 25 to 34 had at least one child at home. The same was true for 66% of women ages 35 to 44 but for fewer - 39% - among women ages 45 to 54. Only 6% of employed women ages 55 to 64 had children at home in 2022.

Similarly, the share of employed men with children at home peaks between the ages of 35 to 44, standing at 58% in 2022. This is also when fathers tend to receive higher pay, even as the pay of employed mothers in same age group is unaffected.

Mothers with children at home tend to be less engaged with the workplace, while fathers are more active

Parenthood leads some women to put their careers on hold, whether by choice or necessity, but it has the opposite effect among men. In 2022, 70% of mothers ages 25 to 34 had a job or were looking for one, compared with 84% of women of the same age without children at home. This amounted to the withdrawal of 1.4 million younger mothers from the workforce. Moreover, when they are employed, younger mothers tend to put in a shorter workweek - by two hours per week, on average - than other women their age. Reduced engagement with the workplace among younger mothers is also a long-running phenomenon.

Fathers, however, are more likely to hold a job or be looking for one than men who don't have children at home, and this is true throughout the prime of their working years, from ages 25 to 54. Among those who do have a job, fathers also work a bit more each week, on average, than men who do not have children at home.

As a result, the gender gap in workplace activity is greater among those who have children at home than among those who do not. For example, among those ages 35 to 44, 94% of fathers are active in the workforce, compared with 75% of mothers - a gap of 19 percentage points. But among those with no children at home in this age group, 84% of men and 78% of women are active in the workforce - a gap of 6 points.

These patterns contribute to the gap in workplace activity between men and women overall. As of 2022, 68% of men ages 16 and older - with or without children at home - are either employed or seeking employment. That compares with 57% of women, a difference of 11 percentage points. This gap was as wide as 24 points in 1982, but it narrowed to 14 points by 2002. Men overall also worked about three hours more per week at a job than women in 2022, on average, down from a gap of about six hours per week in 1982.

Employed mothers earn about the same as similarly educated women without children at home; both groups earn less than fathers

Parenthood affects the hourly earnings of employed women and men in unexpected ways. While employed mothers overall appear to earn less than employed women without children at home, the gap is driven mainly by differences in educational attainment between the two groups. Among women with similar levels of education, there is little gap in the earnings of mothers and non-mothers. However, fathers earn more than other workers, including other men without children at home, regardless of education level. This phenomenon - known as the fatherhood wage premium - is one of the main ways that parenthood affects the gender pay gap among employed workers.

Motherhood does have important effects on the potential earnings of women. Women who experience breaks in their careers after becoming mothers sacrifice at least some of their earnings. Some mothers may never work for pay after having children, passing on earnings altogether. But it is difficult to know what the earnings of mothers might have been and, as a result, it is hard to know for certain what the full effect of motherhood is on women's earnings. Estimates suggest that motherhood may account for much of the current shortfall in the earnings potential of women overall.

Among employed men and women, the impact of parenting is felt most among those ages 25 to 54, when they are most likely to have children under 18 at home. In 2022, mothers ages 25 to 34 earned 85% as much as fathers that age, but women without children at home earned 97% as much as fathers. In contrast, employed women ages 35 to 44 - with or without children - both earned about 80% as much as fathers. The table turns for women ages 45 to 54, with mothers earning more than women with no children at home. Among those ages 35 to 44 or 45 to 54, men without children earned only 84% as much as fathers.

But these patterns in the earnings of employed mothers and women with no children at home are influenced greatly by differences in education levels between the two. Among employed women ages 25 to 34, some 61% of women without children at home had a bachelor's degree or higher level of education in 2022, compared with 37% of mothers. It follows that among women ages 25 to 34, those without children at home (a more highly educated group, on average) earned more than women with at least one child at home. Conversely, employed mothers ages 45 to 54 were more likely than other women to have at least a bachelor's degree - 58% vs. 42%. For that reason, mothers ages 45 to 54 earned more than women without children.

When the earnings of mothers are compared with those of women without children at home who have the same level of education, the differences either narrow or go away. Among employed women ages 25 to 34 with at least a bachelor's degree, both mothers and women without children at home earned 80% as much as fathers in 2022. Among women ages 25 to 34 with a high school diploma and no further education, mothers earned 79% as much as fathers and women with no children at home earned 84% as much. The narrowing of the gap in earnings of mothers and women without children at home after controlling for education level also extends to other age groups.

Thus, among the employed, the effect of parenthood on the gender pay gap does not seem to be driven by a decrease in mothers' earnings relative to women without children at home. Instead, the widening of the pay gap with parenthood appears to be driven more by an increase in the earnings of fathers. Fathers ages 25 to 54 not only earn more than mothers the same age, they also earn more than men with no children at home. Nonetheless, men without children at home still earn more than women with or without children at home.

Although there is little gap in the earnings of employed mothers and women with no children at home who have the same level of education, there is a lingering gap in workplace engagement between the two groups. Whether they had at least a bachelor's degree or were high school graduates, mothers ages 25 to 34 are less likely to hold a job or be looking for one. Similarly, younger mothers on average work fewer hours than women without children at home each week, regardless of their education level. The opposite is true for fathers compared with men without children at home.

Progress in closing the gender pay gap has slowed despite gains in women's education

The share of women with at least a bachelor's degree has increased steadily since 1982 - and faster than among men. In 1982, 20% of employed women ages 25 and older had a bachelor's degree or higher level of education, compared with 26% of employed men. By 2022, 48% of employed women had at least a bachelor's degree, compared with 41% of men. Still, women did not see the pay gap close to the same extent from 2002 to 2022 as they did from 1982 to 2002.

In part, this may be linked to how the gains from going to college have changed in recent decades, for women and men alike. The college wage premium - the boost in earnings workers get from a college degree - increased rapidly during the 1980s. But the rise in the premium slowed down over time and came to a halt around 2010. This likely reduced the relative growth in the earnings of women.

Although gains in education have raised the average earnings of women and have narrowed the gender pay gap overall, college-educated women are no closer to wage parity with their male counterparts than other women. In 2022, women with at least a bachelor's degree earned 79% as much as men who were college graduates, and women who were high school graduates earned 81% as much as men with the same level of education. This underscores the challenges faced by women of all education levels in closing the pay gap.

Notably, the gender wage gap has closed more among workers without a four-year college degree than among those who do have a bachelor's degree or more education. For example, the wage gap for women without a high school diploma narrowed from 62% in 1982 to 83% in 2022 relative to men at the same education level. But it closed only from 69% to 79% among bachelor's degree holders over the same period. This is because only men with at least a bachelor's degree experienced positive wage growth from 1982 to 2022; all other men saw their real wages decrease. Meanwhile, the real earnings of women increased regardless of their level of education.

As women have improved their level of education in recent decades, they've also increased their share of employment in higher-paying occupations, such as managerial, business and finance, legal, and computer, science and engineering (STEM) occupations. In 1982, women accounted for only 26% of employment in managerial occupations. By 2022, their share had risen to 40%. Women also substantially increased their presence in social, arts and media occupations. Over the same period, the shares of women in several lower-paying fields, such as administrative support jobs and food preparation and serving occupations, fell significantly.

Even so, women are still underrepresented in managerial and STEM occupations - along with construction, repair and production, and transportation occupations - when compared with their share of employment overall. And there has been virtually no change in the degree to which women are overrepresented in education, health care, and personal care and services occupations - the last of which are lower paying than the average across all occupations. The distribution of women and men across occupations remains one of the drivers of the gender pay gap. But the degree to which this distribution is the result of personal choices or gender stereotypes is not entirely clear.

Gender pay gap differs widely by race and ethnicity

Looking across racial and ethnic groups, a wide gulf separates the earnings of Black and Hispanic women from the earnings of White men. In 2022, Black women earned 70% as much as White men and Hispanic women earned only 65% as much. The ratio for White women stood at 83%, about the same as the earnings gap overall, while Asian women were closer to parity with White men, making 93% as much.

The pay gap narrowed for all groups of women from 1982 to 2022, but more so for White women than for Black and Hispanic women. The earnings gap for Asian women narrowed by about 17 percentage points from 2002 to 2022, but data for this group is not available for 1982.

To some extent, the gender wage gap varies by race and ethnicity because of differences in education, experience, occupation and other factors that drive the gender wage gap for women overall. But researchers have uncovered new evidence of hiring discrimination against various racial and ethnic groups, along with discrimination against other groups, such as LGBTQ and disabled workers. Discrimination in hiring may feed into differences in earnings by shutting out workers from opportunities.

Broader economic forces may impact men's and women's earnings in different ways

Changes in the gender pay gap are also shaped by economic factors that sometimes drive men's and women's earnings in distinctive ways. Because men and women tend to work in different types of jobs and industries, their earnings may respond differently to external pressures.

More specifically, men's earnings essentially didn't change from 1982 to 2002. Potential reasons for that include a more rapid decline in union membership among men, a shift away from jobs calling for more physical skills, and global competition that sharply reduced employment in manufacturing in the 1980s. At the same time, women's earnings increased substantially as they raised their level of education and shifted toward higher-paying occupations.

But in some ways, the economic climate has proved less favorable for women this century. For reasons that are not entirely clear, women's employment was slower to recover from the Great Recession of 2007-2009. More recently, the COVID-19 recession took on the moniker " she-cession" because of the pressure on jobs disproportionately held by women. Amid a broader slowdown in earnings growth from 2000 to 2015, the increase in women's earnings from 2002 to 2022 was not much greater than the increase in men's earnings, limiting the closure in the gender pay gap over the period.

What's next for the gender pay gap?

Higher education, a shift to higher-paying occupations and more labor market experience have helped women narrow the gender pay gap since 1982. But even as women have continued to outpace men in educational attainment, the pay gap has been stuck in a holding pattern since 2002, ranging from 80 to 85 cents to the dollar.

More sustained progress in closing the pay gap may depend on deeper changes in societal and cultural norms and in workplace flexibility that affect how men and women balance their careers and family lives. Even in countries that have taken the lead in implementing family-friendly policies, such as Denmark, parenthood continues to drive a significant wedge in the earnings of men and women. New research suggests that family-friendly policies in the U.S. may be keeping the pay gap from closing. Gender stereotypes and discrimination, though difficult to quantify, also appear to be among the "last-mile" hurdles impeding further progress.

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The gender pay gap - the difference between the earnings of men and women - has barely closed in the United States in the past two decades. In 2022, American women typically earned 82 cents for every dollar earned by men. That was about the same as in 2002, when they earned 80 cents to the dollar.

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Gender discrimination comes in many forms for today’s working women

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About four-in-ten working women (42%) in the United States say they have faced discrimination on the job because of their gender. They report a broad array of personal experiences, ranging from earning less than male counterparts for doing the same job to being passed over for important assignments, according to a new analysis of Pew Research Center survey data.

The survey - conducted in the summer before a recent wave of sexual misconduct allegations against prominent men in politics, the media and other industries - found that, among employed adults, women are about twice as likely as men (42% versus 22%) to say they have experienced at least one of eight specific forms of gender discrimination at work.

One of the biggest gender gaps is in the area of income: One-in-four working women (25%) say they have earned less than a man who was doing the same job; one-in-twenty working men (5%) say they have earned less than a female peer.

Women are roughly four times as likely as men to say they have been treated as if they were not competent because of their gender (23% of employed women versus 6% of men), and they are about three times as likely as men to say they have experienced repeated small slights at work because of their gender (16% versus 5%).

There are significant gaps on other items as well. While 15% of working women say they have received less support from senior leaders than a man who was doing the same job, only 7% of working men report having a similar experience. One-in-ten working women say they have been passed over for the most important assignments because of their gender, compared with 5% of men.

The survey, which was conducted July 11-Aug. 10, 2017, with a nationally representative sample of 4,914 adults (including 4,702 who are employed at least part time), also asked about sexual harassment in a separate question. It found that while similar shares of women and men say sexual harassment is at least a small problem in their workplace (36% versus 35%), women are about three times as likely as men to have experienced it personally while at work (22% versus 7%).

In more recent surveys conducted by other organizations, the share of women reporting personal experiences with sexual harassment has fluctuated, depending in part on how the question was asked. In an ABC News/Washington Post survey conducted Oct. 12-15, for example, 54% of women said they have received unwanted sexual advances from a man that they felt were inappropriate whether or not those advances were work-related; 30% said this had happened to them at work. In an NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll conducted Nov. 13-15, 35% of women said they have personally experienced sexual harassment or abuse from someone in the workplace.

The Center's survey asked about sexual harassment specific to the workplace. The survey was conducted as part of a broader forthcoming study on women and minorities in science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) fields.

Differences by education

Among employed women, the share saying they have experienced sexual harassment in the workplace is roughly similar across racial and ethnic, educational, generational and partisan lines. But when it comes to specific forms of workplace discrimination tested in the survey, there are significant differences among women that are rooted mainly in their level of education.

Women with a bachelor's degree or more education report experiencing discrimination across a range of items at significantly higher rates than women with less education. And in some regards, the most highly educated women stand out. While 57% of working women with a postgraduate degree say they have experienced some form of gender discrimination at work, for example, the same is true for 40% of women with a bachelor's degree and 39% of those who did not complete college.

Roughly three-in-ten working women with a postgraduate degree (29%) say they have experienced repeated small slights at work because of their gender, compared with 18% of those with a bachelor's degree and 12% with less education. Similarly, working women with a postgraduate degree are much more likely than their less-educated counterparts to say they have received less support from senior leaders than a man doing the same job (27% of postgraduate women, compared with 11% of women with bachelor's degrees and 13% of women with less education). The pattern is similar when it comes to being passed over for promotions and feeling isolated at work.

When it comes to wages, working women with a bachelor's degree or more are much more likely than those with less education to say they have earned less than a man who performed the same job. Women with family incomes of $100,000 or higher stand out here as well - 30% of them say they've earned less than a man who was doing comparable work compared with roughly one-in-five women with lower incomes (21%). But overall, women with higher family incomes are about equally likely to have experienced at least one of these eight forms of gender-based discrimination at work.

There are differences by race and ethnicity as well. While roughly half of employed black women (53%) say they have experienced at least one type of gender discrimination at work, fewer white and Hispanic women say the same (40% for each group). One area in particular where black women stand apart is in their reporting of having been passed over for the most important assignments because of their gender - 22% of employed black women say this has happened to them, compared with 8% of whites and 9% of Hispanics.

Women's experiences with discrimination in the workplace also differ along party lines. Roughly half (48%) of working Democratic women and Democratic-leaning independents say they have experienced at least one form of gender discrimination at work, compared with a third of Republican and Republican-leaning women. These party differences hold up even after controlling for race. The partisan gap is in keeping with wide party differences among both men and women in their views of gender equality in the U.S.; a separate 2017 Pew Research Center survey found Democrats largely dissatisfied with the country's progress toward gender equality.

About the survey: These are some of the findings from a survey conducted among a nationally representative sample of 4,914 adults, ages 18 and older, from July 11-Aug. 10, 2017. The survey, which was conducted online in English and in Spanish through GfK's Knowledge Panel, included an oversample of employed adults working in science, technology, engineering and math-related fields. The margin of sampling error based on the 4,702 employed adults in the sample is plus or minus 2.0 percentage points. The margin of sampling error based on the 2,344 employed women in the sample is plus or minus 3.0 percentage points. See the for exact question wording.

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Gender discrimination comes in many forms for today's working women

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American women who say they have faced discrimination on the job because of their gender report a broad array of personal experiences.

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How Sexism Follows Women From the Cradle to the Workplace (Published 2018)

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New economic research suggests that the attitudes toward a woman when she is born have a lasting impact on how much she works, and earns, as an adult.

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In a 2011 meeting, the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations, as well as the League of Arab States, a key partner, identified Islamophobia as an important area of concern. Gallup developed a specific set of analyses, based on measurement of public opinions of majority and minority groups in multiple countries, to guide policymakers in their efforts to address the global issue of Islamophobia.

Research shows that the U.S. identified more than 160 Muslim-American terrorist suspects and perpetrators in the decade since 9/11, just a percentage of the thousands of acts of violence that occur in the United States each year. It is from this overall collection of violence that "an efficient system of government prosecution and media coverage brings Muslim-American terrorism suspects to national attention, creating the impression -- perhaps unintentionally -- that Muslim-American terrorism is more prevalent than it really is." Never mind that since 9/11, the Muslim-American community has helped security and law enforcement officials prevent nearly two of every five al Qaeda terrorist plots threatening the United States[1] and that tips from the Muslim-American community are the largest single source of initial information to authorities about these few plots.[2]

Islamophobia affects more than a small fringe group of Muslims. Through various research vehicles and global polling efforts, Gallup has collected a wealth of data detailing public opinion about various aspects of respect, treatment, and tolerance relative to Muslims worldwide. This brief serves as a snapshot of opinion and thought displayed by people from multiple countries, regions, and communities -- findings that chronicle perceptions associated with Islamophobia globally.
Respect and Fair Treatment
Globally, many Muslims report not feeling respected by those in the West. Significant percentages of several Western countries share this sentiment, saying that the West does not respect Muslim societies. Specifically, 52% of Americans and 48% of Canadians say the West does not respect Muslim societies. Smaller percentages of Italian, French, German, and British respondents agree.

Data reported from 2011[3]

Looking specifically at data from the U.S., U.K., France, and Germany, opinions about respect in the West for Muslim societies generally stayed consistent from 2008 to 2011, aside from a 9-percentage-point decrease among Germans.

Data reported from 2008 and 2011[4]

Several elements can affect the interactions and degree of respect between Muslim and Western societies. Differences in culture, religion, and political interests may shape one population's opinion toward the other. Definitions of Islamophobia tend to attribute fear or hatred of Muslims to their politics or culture, and to Islam and the religiosity of Muslims.

When asked where they think tensions between the Muslim and Western worlds originate, answers vary. Those in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) nations and in the U.S. and Canada equally cite religion and political interests as the primary cause of tensions. Sub-Saharan Africans more often cite religion than politics, while Europeans say political interests are the driving force behind Muslim-West tensions.

Data reported from 2008[5]

Religion and culture outpace politics across all regions surveyed as the root cause of tension between Muslim and Western worlds. This is significant in discussions about Islamophobia, considering political interests can vary and change while cultural and religious differences are more ingrained within populations.

Recent examples of Islamophobia exist within several countries. In late 2009, the largest party in the Swiss parliament put to referendum a ban on minaret construction. The government opposed the ban, citing harm to the country's image -- and particularly Muslims' views of Switzerland. Nearly 60% of Swiss voters and 22 out of 26 voting districts voted in favor of the ban, leading to cries of Islamophobia by leaders in countries such as Pakistan and organizations such as the United Nations.

In the month following the referendum, Gallup asked a representative sample of Swiss adults a series of questions about the issue specifically and Muslim rights in general. Most Swiss say that religious freedom is important for Swiss identity. About one-third agree that there is an irresolvable contradiction between liberal democracy and Islam. However, the Swiss are more likely to disagree (48%) than agree (38%) with that statement. Rather, 84% say it is possible for a Muslim to be a good Swiss patriot. When asked if those in the Swiss Muslim community have reason to believe they have been discriminated against in the wake of the minaret ban, two-thirds (68%) say no. Furthermore, most Swiss say they do not believe that the recent belief that Switzerland was being seen as willing to infringe on the rights of its Muslim minority in the wake of the referendum on minarets has harmed Switzerland's reputation in the international community.

Despite a very public debate on the banning of a religious symbol of Islam, much of the Swiss population did not believe that the Swiss Muslim community should feel discriminated against.

In 2008, Gallup asked representative samples from a subset of majority-Muslim countries about public perceptions of fair treatment of Muslims in the U.S., France, Britain, and China. While about one-third of this subset say that Muslims living in each of those countries are treated as equal citizens regarding their rights and freedoms, about one-quarter of respondents say these Muslims are not. About 40% of this subset of majority-Muslim countries say they don't know how these four countries treat their Muslim residents. The notion that Muslims in these countries are treated unfairly supports the idea that Muslims in general believe that unfair treatment of Muslims -- a component of Islamophobia -- does exist in Western societies.

Data reported from 2008

Research in a subset of majority-Muslim countries from within the MENA region, though, finds that more than one-half do not agree that Muslims in the West are treated as equal citizens. One-quarter of this population say Muslims in the West receive equal treatment, while about one-fifth say they do not know. This is another example of Muslims globally seeing the West as mistreating Muslims in their countries. This belief adds to the perception of Muslims being excluded from social, political, and civic life in Western societies.

Data reported from 2008 and 2009

Majorities of representative populations within majority-Muslim countries globally say each of five actions Western societies could take are very important to showing respect to Muslim societies. About 8 in 10 say it would be very important to them, personally, if Western societies were to abstain from desecrating the Qur'an and other Muslim religious symbols. About 6 in 10 say it would be very important to them if those in the West treated Muslims fairly in the policies that affect them, protect the rights of Muslim minorities in these societies, accurately portray Muslims in Western media, and work with Muslim societies as equal partners on issues of mutual interest.

Data reported from 2011
Prejudice
According to "Fear, Inc.," a report by the Center for American Progress, a network of misinformation experts actively promotes Islamophobia in America. The promotion of Islamophobia creates both prejudice and discrimination among the general population. Prejudice plays a key role in the existence and proliferation of Islamophobia. Prejudice alone, as a negative judgment, opinion, or attitude, is a detriment to a population's overall well-being. Prejudice combined with overt actions, rising to the level of discrimination, creates a dangerous environment for its victims. Gallup analyses offer an examination of prejudice against Muslims and Islam in a number of countries and regions globally.

In the U.S., about one-half of nationally representative samples of Mormons, Protestants, Catholics, Muslims, and Jews agree that in general, most Americans are prejudiced toward Muslim Americans. Specifically, 66% of Jewish Americans and 60% of Muslim Americans say that Americans in general are prejudiced toward Muslim Americans.

Data reported from 2010

Muslims (48%) are more likely than Americans of other major religious groups to say they, personally, have experienced racial or religious discrimination in the past year. Muslim Americans are more than twice as likely as U.S. Jews, Catholics, and Protestants to say they experienced such discrimination in the past year.

Data reported from 2010

The 48% of Muslim Americans who say they experienced racial or religious discrimination is on par with Hispanic Americans (48%) and African Americans (45%), as calculated from a combination of these same groups. Arab Americans (52%) are most likely to say they experienced this type of discrimination.

Self-reported knowledge, whether accurate or not, about the religion of Islam seems to affect Americans' feelings of prejudice toward Muslims. Of Americans who say they have no personal prejudice toward Muslims, 29% say they have no knowledge at all about Islam. In fact, those who say they hold no prejudice toward Muslims are more likely than those who say they hold a little, some, or a great deal of prejudice to say they have no knowledge about Islam.

Data reported from 2007 and 2009

Even among Americans who report no personal prejudice toward Muslims, one-third say they have an unfavorable opinion about Islam (36%). Unsurprisingly, those indicating they have a great deal of prejudice toward Muslims are the most unfavorable about Islam (91% unfavorable). That one-third of those with no reported prejudice have an unfavorable opinion of Islam is alarming because it indicates that those who harbor no reported prejudice for the people maintain negative views about the religion.

Data reported from 2007 and 2009

People who display a personal prejudice toward Muslims are not negative about religion in general or minority religions overall. For example, Americans who say they are at least a little prejudiced against Muslims express favorable opinions about Judaism, regardless of the degree to which they hold prejudice against Muslims.

Familiarity with individual Muslims makes a small difference in reported levels of personal prejudice toward Muslims. Fifty-three percent of those Americans who say they hold no prejudice toward Muslims say they know someone who practices Islam. Comparatively, 44% of those who say they have a great deal of prejudice toward Muslims say the same.

The greater their self-reported prejudice toward Muslims, the more likely Americans are to say most Muslims around the world do not want peace and are not accepting of other religions and of people of races other than their own. Regardless of personal prejudice against Muslims, at least one in five Americans say that most Muslims around the world are not accepting of other religions and of people of different races other than their own. In fact, about one-third of those reporting no prejudice toward Muslims say Muslims around the world are not accepting of other religions.

Data reported from 2007 and 2009

Gallup finds Muslim Americans, however, are among the most integrated religious groups in the U.S. Gallup Religious Tolerance Index, which measures people's attitudes toward religious faiths different from their own and ranks survey respondents by three categories: Isolated, Tolerant, and Integrated people (see sidebar for definitions).

Among U.S. religious groups, 44% of Muslim Americans are integrated, on par with Mormons (46%) and greater than Jewish Americans (36%), Protestants (35%), and Catholics (34%).

When examining religious tolerance globally, the U.S. and Canada and sub-Saharan Africa rate as the most integrated regions Gallup studied. Respondents from sub-Saharan Africa are also most likely to explain the root causes of tensions between Muslim and Western societies as religious. MENA and Asia are the most isolated regions, along with Europe and the former Soviet Union.

Muslim respondents globally are no different from Western societies in their level of integration and openness to people of other faiths.

Data reported from 2008 through 2010[6]

Gallup's Global Practice Leader for Faith Communities, Dr. Albert L. Winseman, developed the Religious Tolerance Index in 2002 with Gallup scientists Dr. Jim Harter and Julie Hawkins to measure Americans' attitudes toward religious faiths that are different from their own. The Index is based on respondents' level of agreement with the following five statements on a scale of "1" (strongly disagree) to "5" (strongly agree):

· I always treat people of other religious faiths with respect.

· Most religious faiths make a positive contribution to society.

· I would not object to a person of a different religious faith moving next door.

· People of other religions always treat me with respect.

· In the past year, I have learned something from someone of another religious faith.

From the combination of their answers, Gallup classifies populations as:

Isolated: Isolated individuals tend not to be members of any particular faith group, but if they are, they tend to believe in the truth of their perspective above all others. They do not want to know about other religions. They also neither respect nor feel respected by those of other faiths.

Tolerant: Tolerant individuals have a "live-and-let-live" attitude toward people of other faiths, and they generally feel that they treat others of different faiths with respect. However, they are not likely to learn from or about other religions.

Integrated: Integrated individuals go beyond a "live-and-let-live" attitude and actively seek to know more about and learn from others of different religious traditions. They believe that most faiths make a positive contribution to society. Furthermore, integrated people not only feel they respect people from other faith traditions, but they also feel respected by them.

In America, prejudice toward Muslim Americans exists among both men and women, young and old, uneducated and learned. Still, there are some differences in prejudice levels within different demographic groups. Men are more likely than women, for example, to say they have some or a great deal of prejudice toward Muslims. Those who report a great deal of prejudice toward Muslims are more likely than those who report none or smaller levels of prejudice to have completed only a high school-level education. And those who report a great deal of prejudice toward Muslims are more likely than those with lesser or no such prejudice to be married. Higher levels of prejudice toward Muslims do not correlate with age and urbanicity, though.

Data reported from 2007 and 2009

As Americans' self-proclaimed prejudice toward Muslims increases, so too does the likelihood of claiming the Republican party as their political affiliation. Fifty percent of those who report a great deal of prejudice toward Muslims say they are Republicans, compared with 17% of those who identify as Democrats and 7% as independents. Those who report no prejudice toward Muslims are more likely to be Democrats than Republicans, 39% to 23%, respectively.

Data reported from 2007 and 2009
Loyalty to the United States
Gallup asked Americans whether they think Muslim Americans are loyal or not loyal to the U.S. Perceptions of disloyalty tend to fuel the flames of Islamophobia. If one believes that Muslims are not loyal, one may also believe that Muslims should be feared, not trusted, and not treated fairly. A feeling that Muslim Americans are disloyal to the U.S. is examined as a crucial component of Islamophobia. Women are more likely than men to think that Muslims in American are not loyal to the U.S. Those who think Muslim Americans are loyal to the country are younger than those who say Muslim Americans aren't loyal to the U.S. And while most Americans (87%) strongly agree that they would not object to a person of a different religion living next door to them, those who say Muslim Americans are loyal to the U.S. are more likely than those who don't to strongly agree that they would not object to neighbors of a different faith.

Americans who think their Muslim peers are loyal to the U.S. are more likely than those who question this loyalty to have confidence in a number of major U.S. institutions. Specifically, those who say Muslim Americans are loyal to the country are more likely to say they themselves have confidence in the U.S. judicial system (63% vs. 41%), in honesty of elections (49% vs. 27%), in the media (29% vs. 14%), in the Federal Bureau of Investigation (73% vs. 61%), and in local police (82% vs. 75%). The exception to this is Americans' confidence in the military, which is slightly greater among those who say Muslim Americans are not loyal to the U.S. However, most Americans say they have confidence in the military, regardless of their opinion about Muslim Americans' loyalty.

Data reported from 2010

Overall, one-third of Americans say they think Muslim countries have a very unfavorable opinion of the U.S. People who say Muslim Americans are not loyal to the U.S. are much more likely than those who say Muslim Americans are loyal to think people in Muslim countries harbor very unfavorable views of the U.S. Overall, though, majorities of Americans who say Muslim Americans are loyal or not loyal to the U.S. think people in Muslim countries have at least somewhat unfavorable views of America.

Data reported from 2010

Of those who say Muslim countries have unfavorable views of America, more than one-half (57%) say it is based mostly on misinformation provided by the media and government in those countries about what the U.S. has done, while about one-third (32%) say it is mostly because of what the U.S. has done. Those who say Muslim Americans are not loyal to the U.S. are much more likely to say these unfavorable views in Muslim countries are because of misinformation by these countries' media and government (70%), and not based on past U.S. actions (17%). Those who say Muslim Americans are loyal to the U.S. are still more likely to say unfavorable views in Muslim countries are due to misinformation (54%) than to U.S. actions (35%).

Two-thirds of Americans surveyed in this particular study say that religion is an important part of their daily lives. Those who say Muslim Americans are not loyal to the U.S. are more likely than those who say Muslims are loyal to claim religion is an important part of their daily life (74% vs. 65%).
European Muslims Feeling the Pressure
Gallup collected data in 2008 from representative samples in Germany, France, and the U.K., focusing on several issues related to the social and cultural integration of Muslim communities in these three countries. And while majorities of the adults in these countries agree that people from minority groups enrich the cultural life of their nations, sizable minorities of these respondents express fear about certain aspects of Muslim culture.

Data reported from 2008

Only the general population in the U.K. includes a sizable minority -- more than one-quarter -- that says people with different religious practices than theirs threaten respondents' way of life. The Muslim populations in France, Germany, and the U.K. are less likely than the general public in these countries to say those with differing religious practices threaten their way of life.

Between 16% and 21% of people in France, Germany, and the U.K. say they would not like Muslims as their neighbors, similar to the percentages of each country's general population that say they would not like homosexuals as neighbors. Generally, people in these countries are more likely to say they would not like Muslims as neighbors than they are to say the same about Jews, Christians, atheists, blacks, and Asians. An exception exists in the U.K., though, where 22% of people say they would not like immigrants or foreign workers as neighbors.

Data reported from 2008

Significant proportions of the French, German, and British publics consider different Muslim practices and relationships threatening. For example, 16% of Germans, 30% of British, and 39% of French say that wearing the hijab -- the traditional head covering worn by Muslim women -- is a threat to European culture. Similar proportions associate Muslims with terror, as 23% of Germans, 25% of the French, and 34% of the British say that Muslims are sympathetic to al Qaeda.

Overall, however, large majorities of French (90%), British (90%), and German (95%) respondents say they have not experienced racial or religious discrimination in the past year. Among Muslims in each of these three countries, those in France and Germany are significantly more likely than the general population to say they experienced discrimination in the past year.
Addressing Islamophobia by Bringing People Closer Together
Proportions of the general populations in these three countries are reluctant to have Muslims as neighbors. This reluctance manifests itself in people's decisions of whether or not to live in diverse communities. However, individuals living in mixed communities might be most open to those different from themselves, and least likely to be Islamophobic.

The general populations in France (49%), Germany (51%), and the U.K. (48%) are most likely to say they live in a neighborhood generally comprised of people who share their ethnic and religious backgrounds. Significant percentages of each population, though, say their neighborhoods are made up of a mix of people, including those who share their ethnic and religious backgrounds and others who do not. Specifically, 40% of French, 38% of German, and 43% of British respondents say they live among diverse neighborhoods. Muslims in France (74%), Germany (53%), and the U.K. (54%) are more likely to say they live in diverse neighborhoods than mostly homogenous ones.

Gallup studied more closely what types of neighborhoods people in each of these three European countries say they would live in if they could.

In France, people are most likely to want to live in neighborhoods with a mix of people of varying religious and ethnic backgrounds, regardless of where they currently live. Fifty-two percent of those who live in a more homogeneous community would prefer a diverse neighborhood, and 80% of those who currently live in a more diverse neighborhood or local area would want to stay in such a neighborhood.

In the U.K., people are more apt to prefer a community similar to the one in which they currently reside. Specifically, 55% of those who live in a mostly homogenous neighborhood now would prefer to live in that same type of situation, while 80% of those who live in a diverse neighborhood currently would prefer that if they could live in any neighborhood in the country.

Those in Germany who live among people of mostly similar religious and ethnic backgrounds are somewhat split between wanting to live in a mostly homogenous neighborhood (42%) or in a more varied one (48%) if they could chose anywhere in the country to live. Those who already live among people of different religious and ethnic backgrounds, though, are much more likely to say they would choose the same type of neighborhood (74%) than to reside among mostly similar people (19%) if given the choice.

In Germany, France, and the U.K., though, Gallup found that isolated individuals are more likely than tolerant and integrated people to say they live among people with mostly similar religious and ethnic backgrounds. Integrated (70%) and tolerant (65%) people are more likely than isolated individuals (49%) to say they live in more diverse neighborhoods.

Data reported from 2008

Additionally, isolated respondents in Germany, the U.K., and France are more likely than tolerant and integrated respondents to say they would not like Muslims as neighbors. The same holds true when considering whether they would want immigrants or foreign workers as their neighbors.

Data reported from 2008

Isolated people in France, the U.K., and Germany are more likely than their tolerant and integrated counterparts to say women who wear the hijab are a threat to European culture. Conversely, people are more likely to say the wearing of the hijab is an enrichment to European culture as they move from isolated to tolerant to integrated, as measured by the Religious Tolerance Index.

Data reported from 2008

People who are isolated (38%) are more likely than those who are tolerant (22%) or integrated (15%) to say Muslims are sympathetic to al Qaeda. Those who are isolated (29%) are also more likely than tolerant (13%) or integrated (6%) people to agree that others with different religious practices than their own threaten their way of life.

Within key Western societies, there are genuine negative perceptions, prejudices, and discriminations targeted against Muslims. Seeing Muslims as not loyal, voicing prejudice against Muslims, and avoiding Muslims as neighbors are all symptoms of Islamophobia that exist in the West. However, these feelings do not characterize Western countries. They are generally shared by a subset of the general population, though they exist in substantial enough numbers to draw both attention and concern. The very existence of Islamophobia is something to be addressed. The degree to which individuals expressing Islamophobia have particular views of Muslims in their communities, Muslims globally, and Islam as a religion is genuine and quantifiable with measurable outcomes.
Survey Methods
[1] Alejandro J. Beutel, "Data on Post-9/11 Terrorism in the United States" (Washington, D.C.: Muslim Public Affairs Council, 2011), available at http://www.mpac.org/assets/docs/publications/MPAC-Post-911-Terrorism-Data.pdf

[2] Charles Kurzman, "Muslim-American Terrorism Since 9/11: An Accounting" (Chapel Hill, NC: Triangle Center on Terrorism and Homeland Security, 2011), available at http://sanford.duke.edu/centers/tcths/about/documents/Kurzman_Muslim-American_Terrorism_Since_911_An_Accounting.pdf

[3] Please refer to the Gallup Muslim-West Perceptions Index: Inaugural Findings report for methodology.

[4] Please refer to the Gallup Muslim-West Perceptions Index: Inaugural Findings report for methodology.

[5] Data appear in Abu Dhabi Gallup Center report Measuring the State of Muslim-West Relations: Assessing the "New Beginning," page 35.

[6] Results are based on face-to-face interviews with approximately 1,000 adults in each country in the regions listed, aged 15 and older, from 2008 through 2010.

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Islamophobia: Understanding Anti-Muslim Sentiment in the West

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Globally, many Muslims report not feeling respected by those in the West. Significant percentages of several Western countries share this sentiment, saying that the West does not respect Muslim societies. Specifically, 52% of Americans and 48% of Canadians say the West does not respect Muslim societies.

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Abstract

Anti-Muslim sentiments are increasingly common globally and in the United States. The recent rise in Islamophobia calls for a public health perspective that considers the stigmatized identity of Muslim Americans and health implications of Islamophobic discrimination. Drawing on a stigma, discrimination, and health framework, I expand the dialogue on the rise of Islamophobia to a discussion of how Islamophobia affects the health of Muslim Americans. Islamophobia can negatively influence health by disrupting several systems-individual (stress reactivity and identity concealment), interpersonal (social relationships and socialization processes), and structural (institutional policies and media coverage). Islamophobia deserves attention as a source of negative health outcomes and health disparities. Future public health research should explore the multilevel and multidimensional pathways between Islamophobia and population health.

We cannot turn against one another by letting this fight be defined as a war between America and Islam.

- President Barack Obama

Fueled by the ongoing crisis in Syria, the recent attacks in Paris, San Bernardino, and Brussels, and anti-Muslim rhetoric from politicians, anti-Muslim sentiments have been rising.1,2 Hate crimes against Muslims in the United States remain 5 times more common than before September 11, 2001 (9/11), and although overall hate crimes in America dipped in 2014, anti-Muslim hate crimes rose by 14% over the prior year.¹ Islamophobia-a hatred of Islam or a stigmatization, fear, and dislike of Muslims-is pervasive.³ From the 2015 Chapel Hill, North Carolina, shooting of 3 Muslims⁴ to Ahmed Mohamed's removal from school because of his "bomb" clock,⁵ we repeatedly see examples of Islamophobia, yet as public health researchers we pay little attention to the health implications of Islamophobia.

Islam is the world's second largest religion.⁶ Estimates of the US Muslim population, which vary widely, average around 3.3 million, a figure that includes equal numbers of African Americans, South Asians, and Arabs.⁷ By 2050, Muslims will be the second largest faith group in the country.⁶ Islam has grown rapidly in the United States because of high rates of immigration, births, and conversions.6,7 The past 2 decades, 15 of 22 Middle East countries have had prolonged conflicts, leading to large numbers of displaced individuals-many of whom are Muslims. However, Muslim Americans are of varied nativity and a third are third generation or higher, indicating a long history in the United States.⁷

Parallel to the growth of the number of Muslim Americans, Islamophobia has been increasing.³ Muslims have been harassed on college campuses, mosques have been vandalized and defaced, Muslim charities have had their assets frozen, and racial profiling has occurred at airports and on the streets.1,8 The marginalization of Muslim Americans challenges health equity and may have important health implications. Important questions remain-how has the climate of Islamophobia in the United States affected the health of the growing population of Muslim Americans, and how does a public health understanding of health and disease help explain the relationship between Islamophobia and health?

CONCEPTUALIZING ISLAMOPHOBIA IN THE UNITED STATES

The word Islamophobia first appeared in academic discourse in 1997 in a report by the Runnymede Trust, which defined the construct as "unfounded hostility towards Islam and a fear or dislike of all or most Muslims."⁹(p5) However, Islamophobia denotes more than hostility; it reflects a history of US policy and discriminatory practices that enforce racial and xenophobic boundaries around Muslims.10,11 Islam was an aspect of early US racism and was connected to the transatlantic slave trade-Americans were using the fear of Islam as a unifying concept to define what it means to be American.¹² For example, until 1944, American courts denied citizenship to those perceived or feared to be Muslim or of Muslim ancestry, some of whom were Christians.¹²

In 2015, unfavorable attitudes toward Muslim Americans rose to a high of 67%.² Hate speech and crimes against Muslim Americans are commonplace.1,14 Since the November 13, 2015, attacks in Paris, France, the Council on American-Islamic Relations reports a spike in threats, violence, and discriminatory acts, such as denial of employment and targeting of Muslim Americans (or those perceived to be Muslim).¹⁴ Opposition to Muslim Americans is freely expressed, including policies for profiling Muslims and a presidential campaign in which a candidate proposes a "ban on Muslims," forcing Muslims to navigate a sociopolitical landscape that views them as outsiders.

LINKING ISLAMOPHOBIA TO HEALTH

From a public health perspective, the social climate of Islamophobia in the United States is a risk factor for poor health. Islamophobia includes several known social processes that lead to adverse health outcomes. Specifically, Islamophobia includes stigma and discrimination, which are known fundamental causes or determinants of adverse health.15,16

Stigma and Health

Stigma is defined as the co-occurrence of labeling, stereotyping, separation, status loss, and discrimination in a context in which power is exercised.¹⁵ Stigma operates at multiple levels, including the individual, interpersonal (e.g., discrimination, hate crimes), and structural (e.g., community norms, institutional policies).¹⁷ A stigmatized status affects health by undermining or exacerbating several processes-such as stress, the availability of resources, social relationships, and psychological and behavioral responses-that can lead to adverse health outcomes.¹⁵ Members of stigmatized groups often lack the necessary resources to act on health knowledge.¹⁸ Stigma can also trigger bias, which leads to unequal access to health-enhancing resources or medical care. Structural stigma is also associated with suicide, greater violence and homicide, and cardiovascular disease.¹⁷

As with other forms of stigma associated with HIV status, sexual orientation, or race, stigma experienced by Muslim Americans involves labeling, stereotyping, status loss, and discrimination. The stigmatized identity of Muslims was initially brought into focus by Edward Said's Orientalism,¹⁹ which noted the Western perspectives that created a dehumanizing representation of the exotic and barbarous Orient (countries of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia) that exists in opposition to the West. Islamophobia is rife with stereotypes of Muslim Americans and Americans who look "Muslim-like," from those pertaining to Muslim women and the veil to the assumption that all Muslim men are terrorists.²⁰ The spread of Islamophobia has further sanctioned dehumanizing representations and stereotypes of Muslims in the United States, solidifying the construction of a stigmatized Muslim identity.²¹ Islamophobia operates as stigma through individual identity concealment, interpersonal experiences of discrimination and hate crimes, and structural conditions such as immigration policies targeting Muslim immigrants.8,11,21,22 For example, Muslim Arab Americans in New York City after 9/11 noted that they feared hate crimes and had anxiety about future threats to their safety, loss of community, isolation, and stigmatization.²³

Discrimination and Health

Discrimination at interpersonal and structural levels is a constitutive feature of a stigmatized identity. The Muslim American discriminatory experience is likely a combination of appearance-based and religious discrimination.²⁴ An established body of research documents the link between discrimination and health.16,18,25 Across multiple contexts, perceptions of unfair treatment, regardless of whether they are attributed to race or other social reasons, are adversely related to physical and mental health16,18,26 and health disparities.²⁵

A 2015 review by Paradies et al.²⁶ found that everyday experiences of discrimination are also associated with a wide variety of physical and mental health outcomes, such as coronary artery calcification, high levels of C-reactive protein, high blood pressure, giving birth to low-birth-weight infants, cognitive impairment, poor sleep, visceral fat, depression, psychological distress, anxiety, and mortality, as well as risk factors for poor health such as substance abuse. Discrimination affects health through pathways including reduced access to resources and increased exposure to risk factors, stress, physiological processes, allostatic load, reduced participation in health care-seeking and health-promoting behaviors, and violence.²⁶

Racial/ethnic discrimination of Muslim Americans.

The relationship and magnitude of the effects of discrimination on health are known to vary by racial and ethnic groups,²⁷ highlighting the importance of group membership. Defining the group context of Islamophobia is challenging, as Islamophobia includes discrimination based on race, nativity, physical appearance, and religion. Islamophobia both results from and contributes to the construction of race or socially constructed categories of individuals' physical appearance in the United States.11,28

Because Muslims are often represented as coming from non-White groups, their religious identity becomes linked with racial identity. As racism, Islamophobia affects the lives of people with "Muslim-like" appearances in the United States. But who exhibits "Muslim-like" appearance? It extends beyond race to include such attributes as clothing. Having a certain skin tone, wearing a hijab or turban, and speaking with a certain accent are all physical markers that create a vulnerability to Islamophobia; however, non-Muslims such as Christians and Sikhs can also have these characteristics.¹¹ In the Detroit, Michigan, Arab American community, which includes both Muslims and Christians, increased psychological distress, lower levels of happiness, and poorer perceptions of health status are associated with post-9/11 abuse and discrimination.29,30

Middle Eastern Americans are most often assumed to have "Muslim-like" appearances and are thus exposed to Islamophobia. While they are classified as "White" by the Office of Management and Budget, they do not benefit from White privilege and are still exposed to Islamophobia based on physical appearance.¹⁰ In reality, they come from many different countries of the Middle East and North Africa³⁰ and include many different nationalities, religions, and racial categories, including Black and White.

One race does not fit all for the relationship between discrimination and health outcomes,²⁷ and Islamophobia does not affect individuals from 1 racial category-it spans racial groups, including those classified as White. Muslims who identify as non-White and reside in an ethnic enclave report more discrimination than Muslims who identify as White, but Arab Americans who identify as White experience more discrimination-associated psychological distress.³⁰ Given the racial diversity of Muslim Americans, pathogenic conditions of Islamophobia have to be understood across racial groups.

Religious discrimination of Muslim Americans.

Islamophobia as a form of religious discrimination may coexist with or override racial and appearance-based discrimination, such that religious identification may precede, overlap, or follow race as a basis for discrimination.31,32 However, a review by Padela and Curlin²⁴ notes that there is far less research on the health effects of religious discrimination. A study from the United Kingdom indicates that racism and religious discrimination form distinct measures. Ethnic Pakistani, Indian, Bangladeshi, White, Other Asian, Black, Arab, and mixed race Muslims are equally likely to record specific discriminatory experiences.³¹

Religion can unite individuals from disparate racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic categories.22,24 About 69% of Muslims in the United States say that religion is very important in their lives.⁶ Although diverse, the Muslim American community could share a religious worldview that can influence health-related behaviors and interactions with the health care system.³² Islamic tenets-such as abstention from drinking alcohol and the belief that "physicians are actors of God" and that all Muslims should regularly receive medical care-can promote health.33,34 Religious discrimination alienates individuals from the health system, directly interfering with health messaging in Islam that promotes disease prevention and care seeking.22,24

However, as with other religions, Muslim Americans follow a range of Islamic and personal religious beliefs, so discriminatory assumptions can also interfere with health care. For example, in a qualitative study of Iraqi refugees, participants described health care providers as unhelpful, patronizing, and having stereotypical attitudes toward Muslim women-believing they are excessively pious, have too many children, and are oppressed by their husbands.³⁵ Religious discrimination is hypothesized to lead to stress, social isolation, reductions in health-promoting behaviors, discounting of health care providers' information, and delays in seeking medical care.²⁴

Multilevel Pathways to Health

Research on stigma, discrimination, and health shows that Islamophobia can have a negative influence on health through the disruption of several different systems-individual (stress reactivity and stereotype threat), interpersonal (social relationships and socialization processes), and structural (institutional policies and media coverage). Although it is not based on an exhaustive literature review of the health of Muslim Americans, this section shows how Islamophobia includes many individual, interpersonal, and structural processes that are known determinants of health.

At the individual level, Islamophobia increases stress among Muslim Americans.²⁹ Stress can play a role in the onset, progression, and severity of illness.¹⁶ Social marginalization increases stress, the physiological response to stress-including higher blood cortisol and heart rates-and the health-diminishing effects of that response over time.³⁶ This continuous activation of the allostatic system wears out regulatory systems. Discrimination of Muslim Americans has been linked to stress-related outcomes such as paranoia and psychological distress.29,37 More than 50% of Muslim youths in the United States report experiencing bullying in schools.¹⁴ This early exposure to discrimination is likely to have cumulative health effects over the life course.³⁶

Stereotype threat-the activation of negative stereotypes among stigmatized groups, which creates expectations and anxieties that can adversely affect social and psychological functioning¹⁸-can also contribute to stress.³⁸ Stigmatized individuals become aware of and react to societal stereotypes.³⁸ Stereotype threat can negatively affect physiological, psychological, and self-regulatory processes that contribute to poor health.³⁸ Furthermore, young Muslim American men have been found to hide their identities.²¹ Muslim Americans could also experience negative health outcomes from identity concealment or internalizing Islamophobic stereotypes.³⁹ For example, in a qualitative study, Muslim Arab American immigrant women note that wearing the hijab leads to discrimination, which takes a toll on their physical and mental health.³⁴

At an interpersonal level, Islamophobia-based stereotype threat can adversely affect the patient-provider relationship by producing impaired communication, discounted provider information, or failure to obtain medical care.³⁸ In a qualitative study, Muslim immigrant women expressed discomfort with their health care providers.⁴⁰ Muslim Americans may fear obtaining services or feel misunderstood by health care providers.³³ In general, Islamophobia affects interactions with the health care system and prevents individuals from accessing preventative health services.³³

Stigma is also known to cause social isolation.¹⁵ Islamophobia deprives American Muslims of the health-promoting aspects of social connection, creating an environment of limited social ties and thus increased vulnerability. Muslim Americans are fully aware of their devalued position in society.20,21 Hostility in the public arena makes it difficult for Muslim Americans to develop a community life. Muslim American youths even police each other within their own communities.²¹ Research has suggested that identity-affirming networks can buffer the adverse effects of discrimination on health.⁴¹ In general, social support and social networks promote physical and mental health.⁴² A lack of social support has been linked to depression among Arab Muslim immigrant women.⁴³ However, Arab Muslims who associate with identify-affirming networks have more psychological distress.³⁰ Identifying as Muslim in our current sociopolitical context is more of a stressor than an avenue for social support and so is more detrimental than protective for health.

Islamophobia can also produce health disparities through structural stigma at the macro level. Although research on structural stigma of Muslim Americans and health is limited, 1 study found that in a period of heightened stigma following September 11, 2001, pregnant women of Arab descent had poor birth outcomes.⁴⁴ Discriminatory ideologies in the structural features of institutions, policies, and media coverage can create or reinforce health disparities.²⁵ For example, the 2001 Patriot Act and associated legislation gave the state new powers, including surveillance, which profiles Muslim Americans or "Muslim-like" Americans, contributing to social segregation and differential access to resources for Muslim Americans.¹¹ Immigration policy also contributes to structural inequity and social segregation.²⁵ There is a pattern of racial and religious profiling in the naturalization process to block citizenship of individuals from Muslim countries.8,12 In addition to these discriminatory policies, the media also shape the structural social environment of Muslim Americans in ways that can affect health. Negative media coverage of Muslims plays an active role in social understanding of Muslims as "the enemy" and in perpetuating Islamophobia.¹³ Such structural factors as exclusionary policies and media coverage can lead to differential access to fundamental determinants of health such as education and employment, limit access to health and social services, and contribute to experiences of discrimination, stress, and illness.18,25

RESEARCH DIRECTIONS

Given the expanding climate of Islamophobia and the link between Islamophobia and social determinants of health, there are several promising research directions. Public health scholars can take steps to better understand and address the health disparities that Muslim Americans face in the United States.

The effects of moderators and mediators for stigma, discrimination, and health remain largely unknown and are not uniform across groups.15,18 Important research directions should include understanding the role of behavioral responses, stress, social isolation, stereotype threat, identity concealment, and access to resources on the pathway between Islamophobia and health. For example, the relationship between Islamophobia and health could operate through discrimination-associated stress for a Muslim American woman who wears a hijab and through stereotype threat and identity concealment for a Muslim American male who tries to conceal his Muslim identity. Is one pathway more damaging than another? Are the different aspects of Islamophobia multiplicative for health? Further research is needed on whether certain pathways and levels of Islamophobia-driven stigma are more or less damaging for physical and mental health. It is also important to explore how Islamophobia affects socialization, and how socialization experiences and coping strategies in response to Islamophobia may modify the relationship between exposure to Islamophobia and health. Identifying these pathways and conceptual links can provide further insights into how to prevent the health-damaging effects of Islamophobia.

The research to date has typically considered the experience of Islamophobia at the individual level. Structural stigma and racism remain understudied.17,25,45 Therefore, less attention has been paid to how societal conditions (e.g., institutional policies) may disadvantage Muslim Americans. Islamophobia and health have to be understood and addressed at the structural level, where stigmatization is produced and can set in motion such pathways as lack of social support.¹⁵ For example, does living in a Muslim American community buffer some of the effects of Islamophobia? Does living in a more Islamophobic community have detrimental health effects? It would be important to understand whether living in areas with more structural barriers-such as negative media coverage, policies against building mosques, or the presence of fewer Muslim Americans-is associated with negative health outcomes. Comparisons between the United States and European countries could also offer insights into the relationship between structural Islamophobia and health. Empirical research should span multiple levels of analysis to fully capture the way Islamophobia operates to shape population health.

This research agenda is not without challenges and limitations. The first challenge is identifying Muslim Americans within existing health care databases and survey data. Researchers can only identify people who are likely to be Muslim, which in the United States usually means those of Middle Eastern or South Asian descent. However, a large proportion of Arabs are not Muslim-many are Christian.⁷ Although both Middle Eastern Americans and Muslim Americans can experience Islamophobia, we should be careful not to conflate the 2 groups.¹¹ We need to collect survey data that enable us to disentangle associations between religious group membership experiences and health outcomes.

For researchers to consider the role of Islamophobia in the production and maintenance of health disparities, they need data that measure multiple dimensions of Islamophobia and Muslim identity. This would provide further insights into the relationship between stigmatized identities, discrimination, and health disparities. In health research, the Perceived Religious Discrimination Scale and measures of religious discrimination in health care have been developed for use with Muslims.24,37 However, measures that include several dimensions of Islamophobia-driven discrimination and implicit bias, as well as the threat of Islamophobia, are needed. Data that include measures of Islamophobia over the life course and Islamophobic social environments can help assess variation among social groups.³ Longitudinal studies should gather information about Islamophobia over time and how it is influenced by social changes.

A third challenge is developing appropriate theoretical and conceptual models to help explain health outcomes among Muslim Americans. Given the unique interaction of multiple marginalized identities in this population, we need to be mindful of developing population-appropriate conceptual frameworks to explain Muslim American health. Failure to consider both the multilevel stigmatizing and discriminatory aspects of Islamophobia in theoretical models of population health leads to an underappreciation of aspects of Islamophobia that produce poor health.

The current climate of Islamophobia and the research on stigma, discrimination, and health suggest that greater attention needs to be paid to Islamophobia and public health in the United States. Islamophobia likely exerts a greater impact on population health than research to date suggests. Future public health research should explore the multilevel and multidimensional pathways linking Islamophobia to population physical and mental health.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This research was supported in part by a Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health & Human Development training grant at the University of Texas at Austin (T32HD007081) and the Population Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin (R24HD042849).

Special thanks to Mienah Zulfacar Sharif and Cassondra Marshall for comments on a previous version of this article.

Note. The contents of this article are solely the responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health.

HUMAN PARTICIPANT PROTECTION

Because no human participants were involved, no institutional review board approval was required.

REFERENCES

14. CAIR reports unprecedented backlash against American Muslims after Paris attacks [press release]. Washington, DC: Council on American-Islamic Relations; November 24, 2015.

Articles from American Journal of Public Health are provided here courtesy of American Public Health Association

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Islamophobia and Public Health in the United States

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Anti-Muslim sentiments are increasingly common globally and in the United States. The recent rise in Islamophobia calls for a public health perspective that considers the stigmatized identity of Muslim Americans and health implications of Islamophobic ...

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WASHINGTON, Jan 29 (Reuters) - Complaints of anti-Muslim and anti-Palestinian discrimination and hate in the U.S. rose by about 180% in the three months after Oct. 7 following Hamas' attack on Israel and Israel's subsequent assault on Hamas-governed Gaza, an advocacy group said on Monday.

WHY IS IT IMPORTANT?

Rights advocates have noted a rise in Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian bias in the U.S. and elsewhere since the eruption of war in the Middle East. Among incidents in the U.S. that raised alarm were a in Vermont where three students of Palestinian descent were shot and the of a 6-year-old Palestinian American child in Illinois in October.

BY THE NUMBERS

The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) said on Monday it has received 3,578 complaints during the last three months of 2023, amid what it called "an ongoing wave of anti-Muslim and anti-Palestinian hate."

The figure is a 178% rise from complaints in the same period from a year earlier.

Complaints of employment discrimination led the list with 662 instances; hate crimes and hate incidents were reported 472 times; and education discrimination 448 times, the organization said.

Earlier this month, the Anti-Defamation League said that in the three months after Oct. 7, U.S. antisemitic incidents compared to the prior year.

CONTEXT: US SECURITY ALERTS

The U.S. government security guidance for faith-based communities amid heightened antisemitism and Islamophobia since the Oct. 7 attack on Israel by Palestinian Islamist group Hamas that killed 1,200, and Israel's subsequent military retaliation in Gaza that the local health ministry says has killed over 26,000 Palestinians or more than 1% of Gaza's 2.3 million population.

The U.S. Justice Department rising threats against Jews and Muslims amid the conflict. President Joe Biden antisemitism and Islamophobia.

Reporting by Kanishka Singh in Washington Editing by Heather Timmons and Matthew Lewis

Our Standards:

Kanishka Singh is a breaking news reporter for Reuters in Washington DC, who primarily covers US politics and national affairs in his current role. His past breaking news coverage has spanned across a range of topics like the Black Lives Matter movement; the US elections; the 2021 Capitol riots and their follow up probes; the Brexit deal; US-China trade tensions; the NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan; the COVID-19 pandemic; and a 2019 Supreme Court verdict on a religious dispute site in his native India.

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Anti-Muslim incidents jump in US amid Israel-Gaza war

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Complaints of anti-Muslim and anti-Palestinian discrimination and hate in the U.S. rose by about 180% in the three months after Oct. 7 following Hamas' attack on Israel and Israel's subsequent assault on Hamas-governed Gaza, an advocacy group said on Monday.

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Twenty years ago, two economists responded to a slew of help-wanted ads in Boston and Chicago newspapers using a set of fictitious names to test for racial bias in the job market.

The watershed study found that applicants with names suggesting they were white got 50% more callbacks from employers than those whose names indicated they were Black.

Researchers at the University of California, Berkeley and the University of Chicago recently took that premise and expanded on it, filing 83,000 fake job applications for 11,000 entry-level positions at a variety of Fortune 500 companies.

Their working paper, published this month and titled "A Discrimination Report Card," found that the typical employer called back the presumably white applicants around 9% more than Black ones. That number rose to roughly 24% for the worst offenders.

The research team initially conducted its experiment in 2021, but their new paper names the 97 companies they included in the study and assigns them grades representing their level of bias, thanks to a new methodology the researchers developed.

"Putting the names out there in the public domain is to move away from a lot of the performative allyship that you see with these companies, saying, 'Oh, we value inclusivity and diversity,'" said Pat Kline, a University of California, Berkeley economics professor who worked on the study. "We're trying to create kind of an objective ground truth here."

The names that researchers tested include some used in the 2004 study as well as others culled from a database of speeding tickets in North Carolina. A name was classified as "racially distinctive" if more than 90% of people with that name shared the same race.

Applicants with names such as Brad and Greg were up against Darnell and Lamar. Amanda and Kristen competed for jobs with Ebony and Latoya.

What the researchers found was that some firms called back Black applicants considerably less, while race played little to no factor in the hiring processes at other firms.

Dorianne St Fleur, a career coach and workplace consultant, said she wasn't surprised by the findings showing fewer callbacks for presumed Black applicants at some companies.

"I know the study focused on entry-level positions. Unfortunately it doesn't stop there. I've seen it throughout the organization all the way up into the C-suite," she said.

St Fleur, who primarily coaches women of color, said many of her clients have the right credentials and experience for certain jobs but aren't being hired.

"They are sending out dozens, hundreds of resumes and receiving nothing back," she said.

What the researchers found

Much of a company's bias in hiring could be explained by its industry, the study found. Auto dealers and retailers of car parts were the least likely to call back Black applicants, with Genuine Auto Parts (which distributes NAPA products) and the used car retailer AutoNation scoring the worst on the study's "discrimination report card."

"We are always evaluating our practices to ensure inclusivity and break down barriers, and we will continue to do so," Heather Ross, vice president of strategic communications at Genuine Parts Company, said in an email.

AutoNation did not reply to a request for comment.

The companies that performed best in the analysis included Charter/Spectrum, Dr. Pepper, Kroger and Avis-Budget.

Several patterns emerged when the researchers looked at the companies that had the lowest "contact gap" between white and Black applicants

Federal contractors and more profitable companies called back applicants from the two racial groups at more similar rates. Firms with more centralized human resources departments and policies also exhibited less racial bias, which Kline says may indicate that a standardized hiring workflow involving multiple employees could help reduce discrimination.

When it came to the sex of applicants, most companies didn't discriminate when calling back job-seekers.

Still, some firms preferred one sex over another in screening applicants. Manufacturing companies called back people with male names at higher rates, and clothing stores showing a bias toward female applicants.

What can workplaces - and workers - do

Kline said the research team hoped the public would focus as much on companies doing a bad job as those doing a good one, since they have potentially found ways to remove or limit racial bias from the hiring process.

"Even if it's true, from these insights in psychology and behavioral economics, that individuals are inevitably going to carry biases along with them, it's not automatic that those individual biases will translate into organizational biases, on average," he said.

St Fleur said there are several strategies companies can use to cut down on bias in the hiring process, including training staff and involving multiple recruiters in callback decisions.

Companies should also collect data about which candidates make it through the hiring process and consider standardizing or anonymizing that process, she added.

St Fleur also said she often tells her job-seeking clients that it's not their fault that they aren't getting called back for open positions they believe they're qualified for.

"The fact that you're not getting callbacks does not mean you suck, you're not a good worker, you don't deserve this thing," she said. "It's just the nature of the systemic forces at play, and this is what we have to deal with."

Still, she said job candidates facing bias in the hiring process can lean on their network for new opportunities, prioritize inclusive companies when applying for work and even consider switching industries or locations.

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White-sounding names get called back for jobs more than Black ones, a new study finds

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Economists sent 83,000 fake job applications to a slew of major U.S. companies, and found that the typical firm favored white applicants over Black ones by around 9%.

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Summary

Unconscious biases are learned assumptions, beliefs, or attitudes that we aren't necessarily aware of. While bias is a normal part of human brain function, it can often reinforce stereotypes. To combat unconscious bias, learn about different types of biases, how they might surface at work, and how to avoid them so you can build a more inclusive and diverse workplace.

Whether we realize it or not, our unconscious biases influence our professional lives, from the way we think to the way we interact with colleagues. Unconscious biases are mental shortcuts that aid decision-making as the brain processes millions of pieces of information per second.

That being said, these biases can lead to skewed judgments and reinforce stereotypes, doing more harm than good for companies when it comes to recruitment and decision-making.

It's especially important to be aware of these biases during the hiring process since they can impact the success of your future team.

To help you recognize and combat unconscious bias in the workplace, we cover 19 unconscious bias examples and prevention strategies. Taking the steps to reduce biases will help you improve inclusivity, trust, and productivity within your company.

What is unconscious bias?

Unconscious bias, also known as implicit bias, is a learned assumption, belief, or attitude that exists in the subconscious. Everyone has these biases and uses them as mental shortcuts for faster information-processing.

Implicit biases are developed over time as we accumulate life experiences and get exposed to different stereotypes.

According to the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity, "These biases, which encompass both favorable and unfavorable assessments, are activated involuntarily and without an individual's awareness or intentional control."

As a result, unconscious biases can have a big influence on our limiting beliefs and behaviors. When this translates to our professional lives, it can affect the way we hire, interact with colleagues, and make business decisions.

If not properly addressed, these biases can negatively impact a company's workplace culture and team dynamics.

Although these biases are pervasive, you can reduce their impact with deliberate attention and effort. Being aware of and understanding the different types of biases that exist can help you find ways to combat them.

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Types of unconscious bias

Unconscious biases manifest in different ways and have varying consequences. Some biases arise from judging people's appearances, some are derived from preconceived notions, and others are borne of logical fallacies. We explore these common biases in detail below.

1. Gender bias

Gender bias, the favoring of one gender over another, is also often referred to as sexism. This bias occurs when someone unconsciously associates certain stereotypes with different genders.

This type of bias may affect recruitment practices and relationship dynamics within the company. An example of this bias during hiring is if the hiring panel favors male candidates over female candidates even though they have similar skills and job experience.

Another well-known example is the gender pay gap. As of 2021, the average median salary for men is about 18% higher than women's.

The gender bias may reduce job and career advancement opportunities for certain populations.

How to avoid gender bias

Here are some ways to create a more gender-diverse workplace:
Read: Why you should care about diversity and inclusion
2. Ageism

Ageism refers to stereotyping or discriminating against others based on their age, often happening to older team members.

Although workers ages 40 and older are protected from workplace discrimination under the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, filing for a lawsuit against an employer can be a lengthy and costly process.

Because not everyone files a complaint, ageism is still a prevalent issue. An AARP survey found that about 60% of workers age 45 and older have seen or experienced age discrimination in the workplace.

An example of ageism is if an older team member was passed over for a promotion, which ended up going to a younger team member with less seniority and experience.

Companies that discriminate based on age may lose out on the valuable knowledge and experience that older workers bring. There may also be serious legal consequences if a team member decides to file a job discrimination lawsuit.

How to avoid ageism bias

Preventing ageism involves combatting age-related stereotypes as well as engaging older team members in the workplace. Here are some ways to do that:

Don't make assumptions based on age: For example, don't automatically presume that older workers don't know how to use technology or aren't open to learning new skills. Provide equal learning opportunities for everyone.

Foster cross-generational collaboration: Create two-way mentorship programs where a senior team member is paired with a new hire. This kind of collaboration facilitates communication between team members of different stages, which can help break down misconceptions about age.

3. Name bias

Name bias is the tendency to prefer certain names over others, usually Anglo-sounding names.

Name bias is most prevalent in recruitment. If a recruiter tends to offer interviews to candidates with Anglo-sounding names over equally qualified candidates with non-Anglo names, this bias is present.

Name bias can have a negative impact on diversity hiring and result in companies missing out on talented candidates.

How to avoid name bias

A simple solution to avoid name bias is to omit names of candidates when screening. To do this, you can:

4. Beauty bias

Beauty bias refers to the favorable treatment and positive stereotyping of individuals who are considered more attractive. This has also given rise to the term " lookism," which is discrimination based on physical appearance.

An example of beauty bias is a hiring manager who is more inclined to hire candidates they think are good-looking.

Hiring decisions should be based on skills, experience, and culture fit rather than physical appearance.

How to avoid beauty bias

Here are some ways to avoid beauty bias when screening job applicants:

5. Halo effect

The halo effect, a term coined by psychologist Edward Thorndike in the 1920s, occurs when we develop an overall positive impression of someone because of one of their qualities or traits.

This effect may lead us to inadvertently put people on a pedestal since we're constructing an image of a person based on limited information.

An example of this effect in recruitment is when a hiring manager sees that a candidate graduated from a prestigious school and assumes that they excel at their job.

This halo is based on the hiring manager's academic preferences. However, the school that someone went to doesn't necessarily determine their level of job competency.

By focusing too much on one positive trait, we may overlook negative behavior that could end up harming the company-for example, if a candidate was fired for misconduct in a previous job.

How to avoid the halo effect

To reduce the impact of the halo effect, you could try out different interviewing strategies:

6. Horns effect

The horns effect is the opposite of the halo effect. This bias causes us to have a negative impression of someone based on one trait or experience.

Putting too much weight on a single trait or interaction with someone can lead to inaccurate and unfair judgments of their character.

For example, a new team member thinks the constructive criticism they received from their manager is harsh and assumes that their manager is a critical and stern person.

If left unchecked, the horns effect can damage the cohesiveness and trust between team members.

How to avoid the horns effect

In order to reduce the horns effect when interacting with others, try to:

7. Confirmation bias

Confirmation bias is the tendency to seek out and use information that confirms one's views and expectations. In other words, cherry-picking information to validate certain points.

This affects our ability to think critically and objectively, which can lead to skewed interpretations of information and overlooking information with opposing views.

For example, a product developer comes up with a product idea for the athletic market. Although market research shows little interest in the product, they try to validate the idea by reaching out to athlete friends who they know will support the idea.

Although there's gratification in validating a current idea, it's important to consider the potential consequences of following through with the idea.

How to avoid confirmation bias

Here are some ways to reduce confirmation bias:

Gather multiple sources: Whenever you're testing a hypothesis or conducting research, gather information from a wide variety of sources to get a balanced perspective.

Standardize interview questions: When recruiting new talent, come up with a list of standard interview questions to prevent asking off-topic or pointed questions that may or may not confirm your beliefs about a candidate.

Read: Inclusion starts on day one: 10 ways to build an inclusive onboarding experience
8. Conformity bias

Conformity bias is similar to groupthink, which occurs when we change our opinions or behaviors to match that of the bigger group, even if it doesn't reflect our own opinions.

This bias may occur when we encounter peer pressure or are trying to fit into a certain social group or professional environment.

For example, a team is deciding between two proposals. One person thinks proposal A is better, but the rest of the team is leaning towards proposal B. That person is swayed by their opinions and ends up voting for proposal B because everyone else did.

Although conformity can help prevent conflicts, it may also limit creativity, open discussions, and having other perspectives available.

How to avoid conformity bias

Here are some ways to help encourage honest opinions in the workplace:

9. Affinity bias

Affinity bias is also known as the similarity bias and refers to the tendency to favor people who share similar interests, backgrounds, and experiences. We tend to feel more comfortable around people who are like us.

This bias may affect hiring decisions. For example, a hiring manager gravitates towards a job applicant because they share the same alma mater.

Over time, the affinity bias in hiring can hamper a company's diversity and inclusion efforts.

How to avoid affinity bias

While eliminating affinity bias entirely may not be possible, there are ways to reduce its effects:

10. Contrast effect

We often make judgments by making comparisons. As a result, our judgments may be altered depending on what standard we're comparing something to. This is known as the contrast effect.

For instance, a team member is happy to receive a "meets expectations" on their performance review. However, they start to feel inadequate after finding out most of their colleagues got "exceeds expectations" on their reviews.

Even though they got a decent review, the team member judges themselves more critically since their comparison standard is their colleagues' results.

There can also be positive contrast effects, which occur when something is perceived to be better than usual because it's being compared to something worse.

How to avoid the contrast effect

Here are some strategies to try when using comparisons to make decisions:

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11. Status quo bias

This bias describes our preference for the way things are or for things to remain as they are, which can result in resistance to change.

Following the status quo is a safe option and takes less effort, but it also results in becoming stagnant. As the business landscape continues to shift, change is necessary for business longevity and innovation.

An example of the status quo bias in a company is continuing to hire team members from the same demographic group, making no effort to move forward with diversity goals.

By repeatedly engaging in the same hiring practices, you may miss out on great candidates who can bring fresh ideas and perspectives to your company.

How to avoid the status quo bias

Here are some ways you can challenge the status quo:

12. Anchor bias

Anchor bias occurs when we overly rely on the first piece of information we receive as an anchor to base our decision-making upon. This causes us to see things from a narrow perspective.

For example, the first thing a recruiter finds out about a candidate they're interviewing is that they were unemployed for the past year. The recruiter focuses on this fact rather than the candidate's solid qualifications and skills.

Instead of relying on one piece of information to make a decision, it's important to look at the whole picture.

How to avoid anchor bias

It takes time to make a thoughtful decision. Here are some tips to keep in mind:

13. Authority bias

Authority bias refers to the tendency to believe in authority figures and follow their instructions.

Generally, following a trusted authority figure with relevant expertise is a good idea. However, blindly following a leader's direction without your own critical thinking may cause future issues.

For example, if a team member unquestionably follows their manager's instructions to write a report in a way that matches the manager's opinions, this could jeopardize the integrity of the report.

When receiving instructions on an area outside of your manager's expertise, it can be worthwhile to seek additional information or expertise to minimize potential issues that may arise.

How to avoid authority bias

As with many unconscious biases, developing awareness of the bias is a good first step to countering it.
Read: Leadership vs. management: What's the difference?
Here is how to avoid being influenced by authority bias:

14. Overconfidence bias

Overconfidence bias is the tendency for people to think they are better at certain abilities and skills than they actually are.

This false assessment of our skill levels, stemming from an illusion of knowledge or control, can lead us to make rash decisions.

For instance, an overconfident CEO decides to acquire a startup that they see high potential in and believe will bring high returns even though their performance indicates otherwise.

Previous success or accomplishments may lead to an inflated ego. While leading with confidence is a good thing, it's important to not let it get in the way of logical thinking and decision-making.

How to avoid overconfidence bias
Read: How to give and take constructive criticism
Here are tips to follow when you're making decisions:

15. Perception bias

Perception bias occurs when we judge or treat others based on often inaccurate, overly simplistic stereotypes and assumptions about the group they belong in. It may involve other biases such as gender, age, and appearance.

This type of bias may result in social exclusion, discrimination, and an overall reduction of a company's diversity goals.

Say, for example, a team member doesn't invite a teammate to an after-work social event because they assumed that they wouldn't share similar interests with the group.

Perception bias can make it difficult to have an objective understanding about members from diverse groups.

How to avoid perception bias

Reducing the impact of perception bias requires recognizing your biases:

16. Illusory correlation

Illusory correlation is when we associate two variables, events, or actions together even though they're unrelated to each other.

For example, a hiring manager asks a candidate interview questions in an effort to gain insight into their personality but are unrelated to the job itself. Since the candidate struggles to come up with answers, the hiring manager decides they would not be a good fit.

These illusions can leads us to making decisions based on inaccurate correlations.

How to avoid illusory correlation bias

We may be more prone to see false correlations in circumstances that we're unfamiliar with or have little knowledge of.

Get informed: Learning more about the areas you're not familiar with can help you find evidence to support or refute the correlation.

Consider all possibilities: When you associate two things, consider the likelihood of the cause and effect. You can also use a contingency table to visualize the relationships between the cause and effect.

Here are tips to avoid making illusory correlations:

17. Affect heuristic

Heuristics are mental shortcuts that help us make decisions more efficiently. The affect heuristic occurs when we rely on our emotions to make decisions. This may help us reach a conclusion more quickly, though it may not always be accurate or fair.

For example, an interview candidate makes an off-hand comment that offends a recruiter, though that wasn't their intention. The recruiter decides to reject the candidate because they were vexed by the comment even though they were the most qualified candidate.

Since emotions may cloud your judgment, it's important not to make decisions in the heat of a moment.

How to avoid the affect heuristic bias

Here are ways to lower the influence of emotions in different circumstances:

18. Recency bias

Recency bias occurs when we attribute greater importance to recent events over past events because they're easier to remember.

This bias is more likely to occur when we have to process a large amount of information. For example, since hiring managers often review a high volume of job applications in a day, it may be harder to recall candidates screened earlier during the day.

Recency bias can also manifest during the interview process when a hiring manager becomes more inclined to make hiring decisions based on the most recent candidate they interviewed.

To overcome this bias, using techniques to strengthen your memory can be helpful.

How to avoid recency bias

Here are some tips to prevent recency bias when interviewing candidates:

19. Idiosyncratic rater bias

Idiosyncratic rater bias affects the way we evaluate the performance of others. We often rate others based on our subjective interpretations of the assessment criteria and our own definition of what "success" looks like.

In other words, we're generally unreliable when it comes to rating other people. Research has found that about 60% of a manager's rating is a reflection of the manager rather than the team member they're rating.
Read: 25 essential project management skills you need to succeed
For example, a manager who excels at project management has higher standards for this skill and gives harsher ratings to team members for this skill. On the other hand, the manager is more lenient when rating team members' marketing skills because they are less familiar with that area.

Sources of rater bias may come from other biases, such as the halo effect, affinity bias, and confirmation bias.

How to avoid idiosyncratic rater bias

Here are some strategies to avoid this bias when doing performance reviews:

Why it's important to tackle unconscious biases

As these examples show, unconscious biases can hinder decision-making, impact team dynamics and leadership styles, and limit company diversity. This, in turn, can reduce equal opportunities for team members and job applicants.

Tackling unconscious biases can help address these issues, as well as improve company diversity.

1. Increasing company profitability: Teams that have solid problem-solving and decision-making skills can bring a competitive advantage to a company. For example, a McKinsey study found that gender-diverse companies were 21% more likely to gain above-average profitability.

2. Attracting diverse talent through inclusive hiring practices: By implementing inclusive recruitment strategies, companies are able to reach out to a wider talent pool. Job seekers would also be more likely to apply to companies that prioritize diversity.

3. Increasing innovation: Diverse teams can bring a variety of fresh ideas to the table, allowing teams to come up with creative solutions that can drive sales. For example, a study by the Boston Consulting Group found that companies with diverse management teams bring 19% higher innovation revenue.

4. Boosting company productivity: University research found that tech firms with diverse management teams have 1.32 times higher levels of productivity. Increased productivity can lead to more efficient project management and implementation.

5. Encouraging higher employee engagement: Deloitte research showed that company diversity is directly related to employee engagement. Higher employee engagement can lead to higher job satisfaction, which in turn, can lower the turnover rate.

6. Making fair and more efficient business decisions: Inclusive teams can make better business decisions up to 87% of the time. These business decisions can help improve a company's performance and revenue.

Read: Asana's approach to Diversity, Inclusion, and Equity
Increased company diversity can bring additional benefits such as:

Be conscious of your unconscious biases

The good news: Once you're aware of your unconscious biases, you can take steps to mitigate their effects. By taking micro-steps such as revamping your interview questions template and encouraging cross-team collaboration, you're working towards a more diverse and inclusive workplace environment for you and your team.

Leading through change: Creating clarity and building trust

In this webinar, Asana experts outline concrete tips to guide your team through uncertainty. Learn how to help employees focus on what matters.

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19 Unconscious Bias Examples and How to Prevent Them [2023] * Asana

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Unconscious biases can lead to unfair judgments and decision-making in the workplace. Our guide covers unconscious bias examples and how to overcome them.

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World Religions  *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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World Religions  *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Religion is all or some of the attributes described below. Religion is different for different people and cultures. Some religion is so much a part of the culture of a given people that it is not so much a formal religion, but simply the spiritual aspects of that culture or group - the spiritual traditions which help define it. This is especially true of the indigenous traditions of a geographical area.

Religion or a spiritual tradition is:

a way of explaining the mysteries of life

how the world was created

why it was created

why there is life and death

what happens when people die

why there is suffering

a way of explaining a supreme power or absolute power, whether impersonal or personal, nameable or not

a way of explaining who or what created the world and all the living beings

a way of describing a dimension beyond the physical world -- the spiritual world

a way of explaining how to lead a good life on Earth and in an afterlife
these codes of behavior are often written in sacred documents or passed down through oral tradition

a way of worshiping the creator(s) or spiritual beings who are believed to have power over the world and people's lives and/or a way of paying respects and drawing inspiration from spiritual leaders

worship often includes prayers of thanks, prayers of hopes, prayers of supplication

people often worship a god or gods worship often happens in sacred places and spaces

worship often includes ceremonies and rituals conducted by spiritual guides

worship often involves sacred objects and images A way of joining with others as a spiritual community

religions and other spiritual traditions often celebrate festivals or holy days and have special calendars that mark the important historical events in the evolution of the religion religions and spiritual traditions include both private and public worship and practice

some spiritual practices do not involve worshipping a god or gods but are introspective and draw on the practitioner's own ability to be responsible for his/her spiritual path

There is special information and activities contained within for teachers. Teachers, please visit our Activities section.
This section attempts to introduce young people to the wonder and diversity of the world's religions and spiritual traditions. We have tried to present simple, straight forward, accurate information about the world's five major religions and many other smaller religions and spiritual traditions. We recognize the complexity and challenges of this task. Please feel free to contact us with your suggestions.

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Religion is all or some of the attributes described below. Religion is different for different people and cultures. Some religion is so much a part of the culture of a given people that it is not so much a formal religion, but simply the spiritual aspects of that culture or group - the spiritual traditions which help define it.

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Adolescence (10-19 years) is a unique and formative time. Multiple physical, emotional and social changes, including exposure to poverty, abuse, or violence, can make adolescents vulnerable to mental health problems. Promoting psychological well-being and protecting adolescents from adverse experiences and risk factors that may impact their potential to thrive are critical for their well-being during adolescence and for their physical and mental health in adulthood.

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ABILITY Magazine is an award winning publication, providing new insights into our individual levels of ability.

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New on ADA.gov

Explore the new content we've added to ADA.gov

This document discusses and explains the requirements of the ADA's integration mandate and the Supreme Court's decision in Olmstead v. L.C. ex rel. Zimring, 527 U.S. 581 (1999), as applied to segregated employment settings and facility-based day programs. In addition, this document provides a link to the Department's Federal Register notice, which provides more information about this guidance.

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Disability rights are civil rights. From voting to parking, the ADA is a law that protects people with disabilities in many areas of public life.

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federal appeals court says americans with disabilities act protections cover 'gender dysphoria

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' handing a win to trans people  - cnnpolitics

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Federal appeals court says Americans with Disabilities Act protections cover 'gender dysphoria,' handing a win to trans people

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A federal appeals court said Tuesday that the Americans with Disabilities Act covers individuals with "gender dysphoria," handing a win to trans people in a case concerning a former inmate who alleged discrimination at a Virginia prison.

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/ CBS News

Watch the CBS Reports documentary "No Place Like Home" in the video player above.
More than 16,000 people with intellectual and developmental disabilities, or IDD, are housed in institutions in the U.S., reports the Residential Information Systems Project. While that's significantly lower than nearly 200,000 people in the 1960s, there is more work to be done, says disability rights activist Rebecca Cokley.

Cokley, currently working as the disability rights program officer at the Ford Foundation, was born with achondroplasia, a common cause of dwarfism.

"We know that people with disabilities have a constitutional right...to live in the community," she told CBS News, pointing to the 1999 Supreme Court ruling in Olmstead v. L.C. "The promises made to make that transition to the community successful and possible for people with disabilities have never truly been fulfilled."

Patrick Cokley, her husband, is a senior program officer at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. Patrick has low vision and he and Rebecca are parents of children with disabilities.

"It is against the basic civil and human rights that we have established are a key part of American identity," he said. "Community living should be the rule, rather than the exception."

A 2011 review of 36 studies showed nearly 5,000 people with IDD found positive change after moving from large institutions to community living.

Institutions also serve as a reminder that when we create structures that are separate, they are rarely equal, a concept with roots in racism and slavery, the Cokleys say.

"That notion of dangerous paternalism has led the United States down a path... that certain people aren't fit to be in society," Rebecca said. "There has been a movement to lock those people away - to forget that those people exist - under the auspices, 'Well, it's better for them.'"

Ableism in health care still exists

"I don't want to live in the institution," 19-year-old Erin Compton, who lives at home with her family in Illinois, told CBS News. "It makes me feel discriminated against."

Not only Erin was born with Down syndrome, she also had a heart condition and gastrointestinal issues. When Erin was 10 months old, the doctor wanted to do a "very extreme" procedure to install a feeding tube, her mother, Diane, said.

"His reasoning was that way, when she's in the institution, she'll always get the nourishment she needs," she told CBS News. "His view of what needed to be done was supposed to trump our view of [being] as independent as possible."

A 2020 study published in the journal Rehabilitation Psychology looked at health care providers' attitudes towards people with disabilities. It found that while only a small segment explicitly preferred nondisabled people, a majority of providers implicitly favored people without disabilities.

Unfair treatment, in turn, means many patients with disabilities are delaying medical care, a 2022 survey reports - or not getting it at all.

Octavia Byars says arranging care for her son TJ - who has cerebral palsy, epilepsy and chronic respiratory failure - can be difficult.

Such specialized care means she can't find a primary care doctor to take TJ on. A study published in 2022 showed only 41% of doctors interviewed were "very confident" in their ability to provide quality care to patients with disabilities.

That study noted, for example, some doctors' scales could not accommodate wheelchairs, so patients were told to go to a supermarket, a grain elevator, a cattle processing plant or a zoo to be weighed, or doctors would say the practice was closed.

Such prejudicial approaches towards people with disabilities are not uncommon. Rebecca Cokley recounted her own experience in a 2017 op-ed piece for CNN when her anesthesiologist crassly suggested sterilization when she was about to undergo a C-section to give birth to her second child.

"In a day where Buck vs. Bell is still law," she told CBS News, referring to the 1927 Supreme Court ruling that affirmed the constitutionality of involuntary sterilization and was never expressly overturned, "It's not surprising to me that the system continues to perpetuate the idea that institutions are an actual choice, when I don't know anybody that would choose to live in an institutional setting."

The push for individualized health care

Dr. Mai Pham, founder of the Institute for Exceptional Care and the mother of a son with autism, says more education will help change people's outdated assumptions about disabilities.

"This is not about having a standalone course," she told CBS News. "Just like diabetes, a condition like IDD creates a context that changes how you think about every other clinical decision."

It's also about creating health care that can accommodate people with and without disabilities through inclusive design. Though there may be more costs upfront, adapting the current health care structure to be more inclusive will be empowering for all and would ease the process for medical staff, Pham said.

Better data collection techniques - and including people with disabilities in the conversations - will help policy makers make informed decisions. There can be different definitions between federal agencies, but transparency is needed on which is used.

"How the country collects numbers on people with disabilities has echoes down the line and into people's real lives," Pham said, noting that any confusion will allow health care providers to delay or deny any proposed changes.

Health care officials and providers shouldn't be afraid of change. The rapid adoption of telehealth visits during the pandemic proves that, Pham told CBS News.

"It took them, what - days, weeks - to put it in place once they had to," she said. "I take all of the fretting about moving to a more inclusively designed health care system with a grain of salt."

Advocates are hopeful that educating others, better statistics, and adopting a more inclusive system will help people with disabilities in the long run.

But they also say Americans need to flip the conversation on its head and center people in their health care, and it needn't be a strange or radical concept.

"It has to be holistic. It has to be person-centered, and it has to include wraparound services," Rebecca Cokley told CBS News, including community living and other support services. "To ensure that people don't fall through the cracks."

Michael Roppolo

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16,000 people with disabilities are in state-operated institutions. This is how experts say health care should change.

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"It is against the basic civil and human rights that we have established are a key part of American identity," one advocate tells CBS News. "Community living should be the rule, rather than the exception."

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The Social Justice Sexuality Project - Just another Graduate Center Website Services site

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Two large projects are connected to this initiative: the Social Justice Sexuality Project and the Passing It Forward Project. More information about the Passing It Forward Project can be found here. The Social Justice Sexuality Project is one of the largest ever national surveys

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What's the Problem?

All people should be able to enjoy the full range of human rights, without exception.

However, every day, across the globe, people face discrimination and violence because of their sex, gender, or sexuality, or their perceived sex, gender, or sexuality.

We all have the right to make decisions about our own health, body, sexuality, and reproductive life, without fear, coercion, violence, or discrimination. But, people's freedom to make these decisions and their ability to access their rights are often controlled by the state, medical professionals, or even their own families.

Women and girls around the world routinely face unequal treatment and violence. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, and other gender-non-conforming people face stigma and criminalization.

We all have the right to make decisions about who we are and what we want to do with our lives. Yet all over the world, many are persecuted for making their own choices and many more are prevented from making any choices at all.

Discrimination against women and LGBTQI+ people and the denial of sexual and reproductive rights are rooted in unequal power relationships and the attempt to control people's bodies and choices.

Why Is It An Issue?

Governments have a legal obligation to protect people from discrimination and violence.

When governments fail to protect people, Amnesty International is there helping to ensure that all people can live in dignity, safety, and freedom.

People have very different experiences based on their sex, gender, or sexual orientation- and the fact is that women, girls, and LGBTQ+ people often face discrimination that means they do not have equal access to their rights. Our work encompasses a range of human rights as they relate to the rights of women and girls, LGBTQ+ people, and sexual and reproductive rights for all.

What is the solution?

In order for all of us to participate in our communities and enjoy human rights, we need the ability to live free from discrimination and with full access to our sexual and reproductive rights- and to make decisions about our lives, bodies, and identities without fear.

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Amnesty International USA fights for women's rights, LGBTQI+ rights, Indigenous peoples' rights, and the rights of all to enjoy their sexual and reproductive rights.

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Guide To Gender Identity Terms *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Guide To Gender Identity Terms *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Sex and Gender Identity  *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Sex and Gender Identity  *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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There's a lot more to being male, female, or any gender than the sex assigned at birth. Your biological or assigned sex does not always tell your complete story.

What are the differences between sex, gender, and gender identity?

It's common for people to confuse sex, gender, and gender identity. But they're actually all different things.

Sex is a label - male or female - that you're assigned by a doctor at birth based on the genitals you're born with and the chromosomes you have. It goes on your birth certificate.

Gender is much more complex: It's a social and legal status, and set of expectations from society, about behaviors, characteristics, and thoughts. Each culture has standards about the way that people should behave based on their gender. This is also generally male or female. But instead of being about body parts, it's more about how you're expected to act, because of your sex.

Gender identity is how you feel inside and how you express your gender through clothing, behavior, and personal appearance. It's a feeling that begins very early in life.

What's assigned sex (aka "biological sex")?

Assigned sex is a label that you're given at birth based on medical factors, including your hormones, chromosomes, and genitals. Most people are assigned male or female, and this is what's put on their birth certificates.

When someone's sexual and reproductive anatomy doesn't seem to fit the typical definitions of female or male, they may be described as intersex.

Some people call the sex we're assigned at birth "biological sex." But this term doesn't fully capture the complex biological, anatomical, and chromosomal variations that can occur. Having only two options (biological male or biological female) might not describe what's going on inside a person's body.

Instead of saying "biological sex," some people use the phrase "assigned male at birth" or "assigned female at birth." This acknowledges that someone (often a doctor) is making a decision for someone else. The assignment of a biological sex may or may not align with what's going on with a person's body, how they feel, or how they identify.

The factors that determine our assigned sex begin as early as fertilization.

Each sperm has either an X or a Y chromosome in it. All eggs have an X chromosome.

When sperm fertilizes an egg, its X or Y chromosome combines with the X chromosome of the egg.

A person with XX chromosomes usually has female sex and reproductive organs, and is therefore usually assigned biologically female.

A person with XY chromosomes usually has male sex and reproductive organs, and is therefore usually assigned biologically male.

Other arrangements of chromosomes, hormones, and body parts can happen, which results in someone being intersex.

What's gender?

Gender is much bigger and more complicated than assigned sex. Gender includes gender roles, which are expectations society and people have about behaviors, thoughts, and characteristics that go along with a person's assigned sex.

For example, ideas about how men and women are expected to behave, dress, and communicate all contribute to gender. Gender is also a social and legal status as girls and boys, men, and women.

It's easy to confuse sex and gender. Just remember that biological or assigned sex is about biology, anatomy, and chromosomes. Gender is society's set of expectations, standards, and characteristics about how men and women are supposed to act.

What's gender identity?

Your gender identity is how you feel inside and how you express those feelings. Clothing, appearance, and behaviors can all be ways to express your gender identity.

Most people feel that they're either male or female. Some people feel like a masculine female, or a feminine male. Some people feel neither male nor female. These people may choose labels such as "genderqueer," "gender variant," or "gender fluid." Your feelings about your gender identity begin as early as age 2 or 3.

Some people's assigned sex and gender identity are pretty much the same, or in line with each other. These people are called cisgender. Other people feel that their assigned sex is of the other gender from their gender identity (i.e., assigned sex is female, but gender identity is male). These people are called transgender or trans. Not all transgender people share the same exact identity.

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There's more to gender than sex assigned at birth. What's biological sex or assigned sex? What does Female, Male, and Intersex mean?

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The differences between race and ethnicity – and why they’re so hard to define *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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The differences between race and ethnicity – and why they’re so hard to define *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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The differences between race and ethnicity – and why they’re so hard to define

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Ethnic Groups *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Ethnic Groups *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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People often use the word religion to mean the worship of a god or gods. But some religions do not have gods. One thing that all religions have in common is that they help…

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Sexual Identity *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Sexual Identity *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Different people can have different relationships. If you’re feeling confused, we can help you figure things out

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Sexuality Explained *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Sexuality Explained *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Sexuality is not about whom we have sex with, or how often we have it. Sexuality is about our sexual feelings, thoughts, attractions and behaviours towards other people.

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What is Sexual Orientation? *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED* 

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What is Sexual Orientation? *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED* 

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Press the red "play" button at the top of the article to hear the article read aloud!

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Name Discrimination Study Finds Lakisha And Jamal Still Less Likely To Get Hired Than Emily And Greg *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Name Discrimination Study Finds Lakisha And Jamal Still Less Likely To Get Hired Than Emily And Greg *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Name Discrimination Study Finds Lakisha And Jamal Still Less Likely To Get Hired Than Emily And Greg

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Economists sent 83,000 job applications to 108 companies. Applicants with Black names were called back 10% fewer times across the board.

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Name discrimination can begin as early as in elementary school.

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Name discrimination is one of the first types of racism kids face *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Name discrimination is one of the first types of racism kids face *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Name discrimination can begin as early as in elementary school. Children see their names ridiculed or even avoided because they are labeled as too ethnic or difficult. It is often one of the first times a child experiences racism.

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According to a 2020 study from the American Psychological Association, children notice race many years before adults want to talk about it.

Triangle experts who've studied racism say it's never too early to talk to your kids.

Dr. Ronda Taylor Bullock is the lead curator of We Are, a non-profit organization that provides anti-racism training for children, families, and educators. According to Bullock, name discrimination is one of the earliest types of racism kids face.

"Children are not too young to have these conversations because they are not too young to cause the harm," Bullock said.

Nine-year-old Grace Mgongolwa knows exactly what that's like.
WRAL News is committed to covering stories of racial disparities and efforts for change. "Forward Together" covers stories of race relations and highlights the change makers in our community who are working to find and implement change. To suggest a story or a change maker, email forward@wral.com.
Nine-year-old Grace Mgongolwa knows exactly what name discrimination is.

Several years ago, Grace, who is now in 4th grade, asked her parents if she was allowed to change her Tanzanian last name to something "easier" for the students who were making fun of her.

Today, it still means a lot to Grace when someone pronounces her name correctly.

"I feel really happy that they put in the effort to try and practice it and really put work into it," she said.

To help build her cultural pride, Grace's parents enrolled her in Bullock's five-day anti-racism student program.

"On day one, we talk about the importance of names and learning to pronounce people's names correctly," Bullock said. "We're arming kids with these phrases on how to push back and advocate for themselves. We're also showing them what it looks like to make a mistake and to apologize for it."

Grace's parents immediately saw a difference and even learned something themselves.

"If someone mispronounces your name, does not take the effort or tells you it's difficult, that is their mistake, that is lazy, that is on them ,and it is not on you," said Katie Mgongolwa, Grace's mom. "But you can teach people how to say your name."

Another key? Families can have conversations about name discrimination and other types of racism earlier.

Get more information about Bullock's anti-racism program online.

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Name discrimination is one of the first types of racism kids face

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Name discrimination can begin as early as in elementary school.

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History of Disabilities & Discrimination  *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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History of Disabilities & Discrimination  *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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History of Disabilities & Discrimination (for kids)

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What is Ableism? *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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What is Ableism? *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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What is Ableism? What Does it Look Like?

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Ableism 101 *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Ableism 101 *DO NOT USE UNLESS INSTRUCTED*

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Ableism 101 - What is Ableism? What Does it Look Like?

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As buzzwords like social justice, equity, and inclusion permeate our conversations, it’s essential for advocates of progress to remember another ‘ism.’

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Download this issue brief (pdf)

Read this issue brief on your broswer (Scribd)

The role of women of color in shaping our country's economic and political climate is becoming increasingly significant as national demographic trends continue to shift toward women of color becoming the majority among all women. Today women of color comprise 36.3 percent of our nation's female population and approximately 18 percent of the entire U.S. population. And by 2050 there will be no racial or ethnic majority among the general population of the United States. As our country rapidly grows more diverse, women of color are consequently a growing demographic.

But women of color today are largely underrepresented in the national debate on key issues, including reproductive health care, women's rights, and the economy-despite the direct impact these issues have on their families and communities. In fact, women of color have a lot at stake in the policy decisions being made, especially relating to jobs, the economy, and health care, because they are most likely to benefit from reforms intended to equalize opportunity for all Americans.

To be sure, women of color have made incredible strides in educational attainment and in the workplace-especially in entrepreneurship-yet their earnings and net wealth still pale in comparison to white women. They also lag behind in political leadership positions and still face unique health disparities. So their voices are critical to shaping the policies that affect their lives.

This issue brief examines the state of women of color in the United States at large in regards to four key areas: the workplace wage gap, health, educational attainment, and political leadership. While conversations in the mainstream media would suggest that women of color are a monolithic entity, it is important to note that women of color are a diverse group with a variety of experiences. We offer specific data points on various racial and ethnic groups where available as we present the issues of greatest importance to women of color today, but remember that data are not always available for direct comparisons of different groups of women of color compared to their white counterparts.

The workplace wage gap

While women of color have made significant strides in the workforce over the past decade, they still face unique employment barriers that harm their economic security. Despite efforts to lessen its effects, a significant pay gap still exists between men and women. And the gap is more pronounced among women of color: While women overall make 77 cents for every dollar the average white male makes, black women and Hispanic women only make 70 cents and 61 cents, respectively. The gender-based wage gap uniquely harms women of color who face greater occupational segmentation, even lower wages, and punishingly higher rates of unemployment than white women.

Women of color currently make up about 33 percent of the female workforce and are twice as likely as their white female counterparts to be employed in lower-wage sectors such as the service industry. Not surprisingly, then, the earnings of women of color continue to lag behind their white counterparts. The wage disparity limits women of color from obtaining economic security by depressing their lifetime earnings: Estimates show that women lose an average of $434,000 in their lifetime from the gender-based wage gap, and women of color are hit harder by this loss because they have lower-wage jobs and higher rates of unemployment.

Additionally, women of color also experience lower median weekly earnings, higher rates of poverty, and greater unemployment. In comparison to white women, whose median usual weekly earnings are $703, black women only earn $595 and Latina women just $518. Women of color also report living in poverty at much higher rates: In 2008 poverty rates among women were more than double for women of color compared to white women. The poverty rate of white, non-Hispanic women is 10.3 percent, compared to American Indian women and black women who had the highest poverty rates at 27.6 percent and 26.6 percent, respectively.

Black and Latina women are also disproportionately unemployed. During the first quarter of 2012, black and Latina women saw rates of unemployment at 13.3 percent and 11.4 percent, respectively, which were much higher than the 7.2 percent unemployment rate for white women.

If these trends continue, women of color will be left behind and their families and communities will be adversely affected, especially as more women become breadwinners-earning either as much or more than their husbands-in their households. According to a recent CAP report, in Hispanic households about 4 in 10 working wives were breadwinners in 2010-nearly double the rate in 1975. And among black households, more than half (53.3 percent) of working wives were breadwinners. As women continue to be providers, eliminating the pay gap is crucial for these communities to prosper.

Occupational segmentation

One obvious reason for this workplace wage gap is that discrimination and labor segmentation over the years has restricted women to low-income jobs. In fact, women are three times more likely to work in administrative positions and are overrepresented in lower-paying occupations of the professional sector such as education and health care. In 2007 less than 15 percent of women were employed in management, business, and financial operations occupations.

In communities of color the labor segmentation becomes even more apparent. In 2007 only 5.6 percent of black women and 4.8 percent of Latina women were in management positions. The service industry was the most common occupation for black and Latina women, at 27 percent and 30 percent, respectively. And the health care industry is the largest employer for Asian American and Pacific Islander women.

Women of color are underrepresented in professional and managerial positions and face significant barriers in transitioning out of low-wage jobs. Some of the barriers that hinder women of color from advancing are lower levels of educational attainment-as explored in more detail later in this issue brief-and lack of workforce training.

Business ownership

One area where women of color have made significant progress, however, is in entrepreneurism. Businesses owned by women of color play a key role in the current marketplace. Currently 1.9 million firms are majority owned by women of color, generating $165 billion in annual revenue and employing 1.2 million people.

Latina-owned businesses are the fastest-growing segment of the women-owned business market, and are starting up at six times the national average. Currently, 1 in 10 of all women-owned businesses are owned by Latinas. Across the country, Latina-owned businesses have total receipts of $55.7 billion and total receipts have grown by 57.8 percent since 2002.

African American women are also pioneers in the business world. According to the Center for Women's Business Research, black women are starting businesses at three to five times the rate of all businesses. Despite facing financial obstacles companies started by African American women grew nearly 67 percent between 2002 and 2007

Health

Women of color have disproportionately higher rates of diabetes, obesity, heart disease, hypertension, and certain forms of cancer, and also have increased mortality rates for certain forms of cancer. While white women are more likely to have breast cancer, black women have higher mortality rates from breast cancer. Every year, for example, 1,722 African American women die from breast cancer-an average of five African American women per day. There are also higher death rates from cervical cancer among older Hispanic women, Asian American women, and American Indian/Alaska Native women than among white women.

Increased coverage will reduce these disparities by improving access to adequate health insurance and health care for women of color. Let's look at each of these areas in turn.

Insurance coverage

While women of color represent 36.3 percent of the U.S. female population, they account for 53.2 percent of uninsured women, with Hispanics having the highest uninsured rates across all other racial and ethnic groups. Insurance coverage provides women with increased access to preventive health care that will significantly help reduce the onset of certain diseases that disproportionately affect women of color, such as diabetes, obesity, heart disease, and breast cancer.

An estimated 5.5 million African Americans, 6.1 million Latinos, 2.7 million Asians, and 300,000 Native Americans-many of them women-are currently receiving expanded preventive service coverage under the Affordable Care Act. According to a report by the Kaiser Family Foundation, 31 percent of Native American women and 20 percent of Asian Pacific Islander women lacked insurance coverage in 2006. Increased insurance coverage under Obamacare will reduce health disparities among women of color and provide adequate health services to these women.

Medicaid

More than 50 million people are currently enrolled in Medicaid-the joint federal-state health insurance program for the poor-and women represent more than two-thirds of the adults who receive it. Nearly 60 percent of children participating in Medicaid are from communities of color. Since women of color are disproportionately represented in low-wage jobs, they often do not have access to employer-sponsored health insurance.

In 2010, 28 percent of African Americans relied on Medicaid compared to 11 percent of non-Hispanic whites.As many as 9 million low-income Latinos will gain health care coverage due to the expanded Medicaid eligibility under Obamacare.

Family planning

Women of color have historically had substandard health care and education, which has often led to higher rates of unplanned pregnancies. Disparities in reproductive health have caused Latina women to experience unintended pregnancies at double the rate of white women, and African American women experience unintended pregnancies at three times the rate.

Due to unequal pay and high unemployment rates among women of color, high costs often deny many of these women access to contraception. Removing the financial hurdles to obtaining contraception will grant women of color access to this vital health service.

Educational attainment

While college tuition continues to skyrocket, it's well known that postsecondary education is linked to future economic prosperity. This makes it that much more important that more communities of color attain college degrees at higher rates. Women of color have seen the most advances in educational attainment as women among most racial and ethnic groups are receiving degrees at higher rates than men.

But women of color continue to experience setbacks in breaking into more lucrative fields such as math and science, face financial difficulties, and have lower completion rates in comparison to white women. In 2010, 30 percent of white women had a college degree or higher, compared to 21.4 percent of black women and a mere 14.9 percent of Hispanic women.

Additionally, while women of color have steadily progressed in postsecondary education, those efforts do not always translate into equal earnings later down the road. According to Census data in regards to work-life earnings, regardless of degree obtained white women make more than black and Hispanic women among full-time, year-round workers.

College enrollment and completion

As our nation's demographics continue to change, it's imperative that attaining a college degree becomes a priority among women of color. Financial instability and fewer resources and opportunities are just some of the barriers that women of color face in postsecondary education. Below are some key points highlighting the advances and challenges for women of color in postsecondary education.

Women of color are disproportionately represented among low-income students. A report by the Center for Women Policy Studies find that more than one-third-34.9 percent-of all women students are low income, but

more than half of African American women students (52.6 percent) and Latina students (50.8 percent) are low income.

Despite progress, women of color are the most underrepresented in science. In a 2010 Bayer Corporation study, 77 percent of those pollednoted that "women and underrepresented minorities are missing from the U.S. STEM [science, technology, engineering, and math] workforce."

Women of color have a higher percentage of college completion. In the 2008-09 school year, women of color generally earned a greater share of college degrees compared to their male counterparts than white, non-Hispanic women.

Women of color continue to make strides in advanced studies. The number of master's degrees earned by women of color doubled from 1997 to 2007, and the number of doctoral degrees they earned increased by 63 percent over the same time period.

Women of color have made significant strides in completing college at higher rates and obtaining advanced degrees in higher numbers, but lower completion rates than white women and financial barriers continue to hinder their full potential, particularly among Latinos-the fastest-growing population-who continue to have the lowest educational attainment levels.

Political leadership

Although women of color have made substantial advances in the workforce, business, and educational attainment, this group continues to be greatly underrepresented in positions of power in government. Women currently comprise only 17 percent of Congress, and the numbers are particularly bleak for women of color.

Of the 90 women serving in the current 112th U.S. Congress, women of color comprise only 27 percent. Women of color are completely absent in the Senate, and only 24 currently serve in the House of Representatives. Of those serving in the House, more than half (13) are African American women, less than one-third (7) are Latinas, and only two are Asian Pacific Islanders. A Native American woman has never served in Congress.

Women face unique barriers in running for office. Studies show that women are less likely to be encouraged to run for office and the demands of child care and household tasks hinder women. Below are some of the key facts highlighting the lack of representation of women of color serving in political office:

There are even fewer women of color serving as statewide elective executives-such as governor, lieutenant governor, or attorney general-than in Congress. Women of color comprise 14.9 percent of female state elective executives, including the first two women of color to serve as governors-Gov. Nikki Haley (R-SC) and Gov. Susana Martinez (R-NM).

State legislatures are even less representative of our current demographics. Of the 1,749 women in state legislatures, women of color represent 20.1 percent of the female state legislators and 4.8 percent of the total state legislators.

There are currently no women of color in the Senate. The only woman of color to serve in the Senate was Carol Moseley Braun (D-IL), an African American who served from 1993 to 1999.

In the nation's 100 largest cities, only two women of color are currently serving as mayors. Previouslyonly eight women of color have served-seven African American women and one Latina.

Conclusion

Women of color are a key growing demographic in the United States, representing 36.3 percent of the country's female population today and about 18 percent of the entire U.S. population. As women of color continue to shape our political and economic climate, it's imperative to acknowledge that they are not a monolithic entity.

As stated above, women of color have different experiences in the workforce and political leadership. Each demographic faces different health disparities and advances in educational attainment, making it that much more important that we acknowledge their diverse perspectives, particularly in the national discourse on issues directly impacting their families and communities.
Sophia Kerby is the Special Assistant for Progress 2050 at the Center for American Progress.
Download this issue brief (pdf)
See also:
Read this issue brief on your broswer (Scribd)

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The State of Women of Color in the United States

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Download this issue brief (pdf) Read this issue brief on your broswer (Scribd) The role of women of color in shaping our country's economic and political climate is becoming increasingly significant as national demographic trends continue to shift toward women of color becoming the majority among all women.

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For the next part of our roundtable on the tensions and challenges in feminism along issues of race, we picked the brain of Filthy Freedom's Lindsey Yoo. Yoo had been following the sprawling #solidarityisforwhitewomen conversation, and felt that Asian-American women were often sidelined or overlooked when people talk about issues affecting women of color. "In my sophomore year in college, after I learned of Japanese-American activist Yuri Kochiyama's role in the civil rights movement and asked a sociology professor why none of our classroom discussions included any mention of her role, she told me that 'bringing an Asian into the discussion on civil rights would just confuse people,' " she wrote. "When I pointed out to another sociology professor that the statistics we were studying that day, on the parenting styles of black and Hispanic parents versus white parents, did not take into account the unique perspective of Asians, she told me bluntly that 'the Asian perspective can be found in the stats on white people.' " If you haven't read the previous entries in our series from Roxane Gay, Jill Filipovic and Mikki Kendall, they're really worth your time. And if there are other people writing about these ideas with compelling takes, we'd love if you could share them with us in the comments. - G.D. Recommitting Feminism To Multiracial Solidarity
Roxane, Jill and Mikki-

After I shared an article that addressed the conspicuous lack of women of color on magazine covers, a friend exclaimed, "Let's not forget there is a lack of our Latina and Asian sisters." That comment, while coming from someone with all the best intentions in the world, prompted me to ask a series of awkward and sobering questions: When people say "women of color," am I included in that equation, or does it not apply to Asian-American women? What about Hispanic women? Do they have more of a claim to that label than Asians do? Or do they also not count? Do people really want to hear from someone who looks like me when they engage in conversations about racial justice?

Advocates for a more inclusive feminism cannot be content with calling attention to the tendency of feminist circles to focus solely on the issues that matter to privileged, white women. We must also rethink the ways we use the term "women of color." Our community needs conversations that explicitly demonstrate how the struggles of Asian, Latina and other women who fall outside the black-white binary are inextricably linked with the oppression of others. While I thoroughly appreciate the discussions that came from #solidarityisforwhitewomen, we must work even harder to ensure solidarity with all women who experience life at the intersections of race and gender.

As a Korean-American woman, I am sometimes hesitant to participate in conversations like #solidarityisforwhitewomen, because all too often, no one seems to be quite certain where I belong. In college sociology classes, when I asked to see the perspectives of Asian-Americans in our studies, some professors told me to look at the statistics on white people, or insinuated that Asian-Americans had no bearing on racial justice. I've been told since high school that Asian-Americans are not relevant, that our voices and experiences matter only when high-schoolers turn their pages to the obligatory paragraphs in their world history readers that briefly address Chinese railroad workers. The Asian-American experience, despite spanning several generations of struggle and oppression, is rendered invisible.

When I confront my friends and family - Asian-Americans are just as capable of internalizing and perpetuating anti-Asian racism as anyone else - for participating in casual, anti-Asian humor, I am told I have no right to be offended, since we are doing so much better than everyone else and should be grateful (as if our ethnicity, which comprises a multitude of racialized experiences and socioeconomic backgrounds, can be generalized into one, harmonious, high-achieving blob). Mikki Kendall states that "we use umbrella terms referencing race, class, gender, sexual orientation, etc., but we are all aware (or should be anyway) that no community is a monolith." In my experience, however, the Asian-American community has always been portrayed as a monolith of kung-fu fighters, loose women and unscrupulous small-business owners.

I am aware that certain segments of the Asian-American community do enjoy more privileges than other people of color. But I am also keenly aware of the ways that I, like other people of color, am yoked and burdened by the existing structures of power and privilege. I am oppressed both as a woman and as a person of Asian descent. My body is constantly orientalized and hypersexualized by people who are more comfortable seeing me on television as a giggling, sexually repressed schoolgirl or whip-carrying dragon lady/tiger mom than they are with seeing me as an empowered individual with a dynamic history and voice.

This dismissive attitude toward Asian-Americans causes a dangerous rift in the ever-evolving journey toward true solidarity and the dismantling of racial and gender hierarchies. It's difficult, for instance, to feel like an ally when so many prominent feminists around me choose to praise and write about Orange Is the New Black for its portrayals of gender and race, but make almost no mention of the lazy, racist depiction of the lone Asian female character. Unlike the other characters in the series, Chang is given no substantial backstory or opportunity to redeem herself. She functions only as a vessel of cheap humor that draws from her awkward, accented English.

Similarly, it's hard to say I stand in solidarity with my feminist allies when feminists have railed against singer Chris Brown for his misogyny and violence, but have said very little about his incredibly racist song and music video, " Fine China." When Chris Brown releases a popular song that exoticizes Asian women, takes all the liberties in the world with "Asian culture," and perpetuates every racial trope that has ever existed in the Asian-American community, his actions should warrant further conversations about racism, appropriation and misogyny.

The idea of working "outside the binary" - not looking at race as a simple matter of black and white - has been hashed and rehashed within the social justice world, but we need to push for more than the occasional misguided ode to the "model minority" of "hard-working Asians." Roxane Gay is right: "We have a painful, infuriating history to reconcile - one where the concerns of heterosexual, able middle-class white women have too often been privileged at the expense of everyone else." But in our respective fights to be heard and empowered as women of color, we must be careful not to further stigmatize and marginalize other voices in our midst.

I am writing from the perspective of a college-educated, Korean-American woman who was privileged enough to be asked to join this conversation. Because I have felt excluded from discussions concerning women of color, I am certain that there are many other voices out there - Latina, Southeast Asian, Vietnamese, Native American - that also have felt left out, even under the all-welcoming label of "women of color." Joining Mikki Kendall's "endorsement of listening, of not always trying to be the leader, and instead handing the proverbial reins over to others" is the only way we will ever build a culture of true solidarity. Our efforts and agitation toward the dismantling of racial hierarchies make sense only when we include, legitimize and strengthen the voices of all women of color.

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Feminism And Race: Just Who Counts As A 'Woman Of Color'?

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Do discussions about issues affecting women of color overlook Asian-Americans? One writer says yes and wants to change that.

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Graduation season is a time of transitions, celebration, possibility, and well-meaning advice. While much of the advice is time tested and prudent (don't burn bridges, cultivate transferable skills, exercise grit, etc.), and most is harmless, some is not only outdated, but downright harmful, especially for women of color. If new women of color graduates want to truly thrive in the workplace, they need to know how to push back on microaggressions and racism, how to stay true to their values when they face pressure to conform, and how to find others to combat the isolation they may feel as they rise. To do that they need to:

Be better prepared to handle potential workplace stereotypes, microaggressions, and racism. If you encounter a racist incident you don't have to grin and bear it. You can push back, especially if you do it in ways that are direct but don't drive your colleagues away.

Don't give in on the things that define you. They are your strengths. Being yourself at work matters. Research has shown that it leads to higher motivation, increased self-determination, and less burnout. Advocating for ourselves in both small and big ways can help us find power and stand up for ourselves in even larger ways as we grow in our careers.

Find your community. None of us are islands, or superheroes. We all need support, validation, and input from those around us, and ideally from those who respect and honor our experiences. Try to create bonds and connections with others at your level. See them as a resource not competition.

Where your work meets your life. See more from Ascend here.

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Stop Telling Young Women of Color to Accept a Broken System

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Graduation season is a time of transitions, celebration, possibility, and well-meaning advice. While much of the advice is time tested and prudent (don't burn bridges, cultivate transferable skills, exercise grit, etc.), and most is harmless, some is not only outdated, but downright harmful, especially for women of color.

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Modern Day Silencing of Women of Color

Tech industry

A recent report indicated only 24 percent of women work in STEM careers. Of that, about 4 percent include black and Latinx women. One reason is the way in which white men continue to gatekeep entry into the STEM pipeline. We indulge in endless conversations about why so few women of color are entering STEM fields and occupations, without ever assessing all the negative messages girls receive about how hard math, physics, and chemistry is, how there are so few in the field to mentor them, and how science is not welcoming to them. Our challenge is to stop talking and start ensuring the presence of women of color in every role tech has to offer.

POLITICAL ARENA

The lack of women in any given dialogue is typically not perceived as a loss. That is how male politicians can and do decide public policy which affects women and girls disproportionately without ever having a female present at the table. We have seen black women of elected office maligned and mocked as if what they do say is irrelevant and simply noise. Witness the current administration's threats and disdain for Congresswoman Maxine Waters; the sustained efforts to depict Florida Congressperson Frederica Wilson a liar, meddler, and "empty barrel" as she stood up for the rights of a widow of a slain black solider. California Senator Kamala Harris was interrupted and cut-off by white male colleagues during Senate hearings as well as Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal who was referred to as "young woman" by a white male colleague during a hearing. And Carmen Yulin Cruz, Mayor of Puerto Rico's capital San Juan, was relentlessly castigated by president Trump for her advocacy for Puerto Ricans in light of the devastation left by Hurricane Maria.

Trafficking - MAIL ORDER BRIDES

Seattle has its own history with the sexualization and trafficking of women of color by white men, including 19th and early 20th century brothels "specializing" in Asian, Native American and black women. In modern times, trafficking plays out in many ways including "mail-order brides". Our stereotypical thought of " mail-order brides" conjures images of quiet, passive women, happy to escape their desperate lives and be married to strong white men. However, the reality in so many instances was and is one of oppressive control and secret violence. An example of this is the 1995 shooting at the downtown Seattle Superior Court of a pregnant Filipina woman, Susana Remerata Blackwell, and two Filipina supporters shot to death by her husband as she waited to enter the courtroom in her divorce proceedings against him.

LATINX WOMEN

The separation of Latinx mothers from their children while seeking asylum and refuge at the U.S. border is only the most recent example of quieting women who speak up for themselves and name what they need. Latinx women are some of the lowest paid members of the U.S. workforce. Latinx women who work as janitors or on farms have long been targets of sexual assault; many of their accusations against major corporations have gone unheard. On daily basis, Latinx women are subjected to harassment and oppression due to assumptions about their heritage, their English language skills, and their work capabilities.

NATIVE AMERICAN WOMEN

Five hundred years of cultural genocide means that Native peoples as a whole have embedded generational trauma. We have seen a historic Native American woman, Pocahontas, sexualized and her true story turned into a cartoon by Disney. Further, her name is invoked to diminish and make cheap fun of a sitting female U.S. Senator. Native American women are 84 percent more likely of all women to experience violence in their lifetime. Some studies show that Native women are murdered at 10 times the national average, in some instances by white predators. The Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women movement raises awareness of the many forms of violence perpetrated against Native women. Native American women also suffer pay disparity at a higher rate than white women.

African American WOMEN

Women of color get different messages about the worth of their voices and the consequences of speaking out. African American women also carry generational trauma from the effects of slavery, Jim Crow, segregation, and everyday oppression. African American's achievements are constantly undermined. As an example, African American women's beauty does not meet societal standards, yet African American women's hairstyles and fashion sense are constantly being appropriated without acknowledgment.

We know that African American women have to work eight months into the following year to be paid as much as white men. The message that African American women's contributions to American society are not valued begins early. For instance, starting as early as kindergarten and first grade, African American girls in school are punished for being too chatty, too loud, or too questioning. Their curiosity is seen as threatening, as disruption of the preferred [white] ideal of young girls as quiet, submissive, and well-behaved. African American girls are often seen as not bright or smart enough to be worth mentoring through their school years. In these ways, African American girls receive confusing messages about whether education - and school - are welcoming or accessible to them.

The many aspects of violence directed against women of color have not diminished over the centuries. A significant way to silence women, whether in public spaces, at work, or in private, is to use sexual harassment and assault. If women do report or speak out against their attackers and predators, society ensures they will not be believed, or that they must endlessly prove their worthiness to make the claim of harm. In any event, women of color are expected to tolerate a level of violence against their persons that has been normalized in conscious and unconscious ways.

The #MeToo movement created a worldwide cultural shift. Originally founded by Tarana Burke, an African American woman, the movement was created to give women and men survivors of sexual harm a voice to speak out against sexual violence. With more women speaking out against perpetrators and with some of the accused actually being held accountable, women's voices are beginning to be heard.

GETTING IN THE POWER SEAT

This year the U.S. saw a record 472 female-identifying persons running for elected positions. There is also more woman of color, including immigrants, running than in previous electoral years. For example, in the state of Alabama alone, 18 African American women are running for elected office. Many of the women running are young and single.

Take action

Ways to support the voices of women of color include:

Always ensure that black and brown women are in the room and at the table.

Women of color should lead conversations, particularly about issues and concerns that affect them most.

Listen to the ideas, comments, and critiques made by women of color.

Do not interrupt, minimize or dismiss their voices.

Use white privilege to advocate for women of color whose voices are being ignored or lost in the shuffle; however, do not speak for them.

Believe women of color when they tell you about the indignities, oppression, and violence they have suffered.

Work to implement the ideas and solutions of women of color.

Be a humble, thoughtful partner to the work of women of color.

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How American Society Habitually Silences Women of Color Part II

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Part I of this series focused on the historical aspect of how women of color are silenced. Hearing the voices of women of color means having them participate in all aspects of society, valuing their contributions.

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Black women are significantly less than white women to enroll in four-year colleges, graduate within six years and go on to earn advanced degrees.

The number of white women (39%) getting an associate or bachelor's degree by the age of 29 is nearly twice as high as for Black women (21%) and Latinas (20%).

Among Black students in higher education, women are more likely than men to earn degrees: Black women get 64.1% of bachelor's degrees, 71.5% of master's degrees and 65.9%of doctoral, medical, and dental degrees.

Fewer students of color attend four-year colleges than white students do: 30.6% of Latinx; 27.1% of Blacks and 39.3% white.

Students of color are significantly more likely to attend for-profit colleges: 25.2% among Latinx to 28% among Blacks vs. 11.4% among whites.

More than 64.3% of white students finish a four-year degree within six years, compared to 55% of Latinx students and 39.8% of Black students.

Enrollment at the open-access community colleges and four-year colleges and universities is 37% Black and Latinx, compared to enrollment at the top-funded and most selective four-year colleges and universities where enrollment is 75% white.

Black and Latinx students are over-represented in the lower-earning majors.

The top majors of Black students include: health and medical administration services (21%); human services and community organization (20%); social work (19%); public administration (17%); criminal justice and fire protection (15%); sociology (14%); computer and information systems (14%); human resources and personnel management (14%); interdisciplinary social sciences (13%); and pre-law and legal studies (13%).

The top majors of Latinx students include: international business (22%); industrial and manufacturing engineering (17%); French, German, Latin and other common foreign language studies (16%); biomedical engineering (15%); international relations (15%); linguistics and comparative language and literature (14%); general education (12%); human services and community organization (12%); language and drama education (12%).

Black women represent just under 7% of the population, but only 4.2% of biology sciences, 2.6% of computer sciences, 2.8% of physical sciences, 2.3% of math and statistics and 0.99% of engineering degrees.

Black and Latinx students are more likely to leave STEM majors than white students. At the beginning of studies, around 20% of white, Latinx and Black students declared a STEM major, but the students of color switched out of STEM majors at higher rates: 37% for Latinx and 40% for Black students, compared to 29% of white students. About 20% of Latinx and 26% of Black STEM majors left the institutions without graduating compared, to 13% of white STEM majors.

Some schools are creating scholars programs to attract and retain more students of color to earn STEM doctorates, such as the Meyerhoff Scholars Program at the University of Maryland, Baltimore.

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Black women are significantly less than white women to enroll in four-year colleges, graduate within six years and go on to earn advanced degrees. The number of white women (39%) getting an associate or bachelor's degree by the age of 29 is nearly twice as high as for Black women (21%) and Latinas (20%).

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7 interesting Black History facts you likely didn’t know

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Here are seven facts I didn’t know, and you might not, either.

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Being a black man in America means being my brother's keeper. Being a black man in America means being my brother's keeper while keeping a distance from my brother because I don't trust him further than I can see him. It's believing the cops don't care about you. It's learning how not to doubt yourself because when you're born everyone else already does."
-Poet Prentice Powell, written following the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, in 2014
Police brutality toward Black men, as exemplified by the murder of George Floyd under a White officer's knee, highlighted the particular range of mental stressors Black men experience.

For psychologists who work with, study, and support Black men, that incident and the resulting protests were an added call to find better, more effective ways of promoting Black men's mental health, said Howard C. Stevenson, PhD, director of the Racial Empowerment Collaborative at the University of Pennsylvania and a national expert in helping people of color address and heal from racism.

"We should place less emphasis on whether Black men are resistant to therapy," said Stevenson, "and more on understanding the contexts in which they already feel comfortable talking about their feelings and traumas. If a Black man is able to find a treatment that is culturally responsive, that he understands, and that embraces the uniqueness of his difference, he is more likely to use that service."

There is a long way to go toward making such mental health care universal, Stevenson and others say, but psychologists are crafting several promising interventions that address issues that Black men face. Besides adaptations of individual therapy, these include community programs in barbershops and other local venues, outreach through technology and social media, and national networks devoted to facilitating Black men's mental health and well-being.

The more that systems, programs, and providers find culturally relevant ways to foster Black men's mental health-including directly addressing racial trauma and its effects-the more society will benefit, added Wizdom Powell, PhD, an associate professor of psychiatry at the University of Connecticut and director of the university's Health Disparities Institute.

"Interventions shouldn't be just about healing and restoring Black men, though that would be enough," she said. "We also need to think about how much talent we're hemorrhaging" by not providing Black men with the proper support. "Think of all the innovators, entrepreneurs, scientists, and physicians there would be if Black men weren't being killed with impunity by police officers and if we were creating spaces for them to heal, grow, and thrive."

Statistics, realities

While Black Americans experience similar rates of mental illness as other Americans in general, there are contextual differences. For example, Black adults living below the poverty line are more than twice as likely to report serious psychological distress as U.S. adults who enjoy greater financial security, according to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services' Office of Minority Health. As another example, depressive symptoms among Black people are more disabling, persistent, and treatment-resistant than they are among White people (Bailey, R. K., et al., Neuropsychiatric Disease and Treatment, Vol. 15, 2019).

And Black men are not receiving the help they need for these problems. For example, only 26.4% of Black and Hispanic men ages 18 to 44 who experienced daily feelings of anxiety or depression were likely to have used mental health services, compared with 45.4% of non-Hispanic White men with the same feelings ( NCHS Data Brief No. 206, 2015). When Black men do seek help and would prefer a same-race provider, it can be difficult finding Black psychologists, since they still make up only about 4% of the doctoral-level psychology workforce (though that number is growing, according to 2018 APA Center for Workforce Studies data).

At the same time, Black men's mental health is more complex than statistics or clinical diagnoses indicate, according to subject matter experts. Because of structural racism and Black men's unique history in this country, their mental health and treatment are intimately tied to factors such as implicit bias on the part of medical providers, high poverty rates, and low access to quality psychological and psychiatric services. Compared with White people, for example, Black people are less likely to receive guideline-consistent care or to be included in mental health research. They are also more likely to use emergency rooms or primary care for mental health problems because they have not received appropriate preventive services. (For a summary of these findings, see the American Psychiatric Association's fact sheet on mental health disparities among African Americans at Psychiatry.org.)

Given such factors, it is not surprising that many Black men also harbor feelings of mistrust toward medical and mental health systems, Powell added. For instance, in a study reported in Behavioral Medicine (Vol. 42, No. 3, 2016), Powell and colleagues found that everyday and perceived racism along with internalized masculinity norms influenced Black men's reluctance to seek medical help. A history of racism within psychology and psychiatry likewise plays a role, she said. For example, in 1851, physician Samuel A. Cartwright floated the idea of drapetomania, "an uncontrollable or insane impulsion to wander" among enslaved people who expressed a desire for freedom. In a similar vein, as racial protests began heating up in the 1960s, diagnoses of schizophrenia among Black men became far more common, a phenomenon highlighted by psychiatrist Jonathan M. Metzl, MD, in the book The Protest Psychosis (Beacon Press, 2011).

"Black men today might not know that specific history," said Powell, "but it lives in their spirit a little bit. And it gets transmuted into practices like withdrawing from systems, having a mistrust of systems, and feeling like systems don't have your best interests at heart."

Building blocks for interventions

Culturally competent treatments for Black men take these realities into account and, as such, share certain ingredients, say psychologists involved in this work. These include:

Addressing masculine norms: Black men are even more likely than White men to endorse aspects of traditional masculine ideology, such as the need to act tough and in control and to avoid emotional expression, research finds. According to Baron K. Rogers, a psychology doctoral student at the University of Akron in Ohio, that is because they have additional reasons beyond those of White men to assume these stances-namely, "to stave off societal pressures and oppression," he said. The idea that racial factors intersect with unhealthy masculinity norms is also highlighted in the book Cool Pose: The Dilemmas of Black Manhood in America (Touchstone, 1993) by psychologist Richard Majors, PhD, and sociologist Janet Mancini Billson, PhD. They argued that poor, urban Black men sometimes assume a stance of "aloof swagger" to defend against the harsh realities and racism they encounter in daily life, which wears away at their physical and mental health.

In fact, such internalized views of masculinity "make a lot of Black men resistant to therapy and more likely to seek informal ways of addressing their mental health through barbershops, church, religion, or talking to family members," said psychologist Erlanger "Earl" Turner, PhD, an assistant professor at Pepperdine University in Los Angeles. So when a Black man does enter therapy, "it's important to tread lightly as he starts to open up and share his emotions," he said, "because if you push to discuss emotions too soon and he isn't ready, he may decide not to return." (Turner's podcast, The Breakdown With Dr. Earl, destigmatizes mental health treatment for Black men and boys in an engaging manner, using a psychological science focus.)

Jessica L. Jackson, PhD, a counseling psychologist in Houston and global diversity, equity, inclusion, and belonging care lead at the mental health tech firm Modern Health, has done some of this work with Black men in settings including the VA Greater Los Angeles Healthcare System, the Harris Health System (Texas), and private practice. To help these men identify and become more comfortable with their emotions, she uses a tool called the Feelings Wheel, which labels the spectrum of emotions from the most basic to the most nuanced.

When Black men start to gain a more extensive emotional vocabulary, it provides fuel for the next stages of therapeutic work: addressing past traumas and learning how to communicate more effectively in relationships, Jackson said. She knows they are making progress when they start to bring what they have learned home-for example when they begin communicating with their partners about their feelings instead of brooding or responding with anger. "It's like they're getting unstuck," she said.

Addressing racism: Culturally competent treatment for Black men also involves directly and therapeutically addressing issues of racism, said Rogers, who is on internship at the counseling center at Penn State University.

That means making space for clients to identify racist incidents that they have experienced and the feelings that arise because of them, and, more important, to understand and work toward overcoming internalized racism. The many facets of internalized racism include believing negative racial stereotypes, adopting White cultural values while undermining one's own, and denying that racism exists, Rogers explained.

For White psychologists to work effectively with Black male clients, it is imperative that they develop a deeper understanding of racism and its impacts by keeping abreast of the latest scholarship, taking continuing-education classes, and getting training in the area. (In fact, for license renewal, several state licensing boards specifically require courses in cultural diversity.) White clinicians should also become familiar with the APA Guidelines on Race and Ethnicity in Psychology, approved by the APA Council of Representatives in 2019. Among other points, the guidelines state that psychologists should consider their own biases, privileges, and socialization in relation to race and ethnicity and work to address organizational and social inequities and injustices inside and outside of the field.

In addition, therapists should be aware that issues of racism and masculinity can intersect in complicated ways, added Rogers, who is working on a scale to identify and understand how and where these domains overlap. That scale, which has now been tested on some 600 Black men, explores what he calls "racist gender role strain"-the idea that if you endorse specific views of manhood but cannot meet them, it creates internal conflict and stress. For example, some Black men may internalize ideas that they should be good protectors, providers, or role models. But, Rogers said, "if you're in a system that oppresses you or makes you internalize these beliefs but doesn't give you access to fulfilling them, it causes stress and frustration."

In a general sense, encouraging clients to talk about racism opens the door to more fulfilling therapy overall, Turner added. "It allows clients to feel that they can talk about anything in this room," he said. "For me, that's a really important piece about having that conversation."

Addressing within-group differences: Working in culturally responsive ways with Black men also means understanding individual differences in terms of socioeconomic status, age, education, U.S. region, country of origin, belief systems, level of acculturation, sexual orientation, and more, Turner said.

On a broad scale, it is helpful to recognize that Black men born in the United States probably incorporate some version of both African-American cultural values-which emphasize the importance of extended family networks, interdependence with groups and relationships, spirituality, and flexible notions of time, for example-and Eurocentric values-which emphasize individuality, nuclear family structure, and competitiveness, Turner noted.

It is also important to understand the complex issues of intersectionality that Black gay, transsexual, and bisexual men face, said Lisa Bowleg, PhD, a professor of applied social psychology at The George Washington University in Washington, D.C. Her research shows that gay Black men often experience racial discrimination from gay men who are not Black, for example, while bisexual Black men experience race and sexual orientation discrimination in both gay and heterosexual communities (, Vol. 68, No. 11-12, 2013).

"Any effective mental health programs need to work with these men holistically and intersectionally," she said. She also recommends focusing on these men's strengths and assets-because many of their problems arise from external factors, not internal ones-and holding therapy groups specific to the sexual orientation and race of the men served.

Clinicians also need to be aware of differences in Black men's backgrounds and countries of origin and incorporate that knowledge into therapeutic work, Turner emphasized. For example, 8% of Black people in the United States are immigrants from countries in the Caribbean, Africa, and elsewhere, and there are significant differences among them. Those who grew up in predominantly Black cultures, for example, are less likely to view themselves as inferior because they have not been exposed to historical racism in their home country. Hence, their cultural identity may serve as a buffer, he noted.

There are many other cultural differences among these groups as well. For example, Jamaicans often identify themselves first as Jamaican and tend to frame mental, psychological, and psychiatric issues as medical or spiritual conditions that need interventions from spiritual healers such as shamans, said Turner, who discusses these topics in his book Mental Health Among African Americans: Innovations in Research and Practice (Lexington Books, 2019).

"As a mental health practitioner, you should be aware of these different cultural and spiritual values," he said. "But you should also avoid overgeneralizing this information."

Incorporating group work: Working with Black men in group formats can also be a powerful intervention, thanks to the sense of camaraderie these groups foster. Seeing that other men have similar difficulties can make care less stigmatizing, Jackson explained.

When she was doing her postdoc at the Los Angeles VA, for example, Jackson and a colleague launched a racial trauma support group for veterans of color. That arrangement proved at least as effective as one-on-one therapy, she said.

"Even after they finished the group, the biggest feedback we received is that they continued to meet outside of that setting," Jackson said. "They became friends, and they wanted to continue. They knew they had a language [for their emotions], and they were able to use it with each other."

At Penn State, Rogers provides group trainings to students of color on how to address racial microaggressions at the time that they occur. Part of that training includes a series of questions he developed that helps students consider details of the event itself, possible responses, possible consequences and how to handle them, and how their own values and supports can serve as protective factors.

"I felt that it was important to empower students beyond just self-care-to be directly proactive," he said.

Expanding the treatment lens

Meanwhile, other psychologists are leaving standard treatment modalities and venues behind entirely and bringing interventions into communities that embrace the background, culture, and challenges of men of color, including Black men. Stevenson and Powell, for example, are both well known for their research and interventions in barbershops, which demonstrate that these central social meeting places and their staff can be powerful vehicles for encouraging healthy and help-seeking behaviors. In a similar vein, mental health advocate Lorenzo Lewis leads the Confess Project, which seeks to promote a mental health culture among boys and young men of color and their families by training barbers as mental health advocates.

Among the country's most innovative and comprehensive programs is the National Compadres Network, founded in 1988 by psychologists Jerry Tello and Ricardo Carrillo, PhD. At the time, they and like-minded providers were fed up with the mass incarceration of men of color, feeling that alternative culturally based supports and interventions were desperately needed.

"It was really just throwing men away because there was no proper therapy for them," said Tello, who is Mexican and Native American and grew up with many Black peers in Compton, California. "The therapy they received just did not fit-there was no understanding of what was really going on."

The first meeting included a small group of mental health providers, lawyers, teachers, advocates, and others who worked in communities of color. The men soon realized they had their own racial traumas to address before they could help others. After an emotion-packed gathering, "we made a commitment that we first had to recover our own sacredness as men and heal from generations of wounds due to racism and oppression," Tello said.

The group has since blossomed into a major national network that includes hundreds of providers in more than 40 U.S. cities who have worked with thousands of men of color, including a large proportion of Black men. It has satellite offices around the country and a variety of programs and trainings that cover topics including parenthood, teen fatherhood, relationships, addiction, rites of passage, acclimating to society after leaving prison, and more. Since 2011, the group has also collaborated with the Brotherhood of Elders Network, an organization that creates programs and interventions to impact the lives of Black boys and men in positive ways. Together, the organizations have launched the Healing Generations Framework, which fosters family and community healing by incorporating Indigenous, culturally based practices.

A central format for these programs is extended kinship circles, where men and boys-sometimes from multiple generations-come together to talk, share in communal ceremonies, and heal racial wounds, said Tello. The circles create a space for honest sharing about life's realities, including the internalized experiences of racism, its emotional and psychosomatic effects, and how these problems can affect members of the group as well as their community and family members.

"Black and brown people kill ourselves because we've been indoctrinated [about how bad we are] and now we believe that," said Tello. "So that woundedness is very deep."

To counter these traumas, group leaders hold that all men-like all beings-are sacred and have a sacred purpose. When men or boys have trouble believing this because of internalized self-hatred or actions they have taken because of it, program guides underscore that it is their wounds that are talking, not their authentic selves. For example, a man may confess that he has harmed his wife, taken drugs, or acted out in another way. But leaders do not chastise him. Instead, they ask him to take responsibility for his actions, and then they support him in exploring the underlying trauma and sometimes intergenerational wounds that led to those actions and drew him out of his sacredness.

Thanks to this deep, community-oriented support, members eventually see themselves more clearly and gain insights that lead to healthier behaviors, Tello said. The overall aim, he added, is to help men of color make positive choices despite their lived experiences and traumas.

"Yes, we experience racism," he said. "But the choice is, do you transform it, or do you transfer it? If you want to transform it, come sit with us. If you want to transfer it, then keep doing what you're doing."

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Being a black man in America means being my brother's keeper. Being a black man in America means being my brother's keeper while keeping a distance from my brother because I don't trust him further than I can see him. It's believing the cops don't care about you.

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How Black People Created Every Music Genre in America - Vince Dixon Portfolio

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America’s love for black culture, but not black people has erased African Americans’ role in pioneering American music

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"A bird cannot fly with one wing only. Human space flight cannot develop any further without the active participation of women." - Valentina Tereshkova
"If we want scientists and engineers in the future, we should be cultivating the girls as much as the boys." - Sally Ride

"International cooperation is very necessary. Chinese have a saying, 'When all the people collect the wood, you will make a great fire.'" - Liu Yang

As of Feb. 29, 2024, 75 women have flown in space. Of these, 47 have worked on the International Space Station as long-duration expedition crewmembers, as visitors on space shuttle assembly flights, as space flight participants, or as commercial astronauts. This article recognizes the significant accomplishments of these women from many nations as well as the pioneering women who preceded them into space. Many other women contributed to the assembly of the station and the research conducted aboard on a daily basis, including those on the ground who served as center directors, managers, flight directors, and in many other roles to pursue the exploration of space. Their achievements will contribute to NASA's efforts to land the first woman and the first person of color on the Moon and possibly send the first crews to Mars in the coming decades.

The era of women in space began on June 16, 1963, when Soviet cosmonaut Valentina V. Tereshkova launched aboard the Vostok 6 spacecraft. Chosen from a group of five women selected for training, Tereshkova completed a three-day mission and entered the history books as the first woman to orbit the Earth. Nearly 20 years passed before another woman flew in space. In January 1978, NASA announced the selection of 35 new astronauts including six women for the space shuttle program. In response, the Soviet Union secretly selected a group of nine women cosmonauts in 1980. On Aug. 19, 1982, one of these women, Svetlana Y. Savitskaya, launched with her two crewmates aboard Soyuz T-7 for a week-long mission. The next day, they joined the two long-duration resident crewmembers aboard Salyut 7, marking the first time a space station hosted a mixed-gender crew. Ten months later, on June 18, 1983, astronaut Sally K. Ride made history as the first American woman in space, spending seven days aboard space shuttle Challenger during the STS-7 mission.

Savitskaya made history again on July 25, 1984, as the first woman to participate in a spacewalk during her second flight to Salyut 7. Less than three months later, on Oct. 11, Kathryn D. Sullivan completed the first spacewalk by an American woman from space shuttle Challenger during the STS-41G mission. With Ride as one of Sullivan's crewmates, the flight marked the first time a space crew included two women.

Helen P. Sharman has the distinction as not only the first person from the United Kingdom in space but also the first woman to visit the Russian space station Mir. During her eight-day privately funded Juno mission in May 1991, Sharman conducted a series of life sciences experiments and talked to British schoolchildren. The next month marked the first time that a space crew included three women - NASA astronauts M. Rhea Seddon, Tamara E. Jernigan, and Millie E. Hughes-Fulford - during the STS-40 Spacelab Life Sciences 1 mission.

Selected in 1983 as one of the six members of the initial cadre of the Canadian Astronaut Program - later incorporated into the Canadian Space Agency (CSA) - Dr. Roberta L. Bondar became the first Canadian woman in space during the STS-42 flight of Discovery in January 1992. As a payload specialist and the first neurologist in space, she performed and participated in more than 40 experiments during the eight-day International Microgravity Laboratory-1 (IML-1) mission. NASA selected Dr. Mae C. Jemison as an astronaut in 1987. In September 1992, she became the first African American woman in space as a crew member of Endeavour's STS-47 Spacelab-J mission. During the eight-day flight, she conducted numerous life and materials sciences experiments. Selected in NASA's 1990 class of astronauts, Ellen Ochoa became the first Hispanic woman in space in April 1993 as a mission specialist on the STS-56 flight of Discovery, the second Atmospheric Laboratory for Applications and Science mission. An accomplished flautist, she played the flute during her spare time during the mission. Ochoa completed three more space shuttle flights and served as the first Hispanic director of NASA's Johnson Space Center in Houston from 2013 to 2018. Selected in 1985 as an astronaut by the National Space Development Agency of Japan, now the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA), Dr. Chiaki Mukai became the first Japanese woman in space in July 1994 when she spent 15 days as a payload specialist on the STS-65 IML-2 mission aboard Columbia. She became the first Japanese astronaut to make two spaceflights when she returned to space in 1998 aboard STS-95.

Left: Dr. Roberta L. Bondar, the first Canadian woman in space, participates in a neuro-vestibular experiment during the STS-42 International Microgravity Laboratory-1 (IML-1) mission. Middle left: Dr. Mae C. Jemison, the first African American woman in space, works in the Spacelab module during the STS-47 Spacelab-J mission. Middle right: Ellen Ochoa, the first Hispanic woman in space, enjoys playing the flute in her spare time during the STS-56 mission. Right: Dr. Chiaki Mukai, the first Japanese woman in space, floats into the Spacelab module during the STS-65 IML-2 mission.

The honor of the first woman to complete a long-duration mission belongs to Russian cosmonaut Elena V. Kondakova. She launched aboard Soyuz TM20 on Oct. 3, 1994, and spent 169 days aboard the space station Mir as a member of Expedition 17, returning to Earth on March 22, 1995. The first American woman to complete a long-duration mission, NASA astronaut Shannon W. Lucid, launched aboard space shuttle Atlantis on March 22, 1996, as part of the STS-76 crew. The second NASA astronaut to fly as part of the Shuttle-Mir Program, Lucid spent 188 days aboard Mir, setting a new record for the longest single flight by a woman, as a member of Expeditions 21 and 22, returning to Earth with STS-79 on Sep. 26.

With Lucid still onboard Mir, the August 1996 flight of Claudie André-Deshays, France's first woman astronaut visiting the station during her Cassiopée research mission, marked the first time that two women lived aboard any space station. After marrying fellow French astronaut and Mir veteran Jean-Pierre Haigneré, she returned to space in October 2001, this time during her eight-day Andromède research mission to the International Space Station, becoming the first woman to live and work aboard two different space stations.

When on-orbit assembly of the International Space Station commenced in 1998, female astronauts took part from the very beginning. As the first woman to reach the new facility, NASA astronaut Nancy J. Currie participated in the first assembly mission, STS-88 in December 1998. She used the shuttle's robotic arm to precisely join the American Unity Node 1 module to the Russian-built Zarya module, launched three weeks earlier.

The second space station assembly mission, STS-96 in May 1999, included three women on the crew - NASA astronauts Jernigan and Ellen Ochoa, and CSA's Julie Payette. Jernigan became the first woman to participate in a spacewalk at the space station to install crane equipment for future assembly tasks, with Ochoa as the robotic arm operator. Payette became the first Canadian of any gender to visit the space station and became the first Canadian to return to the space station during STS-127 in 2009.

NASA astronaut Pamela A. Melroy served as the first female pilot on a shuttle flight to the space station, the STS-92 mission in October 2000 that added the Z1 truss, control moment gyros, and a Pressurized Mating Adapter to the growing station. She returned to the station as pilot of STS-112 in October 2002 and as commander of STS-120 in October 2007. NASA astronaut Susan J. Helms holds several distinctions for women. As a member of Expedition 2, she became the first woman to complete a long-duration mission on the space station, a 167-day flight between March and August of 2001. She had previously flown to the station during STS-101, making her the first woman to visit the facility twice. A graduate of the U.S. Air Force Academy's first woman-inclusive class of 1980, Helms was the first woman with a military background to visit the station. She co-holds the record for the longest spacewalk to date, 8 hours 56 minutes, completed with her Expedition 2 crewmate NASA astronaut James S. Voss.

NASA astronaut Eileen M. Collins had already made history three times before, first in 1995 as the first female pilot of a space shuttle mission (STS-63), the second time in 1997 when she served as the first female shuttle pilot to dock with a space station (STS-84 and Mir), and again in 1999 as the first woman shuttle commander (STS-93). In 2005, Collins became the first woman to command a shuttle mission to the space station, the Return to Flight STS-114 mission, the first after the Columbia accident two years previously. NASA astronaut Heidemarie M. "Heidi" Stefanyshyn-Piper conducted the first spacewalk by a woman from the station's Quest Joint Airlock on Sep. 12, 2006, during the STS-115 mission that installed the P3/P4 truss segment on the station.

On Sept. 18, 2006, Anousheh Ansari became the first Iranian-born American in space when she launched with her Expedition 14 crew mates aboard Soyuz TMA9. Flying as a spaceflight participant through a commercial agreement with the Russian government, Ansari conducted four experiments on behalf of the European Space Agency (ESA) during her nine-day mission. She returned to Earth with the Expedition 13 crew. Eighteen months later, through a joint agreement between the governments of Russia and the Republic of Korea, Yi So-yeon, a researcher at the Korean Aerospace Research Institute (KARI), became the first Korean in space when she launched aboard Soyuz TMA12 with her Expedition 15 crew mates on April 8, 2008. During her 10-day mission aboard the space station, Yi carried out 18 experiments for KARI. She returned to Earth with Expedition 16 crew members NASA astronaut Peggy A. Whitson and Roscosmos cosmonaut Yuri I. Malenchenko, enduring a strenuous ballistic reentry caused by a spacecraft malfunction. The event marked the first time that women outnumbered men during a spaceflight landing.

Left: Spaceflight participant Anousheh Ansari, center, with her Expedition 13 and 14 crew mates during a press conference. Middle left: Ansari holds a plant grown in the Lada greenhouse in the Zvezda Service Module. Middle right: Korean spaceflight participant Yi So-yeon with her Expedition 16 crew mates. Right: Yi conducts an experiment in the Pirs Docking Compartment.

Whitson holds the distinction as the first female commander of the space station during Expedition 16 in 2007, her second long-duration mission to the orbiting lab. The busy expedition included the addition to the station of the Harmony Node 2 module, ESA's Columbus research module, the first of the JAXA elements, and the arrival of the first of ESA's Automated Transfer Vehicle cargo resupply vehicles. As noted above, Melroy commanded STS-120, the October 2007 mission that brought Columbus to the station, marking the first and only time that women commanded both the space station and the visiting space shuttle. In 2017, during Expedition 51 Whitson became the first woman to command the station for a second time. During this third flight, she spent 289 days in space, at the time the longest single flight by a woman. As of March 2024, Whitson holds the record for the most cumulative spaceflight time for a woman as well as for any American astronaut - o er the course of three long-duration missions aboard the space station, she spent a total of 675 days or about 1.8 years in space. She also holds the record for the most spacewalk time for a woman - during 10 spacewalks, she spent 60 hours, 21 minutes outside the station.

The first time four women flew aboard the space station at one time occurred between May 16 and 23, 2010. Expedition 23 Flight Engineer NASA astronaut Tracy C. Dyson had been living and working aboard since April when STS-131 arrived, with NASA astronauts Dorothy M. "Dottie" Metcalf-Lindenburger and Stephanie D. Wilson, and Naoko Yamazaki of JAXA as members of the shuttle crew - Yamazaki became the first Japanese woman to visit the space station. The mission brought four new research facilities to the station. Three weeks after the shuttle's departure, Dyson and her crewmates welcomed a new trio of long-duration crew members including NASA astronaut Shannon Walker, making Expedition 24 the first to include two women. The next two-woman expedition took place between November 2014 and March 2015 - Expedition 42 included Roscosmos cosmonaut Elena O. Serova, the first Russian woman to make a long-duration flight aboard the space station, and Samantha Cristoforetti from Italy, the first female ESA astronaut on a long-duration mission, spending 199 days in space, a then-record as the longest by an international partner astronaut.

Expedition crews including two women have recently become more common. During Expedition 57, NASA astronauts Serena M. Auñón-Chancellor and Anne C. McClain overlapped by about three weeks in December 2018. Between March and June 2019, McClain and NASA astronaut Christina H. Koch were aboard as part of Expedition 59, and NASA astronaut Jessica U. Meir joined Koch in September of that year during Expedition 61. Koch returned to Earth in February 2020, completing a flight of 329 days, the longest single mission to date by a woman.

The Expedition 61 crew conducted a record nine spacewalks between October 2019 and January 2020. Koch and Meir made history on Oct. 18 when they floated outside the space station to carry out the first all-woman spacewalk, one of several to replace the station's batteries. The capsule communicator (capcom), the person in the Mission Control Center at NASA's Johnson Space Center in Houston who communicates with the astronauts in space, for this historic spacewalk was three-time space shuttle veteran Wilson (who as noted above took part in the first four-woman gathering on the space station). "As much as it's worth celebrating the first spacewalk with an all-female team, I think many of us are looking forward to it just being normal," astronaut Dyson said during live coverage of the spacewalk. As if to prove her point, Koch and Meir conducted two more all-woman spacewalks in January 2020. Meir's return to Earth marked the end of the longest period up to that time of a continuous female presence aboard the space station - 682 days (one year and 10 months) from June 8, 2018, to April 17, 2020.

The arrival of NASA astronaut Kathleen H. "Kate" Rubins on Oct 14, 2020, began the longest continuous period to date with at least one woman living and working aboard the space station. On Nov. 16, as a member of NASA's Crew-1 mission aboard SpaceX's Crew Dragon Resilience spacecraft, NASA astronaut Walker became the first woman to travel on a commercial crew vehicle. When she and her three crewmates joined the Expedition 64 crew abord the space station, they comprised the station's first-ever seven-member resident crew. With Rubins already onboard, for the next five months two women once again called the space station home. NASA astronaut K. Megan McArthur, the first woman to pilot a commercial crew vehicle, arrived in April 2021 as a member of NASA's Crew-2 mission, followed by Crew-3's NASA astronaut Kayla S. Barron in November 2021.

In April 2022, when Crew Dragon Freedom lifted off, Crew-4 included first-time space flyer NASA astronaut Jessica A. Watkins and ESA's Cristoforetti on her second long-duration flight, marking the first time two women flew aboard a commercial crew vehicle to the space station. Once they joined Expedition 67, Watkins became the first African American woman to join a long-duration crew. With Barron already aboard the station, this marked the first time three women on long-duration spaceflights lived and worked aboard the orbiting laboratory.

In September 2022, Cristoforetti assumed command of the space station, a first for a European woman. When Crew-5 launched aboard Crew Dragon Endurance in October 2022, NASA astronaut Nicole A. Mann became the first Native American woman in space and the first woman to command a Crew Dragon mission, and Anna Y. Kikina of Roscosmos became the first Russian cosmonaut to fly aboard a U.S. commercial vehicle. For the second time, two women commanders, Cristoforetti and Mann, greeted each other as Crew-5 arrived to join Expedition 68. The launch of Crew-5 also marked the first time that five women lived and worked in space at the same time - the four women aboard the space station and Liu Yang aboard China's Tiangong space station on her second space mission. The launch of Crew-6 in February 2023 marked the first all-male long-duration crew aboard a commercial crew vehicle. The return of Mann and Kikina marked the end of the longest time period with at least one woman living and working in space, 879 days, or 2 years and 5 months.

The hiatus in women in space lasted less than six months, during which two women on the Ax-2 mission spent eight days aboard the space station (see below). Renewing a female presence in space, NASA astronaut Jasmin Moghbeli arrived aboard the station in August 2023 as part of Crew-7. NASA astronaut Loral A. O'Hara joined her three weeks later when she arrived as part of the Soyuz MS-24 crew and they together conducted research as part of Expedition 70 as the only two Americans in space. On Nov. 21, 2023, they conducted an all-woman spacewalk, only the second pair of women to do so.

Left: NASA astronauts Jasmin Moghbeli, front row center, and Loral A. O'Hara, front row right, and their Expedition 70 crew mates chat with space station program managers to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the orbiting laboratory. Right: O'Hara, left, and Moghbeli, right, prepare for their spacewalk as Roscosmos cosmonaut Nikolai A. Chub assists.

The presence of women in space will continue uninterrupted when NASA astronaut Jeannette J. Epps and her fellow Crew 8 crew mates launch to the space station on March 1 for an expected six-month mission. The March 21 launch of Soyuz MS-25 will mark a milestone in spaceflight history as the first time women will form the majority of a crew at launch. Roscosmos cosmonaut Oleg V. Novitskiy will command the flight, accompanied by NASA astronaut Dyson and the first citizen from Belarus to fly in space, Marina V. Vasilevskaya. Dyson, on her second long-duration flight, will remain aboard the station as part of Expedition 71 while Novitskiy and Vasilevskaya return to Earth after 12 days, accompanied by O'Hara who will have spent more than six months aboard the orbiting laboratory.

The story of women in space would not be complete without mention of the two women from the People's Republic of China who have flown in space. China's first female astronaut, Liu Yang, launched on June 16, 2012, aboard the Shenzhou-9 spacecraft with her two crewmates, docking with the Tiangong-1 experimental space station two days later. The trio returned to Earth after a 13-day mission. One year later, on June 11, 2013, Wang Yaping and her two crewmates launched aboard Shenzhou-10 for a 14-day visit to Tiangong-1. She conducted science experiments and taught a live physics lessons to school children from aboard the station. Wang returned to space on Oct. 15, 2021, aboard Shenzhou-13 as the first woman to live and work aboard the Tiangong China Space Station. She also conducted the first spacewalk by a Chinese woman. Liu completed her second flight, a six-month mission aboard Tiangong as a member of the Shenzhou-14 crew.

Left: Liu Yang, the People's Republic of China's first woman in space, aboard the Tiangong-1 space station. Middle: Wang Yaping teaching a physics lesson live from Tiangong-1. Right: Wang during the first spacewalk by a Chinese woman astronaut. Image credits: courtesy of CNSA.

Women have been at the forefront of commercial spaceflights. In September 2021, two of the four crew members of the private space mission Inspiration4 were women - Sian H. Proctor, the first African American woman to pilot a spacecraft, and Hayley Arceneaux. They conducted science experiments during their three-day mission aboard the Crew Dragon Resilience spacecraft. The next month, Russian actress Yulia S. Peresild and her director spent 11 days aboard the space station filming scenes for a film entitled "The Challenge" that premiered in April 2023. The second Private Astronaut Mission to the space station, the May 2023 Ax-2 flight included a crew of four spending nine days aboard the orbiting laboratory conducting experiments. Making her fourth visit to the space station, former NASA astronaut Whitson and director of human spaceflight at Axiom Space commanded the Ax-2 flight, becoming the first woman commander of a private space mission. Two mission specialists from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's inaugural astronaut program, including Rayyanah Barnawi, the first Saudi woman in space, served on the crew. Private astronaut missions to the space station represent precursors to privately funded commercial space stations as part of NASA's efforts to develop a thriving low-Earth orbit ecosystem and marketplace.

Left: Sian H. Proctor, left, and Hayley Arceneaux during the Inspiration4 private space mission. Image credit: courtesy Inspiration4. Middle: Russian actress Yulia S. Peresild arrives at the space station. Right: The Ax-2 mission crew includes Mission Specialist Rayyanah Barnawi from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, left, and Commander Peggy A. Whitson of Axiom Space, right.

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Women's History Month: Celebrating Women Astronauts 2024 - NASA

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"A bird cannot fly with one wing only. Human space flight cannot develop any further without the active participation of women." - Valentina Tereshkova

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10 women activists and leaders making the world a better place

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We’re celebrating brave women who won’t wait for change to happen for their families and communities.

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38 Women Who Changed the Course of History

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These luminaries were the first of their kind.

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38 Women Who Changed the Course of History

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These luminaries were the first of their kind.

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The Undefeated 44 most influential black Americans in history

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Our select #Undefeated44 list has been unwrapped. Check the receipts of why we feel these black Americans shook up the world.

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Hispanic Heritage Month occurs annually from September 15 to October 15, and it is a chance to celebrate the histories, cultures and contributions of American citizens whose ancestors came from Spain, Mexico, the Caribbean and Central and South America. Take a look at our list of 7 Hispanic Americans who have made their mark on the world.

2. Lin-Manuel Miranda

The next entry to our list of influential Hispanic Americans is also of Puerto Rican descent. Lin-Manuel Miranda was born in 1980 in Washington Heights, New York, and is a composer, actor, writer and activist.

His most famous accomplishment is writing the hit Broadway musical Hamilton, which became a pop culture phenomenon, and earned the Tony Award for Best Musical in 2016.

The ground-breaking hip-hop musical reimagines the early years of America; it's told by actors of color whose ancestors did not have the opportunity to decide how the country would be built.

Lin-Manuel Miranda himself has won several Tony awards, an Oscar, a Pulitzer Prize, a Kennedy Center Honor, and was give the MacArthur Foundation's genius grant in 2015. He is also noted for his charitable work, particularly relating to debt and disaster relief in Puerto Rico.

4. Cesar Chavez

Born in Arizona in 1927 to a Mexican-American family, Cesar Chavez was a labor leader and civil rights activist.

Having worked as a manual laborer, he was concerned with farm workers' rights. After serving in the Navy, he became involved with the Community Service Organization (CSO) in California, an important civil rights organization for Latinx people.

Along with Dolores Huerta, he co-founded the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA), and led peaceful protests and marches to advocate for Latinx civil rights. Chavez was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom, and his legacy lives on today in workers' rights movements.

5. Dolores Huerta

We cannot mention Cesar Chavez, without also naming Dolores Huerta as one of the most influential Hispanic Americans.

Born in New Mexico in 1930, Dolores would go on to become a leading civil rights activist. She met Cesar Chavez in California while working for the CSO, and the two bonded. Together they formed the NFWA in 1962, and Huerta made a name for herself by leading successful workers' strikes, and later with her work for women's rights.

Now, in her 90s, she is the face of the Dolores Huerta Foundation, whose mission is to "inspire and organize communities to build volunteer organizations empowered to pursue social justice."

Huerta has received several accolades throughout her career, including the inaugural Eleanor Roosevelt Award for Human Rights in 1998, and the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2012.

She met her friend Marsha P. Johnson, and together they formed Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries (STAR), which supported LGBTQIA+ youth in Manhattan. After the Stonewall riots in 1969, the pair worked with the newly founded Gay Liberation Front to fight for their civil rights.

"We have to be visible. We should not be ashamed of who we are. We are numerous. There are many of us out here." - Sylvia Rivera

After her death in 2002, the Sylvia Rivera Law Project was established to provide legal representation to those in the trans, non-binary, and non-gender conforming communities.

7. Roberto Clemente

Roberto Clemente was a pioneer for Hispanic Americans in Major League Baseball. He was born in Puerto Rico in 1934 and, after making the professional league there by the age of 18, and playing for a while in Canada, he moved to the USA in 1954 to join the Pittsburgh Pirates.

In 1964, Clemente became the first Latin American and Caribbean to win the World Series as a starting player. Despite this success, however, Clemente faced racial discrimination in the United States and this led him to advocate for Latinx and Black players' rights in the sport.

He was also passionate about community outreach, famously saying:

"Any time you have an opportunity to make a difference in this world and you don't, then you are wasting your time on Earth." - Roberto Clemente

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7 influential Hispanic Americans to admire | Kaplan Pathways

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To celebrate Hispanic Heritage Month, we're highlighting the achievements of 7 influential Hispanic Americans. Read on to learn more.

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