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While our party does align itself with the Democrats, we also wish to collaborate with the Republican Party as well.

According to the 2016 Republican Platform, many Republicans argue that any restrictions placed with regard to gun ownership would repeal the Second Amendment. Implying that restrictions create a domino effect that would ultimately lead to a ban on all firearms (p. 12-13).

To counter this claim, our party takes the stance that the U.S. Constitution is a living document that is intended to invite change. Our Founding Fathers would agree that if the people are calling for change, the government should act on it. Gun related violence is an ever growing issue, and it is time for our institutions to respond.

Nevertheless, we would like to emphasize to Republican voters that our party still maintains similar opinions on gun ownership. We recognize that to many Republican voters, the protection of gun ownership is a right protected under the Second Amendment. We do not wish to repeal the Second Amendment, or outlaw guns. We simply want to implement secure methods of gun obtainability to ensure proper protection of the American people.

A vote for the Taking Action Party guarantees the protection of the Second Amendment right to bear arms.

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Humanity has always been able to overcome all obstacles that come our way. Human ingenuity has been the key in making all things possible. This same ingenuity still applies today and we can work towards the challenges concerning the United States, big or small. To do so we must take action to create a better future. These issues concern all of us, so it is best we take action sooner rather than later.

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In a Pew Research Center survey from 2022 comparing different policy issues, reducing health care costs ranked at second, with 61% of U.S. adults believing it is a top priority (Schaeffer).

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In a Pew Research Center survey from 2021, a majority surveyed favored stricter gun restrictions, while a majority opposed the loosening of gun restrictions.

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Pew Research Center - U.S. Politics & Policy

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Declining support among Republicans for ban on assault-style weapons, national gun registry

Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand Americans' views on gun policy and how those views have changed over time. For this analysis, we surveyed 5,109 U.S. adults in April 2021. Everyone who took part in this survey is a member of Pew Research Center's American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP's methodology.

Here are the questions used for the report, along with responses, and its methodology.

In an era marked by deep divisions between Republicans and Democrats, few issues are as politically polarizing as gun policy. While a few specific policy proposals continue to garner bipartisan support, the partisan divisions on other proposals - and even on whether gun violence is a serious national problem - have grown wider over the last few years.

Today, just over half of Americans (53%) say gun laws should be stricter than they currently are, a view held by 81% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents but just 20% of Republicans and Republican leaners. Similarly, while nearly three-quarters of Democrats (73%) say making it harder to legally obtain guns would lead to fewer mass shootings, only 20% of Republicans say this, with most (65%) saying this would have no effect.

The new national survey by Pew Research Center, conducted from April 5-11, 2021 among 5,109 adults, finds that 73% of Democrats consider gun violence to be a very big problem for the country today, compared with just 18% of Republicans who say the same. The current partisan gap on this question is 11-percentage-points wider than in 2018 and 19 points wider than in 2016.
Note: This survey was conducted after eight people were killed in the Atlanta area on March 16 and 10 people were killed in Boulder, Colorado on March 22. It was fielded before a shooting in which eight people were killed in Indianapolis on April 15.

Overall, several gun policy proposals continue to draw broad support from Americans. Nearly nine-in-ten (87%) favor preventing people with mental illnesses from purchasing guns, while 81% favor subjecting private gun sales and sales at gun shows to background checks.

Smaller though still sizeable majorities of Americans support the creation of a federal database tracking all gun sales (66%) and bans on high capacity magazines (64%) and assault-style weapons (63%).

Meanwhile, four policies aimed at easing gun restrictions - allowing people to carry concealed guns in more places, allowing K-12 teachers and school officials to carry guns in schools, shortening waiting periods for purchasing guns, and allowing people to carry concealed guns without a permit - all face more opposition than support in the public.

But there are very few areas of bipartisan agreement across the nine proposals asked about in the survey.

Two policies that would restrict access to guns garner clear majority support from both Republicans and Democrats: preventing those with mental illnesses from purchasing guns (supported by 85% of Republicans and 90% of Democrats) and subjecting private gun sales and gun show sales to background checks (70% of Republicans, 92% of Democrats).

And there is widespread opposition in both parties to allowing people to carry concealed firearms without a permit.

But while 80% or more Democrats favor creating a federal database to track gun sales and banning both assault-style weapons and high capacity magazines, these proposals are each favored by roughly 40% of Republicans, with majorities of Republicans in opposition.

Conversely, while wide majorities of Republicans support allowing people to carry concealed guns in more places (72%) and allowing primary and secondary teachers and officials to be armed in K-12 schools (66%), these proposals are overwhelmingly opposed by Democrats (only about 20% favor either).

Several of these partisan gaps also are now wider than they have been in recent years. Although Democratic opinion is little changed since 2017, GOP support for an assault-style weapons ban has dropped substantially, from 54% in 2017 and 50% in 2019 to 37% today.

Similarly, Republican support for a federal gun sale database is 13 percentage points lower than it was in 2017. There have been more modest Republican shifts away from support for ban on high-capacity ammunition magazines and background checks for private and gun show sales.

And while gun violence ranks as one of the top problems facing the nation among Democrats - with 73% saying it is a "very big problem" for the country - it ranks far lower for Republicans, with just 18% saying this.

Democrats have long been more likely than Republicans to characterize gun violence this way, but the share of Democrats viewing gun violence as a very big problem has risen over the last several years, while the share of Republicans saying this has declined.

A narrow majority of U.S. adults (53%) say that gun laws should be stricter than they are today. About a third (32%) say that gun laws are currently about right, and 14% say they should be less strict than they are today.

The share who say gun laws should be stricter has decreased since September 2019, when six-in-ten Americans said this. Current views are essentially the same as they were four years ago, when 52% of adults said guns laws should be stricter, 30% said they were about right and 18% said they should be less strict.

About half of Republicans and Republican leaners (53%) say that gun laws are currently about right. Republicans are now more likely to say that gun laws should be less strict (27%) than they are to say they should be more strict (20%).

This is a reversal since 2019, when a larger share of Republicans favored stricter gun laws than less strict laws (31% vs. 20%). Since then, the share of Republicans favoring stricter gun laws has declined 11 percentage points.

A large majority of Democrats and Democratic leaners (81%) say gun laws should be stricter than they are today, though the share who say this has declined slightly since 2019 (from 86%).

Within the political parties, there are ideological differences in views of gun laws. Liberal Democrats are 10 percentage points more likely than conservative or moderate Democrats to say that gun laws should be more strict, though large majorities of both groups say this.

Among Republicans, most conservatives (58%) say that gun laws today are about right. Conservatives are much more likely to say that gun laws should be less strict (30%) than they are to say they should be stricter (12%). By comparison, slightly fewer than half of moderate and liberal Republicans (45%) say that gun laws are currently about right. And unlike conservative Republicans, moderate and liberal Republicans are more likely to say gun laws should be stricter (34%) than to say they should be less strict (21%).

There also are substantial demographic differences in support for stricter gun laws. For example, a majority of women (58%) say that gun laws should be more strict, compared with about half of men (48%).

Majorities of Black adults (75%), Asian adults (72%) and Hispanic adults (65%) say that gun laws should be stricter, compared with 45% of White adults. About four-in-ten White adults (38%) say that gun laws are about right; 17% say they should be made less strict.

Adults with college degrees are much more likely than those without college degrees to support stricter gun laws. Nearly seven-in-ten adults with postgraduate experience (69%) and nearly six-in-ten who have a college degree but no postgraduate experience (59%) say gun laws should be more strict, compared with about half of those with some or no college experience (48%).

Americans are also divided based on the types of communities they live in. About two-thirds of those who say they live in urban areas (66%) say gun laws should be stricter, while 24% say they are about right and just 9% say they should be less strict. Among those who describe their communities as suburban, a slim majority (54%) favor stricter gun laws. And those who say they live in rural communities are equally likely to say gun laws should be more strict or that they are currently about right (38% each). About a quarter (23%) say they should be less strict.

Age differences on this question are relatively modest. Nearly identical shares of adults ages 50 and over (52%) and those under 50 (54%) say that gun laws should be stricter than they are today. However, those over 50 are slightly more likely to say current gun laws are about right (35%) than younger adults (30%).

Public divided over impact of gun availability on crime

The public is divided on whether an increase in the number of Americans who own guns would result in more - or less - crime. And there is a division of opinion on the possible impact of making guns harder to legally obtain on the number of mass shootings in the U.S.

On crime, 34% say if more people owned guns, there would be more crime. Nearly as many (31%) say this would lead to less crime. Another 34% say increasing the number of people who own guns would make no difference for crime levels.

Black and Hispanic adults are more likely than White adults to say that if more Americans owned guns there would be more crime. A majority of Black adults (58%) and about half of Hispanic adults (48%) say this, compared with only a quarter of White adults.

Republicans and Democrats differ starkly on this question. A 55% majority of Democrats say there would be more crime if more people owned guns, while a similar majority of Republicans (56%) say there would be less crime.

While there are no substantial ideological differences among Democrats in these views, there are differences within the GOP. A majority of conservative Republicans (64%) say if more Americans owned guns there would be less crime. Among moderate Republicans, about as many say that there would be less crime (43%) or no difference in crime (40%) if more Americans owned guns.

Americans' views on this question also vary by geography. Half of those living in urban areas say if more Americans owned guns there would be more crime. Adults in suburban and rural areas are less likely to say this (32% and 23% respectively). About four-in-ten adults who live in rural areas say that if more Americans owned guns there would be less crime, compared with 32% of those in suburban areas and just 19% of adults living in urban areas.

About half say making it harder to legally obtain guns would result in fewer mass shootings

Nearly half of Americans (49%) say there would be fewer mass shootings if guns were more difficult to obtain legally; about as many say either this would have no difference on the number or mass shootings (42%), or that they would increase (9%).

About six-in-ten of Black (63%) and Hispanic (62%) adults say that if it was harder to obtain guns, there would be fewer mass shootings.

By comparison, White adults are roughly as likely to say there would be fewer mass shootings (42%) if it was harder to obtain guns as they are to say there would be no difference (48%).

Adults under 30 are most likely to say making it harder to obtain guns would lead to fewer mass shootings: About six-in-ten adults ages 18-29 (62%) say this, compared with 51% of those ages 30-49, 44% of those 50-64 years of age and 40% of those over the age of 65.

There are deep partisan divides on the possible impact of making it harder to legally obtain guns on the frequency of mass shootings. While a large majority of Democrats (73%) say that if it were harder to legally obtain guns there would be fewer mass shootings, only 20% of Republicans say the same. Nearly two thirds of Republicans (65%) say there would be no difference if it were harder to obtain guns.

Among adults living in urban areas, a 58% majority say that making guns harder to legally obtain would lead to fewer mass shootings. Half of adults living in suburban areas and 36% living in rural areas say the same.

Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to strongly favor limits on gun availability

Support for several gun policy proposals - including expanded gun background checks and an assault weapons ban - is much greater among Democrats than Republicans. And for the most part, the share of Democrats who strongly favor these proposals far exceeds the share of Republicans who do so.

This is evident in opinions about making private gun sales and sales at guns shows subject to background checks. An overwhelming share of Democrats (92%) favor this proposal, as do a substantial but smaller majority of Republicans (70%). Yet while 80% of Democrats say they strongly favor expanded background checks on gun sales, only 42% of Republicans say the same.

A far smaller share of Republicans (37%) than Democrats (83%) favors banning assault-style weapons. Among the Democrats who support such a ban, most favor it strongly; 69% of Democrats say they strongly favor a ban on assault weapons, while just 15% somewhat favor it. By contrast, just 22% of Republicans strongly favor an assault weapons ban, while 16% somewhat favor it.

Even on a broadly popular proposal - preventing people with mental illnesses from purchasing guns, which is supported by 90% of Democrats and 85% of Republicans - Democrats are more likely than Republicans to be strongly in favor (77% vs. 63%).

Republicans express far more support for allowing people to carry concealed guns in more places (72%), allowing teachers and school officials to carry guns in K-12 schools (66%), and shortening waiting periods for people who want to buy guns legally (53%). But compared with Democrats' strong support for more restrictive gun policies, Republicans express more tepid support for any of these. Just 37% of Republicans say they strongly support concealed carry in more places, while three-in-ten say they strongly support allowing teachers and officials to carry guns in schools.

In contrast, Democrats strongly oppose these same measures. For example, 56% say they strongly oppose allowing people to carry concealed guns in more places, while 54% strongly oppose allowing K-12 teachers and officials to carry guns in schools.

Views on gun policies vary by partisanship and community type

While partisan differences are far and away the biggest factor in attitudes about guns, views of several gun policies also vary substantially by geography. In part, this is itself due to differences in the partisan complexion of urban, suburban and rural places in the United States, with urban areas trending more Democratic in recent years and rural areas trending more toward the GOP. But even within each party - and particularly within the Republican Party - attitudes toward gun policies vary by geography. Those living in rural places typically favor more expansive access to guns, while those in urban places favor more restrictive policies.

For example, about half (51%) of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents who describe their communities as urban favor bans on assault-style weapons, compared with 31% of Republicans living in rural areas. Rural Republicans are also substantially more likely than their urban counterparts to favor allowing teachers and other school officials to carry guns in K-12 schools (71% of rural Republicans compared with 56% of those living in urban places).

Democrats and Democratic leaners living in rural places are also somewhat more likely than those living in urban places to support expansive gun policies (or less likely to favor restrictive ones). For example, about a third (33%) of rural Democrats support allowing teachers and other school officials to carry guns, compared with 21% of those in urban areas.

Americans living in urban areas are much more likely than rural Americans to say gun violence is a very big problem in the country

About half of adults (48%) say that gun violence is a very big problem in the country today, though the shares who say this are much higher among Democrats, Black adults and adults who describe their communities as urban.

About eight-in-ten Black adults (82%) say that gun violence is a very big problem, compared with nearly six-in-ten Hispanic adults (58%) and about four-in-ten White adults (39%). Democrats are much more likely than Republicans to identify gun violence as a very big problem (73% of Democrats vs. 18% of Republicans). However, racial differences persist among Democrats. Though clear majorities of Black (86%), White (72%), and Hispanic Democrats see gun violence as a very big problem for the country today, Black Democrats are more likely than White and Hispanic Democrats to say this.

Nearly two-thirds of Americans who report living in urban areas say that gun violence is a very big problem, compared with about half of suburbanites (47%) and only about a third of those who live in rural areas (35%). Majorities of all three groups say that gun violence is either a very big problem or a moderately big problem.

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Amid a Series of Mass Shootings in the U.S., Gun Policy Remains Deeply Divisive

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Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand Americans' views on gun policy and how those views have changed over time. For this analysis, we surveyed 5,109 U.S. adults in April 2021. Everyone who took part in this survey is a member of Pew Research Center's American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses.

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This party's platform is built on three major pillars.

The first is addressing the growing concerns of global climate change. It is nearly impossible to discuss matters of the future without taking into consideration the biggest threat to our existence.

The second is finding a solution for proper gun reform. Everyday Americans worry that this day may be their last, with the reality that a gun may take their life. This is not what the Founders of our nation intended by implementing the Second Amendment. Reformation is needed now, more than ever.

The third is the implementation of a universal healthcare system. With the United States being one of the wealthiest nations in the world, it is shocking that a universal healthcare system has yet to be established. In fact, it is appalling that tax paying citizens remain uninsured and are not guaranteed a right to protecting their health.

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Our goal is to accomplish change. Change that has been sidelined for too long. Change for a world that will be able to thrive past what any of us can imagine. Change is not something that will occur miraculously overnight. It requires setting the foundations that future generations can further build upon. This was the goal of the Founding Fathers, who set up the principles of our wonderful nation that we have been able to expand into what it is today. It is our duty as a nation to venture into the same realm of establishing the proper institutions for tomorrow.

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In a Pew Research Center survey from 2022, "69% of of U.S. adults prioritize developing alternative energy sources ... but 31% believe the U.S. should phase out of the use of oil, coal, and natural gas completely" (Tyson et al.).

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It is understood that gun reform is a highly contested issue for many Americans. Our party wants to assure that we simply want to include regulations that prevent bad actors from committing atrocious acts. We stand by Americans who wish to utilize their Second Amendment right to bear arms for defense, hunting, and recreation.

To do this, policies in regards to greater government involvement in the firearm industry is needed. While some are skeptical on even more government intervention, this is what is necessary to keep America safe.

One example inspired by the Pew Research Center is to expand upon the current ways in which background checks are initiated. Doing so ensures that eligible people are able to purchase a gun for legitimate reasons. Background checks prove as a way to make sure that guns are being placed into the hands of people who will not act in bad faith.

This is the first stepping stone in ensuring that legislation in regards to gun safety and reform is actualized. This requires action to be taken now before it comes at the expense of more lives.

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Members of Congress stand as President Joe Biden arrives to deliver his address to a joint session on April 28, 2021. (Caroline Brehman/CQ-Roll Call/Getty Images)

President Joe Biden will deliver his first State of the Union address on Tuesday night. The speech comes as the country approaches the third year of the coronavirus pandemic, and amid rising concerns about the economy and challenges from abroad.

Here's a look at public opinion on some of the key issues facing the country, drawn from recent Pew Research Center surveys.

Americans are most concerned about the economy

More Americans say strengthening the economy should be a top policy priority for Biden and Congress to address this year than say the same about any other issue. Most U.S. adults (71%) identify this as a top concern, according to a Center survey conducted in January that asked about the importance of 18 policy priorities.

The public's concern about the economy comes at a time when inflation in the United States has hit a 40-year high. Large majorities of Americans say prices for food and consumer goods (89%), gas prices (82%) and the cost of housing (79%) are worse than they were a year ago. Only 28% rate economic conditions as excellent or good.

Still, the share of Americans who cite strengthening the economy as a top priority has dropped 9 percentage points from a year ago, and concern about jobs has declined. Only about half of Americans currently view improving the job situation as a top priority (52%), compared with 67% last year. Prior to the COVID-19 outbreak in 2020, there had been long-term drops in the shares citing the economy and jobs as top policy priorities.

The share of Democrats and independents who lean toward the Democratic Party who say strengthening the economy should be a top priority has fallen from 75% a year ago to 63% today. There has been almost no change in views among Republicans and GOP leaners: 85% said it was a top priority last year, and 82% view it that way today.

Waning concern about the COVID-19 pandemic

Dealing with the coronavirus outbreak ranked among Americans' top three policy concerns in the January survey, but Americans view it as less important than they did last year. Six-in-ten now say it should be a major priority, down from 78% who said this in 2021.

The share who say dealing with the pandemic should be a top policy priority has fallen among members of both political parties, but the decline is steeper among Republicans: 60% said the pandemic was a top priority a year ago, compared with 35% today. Among Democrats, 93% viewed it as a major priority last year, compared with 80% now.

Younger people are also less likely to identify this as important than older Americans. Roughly half of adults under 50 (54%) say dealing with the coronavirus should be a top priority, compared with 61% of adults ages 50 to 64, and 72% of those ages 65 and older.

Nearly two-thirds of women (65%) say that this should be a top priority for the president and Congress this year. A smaller share of men (54%) say the same.

Before Ukraine invasion, Americans were divided on Russia threat

When it comes to rising U.S.-Russia tensions, an early January survey found that 26% of Americans considered the Russian military buildup near Ukraine to be a major threat to U.S. interests, while 33% said it was a minor threat to U.S. interests. Another 7% said it was no threat at all. A relatively large share of U.S. adults (33%) said they were not sure how Russian actions toward Ukraine affected U.S. interests. The survey was conducted prior to Russia's invasion of Ukraine, before the U.S. put troops on higher alert, and before NATO announced that member countries would send military support to the region.

The survey found that about half of U.S. adults (49%) considered Russia a competitor of the U.S., while 41% said it is an enemy. Only 7% considered Russia a partner of the U.S.

When it comes to other foreign policy concerns, the share of Americans who rank defending the country against future terrorist attacks as a top policy priority has been steadily declining in recent years: 55% of Americans said in the January policy priorities survey that this should be a major priority, dropping from 63% last year and 74% in an early 2020 survey.

Wide partisan gaps on climate change

Dealing with global climate change was among the most politically divisive issues on the January survey: Roughly two-thirds of Democrats (65%) say this should be a top priority for Biden and Congress this year, compared with just 11% of Republicans.

Views also differ based on age. Adults under 30 are the only age group in which a majority (54%) say global climate change should be a top priority. This compares with 42% of those ages 30 to 49, 36% of those ages 50 to 64 and 39% of those age 65 and older.

In a survey conducted in April 2021, majorities of Americans said the federal government was doing too little to reduce the effects of global climate change (59%) and to protect important aspects of the environment including air quality (59%), water quality of lakes, rivers and streams (63%) and animals and their habitats (57%).

Immigration policy looms large for Republicans

This year, 67% of Republicans view immigration as a top priority, compared with just 35% of Democrats. Overall, about half of Americans (49%) say that dealing with immigration should be a major priority for the president and Congress this year, up 10 points from a year ago.At that time, identical shares of Republicans and Democrats (39% each) said dealing with the issue of immigration should be a top priority.

Although the Biden administration has acted on a number of fronts to reverse more restrictive Trump-era immigration policies, deportation remains an important concern for many U.S. Latinos. A March 2021 survey of Latino adults found that nearly four-in-ten Latinos (39%) said they worry that they, a family member, or someone close to them could be deported. That concern was even higher among immigrants.

A spring 2021 survey found that 84% of Hispanic adults said there should be a way for undocumented immigrants to stay in the country legally if certain requirements were met, compared with 69% of U.S. adults overall.

The share of Americans who say that addressing issues around race is an important priority this year has fallen from 49% in early 2021 to 37% this year. Black adults (66%) are more likely than either White (27%) or Hispanic adults (47%) to say this should be a top priority. There is also a partisan divide: 53% of Democrats say this should be a top priority, compared with 14% of Republicans.

Half of all adults said in a July 2021 survey that "a lot" more needs to be done to ensure equal rights for all Americans regardless of their race or ethnicity. About as many said either that a little (34%) or nothing at all (15%) needs to be done. Around a quarter of adults (24%) said that while there are many inequities in U.S. laws and institutions, necessary changes can be made by working within the current systems, while roughly as many (25%) said that most laws and major institutions need to be completely rebuilt because they are fundamentally biased against some racial and ethnic groups.

Rising concerns about health care costs

About six-in-ten Americans (61%) say that reducing health care costs should be a top policy priority for the president and Congress this year, according to the January survey. This is a leading priority for Democrats, 69% of whom view it as a top priority; only dealing with the coronavirus ranks higher (80%). Fewer Republicans (53%) identify lowering health care costs as a top priority.

In a separate January 2022 survey, 55% of Americans said the cost of health care is worse now than it was a year ago, and a larger share of Americans said they agreed with the Democratic Party's health care policies than with the Republican Party's (42% vs. 26%).

Declining Supreme Court favorability

The public's views of the court are as negative as they have been in many years. Democrats have expressed increasingly unfavorable opinions, according to a survey conducted in early January, before Justice Stephen Breyer announced his retirement and Biden reiterated his pledge to nominate the first Black woman to the Supreme Court. The survey also found that the overall public sees the court as more ideologically conservative than two years ago, and that view is particularly true of Democrats.

A slim majority of U.S. adults (54%) said in January that they have a favorable opinion of the Supreme Court while 44% have an unfavorable view. Over the past three years, the share of adults with a favorable view of the court has declined 15 points, driven largely by a drop-off among Democrats. Last year, 65% of Democrats said they had a favorable view of the court. Today, that number has fallen to 46%. Among liberal Democrats, just 36% view the court positively, down from 57%. Around two-thirds of Republicans (65%) hold a positive view of the court, largely unchanged since last year.

Americans see hardening of partisan lines

Congress continues to face gridlock on a variety of issues, and members of both political parties are less willing than they were a year ago to support concessions from their parties' leaders to achieve results, a January survey found. Nearly half of Democrats (48%) want Biden to "stand up" to Republicans on issues important to his voters, even if it makes it harder to address key problems - an increase from the 37% who said this last year, shortly before his inauguration. About three-quarters of Republicans (72%) want GOP leaders to stand up to Biden, up 13 points from last year.

Partisanship is also evident when it comes to the work of a select committee in the Democratic-controlled House to investigate the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol. In the January 2022 survey, 45% of Americans overall said they are at least somewhat confident that the committee's investigation is fair and reasonable while 54% said they are not too or not at all confident that this is the case. Among Republicans, 79% said they have little or no confidence in the fairness of the Jan. 6 committee's investigation, including 46% who have no confidence at all. By contrast, 65% of Democrats said they are at least somewhat confident that the investigation is fair and reasonable, and 27% said they are very confident.

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State of the Union 2022: How Americans view major national issues

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President Joe Biden will deliver his first State of the Union address on Tuesday night. The speech comes as the country approaches the third year of the coronavirus pandemic, and amid rising concerns about the economy and challenges from abroad.

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In comparison to the Democratic Party, we share a lot of the same goals in mind.

Our party hopes to be able to gain support from Democratic voters to accomplish a better future for America in regards to environmental protection and universal healthcare.

We would like to note that these are issues that will not be ignored if given the ability to take office. A vote for the Taking Action Party is a vote for a better future for all Americans.

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In line with the demands of the people, we agree that health care costs have become an increasingly pressing issue in modern politics. This was seen with the COVID-19 Pandemic, in which a universal healthcare system would have greatly been appreciated by the people.

Similar to other nations of the world, our policy is to work towards developing a universal healthcare system that is provided by the government. We hope to partner with current healthcare professionals to help materialize this goal. To do so we must begin allocating government funds through the people's tax dollars to create a basic healthcare system for all American citizens.

With concerns of government involvement in our health, it is important to recognize something about the health care debate. Health is no longer a privilege limited to the upper echelon of society, it is a right. All are deserving of living a full and healthy life. Being bombarded with egregious healthcare costs is not what should be expected of hard working Americans. It is clear that the U.S. government must step up to protect the freedom of the people.

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Every four years, Democrats from across the country join together to craft our party's platform.

The platform is created to uplift working people and write out the values that will guide our party for years to come.

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Every four years, Democrats from across the country join together to craft our party's platform. The platform is created to uplift working people and write out the values that will guide our party for years to come.

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But just 31% want to phase out use of fossil fuels completely

Amid growing global energy demand and rising carbon dioxide emissions, majorities of Americans say the United States should prioritize the development of renewable energy sources, such as wind and solar, and take steps toward the country becoming carbon neutral by the year 2050.

Still, Americans stop short of backing a complete break with fossil fuels and many foresee unexpected problems in a major transition to renewable energy. Economic concerns are also front of mind for many when asked to think about what a transition away from fossil fuels could mean for their own lives.

The new Pew Research Center survey of 10,237 U.S. adults conducted from Jan. 24 to 30, 2022, finds that 69% of U.S. adults prioritize developing alternative energy sources, such as wind and solar, over expanding the production of oil, coal and natural gas. The same share (69%) favors the U.S. taking steps to become carbon neutral by 2050, a key component of President Joe Biden's climate and energy policy agenda.

A relatively small share of Americans (31%) believe the U.S. should phase out the use of oil, coal and natural gas completely; far more (67%) say the country should use a mix of fossil fuel and renewable energy sources. Officials are considering ways to remove carbon emissions from the atmosphere through tree plantings as well as carbon capture and storage techniques.

The survey was conducted prior to escalating tensions and Russia's invasion of Ukraine that have driven increased uncertainty in global energy markets.

Partisan affiliation remains the dominant divide in views of climate and energy issues, with Republicans and Democrats staking out competing visions for the country's energy future.

On balance, Republicans and Republican-leaning independents give greater priority to expanding the production of oil, coal and natural gas than to developing alternative energy sources, and they overwhelmingly believe that fossil fuels should remain a part of the energy picture in the U.S.

Among Democrats and Democratic leaners, very large majorities support prioritizing the development of alternative energy sources and favor the U.S. taking steps to become carbon neutral by 2050.

Still, energy issues surface fault lines within both partisan coalitions.

Within the GOP:

There is internal disagreement around the goal of the U.S. becoming carbon neutral: 66% of self-described moderate and liberal Republicans favor taking steps toward this, while 64% of conservative Republicans oppose this.

There is a similar divide by political ideology over the country's more important energy priority: 64% of moderate and liberal Republicans say it should be developing alternative sources such as wind and solar, whereas 67% of conservative Republicans say it should be expanding production of oil, coal and natural gas.

Among Democrats and independents who lean toward the Democratic Party:

There is a split over whether the U.S. should phase out the use of oil, coal and natural gas completely (49% of Democrats say this) or use a mix of energy sources, including fossil fuels along with renewable sources (50%).

This overall divide reflects competing views within the Democratic Party: 63% of liberal Democrats say the U.S. should phase out the use of fossil fuels completely, while a majority of moderate and conservative Democrats (61%) say it should use a mix of energy sources.

The new Center survey comes on the heels of U.S. participation in the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26) held in Glasgow last November. The survey finds broad support for the U.S. participating in international efforts to help reduce the effects of climate change; 75% favor and only 24% oppose this.

In thinking about the U.S. role in addressing global climate change, 54% of Americans say the U.S. should do about as much as other countries with large economies. About three-in-ten (31%) say it should be doing more than other large economies to help reduce climate change impacts, and 14% think the U.S. should do less than other countries with large economies.

There is little consensus over how much the U.S. is currently doing to address climate change: 36% say the U.S. is doing less than other countries with large economies to reduce the effects of climate change, while 32% say it is doing more and 31% say it is doing as much as others with large economies.

Partisans generally agree that the U.S. should do at least as much as other countries with large economies in this area. But about half of Republicans (51%) think the U.S. is currently doing more than others, while about half of Democrats (49%) think the U.S. is currently doing less than other countries.

The nationally representative survey of 10,237 U.S. adults conducted from Jan. 24 to 30, 2022, explores Americans' views on the interrelated issues of energy and climate policy. Other key findings include:

A 72% majority says the federal government should encourage the production of wind and solar power. About half (51%) say it should encourage the use of electric vehicles, while about a third say it should encourage the production of nuclear power (35%) and oil and gas drilling (33%). Fewer (20%) say the federal government should encourage coal mining, with the remainder saying that the government should either discourage coal mining or do neither of these.

Many Americans anticipate new problems for the country if it were to greatly reduce fossil fuel energy production while increasing renewable energy production. Seven-in-ten say it's very or somewhat likely a major shift to renewable sources would lead to unexpected problems for the country. Americans are divided over whether a major shift from fossil fuel to renewable energy sources over the next 30 years would make the prices they pay to heat and cool their homes better (39%) or worse (39%). Another 20% say this would have no effect on these prices. Still, there's optimism over how a possible energy transition would impact other aspects of life: 63% think it would make their local air and water quality better and 56% think it would have a positive impact on local job opportunities in the energy sector.

Even as Americans express concerns about a major shift away from fossil fuels, 72% say it's likely a transition would not happen fast enough to prevent severe problems from climate change. Overall, 85% of Democrats and Democratic leaners as well as 58% of Republicans and Republican leaners say it is at least somewhat likely that a major energy transition would not happen fast enough to prevent severe problems from climate change.

Partisan gaps widen over the environmental and economic effects of policies aimed at reducing the effects of climate change. Democrats have become increasingly convinced that climate policies do more good than harm for the environment and help the U.S. economy. By contrast, Republicans take a mixed view of the environmental impact of policies aimed at reducing the effects of global climate change, and 62% now say they generally hurt the U.S. economy - up from 52% who said this in 2019.

72% of Americans believe the federal government should encourage wind and solar power production

Americans' views on the federal government's role in energy activities reflect the greater priority they give to developing renewable over fossil fuel energy sources.

A majority of Americans (72%) think the federal government should encourage the production of wind and solar power; just 5% say the federal government should discourage this and 22% say the government should neither encourage nor discourage production of wind and solar power.

On balance, more say the federal government should encourage than discourage the use of electric vehicles (51% vs. 10%); 39% say the federal government should neither encourage nor discourage this.

Americans express more mixed views on how the federal government should engage with nuclear power production and oil and gas drilling. More say the federal government should encourage (35%) than discourage (26%) the production of nuclear power, while 37% say the government should do neither. Views about oil and gas drilling are evenly divided: Equal shares say the federal government should encourage, discourage and neither encourage nor discourage this (33% each).

Opinion is more negative toward a government role in coal mining. More say the federal government should discourage than encourage this activity (44% vs. 20%); 35% say it should do neither.

Republicans and Democrats differ over the types of energy-related activities they think the federal government should encourage or discourage.

An overwhelming majority of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents say the federal government should encourage the production of wind and solar power (87%). Seven-in-ten Democrats also say this about the use of electric vehicles. Democrats are about evenly divided over the role they think the federal government should play regarding nuclear power. Their views tilt negative when it comes to fossil fuels: 52% of Democrats say the federal government should discourage oil and gas drilling and 65% say it should discourage coal mining.

Among Republicans and Republican leaners, views toward fossil fuel energy production are much less negative. Overall, 51% of Republicans say the federal government should encourage oil and gas drilling, while just 12% say they should discourage it (37% say it should do neither). And more Republicans say the federal government should encourage than discourage coal mining, albeit by a narrower margin (32% to 19%). At the same time, 54% of Republicans say the federal government should encourage wind and solar power. On the use of electric vehicles, 56% say the federal government should neither encourage nor discourage this.

Wide divides between Democrats and Republicans over U.S. taking steps to become carbon neutral; some differences within partisan coalitions

The Biden administration has announced policies aimed at dramatically reducing carbon dioxide emissions in the U.S. as part of a goal to be carbon neutral by 2050. Meeting this goal would require major changes to the U.S. energy sector, according to experts.

The new survey finds 69% of Americans say the more important energy priority for the country should be developing renewable energy sources, such as wind and solar; fewer (30%) prioritize expanding the production of fossil fuels, such as oil, coal and natural gas. These figures are roughly the same as when last asked in April 2021. See the Appendix for more details.

Consistent with this view, 69% of Americans say they favor the U.S. taking steps to become carbon neutral by 2050 - that is, releasing no more carbon dioxide into the atmosphere than it removes; 28% of Americans say they oppose this.

Still, at present, the public generally opposes breaking with fossil fuels entirely. Two-thirds (67%) say the U.S. should use a mix of energy sources including oil, coal and natural gas along with renewable energy sources. A smaller share (31%) says the U.S. should phase out fossil fuels completely and only rely on renewable sources such as wind and solar power.

Nearly all Democrats and independents who lean to the Democratic Party (90%) favor the U.S. taking steps to become carbon neutral by 2050, a key component of Biden's environmental policy goals.

In contrast, slightly more than half (53%) of Republicans and GOP leaners oppose this goal, while 44% favor it.

There are notable differences of opinion among Republicans by political ideology as well as age.

Conservative Republicans oppose the U.S. taking steps to become carbon neutral by about a two-to-one margin (64% to 33%). By contrast, 66% of moderate and liberal Republicans favor this goal.

The youngest Republicans, ages 18 to 29, largely support the U.S. taking steps to become carbon neutral by 2050 (67% favor). Support is lower among older Republicans, with majorities of those 50 and older opposing this goal. See Appendix for more details.

Among Democrats, large majorities across age and political ideology say they favor the U.S. taking steps to become carbon neutral by 2050.

Differences between Republicans and Democrats are similarly large when it comes to the question of whether the U.S. should use a mix of renewable and fossil fuel energy sources or should phase out the use of oil, coal and natural gas completely.

An overwhelming majority of Republicans (87%) think the U.S. should use a mix of energy sources including oil, coal and natural gas along with renewable sources.

By contrast, Democrats are roughly divided in their views: Half say the U.S. should use a mix of energy sources, while about the same share (49%) thinks the U.S. should phase out the use of fossil fuels completely and rely instead on sources such as wind and solar.

There are wide differences of opinion on this question among Democrats by ideology. A majority of moderate and conservative Democrats (61%) think the U.S. should use a mix of both fossil fuel and renewable energy sources going forward. A majority of liberal Democrats (63%) take the opposite view and say the U.S. should phase out the use of oil, coal and natural gas completely and rely instead on renewable sources.

Younger adults, ages 18 to 29, are about as likely to say the U.S. should phase out fossil fuels completely (48%) as to say it should use a mix of energy sources (50%). In contrast, roughly two-thirds or more of older adults in every other age group say the U.S. should use a mix of fossil fuels and renewable energy sources rather than phase out fossil fuels completely. Age differences in views are seen within both the Republican and Democratic parties. See Appendix for more details.

What would a transition to renewable energy mean for Americans?

When asked to think about how a possible shift from fossil fuels to renewable energy sources would impact their own local area, a majority of the public anticipates benefits for air and water quality as well as energy sector jobs in their local area. Yet sizable shares also anticipate higher costs for consumer goods and heating and cooling their homes.

Asked to think about the next 30 years, 63% of U.S. adults think air and water quality in their local area would get better if the U.S. greatly reduced energy production from fossil fuel sources such as oil, coal and natural gas while greatly increasing production from renewable sources such as wind and solar. About three-in-ten (28%) say such a transition would not have much of an effect on local air and water quality, while just 8% say it would make it worse.

On balance, more Americans think a possible transition to renewable energy production would make energy job opportunities in their local area better than worse (56% vs. 20%); 23% do not think it would have much of an effect.

Public expectations are less positive when it comes to prices. As many expect that a major shift from fossil fuel to renewable energy sources over the next 30 years would make the prices they pay to heat and cool their home better (39%) as worse (39%). And expectations tilt negative when it comes to prices for consumer goods: 40% think a major shift to renewable energy production would make these prices worse, while 29% think it would make them better.

A slightly larger share of U.S. adults say transitioning from fossil fuel to renewable sources would have a positive rather than negative effect on the reliability of the electrical grid (38% vs. 31%). About three-in-ten think an energy transition would not have much of an effect on the reliability of the electrical grid.

More say a renewable energy transition would make the frequency of extreme weather events better than w0rse in the U.S. (37% vs. 11%), though 50% say they don't think it would have much of an effect.

Democrats and Democratic leaners are much more optimistic than Republicans and Republican leaners about the possible impacts of a major transition from fossil fuel to renewable sources for energy production.

Much larger shares of Democrats than Republicans say reducing energy production from fossil fuels and increasing from renewable sources would make air and water quality (81% vs. 40%) and job opportunities in the energy sector (73% vs. 35%) better. Democrats are also far more likely than Republicans to say an energy transition would have a positive effect on the frequency of extreme weather (56% vs. 15%).

Conversely, Republicans are far more likely than Democrats to foresee greater pressure on prices if the country greatly shifts toward renewable energy sources over the next 30 years. A majority of Republicans (61%) say this potential energy transition would make home energy prices worse, compared with just 23% of Democrats. There's a similar gap in the shares of Republicans and Democrats who say a transition from fossil fuel to renewable energy sources would make the prices paid for everyday goods worse (63% vs. 23%).

When it comes to the reliability of the electrical grid, about half of Republicans (52%) think a transition from fossil fuels to renewables would make it worse; a similar share of Democrats (53%) think it would make it better.

Americans see unexpected problems - as well as climate risks from not moving fast enough - in a possible transition to increased production of renewable energy

Asked about the implications of a transition from fossil fuel to renewable sources in a more general way, 72% of Americans think it's very or somewhat likely that this shift would not occur fast enough to prevent severe problems from climate change. A similar share (70%) thinks such a transition would be at least somewhat likely to cause unexpected problems for the country.

A large share of Republicans see a potential shift in energy sources as very (50%) or somewhat (31%) likely to be accompanied by unexpected problems. Six-in-ten Democrats also think unexpected problems are likely (though just 14% view this as very likely).

Majorities of both parties say it's very or somewhat likely that a major energy transition would not happen fast enough to prevent severe problems from climate change (85% of Democrats and 58% of Republicans say this would be at least somewhat likely).

Main benefits - and downsides - that Americans foresee if U.S. phases out fossil fuels

Environmental and climate benefits are top of mind for many Americans when asked to explain, in an open-ended question, what they think the main benefit would be from phasing out the use of oil, coal and natural gas completely.

About four-in-ten U.S. adults (43%) cite environmental and climate factors as benefits to phasing out fossil fuels, including roughly two-in-ten who mention a reduction in carbon emissions or that this shift would save the planet for future generations.

Far fewer mention other potential benefits: 8% say reducing dependence on foreign energy sources would be the main benefit to phasing out fossil fuels, while 8% also cite economic benefits such as lower energy costs or new jobs.

Overall, 13% of Americans say there would be no benefit from such a shift and 25% did not give an answer.

Among the roughly third of Americans who support the U.S. phasing out fossil fuels completely, a majority (61%) raise environmental and climate factors as the main benefit to doing so. Far fewer of those who support the U.S. continuing to use a mix of fossil fuel and renewable energy sources (34%) mention upsides for the environment and climate from this possibility. And about two-in-ten (19%) of this group say there would be no benefit to phasing out oil, coal and natural gas completely.

Economic factors loom large in anticipated downsides from the possibility of phasing out fossil fuels completely.

About a third (35%) of U.S. adults raise economic factors as the main downside to such an energy transition, including 18% who mention job losses and 18% who point to higher energy costs.

About one-in-five (21%) raise concerns about the reliability of renewable energy sources or say that the country is not ready to phase out fossil fuels entirely.

The majority of Americans who say the U.S. should continue to use a mix of fossil fuel and renewable energy sources are more likely to raise concerns about the reliability of an energy system based solely on renewable energy sources.

About four-in-ten homeowners say they've seriously considered installing solar panels

Among U.S. homeowners, 39% say they have given serious thought to installing solar panels for their home within the past 12 months; 8% say they already have installed solar panels. The share of homeowners who say they have installed solar panels is up from 6% in 2019, though the share who say they have given installation serious consideration is down 7 percentage points.

Western homeowners are especially likely to have considered, or installed, solar panels in their homes, consistent with past Center surveys and with data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) on small-scale solar capacity.

Among homeowners in the Pacific region, 45% say they've given serious thought to installing solar panels to generate electricity for their home and 17% say they have already done this. The region includes California, where solar panels are now mandated for new home construction and multi-family dwellings under three stories.

Partisanship is also linked to consideration and installation of home solar panels. Democrats and those who lean to the Democratic Party are more likely (57%) than Republicans and those who lean to the Republican Party (36%) to say they have installed or given serious thought to installing solar panels in their homes. In the Pacific region, 73% of Democrats have either installed (22%) or say they have seriously considered adding solar panels to their home; this compares with 46% of Republicans in the region who have installed solar panels (13%) or given serious thought to doing so.

Most homeowners who have installed or are seriously considering solar panels at home (92%) say that saving money on utilities is a motivation for adding solar panels.

A large majority (81%) of this group also says helping the environment is a reason they have considered or installed solar panels at home.

Smaller majorities say their reasons include a solar investment tax credit (64%) and because it would be better for the health of their family (59%).

Nearly all Democratic (91%) and Republican (92%) homeowners in this group say that saving on utilities is a reason they have thought about or installed solar panels. Democratic homeowners are more likely than Republican homeowners to say that helping the environment (95% vs. 59%) or health benefits for their own or their family's health (71% vs. 39%) is a reason they have considered or installed solar panels at home.

Partisan disagreement over human role in climate change, policy impacts

A majority of Americans continue to see a connection between human activity, such as the burning of fossil fuels, and global climate change. However, there is no public consensus on the strength of the connection. Partisans continue to express starkly different views on climate-related questions.

In all, 46% of U.S. adults say human activity contributes a great deal to climate change, while 29% say it contributes some. About a quarter of Americans (24%) say human activities, including the burning of fossil fuels, contributes not too much or not at all to climate change. Views on this question have held mostly steady in recent years.

Democrats and Republicans continue to have very different views on the role of human activity in climate change. A large majority of Democrats say humans contribute a great deal (71%). By contrast, just 17% of Republicans say this; 39% of Republicans say human activity contributes some to climate change and 44% think it contributes not too much or not at all.

There are sizable differences by ideology within both partisan groups on this issue. A larger majority of liberal than conservative and moderate Democrats and Democratic leaners say human activity contributes a great deal to climate change (81% vs. 64%). Among Republicans and Republican leaners, moderates are more likely than conservatives to say humans contribute a great deal to climate change (29% vs. 11%). Slightly more than half of conservative Republicans (54%) say human activity contributes not too much or not at all to global climate change.

Among Democrats, education is related to the shares who say human activity contributes a great deal to climate change. Overall, Democrats with a postgraduate degree are 26 percentage points more likely than those with a high school degree or less to say human activity contributes a great deal to climate change (84% vs. 58%). Among Republicans, there are no differences by education in the shares who take this view. This pattern is consistent with past Center surveys.

Americans hold mixed views about how policies aimed at reducing the effects of global climate change affect the economy. On balance, views of how these policies impact the environment are more positive than negative.

About as many Americans say policies aimed at reducing the effects of global climate change generally help as hurt the U.S. economy (37% to 35%); 27% say they think these policies make no difference for the economy.

The share of Americans saying climate policies help the U.S. economy is up 7 points over the last four years, driven by more positive assessments of Democrats. A majority of Democrats and Democratic leaners (55%) now say climate policies generally help the economy, up 10 points from 2018. By contrast, Republicans have becoming increasingly likely to say these policies hurt the U.S. economy: 62% of Republicans and Republican leaners think policies aimed at reducing the effects of global climate change generally hurt the economy, while 57% said this in 2018.

When it comes to the environment, 56% of Americans think policies aimed at addressing climate change generally do more good than harm for the environment; just 18% say they generally do more harm, while 24% say these policies don't make a difference for the environment.

Democrats have become increasingly convinced of the environmental benefits of climate policies: 79% say they generally do more good than harm for the environment, up from 66% who said this in 2018.

Republicans are divided in their views. As many say these climate policies do more good for the environment as say they do more harm (30% each); 39% say these policies don't make a difference for the environment.

Majority backs U.S. participation in international climate change efforts

Americans are broadly supportive of the U.S. playing a role in international efforts to reduce global climate change: Three-quarters say they strongly or somewhat support the U.S. participating in international climate efforts, and 24% say they oppose this.

An overwhelming majority of Democrats and Democratic leaners (92%) support the U.S. participating in international efforts to help address global climate change. Opinion is more divided among Republicans and Republican leaners: 53% support U.S. participation in these efforts, while 46% oppose it.

A majority of moderate Republicans (75%) support the U.S. being part of international efforts to reduce climate impacts. By contrast, conservative Republicans are more likely to say they oppose (57%) than support (42%) U.S. participation.

Asked to consider what role the U.S. should play relative to other countries who also have a large economy, 54% of Americans say the U.S. should do about as much as other countries to help reduce the effects of global climate change. About a third (31%) say it should do more than other countries with large economies, while 14% say it should do less.

Americans express mixed views on how much the U.S. is currently doing in this arena. Overall, 36% say the U.S. is doing less than other countries with large economies, while nearly as many (32%) say it is doing more; 31% say it is doing about as much as others.

Partisan groups view U.S. participation in international climate efforts quite differently.

About two-thirds of Republicans (65%) say the U.S. should do about as much as other countries with large economies in international climate change efforts. Roughly half of Republicans (51%) say the country is currently doing more than others; relatively few think it is doing less (19%).

On balance, Democrats think the country is currently doing less than other countries rather than more (49% to 17%); 33% say the U.S. is currently doing about as much as other countries with large economies. Democrats generally support the U.S. doing as much (45%) or more than other countries with large economies (45%) to help reduce the effects of global climate change; just one-in-ten say it should do less than others.

53% of Americans express doubt that global efforts by the U.S. and others will be enough to avoid the worst impacts of climate change

Americans are largely pessimistic that the U.S. and countries around the world will do enough to head off the worst climate change impacts.

Overall, 53% of Americans think countries around the world, including the U.S., will probably or definitely not do enough to avoid the worst impacts from climate change. A smaller share (36%) thinks collective action globally will likely be enough to avoid the worst impacts from climate change; 10% say they don't view climate change impacts as a problem.

Among Democrats and Democratic leaners, 51% do not expect countries around the world will do enough t0 avoid the worst from climate change; slightly fewer (46%) think countries will collectively do enough. Moderate and conservative Democrats are more optimistic that global efforts will avert the worst impacts from climate change, compared with liberal Democrats.

The balance of opinion among Republicans and independents who lean to the GOP is more pessimistic than among Democrats: 56% of Republicans expect that global efforts will not be enough to avoid the worst impacts of climate change, while 24% think such efforts will likely be enough to avoid them and one-in-five say that climate change impacts are not a problem.

A majority of Americans reject idea that U.S. has a responsibility to help developing countries build more renewable energy sources as part of international climate efforts

One of the major topics discussed at the November 2021 United Nations conference on climate change (known as COP26) was financial assistance for developing countries to help increase their renewable energy sources.

About four-in-ten Americans (39%) say the U.S. has a responsibility to provide international aid for this purpose as part of international efforts to reduce the effects of climate change, while a majority of 59% says it does not.

Most Republicans (82%) say that the U.S. does not have this responsibility, including 88% of conservative Republicans and 71% of moderate and liberal Republicans.

Among Democrats, 59% say that the U.S. has a responsibility to provide financial assistance to developing countries to help build renewable energy sources and move away from fossil fuels. Liberal Democrats are especially likely to take this view (70%). By contrast, moderate and conservative Democrats are roughly split over whether this is a U.S. responsibility or not.

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Americans Largely Favor U.S. Taking Steps To Become Carbon Neutral by 2050

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Majorities of Americans say the United States should prioritize the development of renewable energy sources and take steps toward the country becoming carbon neutral by the year 2050. But just 31% want to phase out fossil fuels completely, and many foresee unexpected problems in a major transition to renewable energy.

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Our policy is to respond to the grievances of the people by using our platform to advocate for the U.S. to become carbon neutral by 2050. As is the same goal as current leaders around the world (Tyson et al.).

But how will we do it?

Our policy in regards to the environment is to develop greater public transportation. America has been built on the idea that people are expected to own a vehicle and use it as their sole means of transportation. This has not only increased our reliance on fossil fuels but created an unfair advantage to those who are unable to afford an automobile. Along with increasing prices of gasoline, car ownership is becoming a much less viable option for some.

Public transportation in the form of buses, trains, and trolleys can likely help in developing our economy as well. This includes job creation in the sectors of manufacturing, maintenance, building of infrastructure, and driving or controlling these methods of transportation.

In addition with current advancements in electrical vehicles, it is likely that these modes of transportation will adopt alternative energy sources for future reference. Allowing for us to slowly transition away from fossil fuels and to reduce our carbon emissions entirely.