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Soon after Lincoln took office, the commander of Fort Sumter in South Carolina's Charleston Harbor reported that supplies were running low. Several members of the president's cabinet recommended evacuating the fort. Instead, the president chose to resupply it, but with food rather than with weapons. At 4:40 a.m. on April 12, 1861, Confederate cannons opened fire on Fort Sumter and Union forces surrendered 34 hours later. The attack prompted President Lincoln to issue a proclamation on April 15 calling upon Congress to convene an emergency session on July 4. He also called for 75,000 troops to protect the seat of government and suppress the rebellion-although they were asked to serve for only 90 days.

The response across the North to the president's call was swift. As one journalist recorded, Lincoln's proclamation "was received with the beating of drums and the ringing notes of the bugle, calling the defenders of the capitol to their colors. Every city and hamlet had its flag-raising." Senator John Sherman of Ohio later described this impressive reaction in his memoirs: "The response of the loyal states to the call of Lincoln was perhaps the most remarkable uprising of a great people in the history of mankind. Within a few days the road to Washington was opened, but the men who answered the call were not soldiers, but citizens, badly armed, and without drill or discipline." The first Union troops, volunteers from Pennsylvania, arrived in Washington on April 18 and were quartered in the House wing of the Capitol. The next to arrive was the Sixth Regiment from Massachusetts. Having encountered angry mobs of Southern sympathizers in Baltimore, the Massachusetts soldiers arrived in Washington on April 19 bloodied and exhausted. They established their camp in the Senate Chamber. Longtime Senate doorkeeper Isaac Bassett described the arrival of these embattled troops:

The Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts, nine hundred strong, under the command of Col. Jones, were attacked in Baltimore on their way to Washington. . . . On arriving here these were marched into the Capitol and immediately occupied the Senate Chamber. . . . The col. made the Vice President's Room his headquarters. They looked tired I saw blood running down their faces. Their clothes were full of dust. Everything was done that could be for their comfort.

Soon Washington was teeming with soldiers, thousands making their camp in and around the Capitol. In a letter to his son on April 19, Architect of the Capitol Thomas U. Walter commented that "the Capitol itself is turned into a barracks; there will be 30,000 troops here by tomorrow night." Company E of the National Guard, a group formed from mechanics who had been working in and around the Capitol, made their quarters in the Revolutionary Claims Committee room. A young writer named Theodore Winthrop of the Seventh New York Regiment documented his experience in the Atlantic Monthly, published in July 1861. "Our life in the Capitol was most dramatic and sensational . . . " he wrote. "We joked, we shouted, we sang, we mounted the Speaker's desk and made speeches." Seated at the senators' desks in the still-new chamber, soldiers used Senate stationery and franked envelopes to correspond with their loved ones back home. In the Capitol Rotunda, a reporter witnessed a young member of the New York Zouaves, "a mere boy," swing nearly 100 feet on a rope from an interior cornice of the new dome. "It did not seem to be a novel feat to the others, as they noticed it no more than any ordinary occurrence," the reporter remarked. One of the soldiers' mock sessions of the Senate was witnessed by a Washington correspondent for the Providence Journal, who wrote:

The presiding officer was just putting the question on a resolution directing the sergeant-at-arms to proceed immediately to the White House and to request the President, if, in his opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to send down a gallon of his best brandy. A motion to strike out the word "Brandy" and substitute "Old Rye" was voted down, on constitutional grounds, and because the "Hon. Senator from South Carolina" who offered it had both his legs on the desk, while the rules only permitted one. And finally a motion was made to clear the galleries as disorderly persons were looking on, evidently to ridicule the proceedings and otherwise behaving in a manner not consistent with the dignity of the Senate.

Despite the levity of these reports, emotions ran high throughout the city. In the Senate Chamber, incensed troops took their bayonets to the desk of former senator Jefferson Davis, seeking to destroy an object once occupied by the new leader of the Confederacy. Hearing the commotion, Bassett rushed to stop the destruction of the desk, reminding the soldiers that it belonged to the United States government, not Davis. "You were put here to protect, and not to destroy!" he shouted. "They stopped immediately and said I was right, they thought it belonged to Jefferson Davis," Bassett noted in his memoirs.

A militant spirit prevailed when Congress met on July 4, 1861. The more radical members pressed the administration for quick military action. Rumors spread that President Lincoln had no intention of suppressing the rebellion and was simply delaying in order to achieve a compromise with the South. The radicals demanded a quick campaign aimed at the rebel capital of Richmond. Despite the fact that northern troops remained untrained and untested for battle, popular support grew for war. "On to Richmond!" read the headline in the influential New York Tribune: "Forward to Richmond! The Rebel Congress must not be allowed to meet there." The drumbeat of publicity persuaded Lincoln to launch an early offensive.

On Sunday, July 21, 1861, some members of Congress gathered in Centreville, Virginia, about 30 miles from Washington, to watch the Union forces march into battle at Bull Run. Civilians rode out in wagons and packed picnic lunches to enjoy while watching the battle (thus known as the "Picnic Battle"). As journalist Benjamin Perley Poore commented, spectators gathered "as they would have gone to see a horse-race or to witness a Fourth of July procession." The Union army performed well in the morning, but by early afternoon the Confederates brought in reinforcements, staging an intense battle over a space known as Henry Hill. When Union generals finally called retreat around 4:00 p.m., the frightened soldiers fled for their lives, sweeping up civilians in their retreat back to Washington.

Near the battlefield, a group of senators were eating lunch. They heard a loud noise and looked around to see the road filled with retreating soldiers, horses, and wagons. "Turn back, turn back, we're whipped," Union soldiers cried as they ran past the spectators. Startled, Michigan senator Zachariah Chandler tried to block the road to stop the retreat. Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio, sensing a humiliating defeat, picked up a discarded rifle and threatened to shoot any soldier who ran. While Senator Henry Wilson of Massachusetts distributed sandwiches, a Confederate shell destroyed his buggy, forcing him to escape on a stray mule. Iowa senator James Grimes barely avoided capture and vowed never to go near another battlefield. Dismayed, senators returned to Washington to deliver eyewitness accounts to a stunned President Lincoln. Only one member of Congress, New York representative Alfred Ely, made it to Richmond that day-as a prisoner of war.

The Union army's defeat at Bull Run shocked members of Congress, making it clear that the war would last much longer than 90 days and be harder fought than anyone had expected. The First Battle of Bull Run was only the beginning. It "was the worst event & the best event in our history," wrote Charles Sumner to Lincoln. It was "the worst, as it was the greatest present calamity & shame,-the best, as it made the extinction of Slavery inevitable." Congress responded to the defeat on July 29, 1861, by passing legislation that significantly increased the size of the army, and on August 5 by passing an act to better organize the military. These acts provided Lincoln with the largest military power ever conferred upon a president up to that time.

A week after Bull Run, Kentucky senator John C. Breckinridge rose in the Senate Chamber to oppose efforts to declare that a state of insurrection existed. "Here we have been hurling gallant fellows on to death, and the blood of Americans has been shed-for what?" he asked. "Nothing but ruin, utter ruin, to the North, to the South, to the East, to the West, will follow the prosecution of this conflict." As soon as Breckinridge took his seat, Oregon senator Edward Dickinson Baker, dressed in military uniform, rose to rebut him. An old friend of Lincoln's from Springfield, Illinois, Baker had resigned from the House of Representatives to lead troops in battle during the Mexican-American War, and had later moved to Oregon, where he was elected senator. In the spring of 1861 he had raised a "California regiment" (actually recruiting on the East Coast), and had spent that morning training his troops. "How could we make peace? Upon what terms?" Baker thundered in reply to Breckinridge. "It is our duty to advance, if we can; to suppress insurrection; to put down rebellion; to scatter the enemy; and when we have done so, to preserve in the terms of the bill, the liberty, lives, and property of the people of the country, by just and fair police regulations." Encouraged by applause from the gallery, Baker acknowledged that the war would exact a heavy price. "There will be some graves reeking with blood, watered by tears of affection." Little did Baker know that he was describing his own imminent fate.

When the Senate adjourned the extra session on August 6, 1861, some senators returned to their home states to raise regiments of soldiers. A few, like Baker, donned uniforms themselves. Although Baker turned down a commission as brigadier general so that he could remain a senator, he felt that he could engage in combat while Congress was adjourned. On October 21, 1861, Baker led a brigade of Union volunteers across the Potomac River, seeking to advance on Leesburg, Virginia. Confederate forces stopped them at Ball's Bluff, trapping them on the cliffs overlooking the river. Nearly 1,000 soldiers were killed, wounded, or captured, including Baker, the only sitting U.S. senator ever to die in combat. When the Senate next convened on December 2, 1861, Oregon senator James M. Nesmith delivered a heartfelt eulogy recalling Baker's impassioned debate with Breckinridge: "What he said as a Senator he was willing to do as a soldier."

Within the Senate Chamber, the secession of the Southern states left a visible impact. When the Senate had convened at the start of the 37th Congress on March 4, 1861, the names of withdrawn senators whose terms had expired were ordered deleted from the Senate rolls. With the exception of Tennessee senator Andrew Johnson, who remained in the Senate after his state seceded, those Southerners whose terms continued simply stayed away. Some sent notices of withdrawal or announced their secession in local newspapers, but others just failed to appear. In July 1861 the Senate expelled 10 of the absent senators. In December it expelled Senator John C. Breckinridge, who had joined the Confederate army even though his home state of Kentucky remained in the Union. In January 1862 the Senate also expelled the two senators from Missouri, who sided with the Confederacy despite their state remaining in the Union. The final expulsion took place on February 5, 1862, when the Senate threw out Indiana senator Jesse Bright for promoting a constituent's efforts to sell arms to the Confederacy.

In just a few short weeks after the war began, Washington was transformed from a quiet capital to a city alive with the sounds of thousands of uniformed troops marching and drilling in the streets. The Capitol, with its recently added House and Senate wings and soon-to-be-completed cast-iron dome, took on "the appearance of an armed fort," according to Washington writer Julia Taft Bayne. Building materials intended for the construction of the new dome were converted for use in fortifying the building. "About the entrance and between the pillars were barricades of iron plates intended for the dome, held in place by barrels of sand and cement," Bayne wrote. Inside the building, the statuary and paintings were boarded up or draped in protective coverings.

As more troops arrived, conditions in the Capitol deteriorated. "Things are more unpleasant here every day," Capitol architect Thomas Walter lamented, "every street, lane, and alley is filled with soldiers . . . the Senate Chamber is alive with lice; it makes my head itch to think of it-the bed bugs have travelled up stairs." Isaac Bassett also worried about the damage being done to the ornate structure. "It almost broke my heart to see the soldiers bring armfuls of bacon and hams and throw them down upon the floor of the marble room," he wrote. "Almost with tears in my eyes I begged them not to grease up the walls and the furniture." On May 3, 1861, Walter complained in a letter to his wife about the atrocious conditions caused by the inadequate washing facilities in the Capitol: "There are 4000 [troops] in the Capitol with all their provision, ammunition and baggage, and the smell is awful. The building is like one grand water closet-every hole and corner is defiled . . . . The stench is so terrible I have refused to take my office into the building. It is sad to see the defacement of the building every where."

Following the Second Battle of Bull Run in 1862, the Union army used the Capitol as a hospital for wounded troops, stirring sympathy among Capitol Hill personnel, but taking a toll on the building. In a letter dated September 2, 1862, Walter wrote:

The excitement here is very great and the presence of so many wounded greatly affect the sensibilities of all who have any feeling-poor fellows, what they must suffer. . . . They have taken the Capitol as a hospital, and the beds are now up in the rotunda, the old Hall of Rep's, and the passages-one thousand beds have been put up. It does not interfere with our work in the least, and I think the move is a good one.

Walter's assessment changed considerably over the next month. On October 3, as deteriorating conditions in the Capitol forced him to take his work outdoors, he wrote: "I am now writing in the middle of the street, with clouds of dust flying around me." He lamented to a friend that he had been "compelled to move by the filth and stench, and live stock in the Capitol-there are more than 1000 sick and wounded in the building and it has become intolerable especially in the upper rooms."

To meet the needs of the soldiers, the military quartermaster constructed large brick ovens in the basement of the Capitol. Several brick-walled rooms in the basement's center section were quickly converted into a bakery to feed the troops. Interior staircases leading down to the new Capitol bakery were partially covered with planks so that huge barrels of flour could be rolled down into the basement. There were 14 ovens that baked 200 loaves a day, and another six or seven that produced 800 loaves a day. These larger ovens were located under the great steps on the west terrace of the Capitol. "The arcades under the flagway on the west side of the building are used for cooking," commented the Washington Star, "and the smoke may be seen pouring out of the holes in the grassy slope."

Feeding the troops became a well-organized activity. "When rations are to be served, the men pass in single file in the area along the series of arches," continued the Star, "each with a tin plate and a tin cup. At the first archway two slices of freshly baked bread are handed to each man; at the next arch his allowance of meat, and at the next his coffee or soup, as the case may be." While the troops and other occupants of the Capitol soon became accustomed to the aroma of baking bread, others worried about the conditions created by having such a large bakery housed in the Capitol. "I am pained to see a treasure instructed to my care-a treasure money cannot replace-receiving great damage from the smoke and soot that penetrates everywhere through that part of the Capitol which is under my charge," wrote the librarian of Congress, John G. Stephenson, who worried about the threat of fire to his books that were housed in the Capitol.

When the Senate convened its emergency session in July 1861, and then returned for its regular session in December, soldiers quartered in the Capitol were forced to find another home, joining the thousands of troops occupying the city. "During the entire war Washington was a military camp," Senator Sherman recalled in his memoirs. In fact, the city was surrounded by 68 forts and 22 batteries by war's end, making it one of the most heavily fortified cities in the world. Sherman continued:

It was quite a habit of Senators and Members, during the war, to call at the camps of soldiers from their respective states. It was my habit, while Congress was in session during the war, to ride on horseback over a region within ten miles of Washington. . . . I became familiar with every lane and road, and especially with camps and hospitals. At the time it could truly be said that Washington was a great camp and hospital.

Despite the wartime emergency, work progressed on the new dome for the Capitol. The War Department announced on May 15, 1861, that it could not ensure funding for completion of the dome, but the workers agreed to continue without pay. At Clark Mills's foundry, which was commissioned to cast Thomas Crawford's Statue of Freedom for the top of the new dome, an enslaved man named Philip Reid was among those preparing this crowning symbol for the nation's Capitol. Reid was one of many slaves who had labored in the construction of the Capitol. When the statue was finally placed atop the dome on December 2, 1863, Reid was a free man, liberated by the District of Columbia Compensated Emancipation Act in 1862. The installation of the Statue of Freedom proved to be a symbolic event, signifying the enduring nation in a time of civil war. A battery of artillery fired a salute of 35 rounds, representing every state in the Union, including those of the Confederacy. The salute was then returned by the many forts surrounding the city of Washington.

Adapted from The Senate's Civil War. Senate Historical Office. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 2011.

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Soon after Lincoln took office, the commander of Fort Sumter in South Carolina's Charleston Harbor reported that supplies were running low. Several members of the president's cabinet recommended evacuating the fort. Instead, the president chose to resupply it, but with food rather than with weapons. At 4:40 a.m.

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From JSTOR it says: "[ w]hy is Cinco de Mayo-a holiday commemorating a Mexican victory over the French at Puebla in 1862-so widely celebrated in California and across the United States, when it is scarcely observed in Mexico? As David E. Hayes-Bautista explains, the holiday is not Mexican at all, but rather an American one, created by Latinos in California during the mid-nineteenth century. Hayes-Bautista shows how the meaning of Cinco de Mayo has shifted over time-it embodied immigrant nostalgia in the 1930s, U.S. patriotism during World War II, Chicano Power in the 1960s and 1970s, and commercial intentions in the 1980s and 1990s. Today, it continues to reflect the aspirations of a community that is engaged, empowered, and expanding."

Today ,it is also unfortunate that the day has been called "Cinco de Drink-o" by all kinds of people from many diverse ethnic backgrounds. Historically, it is very important for a myriad of reasons. The American Civil War was the conflict in the United States to end Slavery. For Californios, new citizens of the United States, this was an idea that they had hated being the first to be enslaved group by the Conquistadores. But many citizens in California supported the war effort to end slavery, they agreed spreading slavery was wrong and unjust. It was the culture of Gente de Razón that knew slavery was wrong. About 30,000 Californios lived in California after the Mexican-American War. We learned what happened to Mariano Vallejo, and the changes of our part of the country after the Mexican-American War. We even studied some famous paintings , Old 76, Young 48 and News from Mexico. The Junta raised funds for the United States War effort against the Confederate States.

The original California Constitution was published in English and Spanish because so many groups, that identified themselves as mestizos, ponchos, latinos, and will later take part in patriotic assemblies to raise money for the cause. [Article XI California Constitution]. From the California Secretary of State website, "W.E.P. Hartnell was the official translator for the Convention. Section 21, Article XI of the 1849 Constitution decreed that all laws must be published in Spanish and English. Thus, for its first 30 years, California was a bilingual state. This provision was not included in the 1879 Constitution. The Spanish translation was written on 45 pages of heavy white paper, measuring 7 1/2" x 12". [http://www.sos.ca.gov/archives/collections/constitutions/1849-constitution-facts/ www.sos.ca.gov/archives/collections/constitutions/1849-constitution-facts/] Remember the Junta, or assemblies, raised funds for the United States War effort against the Confederate States.

Below is the interview with he author of a book on Cinco De Mayo. I was lucky to see him speak at a UCLA/The Huntington Library Seminar on the West and the Civil War in the summer of 2014. The stories were amazing and connected to so much of American history. The video "Published on Jun 14, 2012 (Visit: http://www.uctv.tv/) Why is Cinco de Mayo, a holiday commemorating a Mexican victory over the French at Puebla in 1862, so widely celebrated in California and across the United States, when it is scarcely observed in Mexico? David E. Hayes-Bautista, Professor of Medicine and Director of the Center for the Study of Latino Health and Culture at UCLA, explains the holiday is not Mexican at all, but rather an American one, created by Latinos in California during the mid-nineteenth century". [UC TV] Please add these ideas to our chapter 15 notebook.

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From JSTOR it says: "[ w]hy is Cinco de Mayo-a holiday commemorating a Mexican victory over the French at Puebla in 1862-so widely celebrated in California and across the United States, when it is scarcely observed in Mexico? As David E.

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How California Gold to support the union cause got to Lincoln?

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From JSTOR it says: "[ w]hy is Cinco de Mayo-a holiday commemorating a Mexican victory over the French at Puebla in 1862-so widely celebrated in California and across the United States, when it is scarcely observed in Mexico? As David E. Hayes-Bautista explains, the holiday is not Mexican at all, but rather an American one, created by Latinos in California during the mid-nineteenth century. Hayes-Bautista shows how the meaning of Cinco de Mayo has shifted over time-it embodied immigrant nostalgia in the 1930s, U.S. patriotism during World War II, Chicano Power in the 1960s and 1970s, and commercial intentions in the 1980s and 1990s. Today, it continues to reflect the aspirations of a community that is engaged, empowered, and expanding."

Today ,it is also unfortunate that the day has been called "Cinco de Drink-o" by all kinds of people from many diverse ethnic backgrounds. Historically, it is very important for a myriad of reasons. The American Civil War was the conflict in the United States to end Slavery. For Californios, new citizens of the United States, this was an idea that they had hated being the first to be enslaved group by the Conquistadores. But many citizens in California supported the war effort to end slavery, they agreed spreading slavery was wrong and unjust. It was the culture of Gente de Razón that knew slavery was wrong. About 30,000 Californios lived in California after the Mexican-American War. We learned what happened to Mariano Vallejo, and the changes of our part of the country after the Mexican-American War. We even studied some famous paintings , Old 76, Young 48 and News from Mexico. The Junta raised funds for the United States War effort against the Confederate States.

The original California Constitution was published in English and Spanish because so many groups, that identified themselves as mestizos, ponchos, latinos, and will later take part in patriotic assemblies to raise money for the cause. [Article XI California Constitution]. From the California Secretary of State website, "W.E.P. Hartnell was the official translator for the Convention. Section 21, Article XI of the 1849 Constitution decreed that all laws must be published in Spanish and English. Thus, for its first 30 years, California was a bilingual state. This provision was not included in the 1879 Constitution. The Spanish translation was written on 45 pages of heavy white paper, measuring 7 1/2" x 12". [http://www.sos.ca.gov/archives/collections/constitutions/1849-constitution-facts/ www.sos.ca.gov/archives/collections/constitutions/1849-constitution-facts/] Remember the Junta, or assemblies, raised funds for the United States War effort against the Confederate States.

Below is the interview with he author of a book on Cinco De Mayo. I was lucky to see him speak at a UCLA/The Huntington Library Seminar on the West and the Civil War in the summer of 2014. The stories were amazing and connected to so much of American history. The video "Published on Jun 14, 2012 (Visit: http://www.uctv.tv/) Why is Cinco de Mayo, a holiday commemorating a Mexican victory over the French at Puebla in 1862, so widely celebrated in California and across the United States, when it is scarcely observed in Mexico? David E. Hayes-Bautista, Professor of Medicine and Director of the Center for the Study of Latino Health and Culture at UCLA, explains the holiday is not Mexican at all, but rather an American one, created by Latinos in California during the mid-nineteenth century". [UC TV] Please add these ideas to our chapter 15 notebook.

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From JSTOR it says: "[ w]hy is Cinco de Mayo-a holiday commemorating a Mexican victory over the French at Puebla in 1862-so widely celebrated in California and across the United States, when it is scarcely observed in Mexico? As David E.

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The Difference Between Us

Everyone can tell a Nubian from a Norwegian, so why not divide people into different races? That's the question explored in "The Difference Between Us," the first hour of the series. This episode shows that despite what we've always believed, the world's peoples simply don't come bundled into distinct biological groups. We begin by following a dozen students, including Black athletes and Asian string players, who sequence and compare their own DNA to see who is more genetically similar. The results surprise the students and the viewer, when they discover their closest genetic matches are as likely to be with people from other "races" as their own.

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The Difference Between Us Everyone can tell a Nubian from a Norwegian, so why not divide people into different races? That's the question explored in "The Difference Between Us," the first hour of the series. This episode shows that despite what we've always believed, the world's peoples simply don't come bundled into distinct biological groups.

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You cannot see this museum and wonder how people protected slavery for so long and now a racist social constructions on a made up term "race".

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Visit the Legacy Sites, a museum, memorial, and monument in Montgomery, Alabama, that document our country's history of racial injustice.

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The 45th President brought the issues of removing statues to national attention much like his comments on Colin Kappernick kneeling in public.  Here is the Southern Poverty Law Center link for more information

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The Civil War ended 154 years ago. The Confederacy, as former New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu has said, was on the wrong side of humanity. Our public entities should no longer play a role in distorting history by honoring a secessionist government that waged war against the United States to preserve white supremacy and the enslavement of millions of people.

In an updated edition of the 2016 report Whose Heritage?, the SPLC identifies 114 Confederate symbols that have been removed since the Charleston attack - and 1,747 that still stand.
It's past time for the South - and the rest of the nation - to bury the myth of the Lost Cause once and for all.
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"The Confederate flag is coming to mean something to everybody now. It means the southern cause. It means the heart throbs of the people of the South. It is becoming to be the symbol of the white race and the cause of the white people. The Confederate flag means segregation." -Roy V. Harris, Editor of Augusta Courier, 1951.

"[I]t should have never been there. These grounds are a place that everybody should feel a part of. What I realized now more than ever is people were driving by and felt hurt and pain." -Former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, July 10, 2015, on the Confederate battle flag on the State House grounds in Columbia

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The Civil War ended 154 years ago. The Confederacy, as former New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu has said, was on the wrong side of humanity. Our public entities should no longer play a role in distorting history by honoring a secessionist government that waged war against the United States to preserve white supremacy and the enslavement of millions of people.

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Wonderful writing about the sources. If you go inhere you will see some of the best historians and notes on the Civil War.

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Remembering the Civil War Caroline E. Janney

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Remembering the Civil War Caroline E. Janney

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It is not that WEB Dubois spoke for all African-Americans but he wrote one of a few narratives that was dismissed by Southern Historians and white America.

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Today the term "cancel culture" is being used.  These types of words have a hung around to buzz different meanings of Americans that refuse our changes/progress.  But the context is hard when you need to know history 100s of years ago.

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1700-1820
Download these to help place events and issues.

Historical changes
Party shifts:

Historical changes
Party shifts:

1860-1870

This is when the country almost broke into bits over slavery. Cinco De Mayo was also a California-Latino-American creation for when the State of Mexico, ended up winning the Battle of Pueblo against the French in 1862. The French were going to help the south to help maintain slavery in the United States and create a southern front agains the United States. However many of people that had a heritage [Book of life] to Aztec, Maya, Olmec, Tiano, Arawak, Toltec, Inca, and others remembered the slavery of the Spanish and Portuguese for 0ver 400 years and wanted California to be a FREE state, not a SLAVE state.

Historical changes
Party shifts:

Historical changes
Party shifts:

Historical changes
Party shifts:

world history timeline on-line

Currently there are more and more rapid changes in the history of these United States. The current changes are hard to completely keep up with in our modern times. So above are more timelines on the current investigations on the interference of our 2016 election that Congress has acknowledged as true. Voting is one of our most important rights. This link above is not from a government agency. Bill Moyers, a PBS journalist, has a site that has more info on other topics American topics at ​ https://billmoyers.com/timeline/
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Historical changes Party shifts: Historical changes Party shifts: This is when the country almost broke into bits over slavery. Cinco De Mayo was also a California-Latino-American creation for when the State of Mexico, ended up winning the Battle of Pueblo against the French in 1862.

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How textbooks created idea equal on both sides?

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How textbooks created idea equal on both sides?

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The objectivism of the 1880s-1920s

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How Southern socialites rewrote Civil War history

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1852

Harriet Beecher Stowe's international best seller, Uncle Tom's Cabin, exposes the evils of slavery. Episode One

March 9, 1862

The Battle of the Ironclads, the Confederate Merrimac vs. the Union Monitor, Hampton Roads, Virginia. Episode Two

June 14, 1864

Naval battle between C.S.S. Alabama and U.S.S. Kearsarge near Cherbourg, France; 33 casualties. Episode Six

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Harriet Beecher Stowe's international best seller, Uncle Tom's Cabin, exposes the evils of slavery. Episode One The Battle of the Ironclads, the Confederate Merrimac vs. the Union Monitor, Hampton Roads, Virginia. Episode Two Naval battle between C.S.S. Alabama and U.S.S. Kearsarge near Cherbourg, France; 33 casualties. Episode Six

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8.  American Reckoning Special on January 6th, 2021

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8.  American Reckoning Special on January 6th, 2021

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There are so many connections the past historical events it is hard for us to see the mall. This Special does a great job interviewing historians and experts in social science to try and understand the attack on our democracy.

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"American Reckoning - A PBS NewsHour Special Report" to Air on PBS on Friday, January 15

ARLINGTON, VA (Updated January 14, 2021) - Following the aftermath of the January 6th attack on the U.S. Capitol, "American Reckoning - A PBS NewsHour Special Report" will premiere on PBS stations nationwide on Friday, January 15, 2021, 9:00 - 10:00 p.m. ET. The primetime special report will focus on the economic and racial history that led to a political divide between Americans, the impact of President Donald Trump's rhetoric throughout his presidency and the next steps for the nation to heal from the recent attack on American democracy. The broadcast will also examine the government's missed opportunities to manage the spread of misinformation and the rise of domestic terrorism.

The program will be anchored by managing editor Judy Woodruff and will include contributions from senior national correspondent Amna Nawaz and national correspondent William Brangham.

Additional guests include:

George Packer
The Atlantic staff writer and author of "Our Man: Richard Holbrooke and the End of the American Century" and "The Unwinding: An Inner History of the New America"

Stuart Stevens
Republican political strategist and author of "It Was All a Lie: How the Republican Party Became Donald Trump"

Sherrilyn Ifill
President and director-counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund.

Kathleen Belew
Author of "Bring the War Home: The White Power Movement and Paramilitary America" and University of Chicago Assistant Professor of U.S. History

Daryl Johnson
Former senior domestic terrorism analyst at the U.S. Department of Homeland Security

Justin Hansford
Howard University School of Law Associate Professor of Law and executive director of the Thurgood Marshall Civil Rights Center

Dr. Claire Wardle
Co-founder, First Draft

Sean Wilentz
Princeton University Professor of History

Jelani Cobb
The New Yorker staff writer, Columbia University Professor of Journalism and author of "The Substance of Hope: Barack Obama and the Paradox of Progress"

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"American Reckoning - A PBS NewsHour Special Report" to Air on PBS on Friday, January 15

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yy2k96TZJeE ARLINGTON, VA (Updated January 14, 2021) -- Following the aftermath of the January 6th attack on the U.S. Capitol, "American Reckoning - A PBS NewsHour Special Report" will premiere on PBS stations nationwide on Friday, January 15, 2021, 9:00 - 10:00 p.m. ET.

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We worked on two different peardecks over two days. I hope you were able to do your best work and consider the historical guide posts.

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Wednesday on the NewsHour, a violent Pro-Trump mob storms the U.S. Capitol as Congress certifies electoral votes, Democrats capture control of the U.S. Senate with victories in Georgia, President Trump continues his false claims about the election, and a look at what is fueling the extremist elements of Trump's base.

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January 6, 2021 - PBS NewsHour full episode

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Wednesday on the NewsHour, a violent Pro-Trump mob storms the U.S. Capitol as Congress certifies electoral votes, Democrats capture control of the U.S. Senate with victories in Georgia, President Trump continues his false claims about the election, and a look at what is fueling the extremist elements of Trump's base.

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Essential Question:  What were historians saying about the July 1863 Battle in connection to the New York draft riots?

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New York: A Documentary Film is an eight-part, 17½ hour, American documentary film on the history of New York City. It was directed by Ric Burns and originally aired in the U.S. on PBS. The film was a co-production of Thirteen New York and WGBH Boston.

The series was written by Burns and James Sanders and produced by Burns's company, Steeplechase Films. Several noted New York City historians, including Mike Wallace, Kenneth T. Jackson, David Levering Lewis and Robert Caro participated in the making of the series as consultants, and appeared on camera. It was narrated by David Ogden Stiers.

Other notable figures who appeared in the series include Rudolph Giuliani (then the mayor of New York City), former mayor Ed Koch, former New York governor Mario Cuomo, former U.S. Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, poet Allen Ginsberg, novelists Alfred Kazin and Brendan Gill, director Martin Scorsese, journalist Pete Hamill, former Congresswoman Bella Abzug, historian Niall Ferguson, philosopher Marshall Berman, writer Fran Lebowitz, engineer Leslie E. Robertson, architect Robert A.M. Stern, high wire artist Philippe Petit, real estate developer (and future President) Donald Trump, and author David McCullough.

EPISODE 2: "Order and Disorder (1825-1865)"

The city is the largest port in the country. Waves of Irish and German immigrants flood into the city between 1825 and 1865 only to find that New York is not so welcoming to immigrants. Frederick Law Olmsted and Calvert Vaux shape the city with their design for Central Park but social unrest still ran high for the working classes, coming to a climax with the draft riots of 1863.

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New York: A Documentary Film - Episode Two: Order And Disorder ~ Hello, Big Apple

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New York: A Documentary Film is an eight-part, 17½ hour, American documentary film on the history of New York City. It was directed by Ric Burns and originally aired in the U.S. on PBS. The film was a co-production of Thirteen New York and WGBH Boston.

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The official Park Map and Guide is available at the park information desk at the Museum and Visitor Center.

Park Map and Guide

The official Park Map and Guide for Gettysburg National Military Park is available to visitors at the park information desk year round and at the entrance stations during the summer months. The map and guide offers suggestions for seeing the battlefield including the self-guided auto tour, driving tips, walking trails, a brief overview of the three days of battle, the Soldiers' National Cemetery, and Lincoln's Gettysburg Address. The brochure also provides regulations pertaining to park roads and avenues, protection of park resources, and general safety tips for visitors.

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Maps - Gettysburg National Military Park (U.S. National Park Service)

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Park Map and Guide The official Park Map and Guide for Gettysburg National Military Park is available to visitors at the park information desk year round and at the entrance stations during the summer months.

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Instead of advancing through northern Virginia, where he was sure huge rebel armies lurked, Union Major General George McClellan, proposed instead to ship his 121,500-man Army of the Potomac to the tip of the York-James Peninsula by sea, then fight his way west to Richmond.

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A week before the battle of Bull Run, Sullivan Ballou wrote a letter to his wife.

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Financial support for the original broadcast of The Civil War was provided by General Motors Corporation, The National Endowment for the Humanities, The Corporation for Public Broadcasting, The Arthur Vining Davis Foundations and The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.

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more info below

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You can look at the shifts in political ideas as parties change.

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Our History

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James Oliver Horton, Professor Emeritus, George Washington University
While slavery was not the only cause for which the South fought during the Civil War, the testimony of Confederate leaders and their supporters makes it clear that slavery was central to the motivation for secession and war.
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One of the most sensitive and controversial issues that any Civil War site interpreter will confront is the role of slavery in the South's decision to secede from and take up arms against the United States. Although an argument that slavery played an important role in the coming of the Civil War would raise few eyebrows among academic scholars, for public historians faced with a popular audience unfamiliar with the latest scholarship on the subject such an assertion can be very controversial. Whenever I speak to groups about the Civil War, I am reminded that slavery and the war are often separated in the public mind.

As historian James McPherson explained in a recent article, it is especially difficult for southern whites "to admit - that the noble Cause for which their ancestors fought might have included the defense of slavery." Yet, the best historical scholars over the last generation or more have argued convincingly for the centrality of slavery among the causes of the Civil War. The evidence for such arguments provided in the letters, speeches, and articles written by those who established and supported the Confederacy is overwhelming and difficult to deny. While slavery was not the only cause for which the South fought during the Civil War, the testimony of Confederate leaders and their supporters makes it clear that slavery was central to the motivation for secession and war. When southern whites in the 19th century spoke of the "southern way of life," they referred to a way of life founded on white supremacy and supported by the institution of slavery.

South Carolina led the way when its Charleston convention, held just before Christmas in 1860, declared that the "Union heretofore existing between the State of South Carolina and the other States of North America is dissolved ... " The reason for the drastic action, South Carolina delegates explained in their "Declaration of the Causes which Induced the Secession of South Carolina," was what they termed a broken compact between the federal government and "the slaveholding states." It was the actions of what delegates referred to as "the non-slaveholding states" who refused to enforce the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 that was the specific example used as evidence for this argument. "In many of these States the fugitive [slave] is discharged from the service of labor claimed,.... [and] in the State of New York even the right of transit for a slave has been denied .... " The delegation made clear that the election of Abraham Lincoln in the fall of 1860 as "President of the United States whose opinions and purposes are hostile to Slavery" was the final straw. In the South Carolinian mind the coming of Republican political power signaled, in the words of the convention, "that a war [would] be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States."

The editors at the Charleston Mercury agreed. They had anticipated the threat that a Republican victory would pose when in early November they warned South Carolinians and the entire South that "[t]he issue before the country is the extinction of slavery." "No man of common sense, who has observed the progress of events, and is not prepared to surrender the institution," they charged, "can doubt that the time for action has come-now or never." The newspaper editors, like most southerners, saw Lincoln's election as lifting abolitionists to power, and like most southerners they understood, as they plainly stated, that "[t]he existence of slavery is at stake." They called for a convention to consider secession because they saw such action as the only way to protect slavery. When the South Carolina convention did meet little more than a month later, it dealt almost entirely with issues related directly to slavery. It did not complain about tariff rates, competing economic systems or mistreatment at the hands of northern industrialists. The South was not leaving the United States because of the power of northern economic elites who in reality, as historian Bruce Levine observed, "feared alienating the slave owners more than they disliked slavery." The secession of South Carolina, approved by the convention 169 votes to none, was about the preservation of slavery.

Alexander Hamilton Stephens of Georgia also understood what the South was fighting for. A decade before secession, in reaction to the debate over the Compromise of 1850, he wrote to his brother Linton citing "the great question of the permanence of slavery in the Southern States" as crucial for maintaining the union. "[T]he crisis of that question," he predicted, "is not far ahead." After the war he would become more equivocal, but in the heat of the secession debate in the spring of 1861 Stephens spoke as directly as he had in 1850. On March 21, 1861 in Savannah, Stephens, the then Vice President of the Confederacy, drew applause when he proclaimed that "our new government" was founded on slavery, "its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth, that the [N]egro is not equal to the white man; that slavery - submission to the superior race - is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth."

Mississippi's Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederacy, was more cautious about declaring slavery as the pivotal issue. When he did address the issue, he generally did so within the context of constitutional guarantees of property rights. Yet, there was no doubt that the property rights he sought most to guarantee in 1861 protected slavery. He was sure that under Republican rule "property in slaves [would become] so insecure as to be comparatively worthless...." As a large slaveholder, Davis was concerned about the economics of abolition as well, but as an experienced politician he also worried that an overtly pro-slavery stand might alienate potential European allies and split the southern population. After all, by 1861 only about one-third of southern families in the 11 seceding states held slaves and the non-slaveholders always posed a potential problem for Confederate unity.

A special edition of the Louisville Daily Courier was detailed and direct in its message to non-slaveholders. The abolition of slavery would raise African Americans to "the level of the white race," and the poorest whites would be closest to the former slaves in both social and physical distance. Thus, "do they wish to send their children to schools in which the [N]egro children of the vicinity are taught? Do they wish to give the [N)egro the right to appear in the witness box to testify against them?" Then the article moved to the final and most emotionally-charged question of all. Would the non-slaveholders of the South be content to "AMALGAMATE TOGETHER THE TWO RACES IN VIOLATION OF GOD'S WILL." The conclusion was inevitable the article argued; non-slaveholders had much at stake in the maintenance of slavery and everything to lose by its abolition. African-American slavery was the only thing that stood between poor whites and the bottom of southern society where they would be forced to compete with and live among black people.

These arguments were extremely effective as even the poorest white southerners got the message. Their interest in slavery was far more important than simple economics. As one southern prisoner explained to his Wisconsin-born guard "you Yanks want us to marry our daughters to niggers." This fear of a loss of racial status was common. A poor white farmer from North Carolina explained that he would never stop fighting because what he considered to be an abolitionist federal government was "trying to force us to live as the colored race." Although he had grown tired of the war, a Confederate artilleryman from Louisiana agreed that he must continue to fight. An end to slavery would bring what he considered horrific consequences, for he would "never want to see the day when a [N]egro is put on an equality with a white person." Even northern soldiers understood the passion with which the Confederates fought to protect the institution of slavery. Most Confederates would have agreed with the assessment of a Union soldier in 1863, shortly after the passage of the Emancipation Proclamation. "I know enough about the southern spirit," he said, "that I think they will fight for the institution of slavery even to extermination." Fears of the consequences of abolition fostered white solidarity, forming the load-bearing pillar in the foundation of Confederate nationhood.

Although the defense of slavery was central to the Confederacy, the abolition of slavery was not initially the official goal of the United States or the primary concern of most of the American people. As the most respected historians of our generation have shown, Lincoln and the vast majority of Republicans sought only to limit the expansion of slavery. Most who supported this "free soil" program that would maintain the western territories for free labor, did so out of self-interest. To urban or farm workers or to northern small farmer owners, Republicans offered the possibility of cheap land devoid of competition from slave labor or even from free blacks, who faced restriction in western settlement. "Vote yourself a Farm," was the not-so-subtle Republican message to white laboring men with the understanding that the western territories, having undergone Indian removal in the 1830s and 1840s, would be racially homogeneous.

Abolitionists, black and white, sincerely sought the end to slavery and accepted its geographical limitation as a step toward its inevitable demise. But although most whites in the North wanted to restrict slavery's spread, they would not have gone to war in 1861 to end it. President Lincoln understood his constituency very well and his statements on slavery were calculated to reassure white northerners as well as southern slaveholders that the U.S. government had, in his words, "no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with slavery in the States where it exists." Indeed, Lincoln even reluctantly agreed to accept an amendment to the U.S. Constitution that would have protected slavery in those states where it existed. Ohio, Maryland, and Illinois actually ratified this measure that, ironically, would have been the 13th Amendment. Although this may have played well among northerners who were willing to concede protection to slavery so long as it remained in the South, slaveholders understood only too well it was not that simple.

Since most Americans saw the West as the place that would provide the vitality of national progress, to deny slaveholders access to that territory was to deny them access to America's future. Southerners took such restrictions as a direct affront to their regional honor and a threat to their social and economic survival. Georgia secessionist Robert Toombs put it succinctly: "we must expand or perish." Lincoln did not have to explain that slavery had no place in the nation's future, the South was well aware that in order to save their institution of bondage they must leave the United States and that is precisely what their secession movement was calculated to do.

Thus, while northerners claimed that they meant only to restrict slavery's expansion, southerners were convinced that to restrict slavery was to constrict its life blood. This war was not about tariffs or differences in economic systems or even about state's rights, except for the right of southern states to protect slavery. It was not willing to stand for state's rights except to preserve its institution of slavery where it existed and where it must expand. Some southerners had argued in the 1850s for the annexation of Cuba, one of only two other remaining slave societies in the western hemisphere, as one plan for slavery's expansion. Others looked to Mexico and Latin America, but always it was about saving and expanding slavery. And while the U.S. government may not have gone to war to abolish slavery in the South, it did go to war to save the union from what it increasingly came to believe was a "slave power conspiracy" to restrict citizen liberties and finally to destroy the United States. The northern determination to contain slavery in the South and to prevent its spread into the western territories was a part of the effort to preserve civil rights and free labor in the nation's future. The South was willing to destroy the union to protect slavery.

Lincoln's issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863 transformed the war into a holy crusade, but there was always disagreement among U.S. troops about outright abolition. Yet, increasingly after 1863, "pro-emancipation conviction did predominate among the leaders and fighting soldiers of the Union Army." Regardless of whether U.S. troops fought to limit or to abolish it, however, slavery was the issue that focused their fight, just as it did for the Confederacy. A half-century after serving the Confederate cause, John Singleton Mosby, legendary leader of Mosby's Rangers, offered no apologies for his southern loyalties. He was quite candid about his reason for fighting. "The South went to war on account of slavery," he said. "South Carolina went to war - as she said in her secession proclamation - because slavery w[oul]d not be secure under Lincoln." Then he added as if to dispel all doubt, "South Carolina ought to know what was the cause of her seceding."

Of course, Mosby was right. South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, and the other states that seceded from the United States did know the reason for their action and they stated it clearly, time and time again. They named the preservation of slavery as foremost among their motivations. When such a wide variety of southerners - from private citizens, to top governmental officials, from low ranking enlisted men to Confederate military leaders at the highest levels, from local politicians to regional newspaper editors - all agree, what more evidence do we need?

This essay is taken from The Civil War Remembered, published by the National Park Service and Eastern National. This richly illustrated handbook is available in many national park bookstores or may be purchased online from Eastern at www.eparks.com/store.

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James Oliver Horton, Professor Emeritus, George Washington University While slavery was not the only cause for which the South fought during the Civil War, the testimony of Confederate leaders and their supporters makes it clear that slavery was central to the motivation for secession and war.​ One of the most sensitive and controversial issues that any Civil War site interpreter will confront is the role of slavery in the South's decision to secede from and take up arms against the United States.

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Who We Are

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Our History

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Who We Are

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Our History

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Our History

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Key Events & Course

How did the United States transform during the Civil War? How was the Civil War conducted militarily, politically, economically, and culturally? How was slavery abolished through the Civil War? How did individual battles affect the course of the war? How did these battles reflect broader patterns or struggles in the war?How and why did the war become a war to end slavery?

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How did the United States transform during the Civil War? How was the Civil War conducted militarily, politically, economically, and culturally? How was slavery abolished through the Civil War? How did individual battles affect the course of the war?

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https://www.menti.com/p8x9986s6h

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Interact with your audience using real-time voting. No installations or downloads required - and it's free!

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2. Was the Civil War about Slavery?  yes!

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2. Was the Civil War about Slavery?  yes!

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The Confederate & Neo-Confederate Reader

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The Confederate & Neo-Confederate Reader

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Please read the book info drop down arrow sections.  Please take notes and write questions. Also the search engine for California students is free and on the class website.

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The Confederate and Neo-Confederate Reader: The "Great Truth" about the "Lost Cause"

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Most Americans hold basic misconceptions about the Confederacy, the Civil War, and the actions of subsequent neo-Confederates. For example, two thirds of Americ...

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Please copy Eric Foner's quote from page 184 on the webpage. Please try an ask questions. Please bring to class.

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The Facts about Reconstruction

NARRATOR: April 11th, 1865, two days after the end of the Civil War. In the White House, President Abraham Lincoln agonized over his first speech since the defeat of the South. The jubilant crowd outside expected a celebration of the Union victory. Instead, the president warned that "Reconstruction," as he called it, would be "fraught with great difficulty."

EDWARD AYERS, HISTORIAN: The war has spiraled far beyond the worst imaginings of anyone. Over six hundred thousand people had died in the last four years. The largest slave system in the modern world is in shambles and no one knows what is going to replace it. People just can't imagine how they're going to put the country back together again.

DAVID BLIGHT, HISTORIAN: It is a revolutionary, chaotic situation, and the responsibility now was to come up with a plan to restore this society. But you also had to do it with this deep and abiding division over race.

NARRATOR: Three days later, the statesman who led the Union through the Civil War was assassinated. Suddenly, the extraordinary challenge of reconstructing the nation was in the hands of ordinary men and women. A Yankee officer would venture to the most violent corner of Louisiana to try to impose order. A plantation mistress whose slaves were now free would struggle to reclaim her place in the world. A fiery black minister would mount a pitched battle with white landowners. And a new President would force a dramatic showdown with Congress.

ERIC FONER, HISTORIAN: An old order, an old social order has been destroyed; and everything is up for grabs.

CLARENCE WALKER, HISTORIAN: The violence in the South was a way to reestablish white Supremacy. This was a war of terror.

NARRATOR: After four bloody years of Civil War, Americans, North and South would continue to fight over the meaning of freedom, the meaning of citizenship, and the survival of the nation itself.

READING, Kate Stone: The life we are living now is a miserable, frightened one -- living in constant dread of great danger, not knowing what form it may take, and utterly helpless to protect ourselves.

NARRATOR: Kate Stone was 21-years-old when the Civil War came to her doorstep. In the winter of 1862, Union troops overran Milliken's Bend, only a few miles from Brokenburn, the family's plantation in Louisiana. Stone watched as bluecoats scoured the countryside for food and supplies and ransacked plantations.

AYERS: Before the Civil War, the South would have been among the five richest societies in the world. To the eyes of the South, this is almost this biblical attack. It's like a plague being brought down on the white South. Their sense of self has been shattered just as their property has. Those are the memories that white southerners hold close to them as examples that their enemy were not really honorable men.

NARRATOR: With her father dead and her brothers away fighting for the Confederacy, managing Brokenburn fell to Kate Stone and her mother. The plantation was 1260 acres, with 150 slaves.

DREW GILPIN FAUST, HISTORIAN: Owning 150 slaves meant that they were in the absolute upper echelons of Southern society and Southern wealth. And so she is both a young privileged woman, but she finds herself, essentially, on the battlefield. And sees Yankee troops frequently, runs from Yankee troops.

NARRATOR: Many of her wealthy neighbors abandoned their homes. The Stones clung to their plantation, and determined to wait it out. As frightening to Kate as the federal troops were the black men and women now claiming their freedom.

READING, Kate Stone: Mr. Hardison's Negroes came out today... Six men with their children and clothes walked off in broad daylight after a terrible row, using the most abusive language to Mrs. Hardison.... The other negroes declare they are free, and will leave as soon as they are ready.

NELL PAINTER, HISTORIAN: It was a tremendous shock for many in the planter class to discover, first of all, that the people who worked for them were not happy to work for them, and secondly, sometimes the people who had worked for them were really angry at them.

FAUST: Kate expresses a lot of fear throughout the war, and it's most often fear of armed slaves. "What are they going to do to me, given what we have done to them?"

NARRATOR: Mother and daughter watched as their world was upended, until they could watch no more.

FAUST: This kind of lack of order, lack of control, was the most frightening thing to the Stones, and they thought they had to get away.

READING, Kate Stone: With much difficulty we got everything ready for the start at midnight ... the night was cloudy and dark with occasional claps of thunder, but we had to go then or never.

NARRATOR: From Louisiana, the Stones fled three hundred miles by horseback and boat to Tyler, Texas. There, they joined other wealthy planters, who had also escaped to wait out the war.

Next section Tuesday and Wednesday
NARRATOR: All eyes looked to Washington. Former Confederates held their breath, and steeled themselves for the worst.

AYERS: The South doesn't know what to expect. Will there be punishment for leaders? Will there be land confiscated? Will there be an occupying army? And a lot of people imagined that these traitors, these people who had tried to destroy the United States, should be executed, should be imprisoned.

NARRATOR: No one was sure what to expect from the new president. Andrew Johnson was from Tennessee, but he had fiercely opposed the Confederate secession and was the only southern senator who refused to give up his seat in Congress.

AYERS: Andrew Johnson embodies a lot of the hopes that Abraham Lincoln has that the Union can be put back together easily. But Andrew Johnson had been an outspoken enemy of the big planters, who he blamed for causing secession.

FONER: In Tennessee politics, he saw himself as a spokesman for the poor whites. He owned a slave or two, but he was not a member of the plantation aristocracy. In fact, he resented them very much.

NARRATOR: In his first speech after taking office, Johnson warned that traitors had to be punished. But Johnson shared the white South's desire to keep blacks subordinate. Frederick Douglass, the renowned black leader, got his own impression of Johnson when the two met for the first time at Lincoln's second inaugural.

TUNNELL: The very first expression that came over Johnson's face was one of scorn and derision. And Douglass concluded that that expression was the true index of his heart. Douglass turned to a companion and said, "Whatever else this man may be, he is no friend of our race."
another section first
TWITCHELL/ LABOR CONTRACTS

NARRATOR: In Louisiana, black farmers had leased over ten thousand acres from the Freedmen's Bureau, believing they would soon own them outright. Marshall Twitchell and other Freedmen's Bureau agents delivered a different message: No matter what they'd heard, no forty acres and a mule was coming from this government.

TUNNELL: This is what Presidential Reconstruction is coming to mean. It's telling the freedmen that the government is not going to pamper you. The government is not going to give you any land. You have a hard row ahead of you. Get used to it.

NARRATOR: "Freedom from slavery," Twitchell informed black laborers, "is not freedom from work." His words reflected worries shared by whites North and South: that freed African Americans would not work, and would refuse to go back to the cotton fields.

FONER: What would then happen to the cotton crop of the South? Northern industry needs that cotton. It's still the largest export of the United States. To earn foreign money you need to export cotton. Northerners were not willing to let blacks stop growing cotton.

TUNNELL: Freedmen, I think, probably would have chosen to duck out of the cotton economy all together. You can't eat cotton. For freedmen, becoming an independent landowner is-is a dream. That's their version of the American Dream. But that kind of independence for freedmen, southern planters don't want, the Freedmen's Bureau doesn't want it. Many Northerners in Congress don't want it.

NARRATOR: Across Louisiana, white planters now sat down to draw up labor contracts with the men they used to own.

AYERS: No matter what color your skin is, no matter what your status before the war had been, it's a new order for everybody. No matter what happens politically, you've got to figure out how you're going to feed yourself and your family. That's the back beat. That's the rhythm on which everything else depends.

WALKER: The freed people understand that they're going have to work, but they do not want someone riding around on a horse with a whip curled on his shoulder, as the overseer had done during slavery. And they also do not want to work for low wages.

FAUST: For many white Southerners, negotiating with slaves seemed unimaginable. Because in the very notion of negotiation is an assumption of some kind of equality. And for many white Southerners, they don't have anything to pay them with, because they themselves are on the verge of desperation.

NARRATOR: "There is now nothing between me and the nigger but the dollar, the almighty dollar," said one South Carolina planter, " and I shall make out of him the most I can at the least expense."

TUNNELL: They want submissive, obedient employees. I think in their heart of hearts they want a system that is as close to slavery as possible.

NARRATOR: Black laborers who insisted on better wages and working conditions were regularly met with threats and violence. Vigilantes lynched whole families, and used the bullwhip on men and women as they had in slavery days. In 1865, more than two thousand black men women and children were reported murdered in Louisiana alone.

WALKER: The violence in the South was a way to reestablish white supremacy.

TUNNELL: These gangs of whites pick out the guy who's trying to save his money, who's trying to get ahead. The man who is an inspiration to other black people in the community -- he's the one that gets murdered. It amounts to systematic culling of alpha males from the black community.

NARRATOR: The southern legal system became an instrument of intimidation. Louisiana, Texas, South Carolina, Mississippi, and Florida passed laws that virtually prohibited freedmen from any work except as field hands. The laws were called "Black Codes." The aim was slavery without the chain.

BLIGHT: The Black Codes were laws passed to control and restrict and constrain the lives of the freed people, essentially rendering them bondsmen again under law.

NARRATOR: Some states made it illegal for freedmen to handle weapons and restricted them from buying or renting land. Black children could be seized from poor families and forced to work in the fields. If a black man had no job, he could be jailed and auctioned to a planter for his labor.

FONER: They make a travesty of the freedom that African Americans have acquired. They are so far from any notion of fairness or freedom that even northerners, who are not egalitarians, say these laws are unacceptable. And so northern Republicans are faced with a dilemma. They don't want to have a big fight with the president, but to accept the idea that Johnson's policy is a success, and accept the Black Codes, they feel means giving up the victory in the Civil War.

NARRATOR: To Louisiana's black veterans, one freedman offered this advice: "I would say to every colored soldier -- bring your gun home."

NARRATOR: When Radical Reconstruction passed there were still thirty-eight thousand federal troops stationed in the South. In Kate Stone's Louisiana, more than half the regiments were black.

AYERS: Women like Kate Stone look at this and see embodied in black soldiers their greatest fear. These black men, many of whom had been slaves only eighteen months earlier, they wear that uniform as if it's their right, as if they're Americans, too.

FAUST: For white southerners, this is not just politics, it's about your very core being. Congress is going to do certain things, but there's almost a kind of guerilla warfare of the domestic, of the local, of people just refusing to let society change.

WALKER: From the point of view of the white South, the Civil War was a tragic mistake. They had only defended what they understood to be their constitutional rights; it was not that they had disrupted the Union, engaged in an act of treason. They felt the North was a vicious aggressor, committed to a perversion, which was black equality. This sense of grievance and sense of injustice only grew. That this was something not to be accepted
Remember, Cinco de Mayo is a Civil War celebration. Students at Knotts Berry Farm we watched 7 minutes.
Here is the transcript:
ALL other students might check the first couple of ideas to add to the notebook. Also check all input notes.

NARRATOR: In March 1873, on one of the coldest evenings in Washington history, Ulysses S. Grant celebrated a landslide victory. His crackdown on the Klan had been popular with many Northerners and helped him win a second term. "The States lately at war with the General Government," he announced confidently, "are now rehabilitated." For the first time in American history, blacks had been invited to the inaugural ball.

BLIGHT: It's an extraordinary moment in Congress for black Congressmen. There were seven black Congressmen from southern states, serving in the US House of Representatives -- one of whom was John Roy Lynch.

NARRATOR: After two years in the Mississippi legislature, Lynch was elected to Congress. Just twenty-five, he was the youngest member of the U.S. House. Only ten years before, Lynch had been a slave. Now he was a Congressman, part of a generation of Republican legislators trying to build a new South.

AYERS: The Republicans say, "We're not just trying to do things for black people. We're trying to improve the entire economy and fairness for all people." These railroads aren't just going to help black people. And somebody is going to have to take care of ill people who can't take care of themselves. You poorer white families would also like to have schools for your children, wouldn't you?" This is a chance for a new South to emerge.

NARRATOR: In Georgia, Tunis Campbell had moved beyond organizing laborers. He was now rewriting the codes of behavior for freedmen.

DUNCAN: Tunis Campbell was determined not to let whites overcome blacks in areas that he could control. Couldn't control what was going on at the state level any more. Couldn't control what was going on at the national level. But on the local level, uh, through his office, he could make decisions that affected people's lives on a daily basis.

NARRATOR: Campbell told freedmen they did not have to yield to whites when they passed on the sidewalk, and they no longer had to address them as master and mistress. In Campbell's district, some blacks were even seen carrying hunting rifles.

NELSON: I do believe that Tunis Campbell aimed to be at least a little provocative. He was very idealistic about the possibilities for African American citizenship. But at the same time very savvy about the nature of power relations.

NARRATOR: Whites in the county were significantly outnumbered, and feared a black uprising. Fan Butler was terrified.

READING, FAN BUTLER: The Negroes seemed to reach the climax of lawless independence. I never slept without a loaded pistol by my bed.

DUNCAN: Democrats were relentless in their efforts to depose him. He's too famous to kill. They can't kill him. They're afraid of that. They're afraid of what might happen in the local community. So they kept him involved in a myriad of lawsuits, charging him with abusing his office.

NARRATOR: Whatever the charges, Campbell's real offense, according to court documents, was seeking to "give the Negro supremacy over the white man." Campbell was incensed.

READING, TUNIS CAMPBELL: Just before every election they commence trying to intimidate by arresting all prominent colored men. As usual they have arrested me again.... The intention was to keep me out of my seat in the senate."

DUNCAN: When Campbell's called to trial, his lieutenants send out word, and African Americans come off the plantations. They stop work, they go home and get their shotguns, and they arrive at the courthouse. The wives come and children come as well, and they clog the streets with black bodies, saying emphatically to the white community, "Don't touch our man."

NARRATOR: In one tense hearing, the courtroom was packed with Campbell supporters. The judge released him. "If they had put him in jail," a white witness would later comment, "the niggers would have put the jail in the river."

NARRATOR: In early 1873, a series of articles began to appear in the New York Tribune. Black lawmakers in South Carolina, the newspaper declared, were plundering the treasury. All through that winter, fresh accusations surfaced. The charges were highly exaggerated, but they contained an element of truth.

FONER: A lot more money is flowing through these state governments; they're doing a lot more things than the governments had in the past. And also, a lot of the Republican legislators are not people with any significant livelihood, other than being an office holder. And so there begins to develop this sense of, "Well, make some money while you can."

NARRATOR: In the North, corruption was just as widespread -- but South Carolina, the only state with a black majority legislature, was an easy target. The accusati

NARRATOR: In the North, corruption was just as widespread -- but South Carolina, the only state with a black majority legislature, was an easy target. The accusations fueled anti-black feeling in the North, and added to a growing sense that Reconstruction had been a terrible mistake. That fall, frightening news from Wall Street gripped the North, and eclipsed the troubled conversation about Reconstruction. The nation's biggest banking house declared bankruptcy, and the North's overheated economy crashed. Thousands of businesses failed; a million people were thrown out of work. In the terrible depression that followed, Northerners had little patience for the plight of Southern blacks. Increasingly, they were falling under the spell of a more romantic idea of the South -- a growing legend of a lost civilization.

AYERS: White northerners begin to sympathize with the ideals of the white South. Yes, there was a time in United States when life was not all about money. Yes, there was a time when there was an aristocracy. And you find that white northerners as well as white southerners love these ideas, deep into the twentieth century.

NARRATOR: It came to be called the Lost Cause. The white South's own version of its history became a kind of civic religion. White southerners began to build memorials, consecrate battlefields -- it was their way of dealing with loss.

DREW GILPIN FAUST, HISTORIAN: Eighteen percent of white southern men of military age are killed in the war. Eighty thousand widows in Alabama, applying for support and aid. One of the things they want to do is, simply on an emotional level, cope with all that death and somehow reclaim the meaning of those deaths. But to honor the dead you have to enhance the cause. So this wasn't simply about the loved ones, it was also about the cause for which they died.

AYERS: The Lost Cause is a celebration of what white southerners see as the best of the Confederacy: its nobility, its Christian virtues, its leadership, the loyalty of its men.

BLIGHT: They basically began to forge the Confederate Lost Cause as not a story about loss but a story about victory. They might have lost the war, but they were now winning the ultimate victory, over control of their own society and against Reconstruction.

NARRATOR: Democrats took back power in Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, Arkansas, Texas. White Southerners called it "Redemption". Many of the elections were won through violence and intimidation. White Northerners did nothing to stop it

This is very important idea to understand the struggle for civil rights:
The withdrawal of the troops symbolized the end of Reconstruction, but an earlier Supreme Court case had made clear that the legal system would resist a broad reading of the Fourteenth Amendment. In the slaughterhouse cases, 83 U.S. 36, 21 L.Ed. 394 (1873), the Supreme Court read the amendment's privileges and immunities clause virtually out of the Constitution. The Court effectively closed the door on the concept of privileges and immunities as an enforcement tool against state laws that restricted individual civil rights. On a 5-4 vote, the Court interpreted the clause as protecting only rights of national citizenship from the actions of the state government. This restrictive reading robbed the Privileges and Immunities Clause of any constitutional significance.

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NARRATOR: April 11th, 1865, two days after the end of the Civil War. In the White House, President Abraham Lincoln agonized over his first speech since the defeat of the South. The jubilant crowd outside expected a celebration of the Union victory. Instead, the president warned that "Reconstruction," as he called it, would be "fraught with great difficulty."

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Please take a break at look to see the monument created to represent some of the accomplishments of Lincoln.
code: XGHKD

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Century of Segregation
On the Jim Crow link below there is access to the interactive time line.

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Just 701 words long, Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address took only six or seven minutes to deliver, yet contains many of the most memorable phrases in American political oratory. The speech contained neither gloating nor rejoicing. Rather, it offered Lincoln's most profound reflections on the causes and meaning of the war. The "scourge of war," he explained, was best understood as divine punishment for the sin of slavery, a sin in which all Americans, North as well as South, were complicit. It describes a national moral debt that had been created by the "bondsmen's 250 years of unrequited toil," and ends with a call for compassion and reconciliation.

With its biblical allusions, alliteration, repetition, and parallel structure, and its reliance on one-syllable words, the address has the power of a sermon. It incorporates many of the themes of the religious revivals: sin, sacrifice, and redemption. At a White House reception, President Lincoln encountered Frederick Douglass. "I saw you in the crowd today, listening to my inaugural address," the president remarked. "How did you like it?" "Mr. Lincoln," Douglass answered, "that was a sacred effort."

In this printing of the Second Inaugural, the blue ink is a significant design detail. After Lincoln's death on April 15, 1865, all copies were printed in black ink appropriate to a national mood of mourning. In the days before Lincoln's assassination, readers were focused primarily on the tone of reconciliation that on March 4 had moved his audience to tears.

A full transcript is available.

Excerpt

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.

Questions for Discussion

Read the document introduction, the transcript or the original document, and apply your knowledge of American history as well as evidence from the document in order to answer the questions that follow.

1. Those attending the inauguration noted that many in the crowd were Union veterans, often recovering from wounds. There were also family members of Union soldiers killed on the battlefields. What type of speech did they expect to hear? How did President Lincoln surprise them?

2. Compare Lincoln's references to the importance of slavery in his first and second Inaugural speeches. Note specific changes in tone.

3. How would you address the comments by some that Lincoln was not a religious man?

4. Conduct some research to determine how this speech was received by elements of the Northern and Southern press.

A printer-friendly version is available here.

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president lincoln’s second inaugural address

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lincoln’s second inaugural address took only six or seven minutes to deliver

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yet contains many of the most memorable phrases in american political oratory. the speech contained neither gloating nor rejoicing. rather

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it offered lincoln’s most profound reflections on the causes and meaning of the war. the "scourge of war

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was best understood as divine punishment for the sin of slavery

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lincoln’s second inaugural address took only six or seven minutes to deliver

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yet contains many of the most memorable phrases in american political oratory. the speech contained neither gloating nor rejoicing. rather

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it offered lincoln’s most profound reflections on the causes and meaning of the war. the "scourge of war

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was best understood as divine punishment for the sin of slavery

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were complicit. it describes a national moral debt that had been created by the "bondsmen’s 250 years of unrequited toil

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" and ends with a call for compassion and reconciliation. with its biblical allusions

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the address has the power of a sermon. it incorporates many of the themes of the religious revivals: sin

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and redemption. at a white house reception

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president lincoln encountered frederick douglass. "i saw you in the crowd today

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" the president remarked. "how did you like it?" "mr. lincoln

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"that was a sacred effort." in this printing of the second inaugural

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the blue ink is a significant design detail. after lincoln’s death on april 15

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all copies were printed in black ink appropriate to a national mood of mourning. in the days before lincoln’s assassination

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readers were focused primarily on the tone of reconciliation that on march 4 had moved his audience to tears. a full transcript is available. excerpt on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it

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all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place

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devoted altogether to saving the union without war

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insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both parties deprecated war

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but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive

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and the other would accept war rather than let it perish

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President Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address, 1865

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President Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address, 1865 | Just 701 words long, Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address took only six or seven minutes to deliver, yet contains many of the most memorable phrases in American political oratory. The speech contained neither gloating nor rejoicing. Rather, it offered Lincoln's most profound reflections on the causes and meaning of the war.

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This nearpod ask why we would kill each other over slavery. Code: QWL8Z

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You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube.

Or, search our standards-aligned library of 15,000+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

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You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube. Or, search our standards-aligned library of 15,000+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

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This has the most information on the Causes.  The may take a bit longer than the first two nearpod slides.  Code: 74VZ9

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You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube. Or, search our standards-aligned library of 15,000+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

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Please watch, take notes and write questions.  Ask for help. Also like Harriet I would try and see of you can watch this. Glory may also be a suggestions but more difficult since it is from 1989.

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Lincoln 20 Min. Featurette (2012) - Steven Spielberg Movie HD

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Code: 9AUPL
As President Lincoln had to use executive power and stretch the Constitution about as far as he could stretch.

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During the last school year, students joined over

120M

lessons.

Got 2 minutes? Watch how Nearpod works!

Make every lesson interactive

You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube.

Or, search our standards-aligned library of 8,500+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

Flex between classroom, distance learning, or hybrid

Whatever learning looks like this year, feel confident that your lessons will work in any environment.

Regardless of device type or availability, the same lesson can shift with your plans.

Know where your students are in their learning

Boost student participation with collaborative activities and formative assessments like Virtual Reality, Polls, Collaborate Boards, and game-based quizzes. Get student insights in real-time and in post-session reports.

Take a closer look and see how Nearpod works ⟶

Five NEW reasons to love Nearpod

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During the last school year, students joined over 120M lessons. You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube. Or, search our standards-aligned library of 8,500+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

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login code: GJE2S

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
During the last school year, students joined over

120M

lessons.

Got 2 minutes? Watch how Nearpod works!

Make every lesson interactive

You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube.

Or, search our standards-aligned library of 8,500+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

Flex between classroom, distance learning, or hybrid

Whatever learning looks like this year, feel confident that your lessons will work in any environment.

Regardless of device type or availability, the same lesson can shift with your plans.

Know where your students are in their learning

Boost student participation with collaborative activities and formative assessments like Virtual Reality, Polls, Collaborate Boards, and game-based quizzes. Get student insights in real-time and in post-session reports.

Take a closer look and see how Nearpod works ⟶

Five NEW reasons to love Nearpod

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
During the last school year, students joined over 120M lessons. You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube. Or, search our standards-aligned library of 8,500+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

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This is much like peardeck.  please make sure you can login.
code: XG3HK

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You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube.

Or, search our standards-aligned library of 15,000+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

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You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube. Or, search our standards-aligned library of 15,000+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

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Please login and read through the nearpod.  Answer questions and poll.  Write questions and ask for help.
code: QEJTN

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You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube.

Or, search our standards-aligned library of 15,000+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
You don't have to start from scratch. Upload and make any of your favorite PowerPoints, Google Slides, and now, any video interactive. You can even upload videos directly from YouTube. Or, search our standards-aligned library of 15,000+ interactive lessons and videos across all grades and subjects.

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I will post the google classroom links for all the periods here.
Period 4

Period 5

Period 6

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As you link more ideas on why the country was trying to end slavery this video will help with a wider perspective.

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The breathtaking courage of Harriet Tubman - Janell Hobson

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We all will have different links for this work.  There will also be Causes, Course, & Consequences of the Civil War links.  Again please ask for help.

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Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat.

Our History

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat.

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Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua.

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The maps...

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April 1, 1861

Throughout the American Civil War, commercial publishers in the North and to a lesser extent in the South produced countless maps for an eagerly awaiting public in need of up-to-date geographical information. Few families were without someone in the armed forces serving in a little-known place in the American South. Maps, therefore, were not only important sources of information, but also satisfied the patriotic impulses of the populace. Publishers in New York, Philadelphia, Washington, and Boston quickly became aware of this profitable market and began to issue maps in quantities undreamed of before the war.

One of the earliest maps, copyrighted by M. H. Traubel of Philadelphia less than a month after the bombardment of Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861, is entitled Pocket Map of the Probable Theatre of the War. The compiler of the map, civil engineer G. A. Aschbach, accurately anticipated that the principal seat of war in the East would be Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. To assist the map user, Aschbach underlined camps and forts in red and prominent places in blue.

Although propaganda maps are better known from their use during World Wars I and II, an occasional map of this type was published during the Civil War. Such works are designed to have a maximum psychological impact on the user of the map. The commercial publisher J. B. Elliott of Cincinnati published a cartoon map in 1861 entitled Scott's Great Snake which pictorially illustrates Gen. Winfield Scott's plan to crush the South both economically and militarily. His plan called for a strong blockade of the Southern ports and a major offensive down the Mississippi River to divide the South. The press ridiculed this as the "Anaconda Plan," as shown on this map, but this general scheme contributed greatly to the Northern victory.

Another propaganda map more subtle in appearance, but perhaps just as effective, was Edmund and George Blunt's Sketch of the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts of the United States. The Blunts depicted the "loyal part" of the coast with a heavy (strong) line and the "rebel part" with a thin (weak) line. "This sketch was prepared to show at a glance," explains George Blunt on the map, "the difference in extent of the coasts of the U. States occupied by the loyal men and rebels; its circulation it is believed will have the effect of counteracting the exertions of traitors at home as well as those abroad."

Map Citations

Aschbach, G. A. Pocket map showing the probable theatre of the war Compiled by G. A. Aschbach. C.E. Allentown, Pa. Philadelphia M. H. Traubel (c)1861. 1 map col. 36 x 32 cm.
Catalog record: http://lccn.loc.gov/99447002

Elliot, J.B. Scott's great snake. Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1861 by J.B. Elliott of Cincinnati. [S.l.] 1861. 1 map col. 35 x 44 cm.
Catalog record: http://lccn.loc.gov/99447020

Blunt, Edmund. Sketch of the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts of the United States showing the loyal part, and the parts of the coasts of the rebellious states in actual possession of the U. S. troops. Lith of J. Bien. N.Y. New York [1862?] 1 sketch 50 x 54 cm.
Catalog record: http://lccn.loc.gov/99447071

References

Stephenson, Richard. Civil War maps : an annotated list of maps and atlases in the Library of Congress / compiled by Richard W. Stephenson. Washington: Library of Congress, 1989.
Catalog record: http://lccn.loc.gov/88600031

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Preparation for War (Part II), United States

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Throughout the American Civil War, commercial publishers in the North and to a lesser extent in the South produced countless maps for an eagerly awaiting public in need of up-to-date geographical information. Few families were without someone in the armed forces serving in a little-known place in the American South.

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As we learn about the time in 1861-1865  when the country was bitterly divided over our principles of freedom & liberty, the Constitution protected slavery. Many Americans wanted free states others wanted slave states.  To be able to end slavery & succession, sedition and insurrection had to be put down with Union soldiers.

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National Constitution Center - The 0th Article of the U.S. Constitution

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The 0th Article of the U.S. Constitution

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We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America