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- I think the reduction of the Marawi issue to Christians vs Muslims is a very unuanced take on

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MANILA, Philippines - Muslim rebels in the southern Philippines have been fighting since the 1970s for independence or autonomy, with the conflict claiming about 150,000 lives.

The main rebel group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), and the government announced Sunday, October 7, that they had agreedon a road map for peace.

Here are the key dates in the conflict:

1972: President Ferdinand Marcos declares martial law across the country to contain what he says are growing Muslim and communist insurgencies.

Muslim rebels in the southern region of Mindanao quickly create a formal organization, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), led by a young scholar named Nur Misuari.

1974: As the MNLF gains strength, Marcos unleashes the military against the rebels. It is the start of intense fighting across parts of Mindanao that lasts for over a decade, a period when most of the 150,000 lives are lost.

1975: The government holds its first meeting with Misuari in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. He agrees to explore autonomy as a basis for talks.

1976: Libyan leader Moamer Kadhafi oversees the signing of the Tripoli Agreement, providing a framework for autonomy in 13 provinces and nine cities in Mindanao.

1978: One of the MNLF's leaders and fiercest ideologues, Salamat Hashim, splits from the MNLF and vows to press ahead with the fight for an independent Islamic state.

1981: Salamat and Murad Ebrahim, another prominent rebel commander and hardliner, form the MILF.

1986: Marcos is toppled in a 'people power' revolution and replaced by Corazon Aquino, who launches peace talks.

1996: The MNLF signs a peace deal with the government of then-president Fidel Ramos. The MNLF settles for autonomy, and the deal creates the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao encompassing five predominantly Muslim-populated provinces.

1997: The MILF agrees to explore peace talks with the government.

1998: Joseph Estrada wins the presidency and declares an all-out war against the MILF. Estrada's troops overrun its main camp. Hundreds of people are killed.

2003: Estrada's successor, Gloria Arroyo, brokers a ceasefire with the MILF to pave the way for peace talks.

2008: Arroyo's government announces a peace deal that would have given the MILF control over 700 cities and towns. But it falls apart after the Supreme Court declares it unconstitutional.
In response, two MILF commanders lead attacks across mainly Christian areas of Mindanao. About 400 people are killed.

August, 2011: Benigno Aquino, who became president in 2010, holds secret talks with MILF chairman Ebrahim in Japan, reinvigorating the peace process. It is the first time a president and MILF chief have held face-to-face talks.

Oct 7, 2012: After many rounds of peace talks in Malaysia, Aquino announces a deal with the MILF to create a new autonomous political region. The MILF says it wants a final peace deal before Aquino steps down in 2016. - Agence France-Presse

Read the full text of President Noynoy Aquino's speech: Agreement paves way for enduring peace in Mindanao

Read the full text of the Framework Agreement between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) on the establishment of the new autonomous political entity, Bangsamoro, that will replace the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).
For related stories, read:

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Tracing back the Philippine Muslim conflict

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MANILA, Philippines - Muslim rebels in the southern Philippines have been fighting since the 1970s for independence or autonomy, with the conflict claiming about 150,000 lives. The main rebel group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), and the government announced Sunday, October 7, that they had agreedon a road map for peace.

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MANILA, Philippines (UPDATED) - Random masked men and police drove away a Rappler researcher and production specialist at 36 Tandang Sora, the subject of conflicting ownership claims within the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC).

At 8 am Thursday, March 2, police entered the contested Tandang Sora compound supposedly armed with a search warrant. Later in the day, Angel Manalo, younger brother of Iglesia ni Cristo Executive Minister Eduardo Manalo, told Rappler the policemen could not show them a search warrant.

Barangay Councilor Jerry Gonzales said the police alerted them about an "operation" but he did not know the purpose of that operation. More than 20 policemen stood waiting outside the gate of the property Thursday morning.

"Pagdating namin meron nang nakapasok na tropa natin sa loob...Dito lang naman kami sa perimeters...Kasi yung team nila nandoon, hindi naman kami kasama sa team nila sa loob," he told Rappler.

(When we arrived, they were already inside... We're just here around the perimeter [of 36 Tandang Sora]...Because their team is inside, we are not part of the team.)

At past 9:30 am, Rappler researcher Rambo Talabong was interrogated by barangay officials and was asked to leave. His phone was taken away from him and returned only on condition he rode a tricycle. He was also asked to delete photos from his phone.

" Hinablot po ang phone ko habang papalayo ako. Humingi po ako ng tulong sa police na naka-standby. Wala pong reaction," Talabong said. (They grabbed my phone while I was walking away. I asked help from the police on standby but there was no reaction.)

Talabong rode a tricycle and was escorted by a barangay official to the Templo Central police station.

At the station, he was asked about his authorization, what his position was, and who informed him about the police operation on Tandang Sora. The barangay officials eventually left.

Later Rappler production specialist Adrian Portugal who rushed to the scene to support Talabong for coverage was also accosted. He was threatened by a masked man and told to "leave immediately kung ayaw ko ng gulo (if you don't want trouble)."

He was escorted away from 36 Tandang Sora by random masked men.

The property has been the subject of conflict in the Manalo family.

Manila Metropolitan Trial Court Branch 12 had previously ordered the Manalos to "immediately vacate" the property, but Quezon City Regional Trial Court Branch 43 turned down the petition for writ of execution filed by the INC in June 2016 for lack of merit.

In a statement sent to the media, Angel Manalo, brother of Iglesia Executive Minister Eduardo V. Manalo, decried the demolition of his home inside the compound. (READ: Angel Manalo seeks help vs demolition of home in INC compound)

"Aside from the absence of an ejection case against my house, there is no other case and no court order for what they have done. They destroyed two of our bedrooms and punctured one of the walls," he said in the statement. - with reports from Rambo Talabong and Adrian Portugal/Rappler.com

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Masked men threaten media covering Iglesia conflict

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MANILA, Philippines (UPDATED) - Random masked men and police drove away a Rappler researcher and production specialist at 36 Tandang Sora, the subject of conflicting ownership claims within the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC). At 8 am Thursday, March 2, police entered the contested Tandang Sora compound supposedly armed with a search warrant.

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Conclusion

(READ: Part 1: 2016 Bongbong vs Leni poll protest: What ARMM election 'fingerprints' say)
AT A GLANCE:

Bongbong Marcos prays for a manual recount in 27 areas, and Leni Robredo in 13 provinces.

Both camps select 3 provinces each to serve as "pilot areas" for a recount. According to them, these best prove their allegations.

Election fingerprints reflect high vote shares in the bailiwicks of both candidates.

MANILA, Philippines - Besides seeking the nullification of votes in 3 provinces in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), defeated 2016 vice presidential candidate Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr is also asking for a vote recount and an examination of ballots, election documents and equipment in 27 areas around the country.

This is part of the former senator's election protest filed before the Presidential Electoral Tribunal (PET) against Vice President Maria Leonor "Leni" Robredo.

Robredo then filed a counter-protest, listing 13 provinces where she is also requesting for a recount of votes.

In a judicial revision or recount, physical ballots are manually examined to verify the number of votes obtained by each candidate, as counted by the vote-counting machines on election day.

In a preliminary conference brief on June 15, the Marcos camp identified 3 provinces as "pilot areas" for the recount: Iloilo, Negros Oriental, and Camarines Sur, Robredo's home province. Robredo got a total of 1,493,517 votes in these provinces, while Marcos received 202,136 votes.

The Robredo camp also named 3 provinces in their preliminary conference brief: Sulu, Cotabato, and Capiz, where Robredo herself won. She wants a recount in these areas too.

In these provinces, Marcos obtained 340,298 votes, while Robredo got 428,649 votes.

If either camp can prove their case in these provinces, the recount for all other areas in their respective protests will proceed. The two camps met in a preliminary conference on Tuesday, July 11, to begin arguing their cases before the PET. (READ: Presidential Electoral Tribunal: What happens to a protest?)
Marcos' protest
Marcos is asking for a recount in 21 provinces, 1 legislative district, and 5 cities - covering a total of 36,465 clustered precincts:

These areas reportedly experienced "instances of electoral fraud," Marcos said in the executive summary of his protest.

Robredo garnered 6,870,903 votes in these areas, while Marcos got 3,908,688 votes. Robredo won in each area above except in Pangasinan, Isabela, Cebu City, Leyte, and Zamboanga del Sur.

Pangasinan and Isabela are in Marcos' bailiwick, known as the "Solid North", while Leyte is the home province of his mother and current Ilocos Norte Congresswoman Imelda Marcos. (READ: How regions voted for Robredo, Marcos in 2016 VP race)

Senator Alan Peter Cayetano - running mate of now-President Rodrigo Duterte - won in Cebu City.

Here's a summary of Marcos' allegations in these areas:

Marcos listed incidents of pre-shaded ballots, vote-buying, and some of his supporters not being allowed to vote because their names were reportedly not on the voters' list.

Also, in all 27 areas, Marcos highlighted the "abnormally high number" of "unaccounted votes/ undervotes" for the VP race. Undervoting happens when a voter does not select anyone for an executive or legislative position, or picks less than the maximum number allowed for multi-person contests like the senatorial race.

This, he said, "is a manifest indication of an election irregularity" in the automated polls.

Robredo's lead counsel Romulo Macalintal, however, argued during the canvassing of votes in Congress in late May that undervoting is normal in elections, and does not mean there is electoral fraud.

Further, William Yu of election watchdog Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting (PPCRV) previously said that the behavior of voters with regard to undervoting had been essentially the same in the last two presidential polls.
Robredo's answer
Robredo responded to all these in her verified answer.

For instance, in Cebu and Bohol provinces and in Zamboanga City, Robredo said that Marcos' allegations were "in general terms" and "did not provide a detailed specification of electoral frauds, anomalies, and irregularities."

For the remaining areas, here's how the Robredo camp responded:

The Robredo camp pointed out issues with the witnesses themselves, saying that some of them weren't registered voters in the areas where they supposedly witnessed poll fraud. (READ: Robredo camp: Marcos Jr's witnesses are fake)

They also observed that most of the affidavits submitted were pro forma or "fill in the blank" templates. In 20 areas, Robredo said that the affidavits were notarized on the same day, with some notarized in Metro Manila, outside the provinces involved in the protest.

In addition, they contended that there were "no reports of any of the untoward incidents and irregularities" received either by the boards of election inspectors (BEI) in the polling precincts or by the local offices of the Commission on Elections (Comelec). These incidents, they argued, were also not in the Minutes of Voting filled out by the BEIs on Election Day.
Counter-protest
The Robredo camp included a counter-protest, wherein she identified 13 provinces where "instances of vote-buying, threats and intimidation, substitute voting and incidence of unaccounted votes in the bailiwicks of protestant Marcos" were said to be reported:

Marcos received 1,235,389 votes in these areas, while Robredo got 1,127,062 votes.

In Robredo's counter-protest, she identifies a total of 7,547 precincts in 4 provinces in the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR), 3 provinces in the Western Visayas Region, all 4 provinces in the Soccsksargen Region, Bataan in the Central Luzon Region, and Sulu in ARMM.

Marcos won in CAR and the Soccsksargen regions, in Bataan and in Sulu, while Robredo prevailed in the Western Visayas region.

Lawyer Vic Rodriguez, counsel and spokesman of Marcos, criticized Robredo for including a counter-protest, after her camp supposedly claimed there was "no cheating" in the VP race.

"What's the real purpose of the counter-protest? She filed so that they could have a semblance of control in the proceedings," he argued. (RELATED: Marcos to Robredo: Why are you afraid of vote recount?)

He added that the counter-protest was filed out of time. Rodriguez also argued that there is a "disconnect" between the Robredo camp's claims about not having enough funds for her legal defense and being the biggest spender among the candidates in the 2016 vice presidential race.

The Robredo camp, in an email to Rappler, said it was filed on time. The Supreme Court affirmed this in February 2017.
How 'fingerprints' look like
Just like in Part 1 of this story, we look into the election "fingerprints" of all areas involved in both camps' protests.

The 27 areas under protest by Marcos are arranged in descending order below according to Robredo's vote percentage lead over Marcos himself. Robredo's 13 provinces are in a separate group, also arranged in descending order according to Marcos' vote percentage lead.

The horizontal axis represents voter turnout in each precinct, while the vertical axis represents the percentage of votes received per precinct by the winner in the province/city. Dots or points that cluster at, or cluster near, the upper right corner could be indicative of possible cheating in the area or very strong support in the candidates' bailiwicks.

This is the case for Camarines Sur for Robredo and Abra for Marcos - where fingerprints are near the upper-right corner of the chart. The same goes for provinces in their respective protests where they won, like Pangasinan and Isabela for Marcos, and Capiz for Robredo.

In a statement on June 16, Rodriguez explained that Camarines Sur - Robredo's home province - was chosen as among the Marcos camp's "pilot areas" for a recount because it was "highly improbable" she would obtain over 80% of the votes there "when all of the other vice presidential candidates were either from the Bicol Region or had ties in the said region."

As for Iloilo, Rodriguez pointed out that Robredo also obtained a huge vote share there, when Marcos' standard-bearer the late senator Miriam Defensor Santiago, is from the province, and the Santiago-Marcos tandem was "warmly received by the Hiligaynons during their sorties there."

Finally, Negros Oriental was also a "pilot area" because the number of votes that Robredo got there was "dubious, considering the fact that Marcos was supported by the biggest political families in the province."
To recount or not to recount?
In her counter-protest, the Robredo camp argued that Marcos' allegations "do not necessitate the opening of ballot boxes" for a revision or recount.

They also said that incidents reported in a few barangays or by the witnesses "are not representative of the entire" town or province.

For his part, Rodriguez maintained that Marcos is the rightful winner in the VP race, on account of numerous poll irregularities, as well as issues with the automated election system, which the Marcos camp claims to have contained anomalies and constitutional infirmities.

These, Marcos said in his protest, explain the need for the manual recount and "judicial revision" of votes, as well as examination of the ballots and election paraphernalia. - Michael Bueza, Gemma Mendoza, and visualizations by Russell Shepherd and Mabeth Añonuevo/Rappler.com

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Bongbong vs Leni: 2016 'election fingerprints' in possible recount areas

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Conclusion (READ: Part 1: 2016 Bongbong vs Leni poll protest: What ARMM election 'fingerprints' say) AT A GLANCE: Bongbong Marcos prays for a manual recount in 27 areas, and Leni Robredo in 13 provinces. Both camps select 3 provinces each to serve as "pilot areas" for a recount.

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Part 3

READ: Part 1: Beyond juvenile delinquency: Why children break the law

READ: Part 2: When 'Houses of Hope' fail children in conflict with the law

MANILA, Philippines - With poverty and environment as the main enablers of children in conflict with the law (CICL), President Rodrigo Duterte and his allies are pushing for lowering the age of criminal responsibility - from 15 years to 9 years old. But social workers and other organizations say this will not end the proliferation of juvenile crimes.

What then will solve the problem? Social workers and pro-child groups said the cracks in the law have to be addressed first.

Duterte, as early as the 2016 campaign, had sought the amendment of Republic Act 9344 or the Juvenile Justice Act of 2006, which allowed children below 15 years old to get away with their crimes - provided they undergo intervention and rehabilitation.

But what most people do not know is that RA 9344 was already amended in 2013, through RA 10630. Section 20-A of the law allows children as young as 12 years old to be detained for serious crimes such as rape, murder, and homicide, among others. RA 10630 also mandates local government units to manage their own Bahay Pag-Asa (Houses of Hope).

Duterte, echoed by his allies in the House of Representatives, wants to lower the minimum age of criminal liability from 15 years old down to 9. He believes it should be done because syndicates are using more children to commit crimes. (READ: Congressmen want 9-year-old kids charged for crimes)
Run after syndicates, not children
Despite the preference expressed by no less than the President, social workers and pro-child groups do not agree. While they admit there are indeed syndicates using children for crimes, they said the adults should be punished, not the children who are mere victims.

"Oo may ganun talagang scenario, maalam na rin sila. May mga cases sila, kahit wala pang ebidensya na bata ka, once in-allege na bata ka binibigyan ka ng pabor. Pero later hihingi birth certificate, dine-dental aging namin," Paundog said.

(Yes, there are indeed such scenarios because these people are already knowledgeable. There are cases where even if there's still no evidence that you're a kid, once you're alleged to be a child, they will grant you favors. But later on, they would ask for your certificate and we do dental aging.)

"May mga instances na nagagamit pero kung iko-compare sa bulk ng CICL, di siya significant. Siguro 20%, so babalik pa rin tayo. Kung yun ang problem, di ganun ang solusyon. Ang pinaparusahan mo dun ay yung bata e hindi yung nangbibiktima sa kanila," she added.

(There are instances children are used but if you compare it to the bulk of CICL, it's not that significant. Maybe 20% so we would still go back to the problem. If that's the problem, it's not the solution. You're punishing the child there, not the adults who victimize them.)

Rowelyn Acdog, social worker at Yakap-Bata Holding Center in Caloocan shared the same sentiment.

"Ang hahabulin yung matatanda hindi ang bata. Kundi kung sino yung nag-influence, huwag bata ang parusahan," Acdog said. (We should run after the adults not the children. We should run after those who influence them to do crimes, it shouldn't be the children who should be punished.)

Most CICLs, according to local social workers and the DSWD, come from poor and dysfunctional families and an unhealthy environment - like Andy*, Carl*, and Bernard*.

Nina Patricia Sison-Arroyo, member of the Council for the Welfare of Children and of the global board of International Justice Mission, said the bill would only discriminate against less fortunate kids - a deeper symptom of a disturbing societal condition in the country. She added that children's minds are not yet fully developed and are not able to fully discern consequences of their actions. (READ: An open letter to Representatives Alvarez and Castro)

The United Nations Children's Emergency Fund (Unicef), citing studies, said "adolescents' brain function reach maturity only at around 16 years old, affecting their reasoning abilities and impulse control."

If the bill is passed into law, social workers have another issue to deal with - the possibility of mixing younger children with teenagers who have committed more serious crimes. Both Paundog and Acdog said most, if not all, serious crimes are committed by those 12 years old and above. Kids younger than 12 years old, they said, are involved in mostly petty crimes.

"Para sa akin, against talaga ako. Lalo na yan pag maraming na-turn over, kami rin po ang mahihirapan. Saka nakakaawa ihalo sa mga batang may kaso na 15 to 17 years old yung mga 9 years old. Yung batang malalaki at matatanda maa-abuse physically at sexually yung batang maliliit. Marami kaming experience na ganun," Acdog said.

(For me, I am really against it especially when they turn over many children to us, we're also the ones who will have a hard time. I also pity those 9 years old and above who will be mixed in detention with those 15 to 17 years old with criminal cases. The older children tend to physically and sexually abuse the younger ones. We've seen that many times.)
Proper implementation not amendment
Pro-child groups want the law to be properly implemented instead of amended.

One provision of the law that needs to be effectively enforced is the creation of effective Barangay Councils for the Protection of Children (BCPC).

RA 9344 mandates that LGUs should allot 1% of their internal revenue allotment (IRA) for the BCPCs, which have the power to take preventive steps against juvenile delinquency at the onset through intervention or diversion, which is "an alternative, child-appropriate process of determining the responsibility and treatment of a CICL...without resorting to formal court proceedings."

Unfortunately, not all BCPCs are effective. Sometimes, those in the barangay are unaware that they could already start diversion procedures at the local level.

In Caloocan, Acdog said BCPCs are not functional. Instead of city social workers focusing on children who committed serious crimes, they are asked to settle petty crimes.

"Kailangan dapat magiging functional ang BCPC. Parang di nila alam yung batas. Refer nang refer lang sa amin. Supposed to be kasama ang barangay sa 5 pillars of justice," she said.

(The BCPC should be functional. It appears like they don't know the law. They just keep on referring children to us. Barangays are supposedly included in the 5 pillars of justice.)

"Kung may CICL na-apprehend doon sa barangay, nagu-undergo na dapat sila ng intervention program. Pero ang nangyayari tinu-turn over nila sa amin kahit tsinelas lang ang ninakaw, pinapa-detain sa amin nang ilang araw. Kami ang nag-aayos ng kaso nila or ng settlement kasi ilang araw o weeks dito, eh parang nade-deprive mo na rin ang rights ng bata," Acdog added.

(If there are CICL apprehended in the barangay, they should go through an intervention program. But what happens is they are turned over to us even if their crime is just stealing slippers. The barangay officials ask us to detain them for a few days. We take care of their cases or settlement because they spend several days or weeks here, and it's like depriving the kids of their rights.)

Such is the case, too, in Valenzuela. While Valenzuela has more decent and sustainable treatment of CICL, the city also experiences problems with its BCPCs. Even minor offenses such as violations of curfew reach the city social department.

"It all boils down to family. If you will look at the law, it is focused on the commitment of the offense and rehabilitation. But for us who implement it, we see that there is a need to focus on being proactive at the barangay level. The BCPC should be strengthened," Paundog said in Filipino.

"Because we end up getting congested here because the law is not being implemented in the barangay. Petty cases do not have to reach out. Those children who enter our Bahay Pag-Asa are those qualified by the law. Even petty cases of curfew violation reach us when it should just be in the barangay. If they were only active, the issues would have been settled already at their level. We here could focus on children who need more help," she added.
No legal procedures for CICL
Another problem is the lack of legal procedures for CICL. There is still a prevalent adult-oriented mentality especially in hearing cases of children. Although CICL's cases are under the jurisdiction of the family court, the processes are still patterned after adult cases.

Some rules governing CICL, Paundog said, are similar to existing adult-oriented rules.

"I hope there would be a legal procedure especially for children. The dilemma is, we go to court, we prepare for it. We never encourage lying because sooner or later, children are not going to be imprisoned in a regular cell. So we encourage honesty. But when we go to the court, the case is being mixed with regular cases and there is no legal proceeding for children," Paundog said in Filipino.

While they do not encourage lying, Paundog said public lawyers usually advise CICL not to admit their crimes immediately. This is where the problem lies because a child cannot avail of an intervention program unless he or she admits to committing the crime.

Children who are unable to avail of diversion undergo a normal court process. Once convicted, the crime is recorded. This record, however, should be kept confidential so the child, Paundog said, could still have a chance of leading a normal life.

"If a child is convicted, there is a record but it is concealed. It could not be used against the child. If they get a court clearance, they would still be cleared. That is the good provision in the law, pro-child," Paundog said.
Shortcuts
Another problem in the implementation of the law is the shortcuts in dealing with CICL.

A CICL aged 15 or below should be placed under the custody of a law enforcement officer, who then looks for the child's parent or guardian, depending on the severity of the crime.

The officer is mandated to check whether the child will be in danger if he or she returns to his or her parents. If the officer determines that the child is subjected to abuse or abandonment, the child has to go through a diversion or intervention program. These include counseling and education, among others, to improve the child's psycho-social development.

But Paundog said there are cases where this process is not followed - not just by barangay officers, but also by the police and prosecutors.

"Other than sa barangay, there is such a thing as police diversion. Pag less than 6 years ang penalty, puwede mag-diversion at that level. Pati si prosecutor puwede. Kung gagawin lang sana namin nang tama, masusunod ito (If the penalty is less than 6 years, the police can conduct diversion at that level. Even the prosecutor can do that. If they only do it properly, the law will be followed)," she said.

Paundog said this gap might be due to the lack of information among local officers, even if there are already numerous capacity-building events conducted, lack of interest, or as simple as overloading of social and barangay workers, exacerbate the problem.

"Minsan ang mga stakeholders hindi nagdi-diversion. Minsan di rin nila alam na puwede sila mag-diversion kahit marami nang capability-building na ginagawa. Siguro iwas abala or nakasanayan na, pinapasa na lang lahat sa city social welfare development, sa city hall," she said.

(Sometimes stakeholders do not conduct diversions. Sometimes they do not know they could do it even if we have already conducted so many capability-building events. Maybe it's because they don't want to be bothered, or they've gotten used to it - just turning over everything to the city social welfare department, to city hall.)
What now for CICL?
With renewed calls to lower the age of criminal liability supported by no less than the President, it seems unclear if the bill will become law. In the House of Representatives filled with mostly new-found Duterte allies, it will likely happen.

The same could not be said in the Senate. There is no counterpart bill filed so far. But there are senators who are backing the strong position of Duterte against crime and illegal drugs, including the death penalty - which is part of the juvenile justice bill filed in the House.

House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez is confident Senate President Aquilino Pimentel III, Duterte's partymate, will support the measure.

While Pimentel has not yet explicitly made known his position, Duterte has found an ally in Majority Leader Vicente Sotto III.

"If they want further amendments to (lower to) 9 years old, payag ako kasi ginagamit ang mga bata (I am for it because children are being used) to commit crimes, especially drug trafficking, " Sotto told Rappler.

Liberal Party senators, however, strongly oppose the measure, with Senator Francis Pangilinan - author of the original RA 9344 - saying that the gravity of the offense, and not the age, should be the main consideration in deciding the penalty.

The Gabriela Women's Party also opposes the measure, saying it will not address the problem of children involved in crimes. The party said the bill would only scar children and adversely affect their future.

While lawmakers battle it out on the congressional floor, social workers are grappling with the situation made worse by the cracks in the existing juvenile justice laws.

As Duterte and his allies push for the measure, Andy*, Bernard*, and Carl* are serving their sentences in youth homes - some with crowded and unhealthy environments. They remain hopeful that a better future awaits them, even if they will have to return to a difficult life that, to begin with, was what prompted them to break the law. - Rappler.com
*Not their real names to protect their privacy.

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Children in conflict with the law: Cracks in Juvenile Justice Act

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Part 3 READ: Part 1: Beyond juvenile delinquency: Why children break the law READ: Part 2: When 'Houses of Hope' fail children in conflict with the law MANILA, Philippines - With poverty and environment as the main enablers of children in conflict with the law (CICL), President Rodrigo Duterte and his allies are pushing for lowering the age of criminal responsibility - from 15 years to 9 years old.

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Conflict between Church and State.

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MANILA, Philippines - When Pope Francis visits the country from January 15 to 19, he will witness a young and vibrant Catholic youth steeped in faith but with a more divergent view on how the Church should behave on secular matters.

The Pope would see Filipino Catholic youths who strongly identify with the Church and its teachings but draw the line on certain political issues like the Reproductive Health Law.

The results of a 2013 survey, the second of its kind commissioned by the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines' Episcopal Commission Youth (CBCP-ECY), showed that young Filipino Catholics could be more religious than their parents - a healthy assurance that the future of the Catholic Church is secured in the next generation.

But then, they are not passive youths who merely accept and abide by the Church's teachings without question.

More than half of those surveyed said they disagree with the "involvement of the Catholic hierarchy on political issues," while half disagree with the Church's objection to the RH law.

Moreover, one out of 4 respondents disagree with the Church that the use of contraceptives and homosexual acts are "sinful" and "morally wrong."
Follow-up
The 2013 survey was a follow-up to the 2002 survey on the Filipino Catholic youth also conducted by the CBCP-ECY. Aimed at capturing a holistic picture of the Filipino Catholic youth, the Church used the 2002 survey as a template in defining its youth ministry.

The 2013 survey, for its part, aimed "to foster an informed national discussion on the place and role of religion in the lives of young Filipino Catholics."

A total of 2,110 respondents, aged 13 to 39, were surveyed, with samples from 5 regional groups - North of Luzon, Metro Manila, South of Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. A 27-page survey instrument in English and Filipino was used, with majority of respondents studying in Catholic schools, non-sectarian schools, and Christian schools.

To validate and cross results the findings, focus group discussions were also conducted for a more in-depth analysis.

The initial results of the national survey wer first presented in September 2014 at the national convention of the Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines (CEAP).
Major findings
In terms of Church teachings, the 2013 survey results showed that young Filipino Catholics have "a high degree of belief on the basic doctrines of the Catholic Church" like the Holy Trinity, the dual nature of Jesus Christ, and the virgin birth.

Nine out of 10 Catholic youths also state that they "are interested to learn more about their Catholic faith" and "can defend their faith to anyone who challenges them."

In terms of morality and worship, almost all of the respondents agree that murder and suicide are intrisically wrong while 8 out of 10 say "mercy killing can never be justified."

About 8 in 10 respondents also insist that "divorce should never be an option for married couples."

In terms of worship, about 8 in 10 young Catholics say they "regularly attend mass" with 6 in 10 saying they "go to confession a few times a year" and pray the rosary regularly.
Christmas, Misa de Gallo
The respondents also indicated that their usual companions in observing religious activities are (in descending order) friends, barkada (clique), others, mother, cousin, sibling, grandparents, and father.

Among the Catholic feasts, Christmas and Misa de Gallo (dawn masses) are most popularly observed, followed by Ash Wednesday, Easter Sunday and Good Friday.

The above results offer consolation to the Philippine Catholic Church that has seen dwindling mass church attendance.

A pre-election 2013 survey conducted by Social Weather Stations (SWS) showed that weekly church attendance among adult Filipino Catholics have plummeted to 37%, from 61% in 1991.

Moreover, the SWS survey also showed that almost 1 in 10 adult Filipino Catholics "sometimes think of leaving the Church."

Such scenario is reflected in the 2013 CBCP-ECY survey.

While self-rated religiosity is high, 13% of respondents admit they have "entertained thoughts of leaving the Catholic Church." Majority of them are females.
Papal infallibility
While the survey showed that a majority of young Filipino Catholics adhere to the Church teachings, some disagree on basic tenets - from the infallibility of the Pope on matters of faith, mortal sin, and hell.

Other highlights of the survey:

Females exhibit higher religiosity than males.

Older Filipino youths appear to be more religious than their younger counterparts.

Youths whose parents are both Catholics appear to be more religious than those whose parents have different religions.

The higher socioeconomic status, the higher religiosity.

A father's educational attainment has higher impact on the youth's religiosity. The survey says "those whose fathers have higher educational attainment appear to be more religious" while "a mother's education is not a significant predictor of religiosity."

Higher religiosity could translate to higher political participation.

Still highly Catholic
Overall, researchers said the survey makes it clear that Filipino Catholic youths are still "firmly rooted in their Catholic religious tradition" and that the Church continues "to provide its young members identity, meaning, values and meaning in life."

However, the researchers suggested that youth ministers and religious educators tweak their ministry and education, and be responsive "to those who think that the Church should not be involved in politics, those who do not agree with the Church's stance with the RH law, those who are in public schools, the unemployed, those in the lower economic bracket, those who have thoughts of leaving the church" among others.

They argued that that "any long- or short-term solutions to the problems and challenges being faced by the youth ministry and Catholic education that ignore their particular contexts or settings will miss one of the key elements that makes plans and programs appropriate, effective and sustainable." - Rappler.com

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Most PH Catholic youths want Church out of political issues

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MANILA, Philippines - When Pope Francis visits the country from January 15 to 19, he will witness a young and vibrant Catholic youth steeped in faith but with a more divergent view on how the Church should behave on secular matters.

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Martial law to extend to 2022?

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MANILA, Philippines - Some lawmakers questioned Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez's proposal to extend martial law to 2022, saying the Davao del Norte 1st District representative should not be preempting the President.

Opposition lawmaker and Albay 1st District Representative Edcel Lagman said on Monday, July 10, that only President Rodrigo Duterte can initiate the extension of Proclamation No. 216, which put Mindanao under martial law starting May 23.

"Why are some senators and representatives talking about extending martial law in Mindanao when the President has not even officially initiated such extension?" said Lagman.

"Under the Constitution, while an extension needs the concurrence of the absolute majority of the members of the Congress voting in joint session, any such extension shall be upon the initiative of the President," he added.

Duterte declared martial law in Mindanao after government troops clashed with members of the Maute Group and the Abu Sayyaf Group in Marawi City on May 23. The police and military had attempted to arrest Abu Sayyaf leader Isnilon Hapilon, the supposed "emir" in the Philippines of international terrorist group Islamic State (ISIS).

Over the weekend, Alvarez said he would "push for an extension" of martial law in the region until the end of Duterte's term in 2022, citing the threat of insurgency and terrorism. (READ: SC upholds Duterte's martial law in Mindanao)

Under the 1987 Constitution, the President may declare martial law for a maximum of 60 days - or July 22 in this case.

Duterte would need approval from both the House and the Senate to extend martial law. Most lawmakers in both chambers are his allies.

Both the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and Philippine National Police (PNP) chiefs already said they would likely recommend the extension of martial law given the continuing conflict in Marawi City.

But AFP spokesman Brigadier General Restituto Padilla said Alvarez's proposal for a 5-year extension of martial law may be "too long."
Lift martial law
Bayan Muna Representative Carlos Zarate said the extension of martial law in Mindanao was merely Alvarez's "personal opinion," but he disagrees with it.

"Martial law should not be extended because it is like giving premium to a grave failure and tolerating incompetence," said Zarate, adding Proclamation No. 216 should already be lifted.

"Mindanao's peace and development do not hinge on martial law or its extension or expansion; rather, these depend on how the historical wrongs and injustices that bred so much poverty, inequality, and rebellions are being addressed," he added

ACT Teachers Representative Antonio Tinio said Alvarez's proposal was an "appalling prospect, but not unexpected."

He said the Marawi siege was "merely the pretext" to put Mindanao under martial law, which would supposedly allow Duterte and his allies to implement projects that would be detrimental to farmers, the Lumad, and the Moro people.

Lagman as well as Tinio and Zarate filed separate petitions before the Supreme Court against martial law in Mindanao, but they were turned down by the justices. - Rappler.com

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Lawmakers slam Alvarez's proposal to extend martial law to 2022

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MANILA, Philippines - Some lawmakers questioned Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez's proposal to extend martial law to 2022, saying the Davao del Norte 1st District representative should not be preempting the President. Opposition lawmaker and Albay 1st District Representative Edcel Lagman said on Monday, July 10, that only President Rodrigo Duterte can initiate the extension of Proclamation No.

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MANILA, Philippines - The death toll from 48 days of fighting in Marawi City has breached the 500-mark, said the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) on Monday, July 10.

As of Sunday, July 9, government troops have been able to kill 379 of the terrorists who attempted to take over the Lanao del Sur capital on May 23.

At least 89 soldiers and policemen have also been killed in the clashes, while 39 civilians were killed by members of the Maute and Abu Sayyaf groups, according to the AFP.

More than 1,723 civilians - either those trapped in the combat zone or those who were taken hostage - have been rescued by both government and non-governmental bodies. Military and police have recovered 451 firearms from the terror groups.

Over 400,000 people have been forced to flee their homes since the clashes began.

The attempted takeover of Marawi City - and the threat of the Islamic State (ISIS) - prompted President Rodrigo Duterte to place the entire Mindanao island under martial law. He also suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.

Both the Maute and Abu Sayyaf groups have pledged allegiance to ISIS. Isnilon Hapilon, an Abu Sayyaf leader, is supposedly the appointed "emir" of ISIS in the Philippines.

While the military has refused to give a new deadline for the conflict after missing several self-imposed deadlines in the past, it is already starting to help plan Marawi City's rehabilitation.

The AFP earlier announced it would be sending military engineers to map out the rebuilding of the city.

"In the coming days, we hope to show to the public the artist's rendition of temporary shelters to be constructed consistent with Maranao culture," the military said on Monday.

Under the 1987 Constitution, martial law stays in place for a maximum of 60 days or July 22 in this case. If Duterte wants an extension, he must get the approval of Congress, which is composed mostly of his allies. The Supreme Court earlier upheld Duterte's basis for declaring martial law.

Military and police have yet to finalize their recommendation on whether martial law should be extended or not. Duterte himself, however, has said that he will not be lifting military rule before he makes his second State of the Nation Address on July 24.

A key Duterte ally, House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez, said he wants martial law to stay in place until 2022 or the end of Duterte's term. But AFP spokesman Brigadier General Restituto Padilla said on Monday that a 5-year extension of martial law might be too long. Some of Alvarez's fellow lawmakers also slammed his proposal. - Rappler.com

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MANILA, Philippines - The death toll from 48 days of fighting in Marawi City has breached the 500-mark, said the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) on Monday, July 10. As of Sunday, July 9, government troops have been able to kill 379 of the terrorists who attempted to take over the Lanao del Sur capital on May 23.

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Fear is terrorism's greatest asset. Its workmanship is the disruption of everyday life. Only through disruption can terrorism achieve its ultimate end, whether religious, political, or economic.

Not everyone can of course take up arms to fight back. And so there are those for whom fighting back takes on a different form.

Consider the Young Moro Professionals Network. Its members have released a public statement that not only denounces atrocities carried out in the name of Islam. They are convinced that the values of Islam are "justice, care for humanity, mercy and compassion, and religious tolerance."

To them these virtues run counter to the acts of violence against the people of Marawi. They are thus inspired by how "Muslims and non-Muslims [are] protecting and helping each other during this crisis."

Along similar lines, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has fully supported the fatwa of mufti Sheik Abehuraira Abdulrahman Udasan "against the entry and spread of violent radicalism or extremism." MILF, the government's partner in the Bangsamoro peace process, believes that religious violence "has no basis in any of the teachings of Islam."
Countering radicalization
The statements above matter if only to correct the radicalization that affects even many young people in Mindanao. Radicalization is the process in which violence against other people becomes a religiously justified act. There are many pathways to radicalization but religious ideas are quite powerful in shaping a person's cognitive and emotional commitment to violence. Training them for battle and socializing them into a violent worldview explains why the Maute Group has deliberately recruited children to become their soldiers.

These statements are, at the same time, important for everybody else. Public perception of Islam is divided as to whether it is responsible for the spread of religious violence. In fact, I have met a few otherwise nice people who harbor ill-informed views about Islam and its followers. To them all Muslims have the propensity to be violent because violence is inherent to Islam. They do not realize that Islam, which means submission, and salam, which means peace, are linguistically related to each other.

In a sense then, surrendering to the will of God brings about peace. This is why the violence many of us associate with Islam is in fact anomalous theologically and empirically.
Redemptive hope
Alongside these powerful statements are inspiring moments that render undeniable hope in the midst of crisis.

When I arrived at MSU-IIT last month, the first ones I met were sociology students from the Marawi campus of Mindanao State University. Many of the students in Marawi are Muslim. The ones I met were in the college dean's office to defend their undergraduate theses. This was, to them, their own way of fighting back and their professors, some of whom are my friends, were not going to let them down. They were all in Iligan to see them through it all.

Let me tell too the story of a DSWD [Department of Social Welfare and Development] coordinator in one of the evacuation centers in Iligan. A Maranao, she oversees its daily operations. She has admitted to me that she, herself, is among the internally displaced. Some relatives have taken her and two of her children in. But two others have been separated from her because there is simply not enough space. She is no longer sure about the condition of her house in Marawi. In spite of all these uncertainties, she has chosen to devote her time to help other evacuees. And she remains upbeat about the future.

Finally, we have Mubarak Macabanding Paingco. He is the first Muslim to graduate summa cum laude - and the only one at MSU-IIT. He is this year's valedictorian. During his valedictory address, he recounted his moving story about losing his mother at an early age. That he was holding back his tears made it difficult for him to finish his speech. He dedicated it to her and those who have been affected by the conflict in Marawi. Many of IIT's students and staff are Maranao.

There are certainly many other hopeful stories. But the parallelism is striking. Violence may have become the new normal but people are not letting it get in the way of their lives.
Fighting back
In the hostel where I am staying for the duration of my visiting professorship at MSU-IIT, I interacted with a young Maranao couple who evacuated from Marawi. They say in the strongest terms possible what I have also heard from other Maranao friends: Ipinahihiya ng Maute ang dangal naming lahat. (The Mautes are a disgrace to our dignity.)

But they are still full of hope about the future of their young family. This again shows how people are fighting back.

Hope in this light redeems not just the future but the present too.

In other words, foresight grounded in present reality can be empowering. It believes that people can fight back. The sociologist Les Back describes it in this manner: "Hope is not a destination; it is perhaps an improvisation with a future not yet realized."

Hope therefore is not just a fantasy. But it does not on its own spring eternal. To hope is a conscious effort among people of goodwill.

And because some people have already chosen goodwill, hope, we shall see, will stand the test of time.

The least that the rest of us could offer them, apart from our donations, is to believe in them. - Rappler.com
Jayeel Serrano Cornelio, PhD is a visiting professor at the Department of Sociology at MSU-IIT. The National Academy of Science and Technology has named him the 2017 Outstanding Young Scientist in the field of sociology. Follow him on Twitter @jayeel_cornelio.

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When hope fights back amid conflict in Marawi

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Fear is terrorism's greatest asset. Its workmanship is the disruption of everyday life. Only through disruption can terrorism achieve its ultimate end, whether religious, political, or economic. Not everyone can of course take up arms to fight back. And so there are those for whom fighting back takes on a different form.

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Marawi crisis causes many to leave their homes.

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Published 6:00 PM, July 11, 2017

MANILA, Philippines - Apart from natural disasters and hazards, frequent conflicts in the Philippines, particularly in Mindanao, force residents to seek refuge in evacuation centers.

Though the Philippine population in 2016 hit more than 102 million , the United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR) reported 348,370 persons of concern in the Philippines by the end of 2016 . More than 87,000 of these are internally displaced persons (IDPs) who fled home because of armed clashes, internal wars, and other forms of violence.

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) , "displacement caused by conflict tends to affect the same deprived communities repeatedly, gradually undermining their resilience and pushing them further into poverty."

Below are several conflicts that triggered mass displacement in the past 7 years.
Armed conflict in Cotabato, October 2010
Armed conflict in Cotabato, February 2012

Armed conflict in Butuan City, March 2013
Zamboanga siege, September 2013

The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) destroyed 10,000 homes, and at least 327,000 people displaced

63,000 people were unable to return to their homes because parts of the city were declared "no return areas"

As of December 2014, 209 IDPs were reported to have died due to pneumonia and acute gastroenteritis. Half of them were children under 5 years old.

Military offensive vs BIFF, March 2015

At least 8,149 families or 40,745 individuals were displaced following the military's all-our war against rebel group Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF).
Clash between BIFF and MILF, March 2015

At least 6,383 familes or 34,925 individuals were displaced after clashes erupted between members of the BIFF and the MILF in Barangay Kalbugan in Pagalungan town, North Cotabato, reportedly due to "contending controls over the areas."
Butig clashes, March 2016 Military operations vs Abu Sayyaf, January 2016-February 2017 Bohol clashes, April 2017 Marawi siege, 23 May 2017-present
The IDMC estimates that over 4 million people have been displaced in Mindanao since 2000, due to armed conflict, crime, and clan violence. - Gari Acolola/Rappler.com
Gari Acolola is a Rappler intern.

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Forced to flee: How many have been displaced due to conflict?

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Published 6:00 PM, July 11, 2017 MANILA, Philippines - Apart from natural disasters and hazards, frequent conflicts in the Philippines, particularly in Mindanao, force residents to seek refuge in evacuation centers. Though the Philippine population in 2016 hit more than 102 million , the United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR) reported 348,370 persons of concern in the Philippines by the end of 2016 .

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Published 12:06 PM, April 04, 2017

Of all the days in February, my mission to write about our water project in a remote municipality in Northern Samar fell on a rainy day. So, for the first time in my (urban) life, I struggled to hike for 3 hours on an extremely muddy, uphill road to reach this small town.

Silvino Lobos is a fourth-class interior municipality in Northern Samar, one of the 15 poorest provinces in the Philippines, with a poverty incidence of 43.5% . On that day, our team left the provincial capital of Catarman at 8:30 am and arrived 30 minutes later at the 24-kilometer mark toward Silvino Lobos.

It would have been an easy trip with our 4-wheel drive, but with 8 kms of unpaved track remaining and a steady drizzle, our driver Edwin knew we'd have to strap on our boots and walk. It was an "extreme challenge" for me as I plodded carefully to avoid injury. For the habal-habal drivers who ferried passengers, or the farmers with their harvest of abaca to sell-it is a daily struggle.

We then rode a motorboat that took us to Silvino Lobos in 30 minutes. With us was a couple with their baby, and I thought how difficult it must be if there were a serious medical emergency.

At 12:30 pm, we finally reached the remote town. This community had suffered from decades of underdevelopment, with the insecurity due to the conflict between government forces and the New People's Army (NPA) as one of the causes. The access to the highway was one major issue that the government had already started to address, based on the road work we saw.

Limited water and no power supply

Silvino Lobos, I was told, is the only municipality in Northern Samar that still has no permanent power supply; some families rely on solar panels and generators. Their water supply was questionable because it passed through old and leaky galvanized iron pipes.

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the humanitarian organization I work for, has been working in Samar island for decades due to its internal armed conflict. It was through an assessment after Typhoon Ruby in 2015 that the ICRC initiated a project to replace the water transmission line, and to find an additional water source, to improve the overall quantity and quality of the water in Silvino Lobos.

"The humanitarian consequence of the lingering conflict is not displacement, but the lack of access to basic services, and underdevelopment. Our goal then is to improve the resilience of such communities," said Woody Assaf, head of the ICRC office in Tacloban.

To encourage community participation, the ICRC hired 24 laborers in Silvino Lobos to implement the project. Unskilled laborers who helped dig holes and transport materials were paid P250 a day, while skilled laborers such as masons and plumbers were given P450.

The small-scale project, which began in September 2016, was completed just two days before our visit. More than 4,500 people in 3 barangays are now enjoying potable water and increased volume.

" Tubig talaga ang problema namin dito (Our real problem here is water)," said 52-year-old farmer Orselino Sierbo, who was filling his jerrycans. He said his family of 10 needed at least 10 jerrycans a day for drinking, washing, and other uses.

Once a conflict flashpoint

In the mid-1980s, Edgar Bartolo, a 41-year-old abaca farmer, recalled that Silvino Lobos was a flashpoint for the conflict between the government forces and the NPA. He said civilians, especially farmers, were often caught between the fighting.

Nowadays, it has been relatively quiet in Silvino Lobos. The Philippine flag waved at the public school as I glimpsed the young students in their classrooms. Meanwhile, a military platoon stood guard in an old tower near the municipal hall.

" Sana maihalintulad sa ibang lugar na may pagkaangat-angat ang buhay (I wish we would be like the other more progressive towns)," Bartolo said.

We left Silvino Lobos after two hours to be back in Catarman by sunset. After the boat ride and some hiking, we hired habal-habal drivers to make the trip faster. Habal-habal drivers charge P300 - P500 for the ride, so you can imagine how much it would cost a poor family to go out of town.

Our journey going back was safe and short, thanks to the hardy habal-habal. But when we finally left, our two 4x4s got stuck in the mud. Our drivers had to use the winch from one of the vehicles to pull itself out and to pull the other car out.

It was during this trip that I also renewed my admiration for our field teams. It made me reflect on the various risks they face when going to these remote conflict-affected areas.

Two hours was not enough time to go around Silvino Lobos and engage with residents, but it was a unique experience that reminded me - a citizen of this country and someone living in "imperial Manila" - how so much more needs to be done to put an end to the armed conflicts in our country, and to improve the quality of life for many Filipinos. - Rappler.com

Allison Lopez is the head of public communication in the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) delegation to the Philippines.

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international committee of the red cross

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Surviving poverty and conflict in Northern Samar

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Published 12:06 PM, April 04, 2017 Of all the days in February, my mission to write about our water project in a remote municipality in Northern Samar fell on a rainy day. So, for the first time in my (urban) life, I struggled to hike for 3 hours on an extremely muddy, uphill road to reach this small town.

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Within the Philippines, some Filipinos look down on fellow Filipinos because of 'social status'.

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The recent spike in racist violence in the United States along with the anti-Muslim "war on terror" led me to wonder about race and racism in the Philippines.

The experience of racism is nothing new among Filipinos, nor is it so simple. The term "Filipino" after all began as the racial designation for Spaniards born in the Philippines to distinguish them from those born in the Peninsula.

Because of the accident of birth, Filipinos, like Americanos, were regarded as "creoles." Raised in the supposedly "backward" conditions of the colonies, creoles were treated as a race apart, seen by Europeans as beneath them. It was only in the last years of nineteenth century that youthful nationalists began to re-appropriate "Filipino." They changed it from a racist term into a nationalist watchword to mean all those who suffered the common fate of Spanish oppression, and who felt a common stake in the future of the colony.

Nick Joaquin has written suggestively about "Filipino" as a creole identity located in between the white European on top and the dark skinned indio below. Not quite white and not quite native, the racial ambivalence that inheres in "Filipino" is everywhere evident today. On the one hand, there is a tendency to accept white norms of beauty and normalcy that denigrate non-white others. On the other hand, there is also a fascination with and acceptance of these same others once Filipinos come to know them.

The same can be said about white people.

Filipinos move between suspicion and trust, rejection and acceptance, depending on their relationship with them. Even Filipino-Americans with their white-like accents and behavior, are greeted with a similar ambivalence, regarded as estranged kin as much as foreign presences. We can see this, too, in the treatment of South Asians. The distinctions between and among Indians, Pakistanis and Sri Lankans tend to be conflated into the sinister turban-wearing, child-snatching, "5/6" figure of the "Bombay." At the same time, there are few obstacles to their integration into successful members of rural and urban communities.

Koreans, Arabs and African-Americans are treated with similar ambivalence.

Their appearance and smells are the subject of deprecating comments meant to mark out their foreigness. But they are rarely targeted for violent assaults and manage to live relatively undisturbed in Filipino neighborhoods. The Japanese were once hated in the aftermath of World War II, but that memory has been largely set aside and they are now seen as friends and allies. There are no state-sanctioned policies or other institutional barriers to keep foreigners from inter-marrying with locals and living in the country. Their differences can be accounted for and they cease to pose a threat. Indeed, no anti-foreign riots have occurred, to my knowledge, since the seventeenth century pogroms against the Chinese.
Racial opportunists?
Among Filipinos then, racial feelings are loosely structured, unevenly policed and highly flexible. They run wide but shallow, capable of changing directions, largely dependent on social context. The thinness and contingency of race consciousness makes it seem as if Filipinos were racial opportunists.

As heirs of a racially liminal identity, it's not surprising that Filipinos display racial sentiments that are characteristically protean. For example, the Philippines has a long tradition of anti-Chinese racism, as scholars such as Edgar Wickberg, Carol Hau and Richard Chu have pointed out. Spanish and American colonial policies cast the Chinese as foreign Others. Nonetheless, the Spaniards encouraged Christian conversion among the Chinese. They also promoted inter-marriage between Chinese men and Christianized native women as a way of assimilating the former. As a result, entire generations of Chinese mestizos emerged, many of whom made up the earliest generations of nationalists, including Rizal.

Yet mestizo nationalists, incorporating Spanish prejudices, were often virulently anti-Chinese themselves. This sort of nationalism yoked to anti-Sinicism dressed up as anti-comprador or anti-imperialist politics, is not entirely gone. It still rears its ugly head even within academic and literary circles today. The "Chinese," imagined as an alien presence, is also seen as polluted and déclassé among the rich, and, in light of the conflict over the West Philippine Sea, grasping and greedy among everyone else.

American rule further heightened this sense of racial ambiguity. On the one hand, Americans invaded the Philippines in the wake of the most genocidal phase of white settler wars against Indians in the Southwest and at the height of anti-black lynching in many parts of the country. Many of the US officers who were veterans of the Indian wars did not hesitate to use the same exterminatory tactics on Filipino insurgents and civilians.

On the other hand, the Americans quickly realized they could not simply kill all Filipinos. They needed their help to end the war and govern the colony, and so embarked upon a policy of attraction and Filipinization. Dependent on the collaboration of Filipino creoles and mestizo elites, they could not afford to impose Jim Crow laws in the colony. Instead, socializing across racial lines, especially among colonial elites, became common. Where race relations were concerned, colonial Manila proved to be far more liberal than the segregated metropolis of Washington.

Still, the racist logic of colonial rule remained unassailable. It was encapsulated in the notion of "benevolent assimilation": white Protestant males and females tutoring mestizo and brown Catholics and Non-Christian natives in the rudiments of Anglo-Saxon civilization. Filipinos came to incorporate these civilizational notions and saw themselves as more advanced than the non-Christian population of Moros and lumads. Filipino nationalism forged in the crucible of colonialism had an inescapably racist dimension.

Still, conflict always alternated with co-existence and cooperation in the relationship between these groups. As Patricio Abinales has pointed out, Muslim elites were far more politically integrated with the American colonial and Republican government than they had ever been under Spain and after Marcos. Religious differences were never simply cast in racial terms, but always inflected by class, ethno-linguistic and regional distinctions. They were often subsumed, at least in official discourse, by a nationalism that says: in the end, "we" are all Filipinos. However, as the current debates around the BBL show, the nationalization of minority groups tends to be provisional and tenuous. Many Filipinos still regard Moros either as a colonized population with lesser rights, or an alien people who threaten national sovereignty.
Dealing with lower classes
The use of racially tinged categories to both denigrate and embrace the Other continues to be a common practice among upper and middle class Filipinos when it comes to dealing with the lower classes. Thus are the poor often racialized, treated as if they were a different species altogether.

As in other countries, the outer limit of middle class life is defined by poverty. The "poor" exist as the accursed Other, living beyond the village gates. They are allowed inside only as servants. Like migrant workers in a foreign country, their movements in and out of the village are closely monitored and regulated by heavily armed security guards. Associated with ignorance and criminality, the poor pose a permanent existential threat to the middle class and the rich. The physical and cultural markers of class segregation - high walls, air conditioned cars, linguistic honorifics - regulate the proximity of the poor and neutralize the dangers coming from this putatively inferior race.

Take for example Vice President Jojo Binay and his family. They have been vilified in the press and social media for their corrupt practices. Mixed with these criticisms, though, is no small amount of racial animus. The Binays are seen as indio usurpers daring to claim for themselves mestizo social privileges. They stand accused not only of corruption but also of not knowing their place in the racial hierarchy.

The racialized denigration of the poor, however, has another side. They are also idealized in Catholic and nationalist discourses. For the Church, their abjection is construed as an invitation to exercise pity, or awa. Occasioning charitable acts, the poor can help us save our souls.

For nationalists, the poor comprise the majority and thus make up the "people." They are thus not only the targets of development but also the agents of national liberation. The rural poor, along with non-Christian groups, are often fetishized as the repositories of cultural authenticity, of real Filipino "values" and pre-colonial "traditions." This exoticizing regard for the poor and the non-Christian forms a durable substrate of nationalist fantasy. To wit: it is the poor and the non-Christians who are the real agents of historical change. Class differences can eventually be overcome to produce one race - a united nation as progressive as it is compassionate.

Today, skin color continues to serve as the gauge of social difference and the sign of class inequality. Light skinned mestizos - whether Chinese and European - tend to be endowed with considerable cultural capital regardless of their actual economic standing. The lightness of their skin serves as their calling card. It is the rare politician or celebrity - Nora Aunor comes to mind - who is not light skinned. Darker skinned folks become famous precisely by poking fun at their appearance, unless they are well-paid indios (think Manny Pacqiuao) or Filipino African-American athletes.

Light is still right: hence, the popularity of skin-lighteners and, for those who can afford it, cosmetic surgery to streamline bodily features along more Caucasian lines. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine any one of any social class preferring to look darker rather than lighter, to have a flatter rather than a straighter nose. Judging from the billboards that populate Manila, light skin continues to be the horizon of popular aesthetic aspiration. Lightness retains a certain socio-cultural caché, whereas darkness brings only ridicule or, at best, indifference.
Racial injustice
How can we understand the tenacity and flexibility of racial hierarchies? Why does race continue to be this vexed but ambiguous thing, omnipresent yet hard to pin down? And why does it even matter?

Race matters to the extent that racial injustice persists. In the US, white supremacy and the oppression of black people are two sides of the same racial coin. If anything, racism has taken on greater currency in the age of Obama. It is rooted in the unresolved legacy of slavery. If blacks are regarded as inferior to whites, it is because, for over 250 years, the former were legally available as the property of the latter. Slave labor is extorted and uncompensated work sanctioned by the State and exclusive to blacks. Simply put: to be white is to own your labor and its products; to be black is to be owned by whites. Despite a Civil War that abolished slavery and a civil rights movement that sought to restore blacks to full citizenship, problems of inequality and discrimination continue.

Small wonder, then, that first-generation immigrants - especially Filipinos - seeking to fit into the US quickly learn the language of racism and tend to identify upwards with the more dominant whites. The second generation, however, grows up in the US without the creole entitlement and anxieties of their parents. Instead, they are daily confronted with racial injustice and begin to identify with blacks and Latinos. The generational rift between first and second generation Filipino Americans in part comes out of a radically different understanding of the history and effects of racism and its close relation, sexism, in the US.

In the Philippines, the situation is, of course, different.

Given the absence of a history of racialized slavery, the problem of race tends to be folded into the language of class. The binary of white supremacy and black oppression are transmuted into the tension between the wealthy and the middle class versus the poor (and the non-Christian). Alternately, anti-Chinese racism also takes on a class character when the Filipino sees himself in the place of the poor native exploited by the wealthy predatory foreigner (even though, of course, most Chinese are neither wealthy nor predatory, much less foreign).

Once again, we see the protean nature of racial identification. The middle class can assume the position of the white colonizer when confronted with the dark Otherness of the poor. But it can also take on the position of the poor - the "people" in the nationalist imagination - when faced with what it considers to be an exploitive foreign presence. The post-colonial middle class, like its creole predecessor, seemingly can have it both ways. Historically in-between, it draws prestige from above when it feels menaced from below, and takes on prestige from below when threatened from above.
Prejudices vs OFWs
Let me end with one last example that shows why race matters.

This has to do with OFWs. Among Filipinos, they experience perhaps the most brutal forms of racial injustice, especially domestic workers. In places like Singapore or the Gulf States, they tend to live in slave-like conditions. Unprotected by local laws, they are subject to gross exploitation by recruiters, employers, and even Embassy personnel. They are also vulnerable to being trafficked and sexually abused. Symptomatic of this racial abjection is the way "Filipina" has come to be synonymous with "maid" or "care giver" in many places abroad.

Like slaves, OFWs are held captive, their movements severely restricted and monitored. Their employers usually keep their passports to prevent them from leaving. They are given very limited days off, or none at all, and they are often forbidden to inter-marry with locals. Those who escape are referred to as "runaways," as if they were slaves. Local courts treat them as fugitives guilty of breaking their contracts, rather than as victims of abuse. When caught, they are subject to imprisonment and deportation.

Thus are OFWS positioned by the host country as a race apart. Their slave-like conditions reveal with great clarity the tight chains that bind racism with the gendered exploitation of labor that is an integral - and tragic - part of our current history. - Rappler.com

Vicente L. Rafael teaches history at the University of Washington, Seattle.

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Racism in the Philippines: Does it matter?

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The recent spike in racist violence in the United States along with the anti-Muslim "war on terror" led me to wonder about race and racism in the Philippines. The experience of racism is nothing new among Filipinos, nor is it so simple.

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Being a third world country, those who have less will always compete for more (ex. land, food, money).

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MANILA, Philippines - The effects of armed conflict can go beyond warring sides and spill over to even the most peace-loving residents.

These conflicts usually lead to situations that leave communities in despair - deaths, destroyed infrastructures, lost livelihoods, among others - and may eventually be evident in the future if not properly rehabilitated.

One does not need to look too far to see these effects.

The decades-long conflict between the forces of the government and groups like the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) left a huge part of Mindanao in poverty.

In 2014, 10 of the 16 poorest provinces in the country were in Mindanao. One of the reasons cited for this is that even if the region has a vast array of natural resources, they remain largely untapped due to the dangers brought about by conflict. (READ: Mindanao's power, infra problems scare investors away - envoy)

According to National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) data from 2000, the year when then president Joseph Ejercito Estrada declared an "all-out war" against the MILF, 20 belonged to the 44 poorest provinces. All of the provinces in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARRM), where most of the conflict was concentrated, were included.

The region also registered a 57% poverty incidence in the same year, a spike of 7% when compared to data from 1997.
Poverty leads to hunger
Unfortunately, one of the important factors in attaining a healthy life is also threatened by armed struggles. (READ: How food insecurity threatens us)

The latest Food Security and Nutrition Analysis by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) says high levels of acute food insecurity are seen in Zamboanga and ARRM, while other areas in Mindanao show traces of food insecurity.

Meanwhile, a Social Weather Stations (SWS) survey shows that the prevalence of hunger in 2014 for Mindanao is at 19.2% or an estimated of 900,000 families.

When we go back to the year of the "all-out war", data from SWS in 2000 shows a huge spike in the prevalance of hunger in Mindanao compared to previous years.

Conflict may not be the only cause of existing hunger and food insecurity in Mindanao areas. It cannot be denied, however, that the tensions that occur worsen the situation.
Factors behind malnutrition, food insecurity
Food security is near impossible to achieve when there is political instability and a clear presence of violence and terrorism, according to the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO).

In order to be food secure, 4 dimensions of food security need to be fulfilled simultaneously. These are physical availability of food, economic and physical access to food, food utilization, and stability throughout time.

These "requirements" however are the very ones lost or affected when armed conflicts occur. These encounters in Mindanao have also resulted in people losing their homes, lands, and a sense of community.

According to the World Food Programme (WFP), over 40% of families in Central Mindanao have been displaced at least once between 2000 and 2010. Data also show that one in every 10 families has relocated at least 5 times, spanning an average of one year.

From the "all-out war" during the administration of Estrada and the bouts of hostilities in the past decade, nearly a million people have fled their homes to safer places. During the Zamboanga siege between the MNLF and government forces in 2013, more than 100,000 residents were displaced.

However, these evacuation areas often lack access to livelihood. Eventually, armed encounters often destroy the existing sources of livelihood - farm lands, fisheries, among others - in areas the residents fled from, leaving them with nothing when they return.

This is unfortunate as according to reports, more than half of displaced families rely on farming to meet their basic necessities such as food and money.

In Mindanao, the most common type of livelihood is agriculture. Since 2004, Department of Agriculture data show that at least 4 million families have been employed in the agriculture sector, indicating a big role in the economy.

With no land to till and no source of money to start again, the farming families - already considered as members of the poorest sector in the country - plummet deeper into poverty.

As there are limited crops to harvest, food becomes scarce to the extent that no one is willing to sell. This leads to a spike in malnutrition among children in these conflict areas.

During and after Estrada's all-out war, the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC) found out that 30% to 40% of preschool children in ARMM suffered from moderate to severe malnutrition. Meanwhile the Zamboanga siege resulted in at least 250 children suffering from malnourishment.
Other factors
The situation may be aggravated by the unsanitary environment, lack of proper sources of water which may cause diarrhea plus other diseases, and inhibit access to health centers in the evacuation places where the residents flee to stay away from the conflict.

Once the rubble clears, even just for a short time, and the families return to their communities, they face the problem of trying to get back on their feet with absolutely nothing to start with.

Food insecurity and hunger in these areas may persist if peace - something communities have been hoping for - is not attained in the near future. - Rappler.com

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How conflict can lead to food insecurity and hunger

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MANILA, Philippines - The effects of armed conflict can go beyond warring sides and spill over to even the most peace-loving residents. These conflicts usually lead to situations that leave communities in despair - deaths, destroyed infrastructures, lost livelihoods, among others - and may eventually be evident in the future if not properly rehabilitated.

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Some newly implemented rules are causing some conflict

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In the government, there is always conflict between politicians for power and money.

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Religious conflict is present in the Philippines especially because we have two very different religions in one small country (those being the Christians and Muslims).

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While most of our attention was focused on a case regarding a certain actor getting beaten up in a condo, the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) were on the final stretch of their negotiations regarding the Bangsamoro Framework Agreement.

Just last March 27, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro was finally signed. After decades of armed conflict, perhaps, this time, there will finally be peace in Mindanao.

It's about time. I can remember as far back as my grade school days that there had always been armed conflict in Mindanao. I grew up learning to fear the Muslims as a violent people. The events of 9-11, which has been so ingrained in the world's consciousness did not help either. The Muslim people are to be feared for their prophet Muhammad has commanded them in Allah's name to spread Islam by the sword. They will do anything as part of their jihad.

But just what is the jihad? Do we really understand the jihad for what it is meant to be? Or a better question to ask is, do we understand our Muslim brothers and sisters?

The cross and the crescent

Many Filipinos like to believe that the Philippines is a "predominantly Catholic nation" with the "Muslims" being the second largest group. But mere demographic data on religions speaks very little of how members of the population live out these religions.

This is what saddens me whenever I hear people say certain areas are dangerous because there are many Muslims. While it is true that there are many incidents of violence that are committed by Muslims (and even Christians), to say that all of them are religiously motivated would be an injustice to the entire Muslim community.

We might think that these are the modern times and that Filipinos are not people who readily discriminate based on color or religion (though probably not gender). The way violent incidents involving the Muslim people are framed seems to indicate an implicit tension over religion.

One might argue that we have reason to fear them. The national psyche has been scarred by the violence committed groups such as the MILF, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), and the Abu Sayyaf. The knee-jerk reaction to religious extremism is to think 'Islamic radical' or to use the term I have been skirting around, 'Muslim terrorist'. It's practically a joke now that airport security would begin panicking if they spotted a man with a beard and wearing a turban.

Thankfully, most people are moderate in their views. Hardly anyone believes all Muslims are terrorists.

Muslims have their own culture that we must respect, no matter how much we disagree with them. As opposed to our views on polygamy, female oppression, and childhood indoctrination, we must respect them (though if we were to be honest, perhaps, they're not too far off from how many Catholics live).

I see two problems in this.

First, that these views once again misrepresent the entire Muslim community into a stereotype. Not all Muslim women are forced to wear the hijab or the burqa. Many Muslim women wear these dresses of their own volition, perhaps, even out of a genuine appreciation of their culture and heritage. Some women actually express themselves by choosing to dress in such a way as a means of expressing modesty.

Don't get me wrong, I still think female oppression born out of religious hierarchies is still quite problematic. The topic is a beast on its own. But these are concepts and theories that they don't always apply in the real world. Just because I see a woman wearing a hijab doesn't mean I will shout "End patriarchy! End oppression!" so readily.

Second, while we think by leaving them be, we respect Muslims, we are in truth, being indifferent to them. We are in effect distancing from them if we think "they" can live however they want so long as they do not bother "us."
'Us' and 'them'
I have been using words such as "we,""us,""they," and "them" for most of this article now and it's discomforting to use them. There is a clear distinction of a presupposed "us" and "them." What constitutes "us" and "them" in the first place? As I have tried to point out "they" are not as identical to each other as one might think. In a similar way, how might we look at "us?"

To presuppose an "us" provides the comforting idea: "There are others like me and we stand together in contrast to what is other." One is part of a community that one understands and is a part of. In the face of alterity or the state of being different, however, one's understandings often fail. Here, one has a choice, to run away from this difference and confine the other a convenient misrepresentation, or to confront this difference and allow the other to be, giving the other space to reveal and express how the other truly is.

It is difficult to confront alterity but in doing so, we realize our plurality as a Filipino people and how in spite of it, we strive to unite, if not as a nation, at least as a people in peace. Perhaps, someday we will find ourselves not so different from each other after all. Remember that "Allah" is simply the Arabic word for "God." When we move past the shallow and superficial differences, true understanding can begin. - Rappler.com
Gerard Lim or "Rucha" is a 5th year Communication major at the Ateneo de Manila University with minors in Philosophy and Literature in English. He is a Buddhist who is deeply interested in seeing into the nuances and philosophical roots of all things while finding wonder and humor along the way.

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Muslims and Christians: Misrepresentation of the 'other' and ourselves

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While most of our attention was focused on a case regarding a certain actor getting beaten up in a condo, the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) were on the final stretch of their negotiations regarding the Bangsamoro Framework Agreement. Just last March 27, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro was finally signed.

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Religious conflict

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Opinions on acceptance of the LGBTQ+ community, and evidence from

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- Corruption?

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LGBT values

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Colonial mentality is an issue because it degrades patriotism, and makes us put down ourselves or think of foreigners as the 'better people'.

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Economy problems

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War or political disagreement between countries.

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Conflicts:
- Political conflict

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Conflicts between parents and children regarding clothing, values, going out with friends, social media.

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what are your initial ideas?