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Unfortunately, I couldn't find English subtitles to this video. Aslı Karataş is a lawyer working on gender inequalities. In this talk, she points out movies, songs, sentences made in daily language, and especially parenting, which could actually expose women to emotional violence in society. I hope you find it thought-provoking.

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Şiddeti biz doğuruyoruz. Bazen faili olarak, bazen çocuğumuzu sevgisiz bırakarak, bazen izin vererek, bazen bir yakınımızın yaşadıklarını bazen de kendi yaptıklarımızı normalleştirerek.

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Justice is the concept of fairness. Social justice is fairness as it manifests in society. That includes fairness in healthcare, employment, housing, and more. In a socially-just society, human rights are respected and discrimination is not allowed to flourish. What's the origin of the phrase "social justice?"

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What Is Justice?: Crash Course Philosophy #40

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https://www.hcn.org/issues/53.12/economy-income-inequality-proliferates-across-the-west

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When John Long established Maryvale, Phoenix's first suburb, in 1955, the nation's economic topography was about as flat as the desert valley floor. There were pockets of poverty and enclaves of wealth, but huge disparities - even in those freewheeling Mad Men days - were kept in check by progressive taxes, New Deal-era policies and powerful labor unions. The result was a strong, sizeable middle class hungry for housing. Maryvale provided just that, its modest homes with their all-electric kitchens affordable for everyone from the unionized construction workers who built the homes and the defense industry workers buoyed by Cold War federal spending to the public schoolteachers who taught their children.

But in the 1980s, the nation's economic Zeitgeist shifted, trickle-
down theory and Reaganomics took hold, corporations outsourced labor, federal spending declined and unions ebbed. CEO pay skyrocketed while working-class wages stagnated. Tax rates for the top income earners gradually fell, allowing them to siphon a greater share of the wealth away from the masses and into their own hands. The middle class eroded, leaving in its place a gaping abyss between the ultra-wealthy and everyone else. Today, the gap is wider than ever before, further exacerbated by pandemic-induced economic woes and Trump-era tax cuts for the rich.

This is seen in neighborhoods and communities across the West: Old working-class bastions like Telluride or Crested Butte become billionaire magnets, while "down-valley" towns struggle with poverty and underfunded services. Formerly middle-class Maryvale is now one of Phoenix's poorest neighborhoods, its people making one-tenth what their cross-town Paradise Valley counterparts do, yet the median house price is still far out of reach of the average resident.

The disparity sets an inequity feedback loop into motion. Gentrification drives up housing costs, making it hard for the working class to build wealth and forcing minimum wage workers to live in tents or in their cars, which in turn makes it far more difficult for them to find better-paying jobs. The poor have fewer educational opportunities and struggle to climb the economic ladder. People from lower income brackets are more likely to suffer health problems, and exorbitant medical costs render them even poorer. They're also disproportionately affected by the effects of climate change and pollution. At times, the divide between rich and poor becomes a matter of life and death.

We welcome reader letters. Jonathan Thompson is a contributing editor at High Country News. He is the author of Sagebrush Empire: How a Remote Utah County Became the Battlefront of American Public Lands . Email him at or submit a[email protected] letter to the editor. See our letters to the editor policy .
Follow @Land_Desk
Infographic design: Luna Anna Archey/High Country News
Sources: Economic Policy Institute, U.S. Census Bureau, U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness, Maricopa County, Statistical Atlas, City of Phoenix, Maricopa Association of Governments, Sentinel Hub, Tax Policy Center, Economic Innovation Group, The Viehman Group, Sotheby's International Realty, Redfin, Inequality.org, Americans for Tax Fairness, Curbed Seattle.

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Income inequality proliferates across the West

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When John Long established Maryvale, Phoenix's first suburb, in 1955, the nation's economic topography was about as flat as the desert valley floor. There were pockets of poverty and enclaves of wealth, but huge disparities - even in those freewheeling Mad Men days - were kept in check by progressive taxes, New Deal-era policies and powerful labor unions.

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https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-59508498

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Mr Bryant, who chairs the Commons standards committee, said he had discussed his concerns about culture wars - ideological battles about personal and societal issues - with "people who work in Downing Street".

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I now feel less safe as a gay man - MP Chris Bryant

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Mr Bryant, who chairs the Commons standards committee, said he had discussed his concerns about culture wars - ideological battles about personal and societal issues - with "people who work in Downing Street".

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Racism includes prejudice, discrimination or hatred directed at someone because of their colour, ethnicity or national origin.

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https://www.cdc.gov/eeo/faqs/discrimination.htm

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https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/western-europemediterranean/turkey/248-turkeys-syrian-refugees-defusing-metropolitan-tensions
-Alper Karaduman

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What's new? Intercommunal violence between host communities and Syrian refugees increased threefold in the second half of 2017 compared to the same period in 2016. Growing grievances in Turkey's largest metropolises Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir are driving inter-ethnic rivalries, socio-economic inequality and urban violence.

Why does it matter? The challenge of integrating over 3.4 million Syrians is compounding tensions in a country already struggling with socio-economic strains and political tensions. Grievances could be ripe for political exploitation by opposition parties in the run-up to next year's elections.

What should be done? Ankara and its international partners should take steps to ensure the sustainable integration of Syrians while pre-emptively addressing and managing host community grievances. They should also develop mechanisms to defuse refugee-related tensions particularly in the country's rapidly growing cities.

Turkey has demonstrated remarkable resilience in absorbing more than 3.4 million Syrians over the past six years. But host community hostility toward these newcomers is rising. Incidents of intercommunal violence increased threefold in the second half of 2017 compared to the same period in 2016. At least 35 people died in these incidents during 2017, including 24 Syrians. The potential for anti-refugee violence is highest in the metropolitan areas of Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir where host communities see Syrians as culturally different and resent their competition for low-wage jobs or customers, especially within the informal economy. Many also believe Syrians receive preferential access to public services and assistance. These grievances are ripe for politicisation in the run-up to the 2019 elections, especially if economic growth slows, driving labour force participation down. Ankara - with the support of international donors - needs to step up efforts to ensure the long-term integration of Syrians into Turkish society while pre-emptively addressing and managing host community grievances.

Turkish society has displayed solidarity toward Syrian refugees, but their compassion is waning. Host communities - particularly those who feel marginalised by ethnic, sectarian or ideological cleavages - perceive Syrians as a threat to their political and economic interests. Over-centralisation aggravates these problems: the national government tends not to engage local authorities or civil society in planning for initiatives designed to promote social cohesion, often excluding those best placed to understand local needs and tensions. Treasury allocations are distributed among municipalities according to the number of Turkish citizens, without considering the refugee population, which means resources are especially stretched in communities with large numbers of Syrians. By ignoring or downplaying tensions, the government has allowed hostilities to reach a boiling point in some refugee-dense communities.

Although the government and donors have made enormous efforts to provide education for refugee children, some 370,000 of nearly one million school-age Syrian children are not enrolled, and another 230,000 still attend the temporary education centres (TECs) being phased out as Syrian children transition into the public-school system. International donors need to continue channelling resources toward improving teaching capacity and expanding school infrastructure. Syrian teachers currently working at the remaining TECs could be employed by public schools as "intercultural mediators" to help Syrian children fit in and keep up with their classmates.

Integrating Syrians into the formal labour market is arguably the greatest challenge. Those who remain in Turkey, instead of moving onto Europe, tend to have little education and few skills. Most do not speak Turkish. An estimated 750,000-950,000 Syrians currently work in the informal sector; only 15,000 have obtained the permits needed for formal employment. Changing this will not be easy: the informal sector also employs one-third of the Turkish labour force. Syrian refugees will need language classes and help learning other basic skills; both Syrian and Turkish workers need access to vocational training based on a forward-looking assessment of market needs. Turkish authorities should also remove the bureaucratic barriers that discourage Syrian entrepreneurs from establishing formal enterprises.

Ankara, its international partners, Turkish citizens and the refugees themselves should acknowledge that this will take time. Their long-term roadmap should include measures designed to:

Provide municipalities with funding that reflects their actual population, both Turkish and Syrian, so that local authorities can address the needs of refugees without sacrificing the quantity and quality of services available to citizens;

Engage local authorities and grassroots civil society in planning for initiatives designed to promote social cohesion;

Respond to local grievances over the refugee influx with public messaging that recognises problems while countering misinformation and provocations;

Gradually transition from unconditional humanitarian aid to assistance that promotes sustainable livelihoods; continue assistance for those considered especially vulnerable (such as the disabled or elderly), without conditions;

Expand vocational training and apprenticeship opportunities to help both Syrian refugees and local citizens acquire skills that match labour market needs and are based on sector-specific development strategies;

Increase inspections of unregistered workplaces and provide capital and technical assistance to Syrian entrepreneurs who want to establish registered businesses or scale-up their existing businesses. Whenever possible, such support should be channelled to Syrian-Turkish joint ventures.

Ankara has been reluctant to develop a long-term strategy for Syrians' integration for two main reasons: it would like to encourage Syrians to return should circumstances allow and it fears a public backlash should it appear to accept their permanent presence. This is short sighted and merely increases impatience among host communities anxious to see Syrians leave, creating grounds for intercommunal confrontation. Instead, the government needs to acknowledge that most Syrian refugees are likely to remain and take steps to integrate them without neglecting the needs and grievances of Turkish citizens, especially in the country's rapidly growing cities.

Istanbul/Ankara/Izmir/Brussels, 29 January 2018

Over eleven million Syrians have fled their homes since civil war began in 2011, including more than six million internally displaced persons (IDPs) and about five million refugees.Syria's immediate neighbours have taken in most of those fleeing across borders and no country has done more to shelter this homeless, shell-shocked population than Turkey. The country's 80 million people were hosting 3.4 million registered Syrian refugees (around 46 per cent of them female) as of December 2017, plus from 300,000 - 400,000 unregistered Syrians.There are also more than 450,000 non-Syrian refugees (mostly Iraqi, Afghan and Iranian) in Turkey.

The strain of integrating such a massive exodus is compounding tensions in a country already struggling with socio-economic strains and political tensions. Turkish citizens feel that Syrians threaten their access to jobs in an economy with high un- and under-employment. Economic competition becomes especially bitter when it pits newcomers against groups that have long felt marginalised, such as the Kurds.

Preventing any further refugee exodus is one of the strategic objectives behind Ankara's military involvement in Idlib. Recent attacks by regime forces in rebel-held parts of the province have forced up to 100,000 civilians to take refuge in makeshift camps near the Turkish border.If the security situation deteriorates, Turkish authorities fear more of the area's estimated two million civilians could become displaced.If that were to happen, given existing strains on public services and growing domestic opposition to Syrians refugees, Ankara would be hard pressed to maintain its open-door policy.

In the absence of substantive European Union (EU) accession talks and with the EU-Turkey relationship deteriorating, the March 2016 refugee deal represents the main framework for dialogue between Turkey and the EU. Relations are strained: Ankara complains that EU assistance is disbursed too slowly and ridden with too many conditions while the EU finds Turkey's bureaucracy ill prepared to absorb funding and develop projects effectively. But despite their differences, both the EU and Turkey understand that cooperation is in their mutual interest.

In a November 2016 report, Crisis Group analysed how the Syrian influx played into the country's complex demographics and political polarisation.It urged decision-makers working with Syrian refugees to acknowledge they were likely to remain in Turkey permanently and engage with constituencies across ethnic, economic and political divides to mitigate domestic tensions.

This report is based on research in refugee-dense neighbourhoods of Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir, Turkey's three largest cities. It provides a bottom-up analysis of the frictions generated as refugees have moved into these urban areas from the border region. First, the report examines violence between refugees and residents, though data is limited and many incidents may go unreported. Next it looks at the disconnect between popular perceptions and the Turkish government's official discourse. It notes that an over-centralised state apparatus can stifle local initiatives for defusing intercommunal tensions.

Finally, the report addresses how to promote the refugees' socio-economic integration, without deepening sectarian and socio-economic differences. It suggests ways to mitigate tensions that could fuel hatred and resentment and, potentially, spark further outbreaks of violence. With the EU expected to allocate another €3 billion for Syrians' integration in Turkey, there is an opportunity to program funding for the long-term benefit of both Syrians and local host communities.

In major cities, the refugees' inability to speak Turkish limits opportunities to find and build on shared values and interests. "The differences in subculture are more distinct in cities farther from the border", said an international agency official.The lack of interaction between refugees and hosts reinforces the latter's conviction that Syrians do not conform to Turkish societal norms. "Eighty per cent of Syrians think they can integrate, while around 80 per cent of Turkish citizens say they can't", an EU official said.A recent study confirms this trend: 63 per cent of Turkish citizens either feel "far" or "very far" to Syrians, while 72 per cent of Syrians feel "close" or "very close" to Turkish society.

The lack of interaction between refugees and hosts reinforces the latter's conviction that Syrians do not conform to Turkish societal norms.

Turkey's three largest cities - Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir - host approximately 23 per cent of the Syrians in the country. Since 2015, Istanbul has become the province with the largest number of refugees: as of December 2017, the metropole hosted about 538,000 registered Syrians.Counting those registered in other provinces but living in Istanbul, as well as those who have not registered at all, the number of Syrians living in the metropolitan area exceeds 700.000.The large number of undocumented Syrians fuels perceptions they live in the shadows. Local residents in Sultangazi, a demographically diverse district of Istanbul that hosts some 40,000 Syrians, told Crisis Group they did not trust refugees unless they had settled with their families and registered with the authorities.

In the Demetevler neighbourhood of Ankara's Yenimahalle district in July 2017, for example, social media spread the rumour that a Syrian refugee had raped a five-year-old girl. The allegation sparked clashes between dozens of Syrian and Turkish men who fought each other with sticks, stones and knives. It took all night for police - three of whom were reportedly injured by stabbing -to restore order.

2. Working-class and inter-ethnic rivalries

Most violent incidents take place in low-income inner-city districts, with Istanbul topping the list. Tension is most acute in working-class enclaves where refugees settle to find affordable housing and unskilled employment in small textile, shoemaking or furniture workshops. Recruiters also seek out labour in these neighbourhoods for construction and seasonal agricultural work. Between 750,000 and 950,000 (predominantly male) Syrians are estimated to participate in the informal economy.Though comprehensive data is unavailable, workforce surveys suggest they chiefly work in the textile, construction, shoemaking, agriculture, furniture and seasonal agriculture sectors, often substituting for host community workers.Syrians have been able to obtain work permits since January 2016, but there is little incentive to seek permits and the process is cumbersome, so only about 15,000 have done so.

A good example is Işıkkent, located in Izmir's Bornova district, which hosts the city's main shoe/leather producers and where Syrian workers have largely replaced Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin. Of nearly 10,000 workers in Işıkkent, 60 to 70 per cent are Syrian, many of Turkmen origin.Izmir employers appear to prefer Syrian Turkmens over Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin, who are considered hard to manage in comparison to "obedient" Syrians.Because Turkmens also speak adequate Turkish, locals do not have any language advantage. "If you ask me whether I prefer a Syrian or a local Kurd, I would say Syrian, because they are really respectful", said the manager of a shoemaking workshop. "Kurds usually behave in an unmannerly way .... They pick fights quickly".

Some of the most serious incidents involved Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin and Syrian Arabs who compete for seasonal agricultural work in Izmir's Torbalı district, located on the outskirts of the Izmir province. The area hosts between 8,000 and 10,000 Syrians. In April 2017, angry locals, mostly Kurds and Roma, forced about 500 Syrian agricultural workers to flee their makeshift tents in Torbalı's Pamukyazı neighbourhood after rumours spread that Syrians had beaten a local child. An argument between the child's family and the Syrians escalated into a mob attack by locals armed with knives and clubs, leaving about 30 people injured.

B. Popular Perceptions and Official Discourses

Opinion polls suggest Turkish attitudes toward Syrian refugees are generally negative and may be hardening. Surveys conducted in Istanbul and Ankara in 2009 and 2015 found that negative perceptions of foreigners had increased. In Istanbul, only 15 per cent of respondents said, "absolutely not" in 2009 when asked if they viewed the presence of foreigners in their city as positive; six years later the number giving this response had risen to 34 per cent. In Ankara, the percentage responding "absolutely not" rose from 20 per cent in 2009 to 35 per cent in 2015.

Most Turkish citizens believe the influx of Syrians has had an adverse impact. An October 2017 survey found that 78 per cent of citizens believed Syrians had made their country less safe.Another countrywide survey published in December 2017 found that 75 per cent of Turkish citizens did not believe they could live together peacefully with Syrians.A survey of Turkish citizens in Istanbul published in December 2016 found that 72 per cent felt uncomfortable encountering Syrians and 76 per cent had no sympathy for the refugees.

Politically marginalised groups believe the government uses Syrians to advance political goals, both domestically and in foreign policy.

After negative reaction to its June 2016 announcement that Syrians would be fast-tracked for Turkish citizenship, the government clarified that the process would be gradual and limited.But both the domestic opposition and Syrians seeking citizenship complain that the process for obtaining citizenship is not transparent.This issue could heat up again before the 2019 elections: the opposition has consistently warned that the government may be resettling Syrians in order to dilute the opposition vote in certain districts.Politically marginalised groups believe the government uses Syrians to advance political goals, both domestically and in foreign policy. Minorities such as the Alevis, heterodox Shiites who represent about 15-20 per cent of Turkish society, feel that Syrians are granted rights denied to other religious or ethnic groups. "We Alevis still do not have equal citizenship", said the representative of a cultural centre. "In some cases, rights that Turkish citizens do not have are being granted to Syrians".

Many negative perceptions are based on myths and misconceptions. Some Turkish citizens believe, for example, that Syrians receive monthly salaries without working or that they can enter university without taking obligatory exams.Such convictions generate anger that can be easily politicised. Officials downplay these tensions, fearing that acknowledging them would allow opponents to mobilise against the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party).So while opposition leaders and media tend to be alarmist - a neighbourhood leader in Istanbul claimed to be "waiting for a bigger incident at any moment"- public officials and pro-government media downplay tensions, depicting clashes between Syrians and locals as merely isolated incidents. This stifles potentially salutary public debate.

The ruling party promotes the notion that Turkish citizens should "help Muslim brothers and sisters in need". This concept of faith-based solidarity has been at the centre of its efforts to contain and counter negative sentiments toward refugees. "It is thanks to religion that we do not see much violence", said an official working with an Islamist charity in Istanbul. "The concept of 'honour' ( namus) is restraining people".Turkish citizens in pious neighbourhoods confirm this view, but also say that over time real-life challenges overwhelm faith-based solidarity.

Even communities with religious and ideological affinity to the government, appear to be turning from compassion to grievance or impatience.Large majorities of the ruling AK Party (61 per cent) and the right-wing Nationalist Movement Party or MHP (70 per cent) find the presence of Syrians worrying as do majorities within the two main opposition parties, the Republican People's Party (CHP) (69 per cent), and the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) (65 per cent).One local muhtar (elected neighbourhood headman) in Istanbul's Sultangazi district lamented that the central government used the "trade of religion", calling for sacrifice and tolerance, to stop people from complaining about the need for schools and protection of workers' rights.

Among left-leaning or secular communities, the ruling party's discourse of Sunni Muslim solidarity has deepened antipathy toward both the government and Syrian refugees. Alevis, as mentioned above, feel particularly vulnerable. "We perceive a systematic effort to divide society on the basis of religion, using sectarianism", said a representative of the community in Istanbul.These groups might be drawn to a discourse focused on universal rights, though in their eyes the government lacks the legitimacy to make such arguments. Some Alevis suspect the emphasis on religious bonds between Turkey's Sunni majority and the mostly Sunni refugee population is part of a strategy to further marginalise them:

We Alevis already feel like we do not belong. Our houses of worship are not recognised in the constitution. It is no secret that the president has no regard for our faith. ... We cannot help but think Ankara is conducting demographic politics. In a place like Gazi neighbourhood that is around 50 per cent Alevi, Alevis are concerned that Syrians will be settled to reduce the Alevis to a minority.

2. Contradictory messages

A wave of negative stories about Syrians swept across Turkish media in July 2017, starting with the clashes in Ankara triggered by social media claims on 3 July that a Syrian had raped a Turkish girl. Throughout the month, outlets critical of the government described how the refugees purportedly were "invading" Turkey's beaches, leaving mounds of trash and harassing women.A local resident told one newspaper that because Syrians do not speak Turkish, they cannot understand warnings, so "a small incident can easily spiral into an attempted lynching".

Such reports prompted strong rebukes from leading government figures. "There is blatant public provocation", said Deputy Prime Minister Veysi Kaynak. "People are being called to the street by strange social media accounts. These are agitations from abroad, ill-intended incitements". He called for tolerance, prudence and common sense. "Let's all remember that these people are only in Turkey temporarily, that Turkey is hosting them in line with traditions of hospitality".The interior ministry released a similar statement stressing that certain media outlets and social media accounts "were misrepresenting and exaggerating the tense eruptions between Syrians and Turkish citizens and doing so with language geared at igniting reactive anger in society". The aim of these reports, it said, was to create societal discord for domestic political purposes.

While they viewed statements suggesting refugees might soon return to Syria as counterproductive, civil society groups welcomed government efforts to correct misconceptions by explaining how Syrians contribute to the economy and debunking myths about high refugee crime rates. The government's strong statements on behalf of refugees also encouraged local authorities to prioritise the issue of integration.A social worker in Ankara said these positive messages had helped them deal with negative perceptions in host communities.The government should not issue such statements only during periods of heightened public concern, however. They should occur regularly, acknowledging both the reality of certain problems and the rationale for official policies to address them.

Political upheaval following the July 2016 coup attempt has exacerbated the challenge of integrating Syrians. NGOs and INGOs operate in an atmosphere of heightened suspicion. Over 100,000 civil servants have been purged for alleged links to "terrorist organisations", and nearly 1,500 NGOs were closed. The national government has also limited the ability of appointed district governors to make local decisions, diminishing the role of local authorities in policymaking.

Whether justified or not, these measures have severely strained both public sector and civil society capacity. Locally elected officials and grassroots civil society play vital roles in refugee integration: they can assess needs and defuse tensions; they can also help monitor and coordinate the district work of national entities. Trusted representatives of both Syrians and Turkish citizens at the neighbourhood level need to be empowered to mediate disputes and prevent intercommunal frictions from festering.

1. Disempowerment of grassroots

The government also has required multilateral agencies to work through central government ministries. International organisations may no longer work directly with regional development agencies, even if they have qualified personnel aware of local realities and capable of implementing projects. "AFAD [the Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency] and the Ministry of Development have told us to talk to them even when we are only thinking of a certain project ... and the areas covered are reduced to those that are palatable politically", said a high-level representative.

2. Insecure communities

Following the coup attempt, nearly 25,000 police officers were removed from office for alleged ties to FETÖ (an abbreviation for Fethullahist Terrorist Organisation, a term coined by the government).Communities critical of the government, particularly those that are left leaning, fear the government is hiring ultranationalist youth to fill gaps in the overstretched police force. Distrust of security services is deeply rooted among Kurdish movement sympathisers, whose anger toward the state is sometimes channelled toward Syrian refugees. A local representative of the Kurdish movement in Istanbul's Sultangazi district attributed violence against refugees to supressed resentment:

We have no rights. There is police impunity for any action against the Kurdish youth here. Workers cannot hold strikes. Expressing dissent on social media leads to arrest. This is all building up frustration, which can be channelled against the Syrians, many of whom see Erdoğan as their saviour. It is unfortunate but the pent-up frustration among our youth surfaces against Syrians, so Syrians don't enter certain streets.

In August 2017, authorities introduced a new system of "neighbourhood guards" tasked with patrolling urban areas and monitoring local tensions.The interior ministry had hired 386 guards in Istanbul by October 2017 and was considering applications for another 2,000 positions.Countrywide, the number is expected to reach 15,000 in 2018. Liberals as well as Kurds and other minorities, fear that authorities are hiring youths linked to the Turkish nationalist party, MHP. They fear these guards could abuse their power or be used to strangle legitimate dissent.

In neighbourhoods with large numbers of refugees, headmen should be able to hire Syrian assistants to help them smooth frictions and flag potentially dangerous situations.

A. Economic Integration

Government officials like to emphasise the positive impact Syrian refugees have had on Turkey's economy. The massive influx has stimulated growth and attracted new investment by providing cheap labour and boosting consumption. Some experts believe that Syrian refugees helped Turkey's economy grow about 3 per cent in 2016 "despite terrorist attacks, a failed coup attempt, political turmoil and a decrease in foreign capital inflows".They also argue that Syrians are not taking jobs away from locals, but rather accepting menial positions that Turkish citizens do not want. "Today no one except for Syrians works in the unskilled labour market in Kahramanmaraş, Adana, Osmaniye, Gaziantep and even at Ostim in Ankara" said Deputy Prime Minister Veysi Kaynak in July 2017. "Our factories would stop operating [without them]".

Many locals see a race to the bottom, however, not expanding opportunities. As discussed above (Section I.A.3), hostility toward Syrian refugees - at times violent - is rising as Turkish citizens accuse Syrians of unfair competition for jobs and business. The following sections explore strategies to help Syrian refugees transition to productive employment without pitting them against equally disadvantaged local communities.

1. Address both refugee and citizen needs

Much of the cash and in-kind aid provided to Syrians is also extended to host communities (such as social support from municipalities and the Social Assistance and Solidarity Foundation of district governorates); refugee-only funding, including cash cards and aid distributed via local community centres and NGOs, generally comes from international donors. Yet many Turkish citizens resent what they perceive as a zero-sum dynamic in which Syrians gain at locals' expense. A middle-aged Turkish man in Ankara's Altındağ summed up this sentiment:

It is as if all these distributors of aid and the state only realised that this neighbourhood had a poverty problem after the Syrians settled here. Suddenly they opened shiny offices and started distributing aid. As if before Syrians came, our neighbourhood was a bed of roses. Nobody ever cared about us as we struggled for years to sustain ourselves. After the Syrians arrived, suddenly everyone came here to help them.

Because central government budgets do not keep up with demand, impoverished Turkish citizens have to compete with Syrians for state-generated aid. This funding is currently allocated to local authorities based only on the number of Turkish citizens in their district. Pegging allocations to the total number of residents (including refugees) might release tensions among citizens who see Syrians as taking away their share of a fixed budgetary pie.The Turkish deputy prime minister in charge of economic affairs announced in September 2017 that the government was working on a formula for municipal budgets that would take refugee populations into account.

2. Move from unconditional to conditional support

3. Incentives and training

International organisation representatives and European officials repeatedly call for providing Syrians with more formal job opportunities. This requires eliminating some of the bureaucratic barriers that discourage Syrians' formal employment. Streamlining the cumbersome process for obtaining a work permit would help: Syrian refugees are required to obtain employer sponsorship, among other steps. Another bureaucratic constraint is the quota on foreign employees: each firm can only hire one Syrian for every ten Turkish citizens.

The government could also extend workforce participation incentives to businesses that employ refugees. Employers who hire a Turkish citizen who has completed a state-sponsored apprenticeship program, for example, are exempt from paying that employee's social security contributions for six to 30 months, depending on age and gender.

Given the sheer numbers of the Syrians seeking employment and the size of Turkey's informal sector - estimated to employ about one-third of the Turkish workforce - many refugees have no choice but to accept informal employment, which generally means accepting lower wages, with no benefits or job security.Both Syrians and Turkish citizens need new skills to find better paying jobs in the formal sector. The Turkish labour market suffers "skills and educational mismatches" manifested in an estimated 1.2 million unfilled market vacancies.More targeted vocational training and on-the-job apprenticeship programs, based on sector-specific development strategies, could help address this problem. NGO representatives said training programs were usually ineffective in matching skills with local market demand.

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Turkey's Syrian Refugees: Defusing Metropolitan Tensions

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What's new? Intercommunal violence between host communities and Syrian refugees increased threefold in the second half of 2017 compared to the same period in 2016. Growing grievances in Turkey's largest metropolises Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir are driving inter-ethnic rivalries, socio-economic inequality and urban violence. Why does it matter?

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https://www.additudemag.com/systemic-oppression-adhd/

It's not my fault that I'm constantly thinking about things. It's not my fault that I can't make eye contact while talking. It's not my fault that I couldn't listen to you when I was communicating with you. It's not my fault that I shut myself down more because I've been subjected to oppression, psychological violence, and ridicule since childhood. We are just people who are tossed between your normals, born and raised with the password of failure, trying to hold on to life. Our lives have been spent fighting those who think that even if you succeed, failure will stay with you. At this point today, you think of reasons other than yourself to cling to life: like parents, siblings. It's hard to describe, but the reason is clear. Being excluded all your life, waiting to be understood, being dissatisfied with your success is unbearable. For this reason, you are trying to hold on to life for the few people who will stay behind you. Even as you write this message, imagine having to take antidepressants to suppress the tightness in your chest. The weight of experiencing them is hard to describe. Isn't it surprising that a neurodevelopmental disorder has gotten you to this point?

-Semih

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The most difficult part of my existence as a Black femme with ADD? Convincing people that I do, in fact, know what I need - even, and especially, when others assume I don't.

More than anything, I need to be believed. I need to be believed when I say that I need time alone. I need to be believed when I say that I need a break. I need to be believed when I say that I'm too overwhelmed with a project.

I also need for others to dispel with the assumption that I'm asking for favors or making excuses. I need people to understand that my request isn't just about what I want - it's primarily about what I need.

But when Black femmes speak up for our ADD needs in the workplace and elsewhere, our voices are muffled by the interference of racism, ableism, and skepticism - problems compounded by misogynoir.

Part of this is due to the longstanding stereotype that Black people, specifically Black women, are "lazy," "deviant," and "handout-seeking".
[Read: The Children Left Behind]
A Long History of Hate

D.W. Griffith's 1915 film " The Birth of a Nation," for example, depicts Black people as incompetent, unruly, dangerous animals who needed taming. The film built justification for the Ku Klux Klan, and was responsible for its re-emergence.

More than half a century later came the caricature creation of the welfare queen - a poor Black woman seeking a hand-out check - often the subject of Ronald Reagan's speeches in the 1970s. This fictional character reinforced the myth that Black people, specifically Black women, sought to skate by and leach off of society without any contribution. She, the Black welfare queen, is lazy; she pumps out children, demands money, bleeds the system, and wants to be shown favoritism.

These vile stereotypes, coupled with the standard white-patriarchal U.S. workplace culture of "productivity" - plans, goals, systems, checklists, time crunches, and obedience, all of which become more of the job than the job itself - creates a recipe for reprimand and discrimination against Black femmes with ADD.

There's the Black understanding, for instance, that your employer is " looking for you to do something wrong" as an excuse to fire you. From this comes the pressure and paranoia of being under surveillance because of the color of your skin. That fear, coupled with the fight to suppress the symptoms of a disorder, could be deemed incompetency or rebelliousness by employers.
[Read: "I Could Have Been Myself for So Much Longer"]
A Culture of Distrust

In graduate school, I had to have many back-room conversations with professors about my ADHD accommodations, which stated that I needed more time on projects and more days of rest beyond the absence policy.

I'd already felt self-conscious as a Black woman attending graduate school at a predominantly white institution. The mental-health toll on Black people at PWIs is a well-known phenomenon that I'd already experienced and knew. Yet I'd wanted so badly to play the " Men of Honor " role and exceed others' expectations. I soon realized that, without the blessing of the Student Disability Services office, I couldn't.

I had to ask for my professors' signatures on any course accommodations, which was always an awkward and degrading experience - having them commit that they wouldn't fail me for taking care of my own needs. These interactions also left me feeling ashamed, like I was playing the "disability card" whenever I reminded them that the reason that I needed more time on a project or a test was because of something beyond my control.

At least I had a piece of paper to protect me in graduate school, unlike in high school, where I'd suffered penalties for missing assignments, misplaced textbooks, disorganized notebooks, and mixed-up dates.

Due to all of the above, my white high school teachers readily excluded me from group rewards and recognition when I "failed" to meet requirements. This was in spite of outwardly displaying almost every textbook ADD-teenager symptom. Not one teacher thought to inquire whether my performance was the result of navigating an undifferentiated education rather than a product of defiance.

They didn't believe me when I said I lost something and needed another copy. They didn't listen when I said I needed the directions repeated again. They didn't believe that I needed another day to study, because I had forgotten about the test. They didn't believe that I needed to get up and walk around when we were sitting for too long.

What's more, their distrust in my ability to determine what I needed led to more punishment and less empathy - an all-too-common outcome for Black students. To my teachers, I was an "unruly and lazy" Black child who was "making excuses," "not working hard enough," "unmotivated," "disrespectful," "distracted," and on the "wrong track."

There is no happy ending here. However, I did eventually recognize that others' distrust in my capacity to state my needs has been rooted in the assumption that I'm deviant and lazy - an assumption birthed from racism, patriarchy, ableism, and workism culture. Herein lies the genesis of a life-long battle to clear the clouds of doubt and skepticism others have cast on me just so I could be - be anything or anyone at all.

Dismantle Oppressive Systems So We Can Thrive

When I do find environments where my needs are fostered instead of disregarded, I thrive and blossom. When I'm trusted and believed, I'm given space to be innovative, creative, humorous, theoretical, intellectual, and philosophical. It's an investment that guarantees a world of spontaneous, ingenious displays and possibilities. When my employers and coworkers, believe that I'm doing my best and see me as a human, it's the most important accommodation I could imagine.

And to white readers: While you reckon with white supremacy and figure out how to navigate the world and deconstruct systems of oppression, don't stand in the way of people like me, who have to suffer as you come to terms. Don't misunderstand me - your internal journey is important and I hope it yields new understandings and different behaviors. But while you figure that out, I need to be believed and trusted. I deserve this much not just as a Black person with ADD - I deserve this as a human.

Next Steps:

SUPPORT ADDITUDE
Thank you for reading ADDitude. To support our mission of providing ADHD education and support, please consider subscribing. Your readership and support help make our content and outreach possible. Thank you.

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The Ultimate ADD Accommodation: Ending the Systemic Oppression That Leaves Me Unbelieved, Untrusted, Unsupported

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"Society distrusts my ability to state and pursue my own needs. This is rooted in the assumption that I, a Black femme with ADD, am deviant and lazy - an idea birthed from racism, patriarchy, ableism, and workism. The most important ADHD accommodation I can ask for, then, is for others to see me as a human."

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Ece İnan

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We should all be feminists | Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie | TEDxEuston

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Climate Injustice in Turkey

Turkey is greatly affected by climate change,and is already experiencing more extreme weather,with droughts and heatwaves being the main hazards. Current greenhouse gas emissions by Turkey are about 1% of the global total, and energy policy includes heavily subsidizing coal in Turkey.

These environmental issues have a variety of impacts on people who live in Turkey.
For example, 1,350 people died because of floods between 1970 and 2014 in Turkey and about 2 million people were affected by those floods.Climate change may impact health in Turkey, for example due to increased heatwaves,especially elderly and chronically ill people and children. Wildfires in Turkey were the worst in the history of the republic in 2021 and killed several people and injured hundreds. Droughts risk mosquito borne diseases.

--Zeynep K.

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One of Turkey's biggest confectionery producers has finally changed the name of one of its most popular products, citing possible negative racist connotations.

Eti's "Negro" cookie is now called "Nero," the company said in a statement Wednesday, citing the fact that the "n" word is a derogatory term in some cultures.

"Negro, which means 'black' in Spanish, is a cookie that is nearly black in color due to the dense cocoa used to make it and borrowed its product name from this feature," the company said.

The product was released in 1990 and has been one of the Eskişehir-based company's most consumed products, becoming a household brand in the country.

"Discrimination over skin color, which is against human rights and all human values, is unfortunately still among the biggest problems in the globalizing world. This name, unfortunately, nowadays indicates discrimination in other cultures."

"It is entirely unacceptable for our product's name, chosen years ago to depict our cookie, to even remotely reflect the negative connotations, even though the term does not originate from our country or culture," Eti said, adding that the product name is being changed in Turkey as well as export markets.

The company chose "Nero," the Italian word for 'black,' to replace the existing brand name that would continue to emphasize its cocoa flavor. The cookie's ingredients will not change, it added.

Social media users were quick to react to the move announced on Twitter, saying the company acted too late to adopt such a change. Younger generations, in particular, in Turkey are familiar with the word, mainly introduced to Turkish audiences through rap and hip-hop culture, and that it could be used in an offensive manner. However, few people are actually aware of its racist and discriminatory connotations.

Others questioned the company's insistence on naming their biscuit black, this time in Italian.

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At last, it is 'Nero': Turkish firm renames cookie over racism concerns

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One of Turkey's biggest confectionery producers has finally changed the name of one of its most popular products, citing possible negative racist connotations. Eti's "Negro" cookie is now called "Nero," the company said in a statement Wednesday, citing the fact that the "n" word is a derogatory term in some cultures.

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The UK is one of the leading countries in addressing climate change. As well as signing international agreements, the country has its own target to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 80 per cent from 1990 levels by 2050. And as part of the effort to meet that target, the government has added a levy to business and household energy bills. The average household energy bill is around £1,030 a year and the charges effectively act as a levy that costs households an average of £132 (2016 figures).

The good news is that the levy is working. About 20 per cent of the levy is spent on improving the efficiency of homes. This is done by funding schemes such as the Energy Company Obligation, which provides insulation and other energy-saving measures to low-income households. The average household energy bill would be £490 higher without these improvements. The money is also spent on research to improve renewable energy sources, such as wind and solar power, and help bring down their cost.

But is this really a fair way to raise the money? Our new research shows that the poorest households not only are hit hardest by the levy but also receive less money back in the form of home improvements than they contribute in the first place.

To study the levy, we divided the UK into "income deciles", 10 groups each representing 10 per cent of the population, divided from the lowest to the highest income. We then looked at how much energy use they were responsible for, both directly through their electricity, gas and fuel use, and from the other goods, services and infrastructure they use. The levy is only raised on a limited number of these "energy service demands", namely home heat and power. So if your overall energy demand is higher for heat and power and lower for other services, you'll pay a proportionally higher amount of the energy policy costs.

We found that, in a year, the richest households each consumed on average the same amount of energy that would be produced by 12.7 tonnes of oil, compared to 3.3 tonnes for the poorest households. But the poorest spent a much greater proportion of their income (10 per cent) on energy than the richest (3 per cent). And the energy used for heating and powering their homes - the part that their climate-change levy bill is measured on - represented a much greater proportion of their overall energy use.

This means that adding the climate-change levy to household energy bills hits the poorest households hardest. Energy bills account for a much greater share of their household income and more of their energy use is charged. In fact, the levy only affects a quarter of the total energy consumption of the richest households, compared to 53 per cent for the poorest households. As a result, the richest homes use nearly four times more total energy than the poorest but only pay 1.8 times more towards energy policy costs.

One argument for the climate-change levy is that poorer households benefit more because part of it is used to improve the efficiency of their homes. But we estimate that the poorest 10 per cent of households currently pay £271m a year towards the levy, while the costs of the Carbon Savings Communities and Affordable Warmth schemes, which are designed to help the poorest homes, come to just £220m a year.
Fairer alternatives
We also compared the system of adding a levy to household bills to two other ways of funding energy policy. The first was adding a levy to the energy bills of businesses (including energy suppliers), at least some of which would be passed on to households who buy their goods and services. The second was paying for the policy with money raised from income tax.

We found that the household levy is the most regressive system. Costs are placed purely on household bills, with the richest households paying 0.16 per cent of their income compared to the poorest paying 1.5 per cent (over nine times more).

Adding a levy to business bills is an improvement. Under this system, the richest homes pay 0.19 per cent of their household income and the poorest pay 1.05 per cent (still nearly six times more).

But funding energy policy from income tax would mean that the lowest income households wouldn't contribute at all and the richest households would pay 0.5 per cent of their income. Compared to a household levy, this approach would reduce costs for 70 per cent of UK households, while the richest 30 per cent would see an increase. The lowest income group would save £102 a year, at an additional cost of £410 for the richest households - which, at less than £8 a week, would make a relatively small difference to their lives.

Our analysis shows that the more you earn, the greater your energy demand, yet this is not reflected in current energy levy policy. It's important to make sure that the costs associated with low-carbon transitions are met by the households that cause the problem and those who can afford it, instead of hurting poorer households. We see it as essential that climate policies are compatible with social justice. Our research demonstrates it is clearly possible to design a system that is both fair and effective.
John Barrett is a professor of energy and climate policy, and Anne Owen is a research fellow in sustainable consumption, at the University of Leeds. This article was first published in The Conversation ( theconversation.com )

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How the poorest households hit hardest by UK climate change levy

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The UK is one of the leading countries in addressing climate change. As well as signing international agreements, the country has its own target to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 80 per cent from 1990 levels by 2050. And as part of the effort to meet that target, the government has added a levy to business and household energy bills.

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https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/europe-and-central-asia/turkey/report-turkey/

Here, you can find information about the injustices and some other topics that we experienced in Turkey. In fact, most of the facts written here are the things we already know. Let's have a look at what international people read about us.

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Here is an article made by Yıldız Teknik University , Department of Economics that ı came across when ı was searching about the subject. I am putting the link down if you guys want to check it out :)
https://www.scirp.org/journal/paperinformation.aspx?paperid=94731

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1. Introduction

The distribution of income within a country is important for several reasons. Inequalities may create incentives for people to improve their situation through work, innovation or acquiring new skills. On the other hand, it may be an obstacle to growth and reducing poverty. Also, crime and social exclusion are often seen as linked to inequalities of income distribution. Most economists would agree that some inequality is essential to a market economy [1] . Inequality is necessary to provide rewards to those who invest in their skills as well as to those who take risk and responsibility [2] . In addition, any attempt at redistribution must be judged against its effects on essential economic incentives that allocate talent and resources. However, [3] conclude that inequality can indeed be detrimental for growth when it is coupled with imperfect credit markets and unequal access to education. The authors argue that inequalities can result in inefficiently low levels of physical and human capital investment, and lower aggregate productivity and growth.

Turkey is experiencing a considerable economic growth and low inflation with macroeconomic stability in last decades after many years of economic crisis and macroeconomic imbalances. Whereas in the last decades the primary concern was the inflation targeting or debt reducing economic programs, then the distribution of income emerges as an important issue for the policymakers. When we analyze the current situation of inequality in Turkey, we see high level of income inequality, which is closer to that seen in the most unequal countries of Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa. It is also unfortunately far from the typical range observed among European Union countries. Nevertheless, it is important to note that over the last years inequality has declined in Turkey, while it has risen in many countries.

This paper is organized as follows: in the next section, the theoretical relationship between inequality, poverty and growth is analyzed with examples from the literature. In the third section, some definitions about the inequality measurements are given. In the fourth section, the current situation of inequality in Turkey is briefly presented with comparisons of past years and other countries besides arguing about the reasons for inequality. The fifth section suggests some policy recommendations to decrease inequality.

2. Interdependency of Inequality, Growth and Poverty

Inequality is simultaneously determined with other variables in the process such as growth and poverty. In order to analyze the impact of public policy on income distribution, the modeling framework that accounts for the simultaneity in the determination of poverty, inequality and growth should be used. As pointed out by [4] , accounting for the simultaneity of the above variables allows first to avoid the shortcomings of previous studies that deal with each variable separately. Second, the simultaneous treatment of growth, inequality and poverty is useful from a policy perspective in the sense that it enables decision makers to choose the combination of mutually beneficial and mutually exclusive policies that have positive impact on all three variables. Third, public policies tend to affect inequality mainly indirectly through their impact on growth and poverty. The simultaneous treatment of growth, income distribution and poverty that model explicitly the interaction between all the variables involved is, therefore, the most appropriate tool to assess the direct as well as the indirect channels through which public policies affect inequality [5] .

[6] points out that "change in the distribution of income can be decomposed into two effects, a proportional change in all incomes that leaves the distribution of relative income unchanged (a growth effect) and a change in the distribution of relative incomes, which, by definition, is independent of the mean (a distributional effect). Specifically; the growth and the inequality elasticity of poverty are increasing functions of the level of development and decreasing functions of the degree of relative income inequality" [6] . This can be seen from Figure 1, where the poverty headcount is simply the area under the density curve at the left of the poverty line (here set at US$1 a day). This figure shows the density of the distribution of income that is the number of individuals at each level of income represented on a logarithmic scale on the horizontal axis. The move from the initial to the new distribution goes through an intermediate step, which is the horizontal translation of the initial density curve to curve (I). Then, moving from curve (I) to the new distribution curve occurs at constant mean income. This movement thus corresponds to the change in the distribution of "relative" income, or the "distribution" effect. This view is dominant today, which was empirically worked so much by many economists, and [7] were the first to point out that initial inequality seemed to be empirically associated with lower growth rates. The figure shows clearly that both growth and inequality changes play a major role in generating changes in poverty. However, the impact of them depends on not only the initial level of income and inequality but also the differences across countries.

There is a widely accepted view that economic growth in low-income countries will deteriorate the equity, and this view has had considerable influence on thinking about development policy; "the rich are usually the first to reap the benefits of national income growth" [8] . [9] , by claiming that inequality will increase in the early stages of growth in a developing country and then, after some point, it will begin to fall, defines the relationship between inequality and average income on the plane as an inverted U. [9] centered his argument on the impact of rural to urban migration flows on the distribution of incomes during the development process. The idea is that "even if within-sector inequality is constant and the ratio of mean sectoral incomes is also constant, the shift of population

. Decomposition of poverty into growth and distributional effects [6] .

between sectors at first produces a widening in inequality and then a narrowing" [10] . While Kuznets [9] used a numerical example, [10] provided a more rigorous proof of Kuznets' hypothesis and his demonstration was based on the existence of intersectoral difference in mean income and did not require a higher average income or a greater level of inequality in the growing sector. According to this hypothesis, growth is account for more reduction in the poverty rate at the middle-income levels since that level associated with decreasing inequality. Thus, the effects of even the same development policies differ according to initial inequality and the income level of the country they are implemented in.

3. Measures of Income Inequality

Low income and consumption, and inequality in their distribution, are the key determinants of the wellbeing of the population. One of the common indicators of inequality is the decile 90/10. In this analysis, the decile 90/10 is the adjusted per adult equivalent deflated consumption of the 90th percentile divided by per adult equivalent deflated consumption of the 10th percentile, that is, the consumption of the poorest person in the richest decile over the consumption of the richest person in the first or poorest decile. This indicator is easy to interpret, but it does not reflect the situation in the middle of the distribution [11] .

Another common inequality measure is the Gini coefficient, which is sensitive to all the parts of distribution. The Gini coefficient is a measure of statistical dispersion most prominently used as a measure of inequality of income distribution. It is bounded between 0 and 1; it is 0 in the case of absolute equality, when the per equivalent consumption of each person is the same, and it is 1 in the case of absolute inequality, when one person consumes everything and others consume nothing. The Gini coefficient is defined as a ratio of the areas on the Lorenz curve. If the Lorenz curve is represented by the function Y = L(X), the Gini coefficient can be calculated as:

4. Income Inequality in Turkey

Turkey, as being one of the developing countries, has high-income inequality since its Gini coefficient was 0.42 according to Household Budget Survey of 2003 which is conducted by the Turkish Statistical Institute. Its income distribution has been improving at last decades; however, it is still so much behind the developed countries' levels. Below, in Table 1, we can see the change in the distribution of income both through the decrease of the value of the Gini coefficient and the increase (decrease) of the income share of the lowest and middle income (highest) group. Table 2 shows the distribution of income in the same period using the ratio of average income by each quintile with respect to the average income of the lowest quintile. In both tables, income represents the total annual household income.

. Distribution of income in turkey.

a. Source: [12] and author calculations from Turkish statistical institute database.

. International comparisons, distribution of household per capita income.

This table very clearly illustrates current income inequality in Turkey. The numbers in Table 1 also show that Turkey has had high-income inequality for decades. Since 1963, income share of the households in the lowest income quintile has been about 3% to 6%, while the share of the top quintile has been at least about 48% or higher. Yet, the distribution of household income improved significantly between 1963 and 1987. Except the increase in 1994 because of the crisis, Gini coefficient declined from 0.56 in 1968 to 0.40 in 2017.

These differences are all the more significant if we correct our income measure to capture differences in household sizes, and use annual per-capita household income. The richer households do not only have more resources but also they share it among a smaller number of household members. Another exercise is analyzing the extreme ends of the distribution. An analysis at the percentile level shows that the annual average per-capita incomes of the richest 1% of households were 250 times more than the poorest 1% in 2002: average annual income of the richest 1% of households was about $52,000 compared to $240 of the lowest 1% [13] .

To place Turkey in a broader context, Table 2 presents similar statistics from other countries. It shows per-capita income distribution in Turkey and different parts of the World. In only two regions, Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa, the distribution of per capita income is more unequal than Turkey. A closer look at the income shares in Turkey and in a more equal region, such as within developed countries, also shows that the main difference is the larger share of income received by the top 20%. Of course, if the top 20% is getting a larger share in Turkey than they do in developed countries, some other groups must be getting less. Surprisingly, it is the middle-income group (households in the 3rd and 4th income quintiles) that gets a lower share, 41.8% versus 34.8%. The income share of the bottom 40% is quite close at 18.4% versus 15.1%.

When we think about the reasons for income inequality, we can be faced with several reasons. First, people are born with different initial conditions. Some are raised in richer families with the necessary resources to invest in their children's education. Others are born in poorer families with only limited means. Similarly, some have parents with high human capital and can therefore benefit from their formal education and their connections, while others may not be so fortunate. Second, institutions, such as the education system, play an important role. If high-quality education were freely available to all children, family background would not play such an important role. On the other hand, if educational opportunities are limited by individuals' economic or social background, education can in fact worsen the differences in initial conditions rather than reducing them. In the figure below, we can see the effect of education on the income level. Adding to the above argument about the effect of family size on the inequality, we can mention about the education as a primary cause of inequality.

5. Conclusions

Turkey, as being one of the developing countries, has high-income inequality since its Gini coefficient was around 0.40 in last decades according to Turkish Statistical Institute. Its income distribution has been improving slightly; however, it is still so much behind the developed countries' levels. Inequalities in the wealth distribution can have significant negative impacts on growth where credit market constraints prevent the poor from making productive indivisible investments. Turkey is experiencing a considerable economic growth and low inflation with macroeconomic stability in last decades after many years of economic crisis and macroeconomic imbalances.

We analyzed the theoretical relationship between inequality, poverty and growth and defined growth, defined the inequality measurements from the literature. After stating the current situation of inequality in Turkey with comparisons of past years and other countries besides arguing about the reasons for inequality, now we argue about some policy implications.

6. Policy Implications

The policy implication for reducing inequality, such as providing a wide access to education and health will benefit the poor both through directly and through indirectly by stimulating growth. [14] showed that policies mandating compulsory schooling, financed by a proportional tax on wage income, increase economic growth and, by distributing from agents with high human capital endowment to those with the less, make the intergenerational distribution of income more equal. Moreover, there is a strong evidence that changes in income inequality are related to investment in human capital and thus to borrowing constraints. As argued by [15] , the worsening in income inequality observed in Latin America in recent years appears to have been the result of growing inequalities in educational opportunities and inadequate access to credit markets.

Inequalities in the wealth distribution can have significant negative impacts on growth where credit market constraints prevent the poor from making productive indivisible investments. This can be overcome by the provision of credit or redistribution of assets by taxes and other interventions. Also, political structure plays a central role in the redistribution decisions. The poor can able to make profitable investment project by the expansion of credit market and this may accelerate growth process. And if the negative relationship is realized after some level of income as in the Kuznets Hypothesis, and the economy enters into the cycle of higher growth and decreasing inequality forever. Redistribution of assets not only causes to increase growth and reduce inequality, but also reduces the poverty directly by insuring the poor against the macroeconomic shocks or volatilities.

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The simultaneous treatment of growth, inequality and poverty is useful from a policy perspective in the sense that it enables decision makers to choose the combination of mutually beneficial policies that have positive impact on all three variables. Also, public policies tend to affect inequality mainly indirectly through their impact on growth and poverty.

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Discrimination
Discrimination is the unfair or prejudicial treatment of people and groups based on characteristics such as race, gender, age or sexual orientation. That’s the simple answer. But explaining why it happens is more complicated.

The human brain naturally puts things in categories to make sense of the world. Very young children quickly learn the difference between boys and girls, for instance. But the values we place on different categories are learned – from our parents, our peers and the observations we make about how the world works. Often, discrimination stems from fear and misunderstanding.
https://www.apa.org/topics/racism-bias-discrimination/types-stress

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For many people, discrimination is an everyday reality. Discrimination is the unfair or prejudicial treatment of people and groups based on characteristics such as race, gender, age, or sexual orientation.

Cite this

American Psychological Association. (2022, October 31). Discrimination: What it is and how to cope. https://www.apa.org/topics/racism-bias-discrimination/types-stress

What is discrimination?

Discrimination is the unfair or prejudicial treatment of people and groups based on characteristics such as race, gender, age, or sexual orientation. That's the simple answer. But explaining why it happens is more complicated.

The human brain naturally puts things in categories to make sense of the world. Very young children quickly learn the difference between boys and girls, for instance. But the values we place on different categories are learned-from our parents, our peers, and the observations we make about how the world works. Often, discrimination stems from fear and misunderstanding.

Stress and health

Discrimination is a public health issue. Research has found that the experience of discrimination-when perceived as such-can lead to a cascade of stress-related emotional, physical, and behavioral changes. Stress evokes negative emotional responses, such as distress, sadness, and anger, and can often lead to an increase in behaviors that harm health, such as alcohol, tobacco, and other substance use, and a decrease in healthy activities, such as sleep and physical activity.

Discrimination can be damaging even if you haven't been the target of overt acts of bias. Regardless of your personal experiences, it can be stressful just being a member of a group that is often discriminated against, such as racial minorities or individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender.

The anticipation of discrimination creates its own chronic stress. People might even avoid situations where they expect they could be treated poorly, possibly missing out on educational and job opportunities.

Discrimination, big and small

Laws are in place to protect people from discrimination in housing and employment.

The Fair Housing Act prohibits discrimination in the sale, rental, and financing of dwellings on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion, sex, familial status, and disability.

The Civil Rights Act, the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, and the Americans with Disabilities Act prohibit discrimination in employment on the basis of race, color, sex, ethnic origin, age, and disabilities.

Unfortunately, discrimination still occurs.

Yet experts say that smaller, less obvious examples of day-to-day discrimination-receiving poorer service at stores or restaurants, being treated with less courtesy and respect, or being treated as less intelligent or less trustworthy-may be more common than major discrimination. Such day-to-day discrimination frequently comes in the form of "microaggressions" such as snubs, slights, and misguided comments that suggest a person doesn't belong or invalidates his or her experiences.

Though microaggressions are often subtle, they can be just as harmful to health and well-being as more overt episodes of major bias. People on the receiving end of day-to-day discrimination often feel they're in a state of constant vigilance, on the lookout for being a target of discrimination. That heightened watchfulness is a recipe for chronic stress.

Dealing with discrimination

Finding healthy ways to deal with discrimination is important, for your physical health and your mental well-being.

Focus on your strengths. Focusing on your core values, beliefs, and perceived strengths can motivate people to succeed, and may even buffer the negative effects of bias. Overcoming hardship can also make people more resilient and better able to face future challenges.

Seek support systems. One problem with discrimination is that people can internalize others' negative beliefs, even when they're false. You may start to believe you're not good enough. But family and friends can remind you of your worth and help you reframe those faulty beliefs.

Family and friends can also help counteract the toll that microaggressions and other examples of daily discrimination can take. In a world that regularly invalidates your experiences and feelings, members of your support network can reassure you that you're not imagining those experiences of discrimination. Still, it's sometimes painful to talk about discrimination. It can be helpful to ask friends and family how they handle such events.

Your family and friends can also be helpful if you feel you've been the victim of discrimination in areas such as housing, employment, or education. Often, people don't report such experiences to agencies or supervisors. One reason for that lack of reporting is that people often doubt themselves: Was I actually discriminated against, or am I being oversensitive? Will I be judged negatively if I push the issue? Your support network can provide a reality check and a sounding board to help you decide if your claims are valid and worth pursuing.

Get involved. Support doesn't have to come from people in your family or circle of friends. You can get involved with like-minded groups and organizations, whether locally or online. It can help to know there are other people who have had similar experiences to yours. And connecting with those people might help you figure out how to address situations and respond to experiences of discrimination in ways you haven't thought of.

Help yourself think clearly. Being the target of discrimination can stir up a lot of strong emotions including anger, sadness, and embarrassment. Such experiences often trigger a physiological response, too; they can increase your blood pressure, heart rate, and body temperature.

Try to check in with your body before reacting. Slow your breathing or use other relaxation exercises to calm your body's stress response. Then you'll be able to think more clearly about how you want to respond.

Don't dwell. When you've experienced discrimination, it can be really hard to just shake it off. People often get stuck on episodes of discrimination, in part because they're not sure how to handle those experiences. You might want to speak out or complain, but you're not sure how to go about it, or are afraid of the backlash. So instead, you end up ruminating, or thinking over and over about what you should have done.

In a calmer moment, it might be helpful to talk over the ways you can cope with similar experiences in the future. Try to come up with a plan for how you might respond or what you could do differently next time. Once you've determined how to respond, try to leave the incident behind you as you go on with your day.

Seek professional help. Discrimination is difficult to deal with, and is often associated with symptoms of depression. Psychologists are experts in helping people manage symptoms of stress and depression, and can help you find healthy ways to cope. You can find a psychologist in your area by using APA's Psychologist Locator Service.

Discrimination resources

If you have questions about policies or concerns about discrimination in your workplace, the human resource department is often a good place to start. To learn more about discrimination in housing and employment, or to file a complaint, visit:

Recommended Reading

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Discrimination: What it is and how to cope

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For many people, discrimination is an everyday reality. Discrimination is the unfair or prejudicial treatment of people and groups based on characteristics such as race, gender, age, or sexual orientation.

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Power is a complex concept which includes the ability or capacity to do, or to not do, something. It also includes exercising influence, control or force through a variety of means. Power, or lack of power, can have an important impact on peoples’ circumstances and therefore on their health. Social inequalities shape health inequalities within populations. These are driven by the distribution of

power

income

wealth.

Types of power

The World Health Organization (WHO), in their ‘Conceptual Framework For Action On The Social Determinants Of Health’, identified four different types of power.

Power over - where some are able to influence or coerce others.

Power to - where individuals are broadly able to organise and change existing hierarchies.

Power with - the collective power of communities or organisations.

Power within - individual capacity to exercise power.

http://www.healthscotland.scot/health-inequalities/fundamental-causes/power-inequality

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What power is and how it can affect health inequalities

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-Anselkayar

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This is just how unfair climate change is

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Racism can be defined as treating worse on people or having different feelings for them because of their race, colour or nationality.

As racism is in our daily life, which is an unwanted thing that still occurs, it figures in sports too. Here is news about racism that happened after the loss of England at the Euro 2020 final match.

https://www.euronews.com/2021/07/12/us-soccer-euro-england-racism

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By Michael Holden and Mitch Phillips

LONDON -Black players in the England soccer team have been subjected to a storm of online racist abuse after their defeat in the final of Euro 2020, drawing wide condemnation from the squad's captain, manager, royalty, religious leaders and politicians.

Marcus Rashford, 23, Jadon Sancho, 21, and Bukayo Saka, 19, were the targets of the abuse after they missed spot-kicks in a penalty shootout with Italy which settled Sunday's final after the game finished as a 1-1 draw.

The comments have prompted a police investigation and wide condemnation, although critics accused some ministers of hypocrisy for refusing to support a high-profile anti-racist stance the players had made during the tournament.

The Times newspaper reported that British ministers will tell social media companies to immediately hand over details of those who made online racially abusive comments towards the players.

"Three lads who were brilliant all summer had the courage to step up & take a pen when the stakes were high," England captain Harry Kane wrote on Twitter.

"They deserve support & backing not the vile racist abuse they've had since last night. If you abuse anyone on social media you're not an @England fan and we don't want you."

England manager Gareth Southgate called the abuse "unforgivable".

"I know a lot of that has come from abroad, that people who track those things have been able to explain that, but not all of it," he told a news conference.

Rashford himself wrote in a social media post late on Monday that he was thankful to his team mates for the support they extended to him and that he was overwhelmed by the messages of support towards him.

"I can take critique of my performance all day long... but I will never apologise for who I am and where I came from," Rashford said in his statement.

The England team have earned praise for their stand against racism, while a number of players have also campaigned on other social causes. The multi-racial make-up of the squad had been hailed as reflecting a more diverse modern Britain.

The team had highlighted the issue of racism by taking the knee before all their matches - a protest made by American football quarterback Colin Kaepernick and followed by the Black Lives Matter movement last year - saying it was a simple show of solidarity against racial discrimination.

However, some fans have booed the gesture, with critics viewing it as a politicization of sport and expression of sympathy with far-left politics.

Some ministers have been accused of hypocrisy for refusing to criticise those who booed and using it as part of a wider "culture war", often portrayed as a rift between those wanting to protect Britain's heritage from a "woke" youth, who see their elders as blocking moves to end racial and social injustice.

"This England team deserve to be lauded as heroes, not racially abused on social media," Prime Minister Boris Johnson wrote on Twitter. "Those responsible for this appalling abuse should be ashamed of themselves."

While Johnson himself said the team should not be booed, his own spokesman had initially declined to criticise the fans over the issue when asked last month.

Interior minister Priti Patel had also said she did not support players taking the knee because it was "gesture politics" and that it was a choice for the fans whether to boo players. On Monday, she joined those who denounced the abuse, but was criticised by England defender Tyrone Mings.

"You don't get to stoke the fire at the beginning of the tournament by labelling our anti-racism message as 'Gesture Politics' & then pretend to be disgusted when the very thing we're campaigning against, happens," he posted on Twitter.

The opposition Labour Party said Johnson and Patel were guilty of hypocrisy.

"The prime minister failed to call out the booing so whatever he says today rings hollow," said Labour leader Keir Starmer.

While the social media feeds of the players also showed huge levels of support, the abuse overshadowed the positive messages.

Justin Welby, the Archbishop of Canterbury, said those who abused the players must be held accountable and Britain's Prince William, who is president of the Football Association, said he was sickened https://www.reuters.com/world/uk/uks-prince-william-sickened-by-racist-abuse-england-players-2021-07-12.

"It is totally unacceptable that players have to endure this abhorrent behaviour," Queen Elizabeth's grandson said.

Seven times Formula One world champion Lewis Hamilton voiced his support https://www.reuters.com/lifestyle/sports/f1-world-champion-hamilton-condemns-racist-abuse-england-players-2021-07-12 for the players.

The Football Association said fans who exhibited such "disgusting behaviour" were not welcome and European soccer governing body UEFA echoed its call for the strongest possible punishments.

London Police said officers were aware of the offensive and racist comments, and would take action. A mural of Rashford, who had campaigned for poor children to be given more support during the pandemic, was also covered in abuse.

A lawmaker in Prime Minister Johnson's Conservative Party also apologised after a private message in which she suggested Rashford should have spent more time perfecting his game than "playing politics" became public.

The issue of online abuse of players led to British soccer authorities briefly boycotting social media platforms before the tournament, while Britain is planning legislation to force tech firms to do more.

A Twitter Inc spokesperson said they had removed more than 1,000 tweets and permanently suspended a number of accounts, while Facebook Inc said it too had quickly removed abusive comments.

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England's Black players face racial abuse after Euro 2020 defeat

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By Michael Holden and Mitch Phillips LONDON -Black players in the England soccer team have been subjected to a storm of online racist abuse after their defeat in the final of Euro 2020, drawing wide condemnation from the squad's captain, manager, royalty, religious leaders and politicians.

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https://www.bbc.com/sport/football/58497685

This news about racism in football. The legend defender of Manchester United and former England captain, Rio Ferdinand was expecting to see the racist comments on social media after England-Italy match at the Euro 2020.

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Rio Ferdinand says football is "sliding backwards" and racism is being normalised because of the prevalence of racist abuse online.

The former England captain was speaking to a joint parliamentary committee seeking possible improvements to the government's draft Online Safety Bill.

Ferdinand, 42, said he had seen family members "disintegrate" after he was abused on social media.

"Self-esteem, your mental health is at risk," Ferdinand said.

Bolton report racist social media abuse of striker Kachunga to police

The former Manchester United defender said it was "disheartening" to see racism in football rising to the levels of the 1970s and 80s.

He cited the abuse received by England players Marcus Rashford, Bukayo Saka and Jadon Sancho after July's penalty shootout defeat by Italy in the Euro 2020 final.

"When those three players missed those penalties, the first thing I thought was 'let's see what happens on social media'," Ferdinand said.

"I expected [the abuse] to happen."

On Wednesday Ferdinand's brother Anton spoke to the Home Affairs select committee, asking whether it would take a tragedy for social media companies to act on online racist abuse.

At that hearing, representatives of Twitter and Instagram argued they were attempting to address the issue.

Katy Minshall, head of UK public policy and philanthropy at Twitter, said the company was starting to focus its work on the ease with which footballers could be contacted on social media, while Tara Hopkins, the director of public policy at Instagram, said 95% of hateful content was proactively removed from the platform.

Anton Ferdinand: Football, Racism and Me

'I have seen members of my family disintegrate'

Rio Ferdinand told the joint committee of MPs and peers that it was "baffling" that social media companies had tools that track copyright breaches on, for example, his YouTube channel but could not use that same technology to pick up certain emojis or words used in racially abusive posts.

He stressed that harmful content affected more than just the person who received it, saying: "I have seen members of my family disintegrate at times when it happens."

"I have to sit there with my kids and explain what the monkey emoji means in that context," Ferdinand added.

The former Leeds and West Ham player condemned the fact that perpetrators were allowed to remain anonymous online, saying it was "normalising racist behaviour".

"If you put it in the context of a young person who supports a certain player at whatever level, he is looking through that feed and seeing racist language," he continued.

"That young person then goes into his network of friends and 'it's fine, it's normal so I'll say that at school so it's OK'.

"When there are no repercussions, there is nothing done to expose that person for their ignorant language, then people are going to think it's normal."

Ferdinand agreed that social media companies profited from prejudice and said that placing the onus on victims to report abuse or block abusers was "an easy cop-out" for platforms.

'Layered' approach needed to verify users

Ferdinand spoke to the committee alongside Edleen John, the Football Association's director of international relations, corporate affairs and equality, diversity and inclusion, and Kick It Out chair Sanjay Bhandari.

John commented on how the draft bill could tackle the issue of identity verification for social media users, suggesting a "layered" approach.

"Social media companies seem to believe that it's a binary option where people have to provide all information or no information," she said.

John instead suggested "multiple mechanisms" could be used to tackle the issue, using identity verification alongside "default settings" and limiting the reach of an account.

She believed this approach would reduce the use of 'burner' accounts, which are set up to send abusive messages before being quickly deleted, with users able to set up a new account shortly after.

John said she "consistently receives platitudes" from social media organisations in response to concerns and cited anecdotal evidence of a player who was blocked by a platform for reporting abuse too many times.

Bhandari said the current system was "frictionless" and called for an amendment to the draft bill that would give communications regulator Ofcom "power to introduce codes of practice".

"You need to give Ofcom the power to regulate harmful but legal content," he said.

Bhandari added that the public response to the abuse of the England trio after the Euro 2020 final should offer a template for future regulations.

"The unified public condemnation of that says to us that what the public are demanding is that every piece of hate that was spat out that night needed to be taken off the platforms," he continued.

"The way in which to do that is to give a regulator the power to reflect contemporary social practices.

"We would have to put checks and balances in. We also have to balance against dealing with an evolving problem. We can't legislate through the rear-view mirror, we have to legislate through the windscreen, looking ahead."

Imran Ahmed, chief executive and founder of the Center for Countering Digital Hate (CCDH), also spoke at the hearing after a report from his organisation in July found Instagram failed to remove 94% of accounts that had sent racist messages to Rashford, Saka and Sancho after the Euros final defeat.

"When it comes to racism against footballers, the reason why the abuse matters isn't because they're a wealthy footballer," Ahmed said.

"Imagine what they would call me, my mum or anyone else from a minority. It is a sense of, 'these places aren't for you. These are our places'."

What is the draft Online Safety Bill?

The committee hearing is one of several steps in the process of the draft bill - which aims "to establish a new regulatory framework to tackle harmful content online" - being passed into law.

The draft bill places new duties on social media firms to remove harmful content quickly or potentially face multi-billion-pound fines.

Some campaigners say the plans will lead to censorship , while others warn fines do not go far enough.

The draft legislation has been two years in the making and is especially geared towards keeping children safe.

As well as racist abuse, it covers terrorism, disinformation, pornography, grooming, revenge porn, hate speech, images of child abuse and posts relating to suicide and eating disorders.

Late additions to the bill include provisions to tackle online scams, such as romance fraud and fake investment opportunities.

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Rio Ferdinand says football is "sliding backwards" and racism is being normalised because of the prevalence of racist abuse online. The former England captain was speaking to a joint parliamentary committee seeking possible improvements to the government's draft Online Safety Bill. Ferdinand, 42, said he had seen family members "disintegrate" after he was abused on social media.

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yqF5C0xU-f4

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Gender inequality starts in the home | Matshepo Msibi | TEDxLytteltonWomen

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https://globalnews.ca/tag/gender-inequality/

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Gender inequality | News, Videos & Articles

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Gender inequality videos and latest news articles

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https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/01443580610666082/full/html#abstract

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Occupational gender wage discrimination in Turkey

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Occupational gender wage discrimination in Turkey - Author: Orhan Kara

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Discrimination is a huge problem for every country for past, today, and future. People tend to feel different or higher level from other people. Thus they treat or discriminate against others. If they do not behave like that, social life can be equal, lively. İlayda Ambarkütükoğlu

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Welsh politician Vaughan Gething said he still encounters prejudice on a "regular" basis.

Mr Gething said people have assumed he was a member of staff when going out to eat at restaurants with his wife.

"If I were a white man, relatively smart dressed, going to a place like that, that isn't what people would ask me," he said.

The economy minister has contributed to a book, 100 Black Voices on Racism.

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Minister describes 'regular' everyday prejudice

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Welsh politician Vaughan Gething said he still encounters prejudice on a "regular" basis. Mr Gething said people have assumed he was a member of staff when going out to eat at restaurants with his wife. "If I were a white man, relatively smart dressed, going to a place like that, that isn't what people would ask me," he said.

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ISTANBUL

Turkey ranked the second worst country in Europe for LGBT equality policies and laws, with Azerbaijan and Armenia scoring first and third last respectively, a report conducted by the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) in Europe has said.

Azerbaijan scored 5 percent on a scale where zero indicates gross human rights violations and 100 percent is the greatest degree of equality under the law, the report said.

Azerbaijan and Armenia, on the other hand, were given 3 and 5 percent, respectively.

The ranking analyzed laws and policies governing LGBT matters across 49 European countries over the past year.

The Europe-wide rankings show a particularly dim view for LGBT communities in parts of eastern Europe.

On the other end of the scale, Malta ranked in first place for the fourth consecutive year and was followed by Belgium and Luxembourg.

Micah Grzywnowicz, the co-chair of ILGA-Europe's executive board, said effective LGBT equality laws and policies were "crucial" for society as well as the hot topic of marriage equality.

"The countries that are expanding their legislative horizons to embrace this vision of equality for LGBTI people are the ones moving ahead," she said.

"We are heartened to continue to see examples of governments demonstrating leadership in this direction, as Luxembourg and Finland did over the past year."

Homosexuality is not banned in Turkey, but members of the LGBTI community face scores of legal restrictions and hostility from society, with same-sex marriage still not recognized. Homophobia and transphobia are widespread in a country where LGBTI pride marches have been banned for the past three years.

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Turkey 2nd most restrictive country on gay rights in Europe - Turkey News

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Turkey ranked the second worst country in Europe for LGBT equality policies and laws, with Azerbaijan and Armenia scoring first and third last respectively, a report conducted by the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) in Europe has said.

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https://reliefweb.int/report/turkey/syrian-refugees-navigate-turkey-s-shifting-health-care-terrain?gclid=Cj0KCQiAzMGNBhCyARIsANpUkzNyU6zNCQgeqx4niuDdfA6-2Hii1yKMsB9UgezU7xaobBFXKREMi88aAvHZEALw_wcB

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Forthcoming in MER issue 297 "Health and the Body Politic"

Nihal Kayali 11.24.2020

For the last six years, Turkey has hosted more refugees than any other country in the world. Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war in 2011, over half of the 6.6 million refugees who left Syria have sought refuge in Turkey.

Situated between a Europe wary of refugees and smaller regional neighbors weary of refugees, Turkey has proved relatively generous in both the scope of rights provided to Syrians and the scale of its refugee reception. While access to public health care is a central pillar of Turkey's refugee efforts, the persistent language barrier coupled with bureaucratic obstacles, discrimination, overburdened facilities and changing state policies have laid bare the challenges Syrian refugees face in the existing system.[1]

Syrians' legal status in Turkey was systematized in 2014 with the establishment and application of the Temporary Protection Regulation (TPR) under the Law on Foreigners and International Protection, which extended free education and health care as well as the right to legal work to all Syrian nationals who registered. Despite shifting political tides, TPR has remained the backbone of Turkey's refugee response over the past six years. The Turkish state's most notable subsequent effort to ease access to care for Syrians has been the establishment of Migrant Health Centers staffed by Syrian doctors, a project buttressed by the infusion of European Union funds in 2016.

But a focus on the top-down transformation of refugee health care provision by the Turkish state misses two additional important and related aspects of refugee care. First, it overlooks the plight of the sizeable unregistered refugee population in Turkey, which is not served by the state system.[2] Second, it misses the dynamic landscape of nonstate, often informal, refugee health care, sustained in large part by Syrian doctors and professionals to meet refugees' needs.

To understand how health care provision outside the public care system has evolved over time I conducted interviews with Syrian refugees, Syrian doctors and Syrian clinic managers across ten refugee-run clinics in Istanbul from 2017-2019.[3] During this period, there were a variety of informal health clinics in Istanbul operated by Syrian doctors for refugees. Some were run by registered non-governmental organizations (NGOs) while others operated on a smaller scale. The assumption was that these clinics would be temporarily tolerated until the Turkish health system could adapt to meet refugees' health care needs. Yet Syrian-run clinics have not merely served as temporary substitutes for state services. Rather, a fragmented terrain of private clinics, some of which remain informal, has continued to serve as a complementary set of providers that address the residual health care needs of refugees in Istanbul. Refugees and health care professionals alike navigate this space strategically as the politics of refugee reception oscillates between tolerant, inclusionary and exclusionary.

The existence of Syrian-run clinics has allowed the state to relegate the needs of unregistered refugees into an increasingly expensive private realm and an increasingly precarious informal realm. In order to prevent the retreat of refugee care further into the shadows, accessible health care options for unregistered refugees must be regularized. Increasing financial support for advocacy NGOs and further strengthening their ties with health care providers would help facilitate free or subsidized care for those refugees shut out of the state system.[4] Such an effort would both benefit public health and affirm the right to health for all of Turkey's residents as enshrined in the country's constitution.[5]
The Emergence of Informal Health Care Providers
While the Temporary Protection Regulation established registered Syrians' right to free health care in the state system, an updated 2015 circular laid out the legal criteria for the provision of care, including regulations for NGOs. Providers were required to register with the Ministry of Health and apply for renewal every six months, health care services were to be free and beneficiaries were expected to be registered, except in situations where emergency care was required or patients constituted a public health concern. A number of Syrian-run clinics-including seven that I spoke with in Istanbul-registered as Turkish associations and applied for legal provider status. Yet the provider regulations were never systematically implemented or enforced. In practice, the registered clinics charged nominal fees for services (20-30 Turkish Lira, or about $6-8 at the time), employed Syrian doctors without Turkish certification equivalency and treated refugees both with and without legal status. Six months after the initial registration, none of the 17 officially registered NGO clinics across Turkey had their legal status formally renewed. Many of the clinics, however, continued to practice informally with the tacit acceptance of the state.[6]

Smaller private clinics also began to emerge throughout Istanbul around 2015. These clinics, run by Syrian professionals and tucked into apartments and commercial complexes, operated without attempting to register with state agencies. Many Syrian doctors worked in both types of clinics, dropping by a small private clinic to treat a patient and then walking across the neighborhood to see more patients in a larger NGO clinic.

Doctors and managers pointed to the language barrier at state providers as the overriding reason for the operation of informal clinics. The language barrier permeated all aspects of seeking care, including navigating the bureaucracy of the Turkish referral-based system, the possibility of miscommunication and the risk of being subject to discrimination by Turkish health care personnel. These concerns came up repeatedly in my interviews with Syrians. One 38-year-old woman described a traumatizing experience in which she believes she was subjected to an unnecessary cesarean section birth, describing the ordeal as "violent" and "inhuman." Due to the language barrier, there was no way to communicate the reasons for the procedure, and she was left to try to make sense of the scarring encounter on her own. She noted that even though she would prefer to utilize free care, for now she would only go to fee-for-service Syrian clinics to avoid the risk of another negative encounter in a Turkish hospital.[7]

While the demand for Arabic-language care was critical to the formation of Syrian-run clinics, so too was the presence of Syrian doctors in Istanbul who were eager to practice. Doctors, some of whom had fled Syria after their clinics and hospitals were targeted or destroyed in the war, arrived unable to practice their professions. Though they lacked Turkish certification, doctors were also acutely aware of the fact that their skills were in high demand by Syrians facing the barriers of the Turkish health care system. Informal health care provision provided relatively more dignified employment than other work options for Syrians, which, despite the introduction of work permits, remained by and large in the informal sector. One Syrian doctor recounted that he had been practicing for 38 years and was a specialist for 33. "We can't go from being a doctor to working in a factory," he explained. "It is beneath us."[8] The clinics provided a venue where doctors could resist being deskilled by Turkey's employment regime, thereby maintaining their status in a professional-albeit informal-class.

The refugee-run NGO clinics provided substantial employment opportunities for Syrian professionals. Some clinics employed upward of 40 doctors in addition to nurses and staff. One manager noted that a primary goal of his clinic was "to employ as many Syrians as possible," and that they actively tried to find opportunities within the organization for qualified individuals who approached them.[9] The smaller clinics also served as a space for other professionals to salvage what they saw as respectable careers. One engineer who helped manage a clinic said that the fact that qualified Syrian doctors could not open their own legal clinics was an "injustice to doctors." His wife, who never had to work back in Syria, now worked long hours in the clinic as an assistant to help make ends meet.[10] Syrian-run clinics emerged where the supply of professionals shut out of the formal labor market coincided with demand for culturally and linguistically accessible care, employing Syrians in the process.
Refugee Health Care Preferences
Syrian refugees, even when registered and informed about their health care rights in Istanbul, sometimes prefer to seek out care in refugee-run clinics. Even as translators were incorporated into state facilities and after the Migrant Health Centers staffed by Syrian doctors opened, the preference for walk-in secondary outpatient care at times trumped the bureaucracy of the primary care-based state health system for many refugees.

Syrians often navigated their options strategically, opting for free state services in situations where care would require more involved procedures or costlier interventions. In situations that called for quick diagnoses or the expertise of a specialist, individuals often paid the nominal fee of a Syrian clinic. One 26-year-old woman explained how she navigated care in Istanbul: For her prenatal check-ups she saw a Syrian gynecologist at a local Syrian-run clinic, which was more comfortable than seeing a Turkish doctor. But for the birth, she went to a Turkish hospital equipped for the more involved procedure. When her infant daughter had a skin reaction, she again went to a Syrian clinic for immediate care.[11] The informal clinics took on the role of a flexible supplemental outpatient clinic.

Yet for other Syrians, there is no choice. Those Syrians who are unregistered or reside in provinces different from their province of registration must seek out alternatives to state care. One respondent explained that when she approached the local authorities to register her family in Istanbul, officials suggested that they instead drive two hours to Yalova province to register due to local backlogs. After the ensuing bureaucratic ordeal, they realized that she, her husband and four daughters could not use the state services in Istanbul. As a result, they only went to Syrian-run clinics. Even though they heard that sometimes state providers were lenient with registration irregularities, they did not want to risk being charged excessively for care.[12] Despite arriving in 2015, when registration was somewhat easier for Syrian refugees, this family was unwittingly excluded from the state system.

Problems accessing health care multiplied in 2018, when Istanbul and a number of border provinces with large refugee populations all but stopped registering Syrians. According to a Human Rights Watch report from July 2018, individuals were turned away at the border, forced to return to Syria in violation of international law and refused emergency medical services due to lack of registration. This tightening of Turkey's refugee reception regime did not mean that Syrians stopped entering Turkey and settling in these provinces; it just meant that those who did enter could not usually register and therefore could not access formal health care.
The Introduction of Migrant Health Centers
Recognizing the health care challenges faced by Syrians in the Turkish system, the Ministry of Health gradually adapted its refugee care provision. In 2015, the Public Health Institution of the health ministry called for the establishment of Migrant Health Centers in areas with large refugee populations. Initially staffed by Turkish doctors, and therefore hardly an improvement for Syrians, the Migrant Health Centers were reinvigorated with European Union funding following the EU-Turkey Deal in 2016. In exchange for stricter control of refugee migration into Europe, the EU pledged €6 billion for refugee support programs in Turkey, with €300 million to fund the Turkish government's SIHHAT project to improve Syrian refugee access to health care. In conjunction with the World Health Organization, the Ministry of Health trained Syrian doctors and nurses to staff 178 Migrant Health Centers and 790 migrant health units (one doctor and one nurse) in provinces with large refugee populations. These clinics were opened gradually beginning in 2018 and continued to open well into 2020, with translators, technicians, psychologists and other support staff increasingly incorporated into state health care institutions.[13]

Yet, even as Syrian doctors and nurses trained to work in these new MHCs, informal clinics continued to operate. Gradually, authorities began to shut down the larger Syrian-run NGO clinics in 2018 and 2019 that had been tolerated for some time, though smaller informal clinics continue to operate, as do Syrian doctors working with private Turkish providers. Though the Migrant Health Centers effectively reduced language barriers at the level of primary care, their establishment did not wholly replace the existing terrain of refugee-run clinics.

One reason for their continuation is that some doctors had dismissed the SIHHAT project trainings since they had little interest in being relegated to the role of primary care giver, writing prescriptions and referring patients all day. As one doctor explained, "I spent a third of my life studying surgery. I will not be a GP, I would rather be jobless."[14] While some avoided the trainings as an insult to their years of specialized training, others participated only to realize that their salaries as MHC doctors were lower than their Turkish primary care physician counterparts. Formal employment, though legally stable, entailed a pay cut for those who had been working regularly in the informal clinics. The pull of informal but more autonomous work remained for some doctors.

But the continued provision of refugee-run care on the margins is not merely a supply-side phenomenon. Patients still seek out the clinics. One manager operating a clinic in 2019 explained that Syrians, both registered and unregistered, still came to the clinic frequently. "It's not just people without ID, everyone comes...but it is the only place for people without ID."[15] Another clinic manager noted that in 2018, more Syrian refugees arrived in Istanbul fleeing violence in Ghouta and Daraa but were unable to register and regularize their status. He noted that even as some of their patients started frequenting MHCs after they opened, unregistered patients and newly arrived doctors largely replaced those who transitioned to the state system.[16]

Even from the perspective of the Migrant Health Centers, informal care still had a place in Istanbul's health care landscape. The Turkish supervisor of one MHC mentioned that if Syrians without official identification came to the clinic for care, they would send them either to emergency care or to trusted Syrian-run clinics in the city. She then noted that Syrian-run dentistry clinics have even drawn Turkish patients because of their low cost.[17] In this sense, Syrian clinics were becoming established as one option among a diverse terrain of care providers in Istanbul.
New Restrictions on Refugees Impede Health Care
The role of nonstate providers evolved in 2019, as Turkey's refugee policies became explicitly restrictive. A severe economic downturn in 2018 led simmering discontent toward Syrians to boil over into the political sphere. Refugees, and the state's generous policies, proved a convenient scapegoat for the country's economic woes. The insidious tropes of Syrian refugees as job stealers and a drain on state finances were harnessed by multiple political parties in the 2019 municipal elections. Realizing the growing resentment toward refugees within its own constituency, the incumbent Justice and Development Party (AKP) also tempered its relatively generous disposition toward refugees by tightening legal status enforcement practices. In the summer of 2019, the Istanbul provincial governor released a statement demanding that unregistered Syrians leave and register in other provinces. Those who did not comply were threatened with deportation. During this politically volatile period, reports of forced deportations to Syria proliferated.

The increased threat of deportation as well as the generalized rise in hostility toward Syrian refugees reverberated in the realm of health care. Personnel at state providers were advised to report unregistered patients to authorities for deportation. Referring to the new coercive policies, one administrator who helped implement the SIHHAT project noted, "So what happens now? The numbers of refugees [seeking care] are reduced. We don't have that many refugees who are coming to get services."[18] For unregistered individuals, or those whose province of registration does not match their province of residence, state health care providers have come to be seen as a space of state enforcement and policing to be avoided. Aside from prohibitively costly private care, informal clinics are the only option for these increasingly precarious individuals.[19]

With the crackdown on informal health care, some NGO clinics have attempted to legalize and privatize. At least one Syrian-run NGO clinic has been transformed into a private health care clinic with Ministry of Health approval, and others have looked into the feasibility of state-approved privatization but are currently closed. Meanwhile, peppered throughout Istanbul, one can still find informal Arabic-language care, albeit in smaller spaces than the NGO clinics that once operated. These clinics, known primarily through word of mouth rather than visible placards or active Facebook pages, are part of an increasingly fragmented private realm of refugee health care for those excluded from the TPR regime.

And while refugee health care has always been prioritized as a public health issue, even in the original text of the Temporary Protection legislation, the COVID-19 pandemic has brought into focus the importance of making care available to all individuals regardless of legal status. State providers, which by 2019 were a place actively avoided by unregistered refugees, have now opened their doors to all individuals for treatment in an effort to contain the spread of the coronavirus.

A government order passed in April 2020 provides free COVID-19-related care, including protective equipment, testing and treatment, regardless of registration status. Nevertheless, NGOs report that refugees who fear deportation continue to avoid state health care, and some are wary that a positive COVID-19 test would trigger removal from their jobs or their homes.[20] As a result of persistent anxiety about deportation, unregistered refugees continue to seek care at informal providers.[21]

Informal clinics staffing refugee doctors will continue to exist in urban centers so long as unregistered refugees lack accessible or affordable care options and doctors disillusioned with their limited professional opportunities remain. Despite the state's recent efforts to crack down on both informal care provision and unregistered refugee populations, the reality across migrant-receiving countries is that crackdowns on legal status push individuals and their informal activities further underground. In the context of health care, such pressure goes against domestic public health interests, particularly in the midst of a pandemic.

Both the state and NGOs can play an active role in preventing the retreat of refugee care into the shadows. First, clinics that can demonstrate adherence to the Ministry of Health's standards of care provision should be legalized as private providers, a transformation that already has local precedent. Second, Migrant Health Centers should be given official authorization to accept unregistered refugees. Third, the next stage of the SIHHAT project, which has been extended to 2023, should give Syrian doctors a path to provide the specialized care they were trained in and ensure salaries on par with Turkish counterparts. Finally, the links between advocacy NGOs, health care providers and the unregistered refugee population should be strengthened and streamlined to facilitate subsidized care for unregistered individuals. Together these changes can help diminish demands for informal care and ensure better health for all residents within Turkey's borders.

[Nihal Kayali is a PhD candidate in sociology at the University of California, Los Angeles.]
Endnotes
[1] Basak Bilecen and Dilara Yurtseven, "Temporarily Protected Syrians' Access to the Health care System in Turkey: Changing Policies and Remaining Challenges," *Migration Letters *15/1.

[2] The number of irregular migrants in Turkey is estimated to be around 500,000 as of April 2020, with an estimated 55,236 of those from Syria, as cited in the June 8, 2020 " Situational Brief: Report on Forced Migrants and COVID-19 Pandemic Response in Turkey " by Ozge Karadag Caman, Erva Nur Cinar, Muge Cevik, F. Deniz Mardin, Ali İhsan Nergiz, and Selma Karabey. The exact number of unregistered refugees, however, is impossible to know and may be higher.

[3] I thank Radia Androun for her translation assistance with Arabic language interviews.

[4] I owe this idea to Dr. Yeşim Yasin, who discussed with me at length the possible policy and organizational solutions to the challenges of providing care to unregistered refugees.

[5] F. Deniz Mardin, "Right to Health and Access to Health Services for Syrian Refugees in Turkey," *MiReKoc Policy Brief Series, *March 2017.

[6] Ceren Ark Yıldırım, Ayşegül Komşuoğlu and İnanç Özekmekçi, "The Transformation of the Primary Health Care System for Syrian Refugees in Turkey," *Asian and Pacific Migration Journal *28/1.

[7] Interview, July 31, 2017.

[8] Interview, December 24, 2017.

[9] Interview, August 16, 2018.

[10] Interview, August 3, 2017.

[11] Interview, July 31, 2017.

[12] Interview July 27, 2017.

[13] Derya Özkul, "COVID-19 Salgını süreci ve sonrasi için göçmen, sığınmacı, ve mültecilere yönelik politika önerileri," *Politika Raporu: Istanpol-Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, *September 2020.

[14] Interview September 6, 2018.

[15] Interview November 11, 2019.

[16] Interview August 16, 2018.

[17] Interview September 5, 2018.

[18] Interview September 17, 2019.

[19] Migrant Health Centers are often lenient and accept unregistered refugees, but this lenience depends on the generosity of individual clinics and doctors.

[20] " COVID-19 Salgını Döneminde Mülteci ve Göçmenlerin Durumlarına İlişkin Rapor" *Sevgi ve Kardeslik Vakfi, *June 1, 2020. " COVID-19 Krizi Sürecinde Türkiye'deki Mültecilerin Durum Analizi," Refugee Support Center, May 18, 2020*.*

[21] Burcu Karakaş, " Göçmen ve mültecilerin pandemi günlerinde Türkiye'de sağlık hizmetlerine erişimi, " Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, May 18, 2020.

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Syrian Refugees Navigate Turkey's Shifting Health Care Terrain - Turkey

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Forthcoming in MER issue 297 "Health and the Body Politic" Nihal Kayali 11.24.2020 For the last six years, Turkey has hosted more refugees than any other country in the world. Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war in 2011, over half of the 6.6 million refugees who left Syria have sought refuge in Turkey.

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=41y4c1Oi5Uo

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Why The Inequality Gap Is Growing Between Rich And Poor

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Misty Copeland has said that she considers speaking about racism and racial inequality in the ballet industry to be her life's work as a dancer. Now, in an interview with SiriusXM Urban View host Karen Hunter, Copeland, the first Black principal dancer for American Ballet Theatre, is opening up even more about this topic and how body type and body image comes into play here.

The language that's used with Black and brown dancers, Copeland described, is coded. She was called a prodigy at age 13 when she first stepped into the world of ballet and was told she had exactly the right body type and proportions. But when she joined American Ballet Theatre four years later, she was told the opposite, that she didn't have the body for ballet. "That's language that's used that the ballet world can get away with because you're in a visual art form, it's about your aesthetic, and it's subjective. So that's what they say to Black and brown dancers to disguise saying, 'You don't have the right skin color for ballet,'" she said.

Copeland continued on to talk about the negative relationship she had with food - overeating, specifically, and not taking care of her body - but that through those difficult times in her ballet career she persevered, thanks to the strong Black men and women in her life who assured her that it's OK to be the one paving the way for other Black and brown people in ballet.

Ballet, Copeland said, is a part of so many different cultures, "so to exclude certain communities and certain cultures from ballet because they say we're not capable makes no sense to me." Hunter pointed to a video of an 11-year-old dancer from Nigeria, Anthony Mmesoma Madu, that garnered worldwide attention this year. He's performing pirouettes and leaping barefoot, to which Copeland said he is proof that "it doesn't matter what you look like, it doesn't matter where you come from, it doesn't matter where you're dancing." It knocks down, she noted, stereotypes "about Black people not being able to do ballet."

For the rest of the interview, Copeland spoke about her latest endeavors - like a history book of sorts for Black ballerinas - and you can watch it in full above.

Misty Copeland has said that she considers speaking about racism and racial inequality in the ballet industry to be her life's work as a dancer. Now, in an interview with SiriusXM Urban View host Karen Hunter, Copeland, the first Black principal dancer for American Ballet Theatre, is opening up even more about this topic and how body type and body image comes into play here.

The language that's used with Black and brown dancers, Copeland described, is coded. She was called a prodigy at age 13 when she first stepped into the world of ballet and was told she had exactly the right body type and proportions. But when she joined American Ballet Theatre four years later, she was told the opposite, that she didn't have the body for ballet. "That's language that's used that the ballet world can get away with because you're in a visual art form, it's about your aesthetic, and it's subjective. So that's what they say to Black and brown dancers to disguise saying, 'You don't have the right skin color for ballet,'" she said.

Copeland continued on to talk about the negative relationship she had with food - overeating, specifically, and not taking care of her body - but that through those difficult times in her ballet career she persevered, thanks to the strong Black men and women in her life who assured her that it's OK to be the one paving the way for other Black and brown people in ballet.

Ballet, Copeland said, is a part of so many different cultures, "so to exclude certain communities and certain cultures from ballet because they say we're not capable makes no sense to me." Hunter pointed to a video of an 11-year-old dancer from Nigeria, Anthony Mmesoma Madu, that garnered worldwide attention this year. He's performing pirouettes and leaping barefoot, to which Copeland said he is proof that "it doesn't matter what you look like, it doesn't matter where you come from, it doesn't matter where you're dancing." It knocks down, she noted, stereotypes "about Black people not being able to do ballet."

For the rest of the interview, Copeland spoke about her latest endeavors - like a history book of sorts for Black ballerinas - and you can watch it in full above.

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Misty Copeland Says Coded Language Is Used to Keep Black and Brown Dancers Out of Ballet

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Misty Copeland has said that she considers speaking about racism and racial inequality in the ballet industry to be her life's work as a dancer. Now, in an interview with SiriusXM Urban View host Karen Hunter, Copeland, the first Black principal dancer for American Ballet Theatre, is opening up even more about this topic and how body type and body image comes into play here.

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The artwork reportedly depicted LGBT rainbow symbols alongside the Kaaba, the building at the centre of the Masjid al-Haram - the Great Mosque - in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, the most sacred site in Islam. There was also an image of the Shahmaran, a popular Middle Eastern mythical creature, half woman and half snake.

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Turkey LGBT: Four students arrested over artwork

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The artwork reportedly depicted LGBT rainbow symbols alongside the Kaaba, the building at the centre of the Masjid al-Haram - the Great Mosque - in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, the most sacred site in Islam. There was also an image of the Shahmaran, a popular Middle Eastern mythical creature, half woman and half snake.

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The International Labour Organization (ILO) Office for Turkey and Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT) launched, at a seminar on 30 September 2020, the "Report on Measuring the Gender Wage Gap: Case of Turkey", a joint study which included the data and first-ever calculation of gender wage gap using more comprehensive data sources and different methods.

Mr. Numan Özcan, Director of ILO Office for Turkey, said: "The calculation of gender wage gap is of utmost importance for identifying the current situation of inequalities in the world of work, formulating and implementing policies accordingly, and monitoring the progress by sector, occupational groups, educational levels and similar differences."

The study in collaboration with TURKSTAT, under the "More and Better Jobs for Women Programme Phase II" with funding support from Sweden, examined a larger sectoral scope for the first time and included also the data on informal employment.

Emphasising the importance of the data used in calculations, Mr. Özcan added: "The report is very important in that the gender wage gap was first-ever calculated on the basis of data from the Income and Living Conditions Survey (ILCS) and Household Labour Force Survey (HLFS) which better represented the labour market and were more comprehensive."

Earlier calculations by TURKSTAT of gender wage gap in Turkey relied on the Structure of Earnings Survey.

"COVID-19 Pandemic Deepens Wage Gap"

Referring to the impact of COVID-19 crisis on gender wage gap, Özcan noted that "Social and economic fall-out of the crisis further deepens wage gap."

"It is because such sectors as services, retail sales, tourism where women are predominantly employed are the ones hardest hit. Therefore, with heavier burden at home and domestic care responsibilities due to the pandemic, women are likely to be forced to insecure forms of short-term work or even quit employment to devote more time to domestic work, let alone fighting for managerial positions."

Mr. Ahmet Kürşad Dosdoğru, acting Vice-President of TURKSTAT, expressed that the study also aimed to develop a new methodology to officially calculate the gender wage gap in Turkey, and represented a significant step towards identifying the existing inequalities in the world of work.

Launched at the webinar was the "Report on Measuring the Gender Wage Gap: Case of Turkey", a joint study of ILO and TURKSTAT which included all data and information on methodology; and a panel was held with Ms. Ebru Özberk Anlı, Senior Programme Officer at ILO Office for Turkey, as the moderator, and Assoc.Prof.Dr. Emel Memiş of Faculty of Political Sciences, Ankara University, and Mr. Hüseyin Tancan Kale, Head of Labour Input Indicators Group at TURKSTAT, as panellists who were instrumental in producing the report and disclosed its findings to the public.

Gender wage gap is 15.6% in Turkey

Relying on the data from the Income and Living Conditions Survey (ILCS), the study found the gender wage gap as 15.6% in Turkey.

Gender wage gap widens as age increases

According to the study, wage gap widens as age increases. While it is relatively narrow at the beginning of working life (3.8%), it widens remarkably against women of 40s (25.9%), and persists in later ages.

Gender wage gap widens as educational level decreases

According to the study, wage gap widens as educational level decreases. It is highest for those with elementary education or less (38.6%), and lowest for those with tertiary or higher education (15.8%).

Informality is associated with higher wage gap

According to the study, wage gap among informal workers (24.2%) is wider than among formal workers (11.5%).

By ILO's factor-weighted methodology, gender wage gap is 21%

By the factor-weighted methodology developed by ILO Headquarter and used for the first time in Turkey in cooperation with TURKSTAT, gender wage gap is 21.1% on average. The methodology allows calculation of gender wage gap to be isolated from biases that may arise due to domination of women and men in certain sectors and educational attainment.

Non-mothers and fathers earn more than mothers

Another significant feature of the study is the calculation of "motherhood wage gap" between working mothers and non-mothers.

As gender wage gap refers not only to the difference between working women with children and without children but also refers to the difference between working men and women, the study addresses also the wage gap between working mothers and fathers. Accordingly, the wage gap between working mothers and non-mothers is found to be 11% against mothers; and between working mothers and fathers 19% against mothers too.

First-ever study with a larger sectoral scope and informality data

The Report, as a joint study of ILO Office for Turkey and TURKSTAT, calculated the gender wage gap for the first time based on the Income and Living Conditions Survey (ILCS) which had a larger sectoral scope and included also the data on informal employment.

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Gender Wage Gap is 15.6% in Turkey, according to the joint study by ILO Turkey Office and TURKSTAT

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The International Labour Organization (ILO) Office for Turkey and Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT) launched, at a seminar on 30 September 2020, the "Report on Measuring the Gender Wage Gap: Case of Turkey", a joint study which included the data and first-ever calculation of gender wage gap using more comprehensive data sources and different methods.

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https://youtu.be/pta6kW0n57I

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Millions of Syrians and Afghans flow to Turkey

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Sevgi Şahin

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Let’s Help Refugees Thrive, Not Just Survive | Melissa Fleming | TED Talks

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ANKARA

The governor's office of the Turkish capital Ankara has banned the public showing of all films, exhibitions and events related to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender ( LGBT) issues, citing "public sensitivities."

"Starting from Nov. 18, 2017, considering public sensitivities, any events such as LGBT ... cinema, theater performances, panels, interviews and exhibitions are banned until further notice in our province, in order to provide peace and security," the Ankara Governor's Office stated on Nov. 19.

"It has been found out from various social media and some written and visual media organs that a number of activities of cinema, theater, panel, interview, exhibition, etc. were planned in different parts of our province by various NGOs under the name of LGBTT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual, transvestite) as well as LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex)," it added.

"A part of society with different qualities in terms of social class, race, religion, sect, or region could therefore explicitly incite another part [of the society] to grudges and enmity, posing an open and imminent danger in terms of public safety," the statement also said.

The authorities in Ankara had banned a German gay film festival on Nov. 15, the day before it was due to start, citing "public safety and terrorism risks."

Four movies by German directors were scheduled to be screened as part of the two-day festival, organized jointly by the German Embassy and the Pink Life QueerFest.

Pink Life QueerFest said the festival had been attacked on social media.

The bans come after annual LGBT pride marches have been banned for three years running in Turkey.

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Turkish capital bans all LGBT screenings, exhibitions, events over 'public sensitivities' - Turkey News

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ANKARA The governor's office of the Turkish capital Ankara has banned the public showing of all films, exhibitions and events related to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender ( LGBT) issues, citing "public sensitivities." "Starting from Nov. 18, 2017, considering public sensitivities, any events such as LGBT ...

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https://www.aljazeera.com/videos/2020/4/2/coronavirus-may-change-city-designs

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Urban planners say outbreak is changing how cities were zoned and lead to updated infrastructure like ventilation and improved sanitation.

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We are all Responsible for Transgender Equality | Adelynn Mrosko | TEDxFargo

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-Leyla Çalışan

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For the first time in 16 years, Germany will be run by a man. But although Angela Merkel is handing over the chancellery to a male successor, the incoming cabinet will have more women than ever before. Half, to be exact.

Olaf Scholz, the incoming chancellor, kept his election promise to appoint as many women as men to his government - and not only that, women will run all the briefs related to security and diplomacy.

Germany will have its first female foreign minister and its first female interior minister. It will also get its third female defense minister in a row.

"Security will lie in the hands of strong women in this government," Mr. Scholz said on Monday. "Women and men account for half the population each, so women should also get half the power," he added. "I'm very proud that we have succeeded in realizing this."

That he is doing something Ms. Merkel never achieved herself - gender parity in the cabinet - speaks to the mixed legacy on gender for the departing chancellor, who for over a decade was the most powerful woman in the world.

Ms. Merkel long shunned the word feminist, and until her final years in power rarely publicly promoted the issue of advancement for women. There are notoriously few female business leaders in Germany. And even in politics, where Ms. Merkel has proved a role model for many, the number of female ministers and lawmakers on her watch remained about a third.

Still, many credit her long and popular tenure with the fact that Mr. Scholz and his team felt compelled to endorse gender parity.

"Germany has evolved in the last few years, and Ms. Merkel played a big part in that," said Jutta Allmendinger, the president of the research institute WZB Berlin Social Science Center and an expert on gender and inequality. "So in a way, Scholz followed the call of the country."

"Merkel always did her gender politics in secret," Ms. Allmendinger said. "She is an absolute feminist. The fact that she didn't proclaim it publicly has to do with the fact that she probably would have lost her power."

The women taking office this week have made clear that they intend to put their mark on their ministries.

Annalena Baerbock, the new foreign minister, has been vocal about her plan to take a tougher line toward strategic rivals like China and Russia. The incoming interior minister, Nancy Faeser, vowed on Monday to "fight the biggest threat currently facing our liberal democracy: far-right extremism." And Christine Lambrecht, who will become defense minister, promised to get Germany's notoriously underequipped military the resources it needs.

Unlike Ms. Merkel, these ministers seem to have no qualms in proclaiming their feminism.

Klara Geywitz, the new minister for housing and urban development, called the gender-equal cabinet "an important signal for all women in our country."

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8 women and 8 men: Germany gets its first gender-equal cabinet.

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For the first time in 16 years, Germany will be run by a man. But although Angela Merkel is handing over the chancellery to a male successor, the incoming cabinet will have more women than ever before. Half, to be exact.

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https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/president-calls-for-debate-on-right-to-climate-justice/article37926940.ece/amp/

India took action on climate equality and asked the public's opinion.

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President calls for debate on right to climate justice

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On Human Rights Day, he says time is running out for preserving nature for future generations

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https://turkey.unfpa.org/en/node/9689

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Situation in Turkey

Over many years despite the great efforts shown by governments, institutions and most importantly by women's movement, women and girls are still exposed to violence, being abused, trafficked, their access to education and political participation is refused and faced with many other human rights violations.

Though there had been progress on the elimination of gender inequality in Turkey especially after the beginning of 2000, the statistics still reflect the grim reality. According to the 2020 Gender Gap Index of the World Economic Forum, Turkey is the133rd country out of 156 countries.

According to the most recent data, in Turkey, only 17% of the parliament members are women. This was not so different before the last elections. Despite several efforts, the figures are far from equality in terms of representation.

As in many other aspects of life gender inequality persists also in the labor market. Labor force participation rate of women is 32% and 68% for men (TurkStat Labor Statistics 2020). Unemployment rate for men is 13% and 14.5% for women.

The fact of violence against women as a concept emerged through gender inequality is widespread in Turkey as in the rest of the world. Every 4 women out of 10 is exposed to physical and sexual violence at least once in their lifetime as stated in the Domestic Violence Research in Turkey in 2014 (In 2008 the exact figure was 42% and in 2014 it was 38% - meaning there is no significant difference). These figures show the scale of the problem and call for immediate action. A UNFPA survey titled "Business against Domestic Violence" indicates high prevalence of sexual and physical violence among white collar working women and the absence of response mechanisms within the private sector.

According to official records, in 2020 only, 266 women lost their lives as a result of violence against women by men in Turkey. These figures reveal the extent of gender-based violence and the seriousness of the issue in Turkey.

UNFPA's Response

UNFPA has been implementing programmes in collaboration with the national and local Government Institutions (Ministry of Family and Social Policies, Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Health, Turkish Armed Forces, Presidency of Religious Affairs etc), Non-Governmental Organisations, Universities and Private Sector for promoting gender equality, combating gender based violence and engaging men and boys to promote gender equality mainly through awareness raising, data collection, and capacity development.

UNFPA has been implementing the 7th Country Programme between 2021-2025 and under the gender component it is aimed to strengthen the institutional capacity of public and civil society organizations to promote gender equality, prevent gender based violence and harmful practices, including in the private sector. This aim will be achieved in partnership with civil society organizations and universities through advocacy, policy dialogue and technical assistance on:

(a) improving the standard operating procedures of the Government, civil society organizations and the private sector on promoting women's empowerment at national and local levels, prevention and protection from violence, youth and adolescent empowerment, early and forced marriages, engagement of men and boys, outreach to most vulnerable groups, including refugees;

(b) improving the human resources capacity of the Government, civil society organizations and the private sector on promoting women's rights at national and local levels, violence against women and protection, youth and adolescent empowerment, early and forced marriages, engagement of men and boys, with a focus on outreach to the most vulnerable groups, including people with disabilities and refugees, through training and awareness-raising of service providers utilizing information, education and communication materials, and hiring of staff, as necessary;

(c) supporting multisectoral service coordination among organizations working on women's rights, violence against women and protection, youth and adolescent empowerment, early and forced marriages prevention, by developing referral pathways and establishing coordination mechanisms;

(d) fostering socio-economic empowerment of groups with special needs (including refugees) utilizing information, education, communication, peer support, employability support, and improving working and living conditions.

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Situation in Turkey Over many years despite the great efforts shown by governments, institutions and most importantly by women's movement, women and girls are still exposed to violence, being abused, trafficked, their access to education and political participation is refused and faced with many other human rights violations.

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The severe impact of the COVID-19 pandemic is clearly seen in the numbers: more than 3.1 million deaths and rising, 120 million people pushed into extreme poverty, and a massive global recession. As suffering and poverty have risen, some data show an increase in another extreme: the wealth of billionaires.

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Tuna Kemal Kayurtar
In our country, especially in big cities such as Istanbul, the problem of refugees is increasing day by day. One of the main reasons for this is that innocent people escape from the internal turmoil in their country and come to Turkey with the hope of a better life. You can find some results of the uncontrollable increase in the number of refugees in this video.

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Exploring Perceived Discrimination Among LGBT Individuals in Turkey in Education, Employment, and Health Care: Results of an Online Survey

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(2017). Exploring Perceived Discrimination Among LGBT Individuals in Turkey in Education, Employment, and Health Care: Results of an Online Survey. Journal of Homosexuality: Vol. 64, No. 8, pp. 1052-1068.

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Gender inequality is an issue that we need to consider in Turkey. Although the Turkish women were able to exercise political rights-to vote and to be elected for public office many years before some European countries, Turkey was ranked 129th out of 134 countries in the Gender Inequality Index in 2009. It shows us Turkey hasn't shown any development on this issue, also it went backward. That's why we need to do something about it.

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Women's Rights In Turkey | Deniz Ural | TEDxYouth@TCS

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https://www.iesalc.unesco.org/en/2020/06/29/the-george-floyd-case-and-racism-in-higher-education-systems-and-institutions/

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By Daniel Mato | The murder of George Floyd, suffocated by a police officer in the United States, has made the serious problem of racism and police violence in that country visible again. But this way of looking at it is too simplistic. It is necessary not to lose sight of the fact that that policeman was a university graduate, as well as the fact that his crime, which joined many other similar ones, was only one of the ways in which racism was expressed in that society. It cannot be omitted that this racism is historically constitutive of that society, and that it is structural, it permeates all its institutions and is reproduced through them.

But isn't racism also constitutive of all Latin American societies? Is it not also structural in Latin American societies, permeating all its institutions and reproducing itself through them? Isn't this also expressed in violent actions, including homicides, by police and other security forces, especially against indigenous and Afro-descendant people and communities? In many of these societies, aren´t at least some of the officers of the security forces also graduates of universities or other types of higher education institutions? Haven't they and the junior components of these forces received human rights courses? Haven't graduates and institutions of higher education participated in the delivery of these courses?

Isn't racism in Latin American societies also expressed in other forms of institutional violence, often less evident, such as those that are exercised in health, education and justice systems and institutions? Don't graduates of higher education institutions participate in these?

Is racism not also expressed, in various ways, in the training provided by universities and other institutions of higher education, for example, to those who will become senior technicians and professionals in fields such as law, health, architecture, engineering, economics and the most diverse social and humanistic disciplines? Does it not also express itself in the provision to those who will serve as teachers at all educational levels, where they will continue to tell their students the respective "official history" and advocate values that - judging by the results in sight- have not led to the building of satisfactorily democratic, socially and environmentally sustainable societies?

Unfortunately, all these questions must be answered in the affirmative. However, many members of our societies live without being aware of the existence of racism. This is because racism in these societies has been "naturalized". For example, the same mass media in Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, and Mexico, among others, that gave extensive coverage to the murder of George Floyd, and that did so by highlighting the racism of that society, omitted to do so, in most cases, in similar crimes committed in their respective countries, or ignored the racist nature of such crimes.

The authors of many of these press releases, the respective editors, and most of the media columnists, who analyzed this crime as if it were a problem exclusively "Made in USA", are also university graduates, just like the cop who murdered George Floyd. There were other media that did link this racist murder with similar ones in our lands, but these were generally media with less impact on public opinion. Despite the existence of those other "points of view", many people reproduced the interpretations of the most far-reaching media.

Why did this happen and why does it continue to happen? Because racism is a constituent element of our societies, and in a wider sense, of the world in which we live; and because it continues to be reproduced through various institutions, practices and discourses.

Racism is an ideology according to which human beings are classified into races, where some are believed to be superior to others that are believed to be morally and intellectually inferior. This ideology served as the basis for the colonial deployment of coalitions composed by some European monarchies, their armies and civil servants, economic power groups and leaders of institutionalized religions, which subjugated not only peoples from other continents, but also Europeans. In this part of the world, significantly named Latin America (denomination that affirms its European "heritage"), the new republican states far from ending this ideology were established upon it, and they reproduced it through racist policies and practices. For example, to end "barbarism" and ensure the advancement of "civilization", successive governments (administrations of those states) continued to advance over the territories of indigenous peoples, distributed their lands among the political and economic power groups of which they were part, and commissioned the Catholic Church to "save the souls" of the survivors of those peoples dispossessed of territories, who were also forbidden to speak their languages, practice their forms of spirituality and sustain their food and health systems.

While practices of territorial dispossession persist, states have long been using other means to continue their "civilizing" mission. For example, they employ economic and social policies aimed at ensuring "progress" and "pulling out of backwardness" the still numerous indigenous and Afro-descendant communities that, despite territorial losses, continue trying to live in harmony with what the states have called "environment" and whose "preservation" they have only begun to worry about in the 1970s, so far without results. In addition, various cultural policies have been, and continue to be, key instruments in the reproduction of this ideology and its "naturalization", for example, through the forced Spanishization of indigenous peoples and the associated glotticides. Educational systems and institutions (including those of higher education) have also contributed to the reproduction and naturalization of racism, and continue to do so, probably in ways that are unconscious for most of their members.
The multiple forms of racism and its naturalization
Today racism is so naturalized in our societies that it is mostly unconscious, to the point that the application of this concept is usually limited to events occurring in the United States or Europe, and in our midst, to explicit actions of "racial discrimination", and among these, often only those that are very visible, or violent.

For example, the presence of racism is often not perceived in some verbal expressions so deeply rooted in our language that they have been recorded as forms of figurative language listed in the dictionary of the Royal Spanish Academy. This is the case, for example, of the expression "merienda de negros" (black people's snack) used to refer to situations of "disorder and confusion", and of the expression "se le subió el indio" (the Indian part got hold of him/her) as the equivalent of "rose in anger". The reference to these two terms in particular is due to the fact that their use can be observed both in Spain and in virtually all Latin American countries, and that they even appear in the aforementioned dictionary, but there are many others that are used in some countries in particular.

The naturalization of racism means that it is not generally associated with events such as the fact that in our countries indigenous and Afro-descendant individuals and communities generally do not have equitable access to health services. It is clear from the national census data of our countries that children and adults die as a result of this, but it is not a cause of alarm for the majority of the population.

The naturalization of racism explains why racism is not usually associated with events such as the fact that the majority of the population is not indignant, but even finds it "necessary" for the "common good", when communities of indigenous peoples are displaced from their ancestral territories to make the businesses of agricultural and mining corporations, or companies that promote tourism developments and "closed neighborhoods" possible. Similarly, this naturalization explains why the majority of the population is not outraged to see that these communities are not able to have their claims on the matter duly dealt with by "the Justice Service", nor when, in face of the protests from these communities in search of justice, the public authorities send the "security forces" to "put order", which often leads to abuse, torture and even murder. This naturalization operates in such a way that, if the aforementioned chain of injustices was not already a sufficient dose of racism, the same dominant media that tore their clothes off for the murder of George Floyd, presents those circumstances in such a way that they end up criminalizing the very victims of so many racist abuses. Then, the "public opinion" of a good part of the educated middle classes (including graduates from universities and other higher education institutions) repeats in chorus: What an outrage! These people don't understand. They are backward, they are violent.

The serious problems I am pointing out here, and many others, are documented in reports by United Nations special rapporteurs and in documents by ECLAC - Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean - available on the Internet.

Although openly discriminatory behavior towards these individuals and communities is becoming less common in some countries in the region, there are historically accumulated disadvantages, institutional mechanisms and some dominant forms of common sense, which continue to reproduce inequities. These inequities are often imperceptible to other social sectors, which in some cases minimize their importance in the belief that other social groups also suffer discrimination.

In Latin America, problems of discrimination do not only affect individuals and communities of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants. Various forms of racial discrimination and xenophobia also affect individuals and communities of Gypsy, Jewish and Muslim peoples, as well as immigrants of some nationalities in particular, with specificities that vary from country to country. Discrimination also tends to target individuals and groups who must live in very disadvantageous socio-economic situations, and who are represented as "poor" by the hegemonic media, a large part of the so-called "middle classes" and certain orientations of economic and social research and policies. Other serious forms of institutional and interpersonal discrimination and violence particularly affect women, and people with disabilities, or with diverse gender identities or sexual orientation. Discrimination is often compounded when the persons targeted have more than one "negative" attribute in the eyes of those who discriminate against them, such as, for example, being a black lesbian woman. Problems of discrimination are not limited to obvious violent acts; they also affect opportunities for education, employment and access to housing. These are all serious problems in all our societies. However, those that harm individuals and communities of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants have centuries of history and - although transformed - continue to exist. Furthermore, and despite this, they tend to receive little attention from a large part of the population, public institutions, the media, and universities and other types of higher education institutions in their respective societies.
The naturalization of racism in Higher Education systems and institutions
Racism is a profound and naturalized problem in Latin American societies, and education systems bear a large part of the responsibility for this. Universities and other institutions of higher education, in particular, are responsible for training teachers at other levels of education, as well as professionals and technicians who consciously or unconsciously continue to reproduce various forms of racism. The responsibility for these events is not limited to higher education institutions, but includes all the instances and actors that when put together are called systems: the laws and policies that regulate their operation, the organizations that implement them and those that evaluate and accredit institutions and careers. However, the problem of racism is serious and widespread in our societies and its reproduction and naturalization involves higher education graduates, such as those who legislate and those who formulate and implement policies, among other occupations, from which they could at least try not to continue reproducing it.

A significant example of the naturalization of racism in higher education is the fact that while a good number of Latin American universities have adopted protocols for the prevention and attention of cases of discrimination and gender violence, as well as towards people with disabilities or with gender identities or sexual orientation not adjusted to the hegemonic "morality", we have yet to see the existence of instruments of this type that specifically address the various ways in which racism affects indigenous peoples and people of African descent in and from these institutions. In other words, protocols aimed at ensuring prevention and attention to cases of discrimination against people, as well as the exclusions and disqualifications exercised in higher education systems and institutions regarding the languages, histories, world views, lore and knowledge systems, values and forms of spirituality of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants. These protocols should also respond to the challenges of racism implicit in the absence or insufficiency of programs that favor the entry of students, teachers and other workers from these peoples, as well as policies that finance sustained experiences for research and links with their communities, as those that do exist for other social and economic actors. Some universities have already begun to discuss the need for such protocols, but so far, we are not aware that any have been adopted.

The inequalities that result from the contrast between attention to these other forms of discrimination and the neglect of those affecting these peoples are less visible forms of racism than personal discrimination, but no less serious. Moreover, the omission of ethical, professional and academic learning opportunities associated with the knowledge of these peoples' contributions, such as the absence or deficiency of opportunities for bonding and sharing mutual knowledge with their individuals and communities, affects the quality of the education that these systems and institutions provide.

There are many graduates of universities and other higher education institutions who - consciously or unconsciously - play leading roles in the violation of the human rights of persons and communities of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants. For example: lawyers with deficient ethical and historical training who are in charge of devising artifices to violate the territorial and environmental rights of these peoples' communities for the benefit of landowners and agricultural, oil, mining and tourism development corporations. Health professionals, who lack training and intercultural experience in dealing with these peoples' communities, assess their preventive and therapeutic knowledge. Economists, sociologists and other professionals with responsibilities in the design and execution of public policies who have not been trained to value their modalities of social and productive organization, decide on the construction of dams that flood their territories without foreseeing consequences.

Professionals in various fields who have been educated in contempt for the history of these peoples, their languages, values and knowledge systems, and who in the exercise of public office undermine their access to health, justice and education services. Businessmen and corporate authorities who, in spite of the fact that they are, in general terms, university graduates, lack ethical training and information about these peoples, to the extent that they violate their rights for the sake of profit. Security force officials and authorities, who in many countries of the region have graduated from universities or higher education institutions of the security forces, who have received such poor training in regard to the values and rights of these peoples and their members that they repeatedly engage in racist practices. The heads of the public bodies on which the security forces depend, who are also often university graduates, give racist orders to these forces.

The aforementioned problems should draw our attention to the poor quality of education that our higher education systems and institutions are providing. We need to reflect on them. It is not possible to accept uncritically that universities and other institutions of higher education continue to reproduce and naturalize racism. Nor is it acceptable that, in the twenty-first century, they are not proactively working to end it.

Racism not only creates problems of access, success and graduation of persons of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants in higher education institutions; it also affects the quality of the education they provide, their role as shapers of public opinion and citizenship, and the quality of the technicians and professionals they train and the research they carry out.
Eradication of racism and anti-racist education
I think that the problems outlined above illustrate why it is not enough for higher education systems and institutions to be not racist. They must be anti-racist, they must educate against racism, they must be committed to eradicating racism within themselves and in the societies of which they are a part.

Fortunately, the need to act on this issue is already part of the agenda of a growing number of institutions and individuals, as was evident at the Regional Conference on Higher Education in Latin America and the Caribbean, held in Cordoba in June 2018 (CRES 2018).

More than five thousand representatives of higher education systems and institutions from all over the region participated in CRES 2018, including authorities from government agencies with competence in the matter, rectors and other authorities from universities and other institutions, networks of authorities and universities, specialists in the field, students and their federations, teachers and other workers and their unions. This significant meeting issued a final declaration that included a number of recommendations regarding racism, including the following:

"Higher education policies and institutions must proactively contribute to the dismantling of all mechanisms that generate racism, sexism, xenophobia and all forms of intolerance and discrimination. It is imperative that the rights of all population groups that are discriminated on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender, socio-economic status, disability, sexual orientation, religion, nationality and forced displacement, be guaranteed".

"These changes should ensure the incorporation of these peoples and social groups' worldviews, values, lore, know-how, language systems, forms of learning and modes of knowledge production, into higher education institutions".

"It is imperative to recognize and value the epistemologies, modes of learning and institutional designs of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants, rural communities and other socio-culturally differentiated communities".

"Education is not only a human right but also a right of peoples. Latin American and Caribbean States and societies owe a significant historical debt to indigenous and Afro-descendent peoples. Although their rights are recognized in numerous international instruments and in most national constitutions, there is an alarming deficit in their effective application, including in higher education. Higher education institutions must guarantee the effective employment of their rights and educate the population in general, and particularly their communities, against racism and all forms of discrimination and related intolerance".

This declaration marks a milestone in the history of higher education in the region as it expresses progress in the denaturalization of racism in its field, and even outlines some key objectives. The challenge is to make them come true.

To achieve these objectives, it is recommendable to be careful with certain uses of the category "structural racism". Because while it emphasizes the importance and depth of the problem, certain uses of it seem to visualize it as if it was an omnipresent phenomenon that is "everywhere", and thus in no particular place. In order to make concrete progress in eradicating racism in higher education systems and institutions, it is necessary to disaggregate the category of 'structural racism' and to refine the analysis of the multiple ways in which it is expressed and reproduced in this field. To this end, it is necessary to evaluate specific institutional frameworks, norms, procedures, actors, subjectivities, institutional and personal practices, in terms of teaching, management, research, outreach and experiences of engagement with individuals and communities of these peoples.

There is a need to encourage research and participatory activities that promote reflection and debate leading to consensus on protocols aimed at ensuring the prevention of all forms of racism in higher education systems and institutions.

It is necessary to identify and eradicate all of them, because in addition to the negativity inherent in each, they happen to be mutually reinforcing. In order to eradicate racism in this area, it is neither sufficient nor effective to have protocols that focus only on forms of personal racial discrimination. It is necessary to carry out studies and to promote debates and reflections that will make it possible to eradicate other forms of racism, such as the absence or insufficiency of programs that encourage the entry of students, teachers and other workers of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants; as well as the exclusions and disqualifications of their languages, histories, lore and knowledge systems; and also the absence or insufficiency of support for research and links with their communities.

All of us who are part of the higher education systems and institutions are responsible for the persistence of these problems in our field, whether by action or omission. It is our responsibility to transform these systems and institutions in order to contribute - from them - to build societies that are free of racism; societies that are democratic, equitable and inclusive, capable of feeding on the cultural diversity that characterizes them. Only in this way will we be able to prevent murders such as that of George Floyd and others of a similar nature, which continue to occur, both in the United States and throughout Latin America, and also to end other injustices that are the consequence of various forms of racism. The key questions are: In what ways can higher education systems and institutions contribute to end racism? How can each one of us contribute to this?
NOTES
- Simultaneously published on the IESALC portal and as No. 21 of the Colección Apuntes of the Initiative for the Eradication of Racism in Higher Education, of the UNESCO Chair in Higher Education and Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples in Latin America, National University of Tres de Febrero - UNTREF.

- Daniel Mato is principal researcher of the National Council for Scientific and Technical Research - CONICET and director of the UNESCO Chair in Higher Education and Indigenous and Afro-descendant Peoples in Latin America, National University of Tres de Febrero - UNTREF, Buenos Aires, Argentina.

[1] See for example:

[2] The CRES 2018 Final Declaration is available at: http://espacioenlaces.org/declaracion-cres-2018/

[3] In 2018, the UNESCO Chair on Higher Education and Indigenous and Afro-descendent Peoples, in collaboration with more than twenty universities of ten Latin American countries, launched the Initiative for the Eradication of Racism in Higher Education, whose website, among other useful resources to promote reflection and debate on racism in higher education, offers seventy micro-videos, twenty short and easy-to-read texts, and numerous publications on experiences in this field ( http://unesco.untref.edu.ar/ ).

Read the version of this article in portuguese "O caso george floyd e o racismo nos sistemas e instituições de ensino superior" in Portuguese translated by the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte.

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The George Floyd case and racism in higher education systems and institutions

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By Daniel Mato | The murder of George Floyd, suffocated by a police officer in the United States, has made the serious problem of racism and police violence in that country visible again. But this way of looking at it is too simplistic.

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73% of the wealth generated in 2017 went to the richest 1%, while 67 million Indians who comprise the poorest half of the population saw only a 1% increase in their wealth.

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https://inequality.org/facts/gender-inequality/

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The global trend towards extreme wealth and income concentration has dramatically strengthened the economic and political power of those individuals - overwhelmingly male - at the top. In the United States and around the world, women continue to be underrepresented in high-level, highly paid positions and overrepresented in low-paying jobs. Women of color and transgender individuals experience particularly high levels of poverty, unemployment, and other economic hardships. Gender discrimination and sexual harassment in the workplace contribute significantly to these persistent economic divides.

Inequality Across Gender Diversity and Covid-19

The Covid-19 pandemic has exacerbated long-standing gender inequalities. Women are more likely than men to work in service occupations, including domestic work, restaurant service, retail, tourism, and hospitality, that require face-to-face interactions and have been hard-hit by layoffs. Because of the nature of these jobs, teleworking is not an option for many women.

Frontline jobs, which are the ones most often deemed "essential" and require people to work in-person, are also heavily staffed by women. The health care, social work, and government and community-based services sectors are overwhelmingly made up of female employees, according to research from the Economic Policy Institute. Women make up 73 percent of government and community-based services workers, 76 percent of health care workers, and 78 percent of social workers.

The official U.S. unemployment rate does not include people who have not looked for work in the past four weeks. Because women tend to bear more responsibility for family caregiving, women with children were more likely than men to drop out of the labor force when schools and care centers closed due to Covid. Rand Corporation research reveals that the steepest decline in labor force participation in the first phase of the pandemic was among women with two children, at 3.82 points, compared to a 1.39 point drop for men with two children. More recently, the shortage of affordable childcare services has emerged as a barrier for women in returning to jobs in restaurants and other low-wage sectors, contributing to staffing challenges.

Among U.S. women who've stopped looking for work during the pandemic, the steepest drops have been among women of color. Between February 2020 and November 2021, Black women had a 3.5 percentage point drop in labor force participation and Latinx women had a 2.8 point drop, compared to 1.7 for white women. Several factors may have contributed to women of color becoming discouraged from seeking work. On top of gender inequities, women of color face racial discrimination in hiring and layoffs and they are disproportionately concentrated in service and care sector jobs with high risks of Covid exposure.

Transgender people are always in a precarious position, but the Covid-19 pandemic has made them particularly vulnerable. According to research from the Williams Institute at UCLA, transgender Americans are at a higher risk for Covid-19 for several reasons. They are more likely to be low-income, with 47.7 percent of transgender people living below 200 percent of the official U.S. poverty line, compared to 28.9 percent of the general U.S. population. They are also significantly more likely to suffer from asthma and HIV, conditions that put people at higher risk of mortality if they contract Covid-19. And they experience high barriers to receiving health care.

The pandemic has also hit transgender Americans especially hard economically. A poll from the Human Rights Campaign and PSB Research shows that as of June 2020, 54 percent of transgender people had experienced reduced work hours - more than double the 23 percent of the total U.S. workforce that faced a similar reduction. Twenty-seven percent of transgender people had experienced pay cuts, compared to just 7 percent of the U.S. workforce. And 19 percent had become unemployed due to the pandemic, a significantly larger share than the general population.

Gender Income Gaps

Female-dominated occupations - such as childcare and restaurant service - continue to occupy the lower rungs of the U.S. wage ladder. Women make up 67 percent of workers earning the federal minimum wage according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, a wage rate stuck at $7.25 since 2009. By contrast, women represent only 8 percent of CEOs at Fortune 500 firms. CEOs took home $15.5 million on average in 2020.

White males particularly dominate highly lucrative financial industry jobs. At the top five U.S. investment banks (JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America Merrill Lynch, Morgan Stanley, and Citigroup), males make up from 64 to 82 percent executives and top managers. The share who are white ranges from 70 to 81 percent. More than two-thirds of all New York City securities industry employees were male in 2020, and nearly three-fifths were white.

Men make up an overwhelming majority of top earners across the U.S. economy, even though women now represent almost half of the country's workforce. Women comprise just 27 percent of the top 10 percent, and their share of higher income groups runs even smaller. Among the top 1 percent, women make up slightly less than 17 percent of workers, while at the top 0.1 percent level, they make up only 11 percent.

Other major economies show similar trend lines. A study of eight high-income countries from the London School of Economics found that women made up just 14 percent to 22 percent of the top 1 percent of earners. These surveys were conducted during the 2010-2014 period. The U.S. figure for 2012 is from the National Bureau of Economic Research.

Throughout the U.S. workforce, women remain vastly underpaid. Among full-time workers, women earned less than 81 cents for every dollar a man earned in 2016. If part-time workers were included, the gap would be even wider, since women are more likely to work reduced schedules, often in order to manage childrearing and other caregiving work.

Within racial groups, Bureau of Labor Statistics data shows the largest pay gaps between men and women appear among Whites and Asians - not because Latinas and Black women have made faster progress towards equity but because average pay for men in these groups falls far below the compensation of White and Asian men.

American women earn less than men, on average, in all industries. The largest pay gaps are in management positions, where men made $88,000 on average in 2016, compared to just $55,000 for women. The smallest gap appears in the construction sector, but women make up only 9 percent of workers in this industry.

The U.S. gender pay gap, while unacceptably large, is not the world's widest. But accurately measuring these gaps across countries can be difficult. Within the OECD group of higher-income nations, South Korea holds the widest gap, with men earning 37 percent more than women, on average. The country with the narrowest gap: Luxembourg, where men make just 3.4 percent more than women. Gaps have been smallest in OECD countries where the share of workers covered by collective bargaining agreements hits at least 80 percent and widest in countries with weak collective bargaining and no or very low minimum wages.

The International Labor Organization concedes that more work needs to be done to develop more accurate global gender gap analyses. One factor skewing the numbers: Women do considerably more unpaid work, from housekeeping to caring for children and the elderly. Among the 21 countries reporting data for at least one year during the 2013-2015 period, the West Bank and Gaza had the greatest imbalance, with men devoting just 16 percent as much time to unpaid domestic and caregiving work as women. Belgium, where men spend 63 percent as much time on these activities as women, ranked at the top.

In the UK, a new regulation requires corporations to disclose the pay gaps between their male and female employees. Financial firms have among the largest divides because of the scarcity of women in top positions. In 2018, HSBC reported the biggest gap, with the bank's female employees averaging just 41 percent as much as UK male employees. For all 10,000 firms in the survey, the median-paid male employee received 9.7 percent more in pay than the median female.

Gender Wealth Gaps

Most inequality analysis focuses on income (the wages earned from a job or from capital gains) rather than wealth (the sum of one's assets minus debts). Income inequality, while stark, pales in comparison to wealth inequality. The divides become even more dramatic when viewed through a gender lens.

At the top end, we have no more striking sign of increasing global wealth concentration than the rise of the billionaire class. The number of individuals with fortunes worth at least $1 billion more than doubled between 2010 and 2018, while remaining overwhelmingly male. In 2018, only 256 women ranked among the world's 2,208 billionaires. Seventy-seven hail from the United States, more than double the number in any other country.

One important component of wealth, retirement savings, shows an even wider gap between men and women. According to the Transamerica Center for Retirement Studies, American women in 2017 held $42,000 in median retirement savings, compared to $123,000 for men. Some 21 percent of women and 12 percent of men have less than $10,000 in retirement accounts. Both pension plan and Social Security payouts reflect in part past earnings. The gender pay gap means women end up with fewer post-retirement resources. In 2017, the $15,000 average annual Social Security benefit for women lagged the benefit for men by $4,000. The smaller retirement nest eggs of women also have to stretch further than male retirement savings, simply because women have longer life expectancies.

Debt also significantly impacts wealth. Crushing student loan burdens drag many young Americans far into the negative side of the wealth line, with the heaviest for female students. Women comprise 56 percent of college students, but hold nearly two-thirds of outstanding student loan debt.

According to the American Association of University Women, black women graduate with the most debt - $30,400, on average - compared to $22,000 for white women and $19,500 for white men.

Gender Poverty Gaps

The gender poverty gap widened over the past 50 years. In 1968, 10.8 percent of women aged 18-64 (6.1 million women) and 7.2 percent of men (3.7 million) in this age group lived below the poverty line. In 2016, 13.4 percent of women in this age group (13.4 million women) were living in poverty, compared to 9.7 percent of adult men (9.4 million men). The poverty threshold for a single person in 2016: $11,880 in annual income. Households led by single women with children had a poverty rate of 35.6 percent, more than twice the 17.3 percent rate for households led by single men with children, according to the National Women's Law Center.

Poverty is a particularly acute problem for women of color, affecting 21.4 percent of Black women, 18.7 percent of Latinas, and 22.8 percent of Native American women, compared to the national poverty rate for white men of 7.0 percent.

Transgender Economic Gaps

Transgender Americans experience poverty at double the rate of the general population, and transgender people of color experience even higher rates. The National Center for Transgender Equality has found that 43 percent of Latino, 41 percent of Native American, 40 percent of multiracial, and 38 percent of Black transgender respondents lived in poverty in 2015.

In 2015, the overall unemployment rate for transgender Americans stood at 15 percent, compared to 5 percent for the general population. The unemployment rate ran even higher for American Indian, Black, Latino, Middle Eastern, and multi-racial transgender Americans.

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Gender Economic Inequality - Inequality.org

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The global trend towards extreme wealth and income concentration has dramatically strengthened the economic and political power of those individuals - overwhelmingly male - at the top. In the United States and around the world, women continue to be underrepresented in high-level, highly paid positions and overrepresented in low-paying jobs.

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https://www.americanprogress.org/article/state-lgbtq-community-2020/

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Introduction and summary

Survey findings

More than 1 in 3 LGBTQ Americans faced discrimination in the past year

At a basic level, this study finds many LGBTQ individuals reporting mistreatment in their public, work, and personal lives. Asked, "In the past year, have you experienced discrimination of any kind based on your race or ethnicity, national origin, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, religion, disability, economic status, immigration status, or age?" more than one-third of LGBTQ people-36 percent of respondents-said they had. Among transgender individuals, this number increases dramatically, with 62 percent reporting discrimination in the past year.

As seen in Figure 1, reported discrimination is higher than average among transgender and nonbinary people, those with a disability, and individuals of color, particularly Hispanic individuals. Forty-three percent of respondents of color reported experiencing discrimination in some form in the past year, compared with 31 percent of white LGBTQ respondents. Among individuals specifically identifying as nonbinary, genderqueer, agender, or gender nonconforming, nearly 7 in 10 (69 percent) reported discrimination in the past year. Similarly, 45 percent of disabled respondents reported discrimination in the year prior. Generational differences within the LGBTQ community are also prominent: 57 percent of Generation Z adults and 42 percent of Millennials reported discrimination of some kind in the past year, compared with 30 percent of Generation Xers and about one-fifth of Baby Boomers.

In terms of where or how these incidents of discrimination occurred, more than half (51 percent) of LGBTQ respondents overall said they experienced harassment or discrimination in a public place such as a store, public transportation, or a restroom; 36 percent in the workplace; 21 percent at school; 20 percent in an apartment community; 15 percent through interactions with law enforcement; and 14 percent somewhere else. (Multiple responses were allowed.)

Among Gen Z adults in the community, school was the likeliest place to encounter discrimination, at 46 percent, compared with 41 percent in public places.

Respondents were asked to rate the degree to which discrimination affected their life, with the options "not at all," "slightly," "moderately," and "to a significant degree." Transgender respondents were among those facing particularly high levels of discrimination in everyday life. More than half (56 percent) reported that discrimination had a moderate or significant negative impact on their school environment. More than one-third (37 percent) said that discrimination had a moderate or significant impact on their ability to rent or buy a home; 28 percent of LGBTQ respondents overall reported the same. More than half (51 percent) experienced moderate or significant impacts of discrimination in trying to obtain accurate ID documents, an issue especially prominent among transgender individuals seeking documents that accurately reflect their name and gender identity.

Discrimination harms LGBTQ Americans' psychological and economic well-being

The experience of discrimination clearly takes its toll on the psychological and physical well-being of many LGBTQ people as well as on their income and job opportunities.

The study presented respondents with a series of areas and asked them to assess to what degree discrimination has negatively affected them in each area. At the top of the list of negative consequences, 52 percent of LGBTQ people said that their "psychological well-being" has been negatively affected to a moderate or significant degree in the past year. Another 36 percent of respondents reported moderate to significant negative impacts from discrimination on their "spiritual well-being," and 32 percent reported similarly for their "physical well-being." The definitions of these categories were open to the personal interpretation of the respondents.

Transgender individuals experienced noticeably high rates of physical, psychological, and spiritual harm due to discrimination. Two-thirds (66 percent) reported that discrimination moderately or significantly affected their psychological well-being, with nearly half (46 percent) reporting moderate or significant physical impacts and 47 percent reporting moderate or significant impacts on spiritual well-being.

The effect of discrimination on multiple dimensions had significant impacts on Black respondents. Nearly 4 in 5 Black individuals (77 percent) reported moderate or significant impacts to their psychological well-being, while nearly two-thirds (65 percent) reported moderate or significant impacts to their physical well-being.

More than half of Gen Z and Millennial respondents reported moderate or significant negative impacts on their psychological well-being from discrimination, compared with less than half of Gen Xers and about 4 in 10 Baby Boomers.

Discrimination also appears to affect the economic security of LGBTQ individuals. Nearly one-third of respondents (29 percent) reported that discrimination moderately or significantly affected their financial well-being-including 37 percent of Black respondents and more than half (54 percent) of transgender respondents.

Respondents also reported troubles at work. More than one-third of LGBTQ Americans (35 percent) said their ability "to be hired" has been negatively affected to a moderate or significant degree in the past year due to discrimination, along with about 3 in 10 people (31 percent) who have faced negative impacts on their "salary or ability to be promoted" or their "ability to retain employment."

Transgender individuals expressed the greatest difficulty in employment discrimination. More than half (53 percent) of transgender individuals expressed that discrimination moderately or significantly affected their capacity to be hired, with 4 in 10 saying that their ability to be hired was negatively affected to a significant degree. Nearly half (47 percent) of transgender respondents reported that discrimination had a moderate or significant impact on their ability to retain employment. Fifty-one percent of Black respondents reported that discrimination moderately or significantly affected their ability to be hired, compared with 33 percent of white respondents, and 41 percent reported that it had a moderate or significant impact on their ability to retain employment, compared with 31 percent of white respondents. While Baby Boomers reported lower rates of negative impacts from discrimination on their psychological or physical well-being, they were the most likely generation to report that discrimination negatively affected their ability to be hired, their ability to retain employment, and their financial well-being to a significant degree.

These effects appear larger among lower-income LGBTQ Americans than among higher-income ones: Nearly half (47 percent) of those earning less than $25,000 per year reported negative impacts from discrimination on their ability to be hired, compared with around one-quarter (26 percent) of those making more than $100,000 annually.

Many LGBTQ Americans hide their relationships or alter their personal or work lives to avoid discrimination

The survey asked respondents, "Which of the following things have you done in order to avoid experiencing discrimination because of your sexual orientation, gender identity, and/or some other characteristic?" As seen in Table 1, a full 54 percent of LGBTQ Americans say that they have "hid a personal relationship"-by far the most widespread action taken to avoid experiencing discrimination.

College-educated and younger LGBTQ individuals are more likely than noncollege-educated and older ones to report hiding a personal relationship from others. Sixty-two percent of college-educated LGBTQ Americans and two-thirds of Gen Zers say they have hidden a relationship, compared with less than half of noncollege-educated ones and about half of Gen Xers or Baby Boomers.

The next tier of actions taken by about one-third of LGBTQ people to avoid discrimination includes a range of steps, from avoiding public places or houses of worship, to moving away from family, to deciding where to work, to changing individual dress or mannerisms. For example, 35 percent of LGBTQ people say they have "made specific decisions about where to work" in order to avoid discrimination, with one-third also reporting having "avoided public places like stores or restaurants." Transgender and college-educated individuals are more likely than others to have avoided potentially discriminatory workplaces. Three in 10 respondents also reported avoiding law enforcement to prevent discrimination, including 50 percent of transgender respondents and 40 percent of Black respondents.

Likewise, approximately one-third of LGBTQ people say they have "moved away from family," and just more than one-fifth have "moved away from a rural area" to avoid discrimination. In terms of demographic differences, Black and transgender respondents were more likely than others to have moved away from family to avoid discrimination, while those living in nonmetro areas were more likely than those living in metro areas to have changed their dress or mannerisms to avoid discrimination.

About one-fifth of LGBTQ people have taken a third tier of steps to avoid discrimination, including "avoiding travel" (18 percent); "avoiding getting services" (19 percent); "avoiding doctor's offices" (20 percent); and making "specific decisions about where to go to school" (21 percent). These avoidance behaviors were even more common among respondents who experienced discrimination in the past year.

As seen in Figure 8, in terms of the personal characteristics that may have caused people to alter their behaviors, nearly two-thirds of respondents say their "sexual orientation" has led to changed behavior. Thirty-seven percent of respondents selected "sex" as well, including 55 percent of transgender respondents and 38 percent of women versus 24 percent of men. "Race" was chosen by 31 percent of respondents overall, nearly 6 in 10 Black respondents, and more than 4 in 10 Hispanic respondents. Sixty-eight percent of transgender respondents listed "gender identity." "Age" was selected by about one-quarter of respondents, with about one-fifth listing "religion" or "economic status" as personal characteristics that have led LGBTQ people to change their behaviors.

The study also asked respondents to gauge how difficult it would be for them to find a different location if they were denied service in a range of areas. As shown in Figure 9, more than 4 in 10 LGBTQ Americans overall said that finding a different homeless shelter or adoption agency would be very difficult if not impossible if they faced a denial of service. Reported difficulties in finding alternative services in these two areas are even higher for transgender people.

Additionally, approximately one-third of respondents said that it would be very difficult or impossible to find different places to rent an apartment or to get daycare, with around one-fifth of LGBTQ people saying it would be very difficult or impossible to find alternative hospitals, therapists, or wedding vendors if they were denied service.

Due to cost, many LGBTQ Americans found it hard to get necessary medical care in the past year

The study also assessed whether LGBTQ people have experienced any difficulties when trying to access medical care or preventive screenings in the past year. As seen in Figure 10, cost issues affect the largest percentage of LGBTQ individuals. Twenty-nine percent of respondents said that in the past year, "I have postponed or not tried to get medical care when I was sick or injured because I could not afford it," with another one-quarter saying they have postponed preventive screenings due to costs. Among transgender respondents, 51 percent have postponed or avoided care due to cost, and 40 percent have avoided or postponed preventive screenings due to cost.

Although 88 percent of LGBTQ Americans overall say they have health insurance, mostly through an employer or government sponsored exchange or Medicaid, cost pressures pose a particular challenge for younger generations in the community. For example, Gen Z LGBTQ adults are three times more likely than Baby Boomers to have postponed necessary medical care in the past year due to costs (37 percent versus 14 percent, respectively).

Even though costs are a primary challenge, there is a strong desire for equal treatment and good training among health care professionals. Sixty-eight percent of LGBTQ respondents said that it is very important to them that health care providers they see have nondiscrimination policies and specific training in working with LGBTQ people.

Many LGBTQ Americans did not pursue medical treatment due to discrimination

Although costs appear to be a more widespread barrier, discriminatory experiences have also prevented LGBTQ Americans from seeking medical assistance: 15 percent of respondents overall, including 28 percent of transgender respondents, reported postponing or avoiding needed medical care when they were sick or injured due to disrespect or discrimination. Sixteen percent of respondents overall, including 40 percent of transgender respondents, reported postponing or avoiding preventive screenings due to discrimination. Among LGBTQ people who specifically reported experiencing some form of discrimination in the year prior, 36 percent reported avoiding doctor's offices to avoid discrimination compared with 20 percent of respondents overall-a sign that facing discrimination makes one less likely to seek out necessary services.

Exploring the issue in more depth, the study asked respondents whether they have experienced a series of specific challenges with doctors or other health care providers. Twelve percent of respondents overall say they have had to teach their doctors or other providers about their community in order to get adequate treatment. And as seen in Figure 12, anywhere from 7 percent to 14 percent of LGBTQ people have had other negative experiences, including a doctor or provider being visibly uncomfortable due to their actual or perceived sexual orientation (14 percent); harsh or abusive language (8 percent); doctors or providers intentionally refusing to recognize their family members (8 percent); or unwanted physical contact (7 percent).

In general, younger generations across the LGBTQ community are more likely to report specific negative experiences with doctors or health care providers than are those of older generations.

Transgender individuals face unique obstacles when accessing health care

Transgender people, in particular, express more problems in health care than any other segment of the community. Thirty-three percent of respondents reported having to teach their doctor or provider about transgender people in order to get appropriate care. Thirty-eight percent of transgender Americans said that their doctors or other providers have been visibly uncomfortable with them because of their gender identity, and 25 percent said that health care professionals refused to give them medical treatment related to their gender transition. Thirty-two percent of respondents noted that a doctor or provider had intentionally misgendered them or used the wrong name. Nineteen percent reported that their doctor or provider used harsh or abusive language while treating them; 20 percent reported doctors or providers had been physically rough or abusive; and 18 percent reported that their doctor or provider refused to see them at all because of their actual or perceived gender identity.

These concerns are even more prominent among transgender respondents of color. Twenty-eight percent reported that a doctor or provider refused to see them because of actual or perceived gender identity. Twenty-nine percent reported a doctor or other provider used harsh or abusive language when treating them. Thirty-four percent reported doctors or providers refused to provide health care related to gender transition. Thirty-eight percent reported a doctor or provider was physically rough or abusive when treating them. Nearly half (49 percent) reported that their doctor or provider was visibly uncomfortable while treating them, with a similar share (46 percent) reporting that they were intentionally misgendered.

Likewise, 43 percent of transgender people said their health insurance company denied them surgery for their transition, and another 38 percent-including 52 percent of transgender respondents of color-said that their insurance company denied them hormone therapy for their transition. Thirty-four percent reported that an insurance company would not change their records to reflect their current name or gender.

LGBTQ Americans have experienced significant mental health issues related to COVID-19

Overall, two-thirds of LGBTQ Americans say they are anxious about the possibility that they or one of their loved ones will get the coronavirus. Retired individuals, disabled individuals, and Hispanic individuals express more anxiety than others about contracting COVID-19, but concern crosses the entire community.

More specifically, as seen in Table 2, 69 percent of LGBTQ people reported problems in the past two weeks with feeling nervous or anxious when thinking about the coronavirus. Thirty-five percent of these respondents said they felt nervous or anxious for several days, and another 34 percent felt this way for more than half of the days or nearly every day over a two-week period.

Slightly smaller proportions of respondents reported mental health challenges on other measures. For example, roughly 6 in 10 felt down, depressed, or hopeless or reported having trouble falling or staying asleep due to thinking about the coronavirus. Fifty-four percent of LGBTQ people experienced not being able to stop or control their worrying, and 58 percent felt little interest or pleasure in doing things for at least several days over a two-week period. As on other measures, transgender people reported higher levels of mental health issues than most other groups when thinking about the coronavirus.

Conclusion

Acknowledgments

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The State of the LGBTQ Community in 2020

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A comprehensive new study from the Center for American Progress finds that many LGBTQ people continue to face discrimination in their personal lives, in the workplace and the public sphere, and in their access to critical health care.

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https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/racism-in-sport-video-1.6276636

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Najma Osman has been called the N-word twice while playing sports.

She's also had her hijab pulled off in public, but the 19-year-old felt it came off the same as other racist encounters she's had on the pitch and the basketball court.

Osman, who is attending Brandon University, is one of several local athletes and other people in sports sharing emotional stories about how racism affected them on and off the field in a new video released Tuesday aimed at tackling the issue.

"It comes from everyone. You can even have your teammates be racist to you. You can have your own coach be racist to you. You can have other coaches be racist to you, the referee, parents ...

"They don't want you to be better than them," Osman told CBC News.

Initially, she did not want to participate in the making of the video, but Osman received encouragement from a coach.

"I learned that just talking about your experience might help motivate other people who have the same abilities as you but don't have the resources or the confidence to do what you do," she said.

The video, produced by the Anti-Racism in Sport Campaign, features a range of professional and university athletes, including Andrew Jean-Baptiste from Winnipeg Valour FC and retired Winnipeg Blue Bomber Ibrahim (Obby) Khan.

In one of the first stories in the video, Jean-Baptiste talks about an incident in which spectators in the stands started shouting the N-word at him and his teammates while they were on the field.

Gode Katembo, who plays soccer for Canadian Mennonite University, talks about a troubling comment from one of his coaches and how it impacted him.

"I didn't even know who to go to, so I remember walking off the field - it was ninetieth minute. I was tearing up just crying because I couldn't express myself," he says in the video.

Watch the video below:

In an interview with CBC News, Katembo said he's glad people are talking about the issue now because, in the past, athletes didn't have an outlet.

"Back then, there was nobody talking about it, even though racism did exist," he said.

Katembo is also the founder of the Manitoba Africa Cup of Nations soccer league, and coaches young players. He says sometimes they don't even know how to express themselves when they experience racism, especially if English is their second language.

"Some of them, they wouldn't even know what to tell the refs because they didn't speak English," he said.

"And sometimes the referees will be harsh on them without them understanding what ... caused or what led to the frustration of that player."

Keagan Gaywish and his Minnedosa Chancellors were playing against the Swan Valley Tigers in Swan River on Oct. 31 when racist comments were hurled at him from the stands.

After watching the video, the 16-year-old from Rolling River First Nation said he was surprised to know so many other athletes in Manitoba have dealt with what he experienced during a Westman High School Hockey League game.

"It made me realize how much bigger racism and stuff is. It's just not in sports, like all over the place," Gaywish said.

He's hopeful that the video continues to circulate and make an impression on anyone who has a tendency to utter racial remarks, even if in a sports setting.

"I think the video is real[ly] helpful actually. I think it's going to make people think about what they say before they actually say that stuff," Gaywish said.

The Anti-Racism in Sport Campaign was launched in April to educate people about the impact of racism in sport, and find ways to stop it.

Daria Jorquera Palmer, a consultant for the campaign, says she hopes the stories in the video resonate with people and inspire them to act.

"Racism is essentially an act of violence against someone, and I think the sooner that everyone acknowledges that, they're going to be more likely to address it."

Osman hopes the campaign makes a monumental impact in the sporting community.

"We don't want anyone losing their passion for sport just because they've encountered rude comments or like racist comments in the field," she said. "So we should move a step forward toward stopping racism in the field, outside the field."

For more stories about the experiences of Black Canadians - from anti-Black racism to success stories within the Black community - check out Being Black in Canada, a CBC project Black Canadians can be proud of. You can read more stories here.

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Manitoba athletes talk frankly about racism in sport in new video aimed at combatting discrimination | CBC News

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Najma Osman has been called the N-word twice while playing sports. She's also had her hijab pulled off in public, but the 19-year-old felt it came off the same as other racist encounters she's had on the pitch and the basketball court.

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Serra Acar

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Sheryl WuDunn: Our century’s greatest injustice | TED Talk

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Sheryl WuDunn’s book “Half the Sky” investigates the oppression of women globally. Her stories shock. Only when women in developing countries have equal access to education and economic opportunity will we be using all our human resources.

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ziW5JG6GTHk&t=804s

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Social Justice Belongs In Our Schools | Sydney Chaffee | TEDxBeaconStreet

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https://youtu.be/LTDikx-maoM

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It could be useful to have a look at the titles here..

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In this talk, Janet Crawford touches on the often unconscious associations with gender. According to the 2020 Gender Gap Index of the World Economic Forum, Turkey is the 133rd country out of 156 countries. There is inequality against women in many issues in Turkey. For this, women unite and defend their rights.
https://youtu.be/eCknUJJc3qU

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The surprising neuroscience of gender inequality | Janet Crawford | TEDxSanDiego

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By now, many are aware that the pandemic has affected lower-income groups the most within countries, including in Canada. But what most do not know is that income inequality - the economic distance between higher and lower-income groups within individual countries - is also driving national COVID-19 infection and death rates.

The specific impacts are only just becoming clear. As researchers in economics and epidemiology, we are interested in how economic inequality has impacted COVID-19 outcomes. The pandemic has given researchers like us a unique opportunity to study the relationship between inequality and health across various countries.

Working independently to study the pre-vaccine phase of the pandemic, our teams approached the research question from different perspectives. We brought together economists who are concerned with the analysis and economic impact of income inequality, and epidemiologists who study how social factors influence health.

Taking into account pre-pandemic inequality and other structural variables, we found that higher income inequality was associated with worse COVID-19 outcomes within countries.

Studies show link between inequality and COVID-19

The first study, conducted by Edgardo Sepulveda of Ryerson University and Ann-Sylvia Brooker of the University Health Network in Toronto, an economics-epidemiology team, focused on 22 high-income countries that are members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), an intergovernmental economic organization. Given that age is one of the most significant COVID-19 risk factors, their analysis broke the population into four age groups: 15-44, 45-64, 65-79 and above 80 years. They accounted for economic and other known risk factors, such as national poverty and the number of residents in long-term care homes in each country.

They found that higher income inequality in a country was associated with more COVID-19 deaths across all age groups. There are a number of possible explanations for this association, such as a larger proportion of the population being more at risk. This may be due to higher exposure, more comorbidities or poorer access to treatment.

The second study, conducted by James Davies of Western University, looked at COVID-19 severity in 127 high-, medium- and low-income countries. Taking into account a number of variables - including national poverty, geography, the number of hospital beds and the level of democracy - he found a strong association of COVID-19 cases, deaths and inequality.

For example, during the first wave of the pandemic, the U.S. had 60 per cent more deaths and 150 per cent more cases per capita than Canada. Davies estimates that one third of these gaps could be explained by higher U.S. inequality.

But Canada should not be smug. There are 20 OECD countries with lower inequality than Canada, meaning that there are 20 countries who are dealing with inequality better than Canada is. Davies' results suggest that if Canada's income inequality gap was smaller, it could have had 34 per cent fewer COVID-19 cases in the first wave.

Inequality has widespread effects

Not only is inequality within countries socially and economically undesirable and politically corrosive, but it is also wasteful. Reducing inequality can increase the overall welfare in society. While it's true that too much redistribution can potentially reduce the size of any future "economic pie," it is unlikely that Canada, and most other OECD countries, are close to reaching that point.

It's clear that inequality has a negative effect on health, and has worsened the severity of the ongoing pandemic. Lower-income groups within OECD countries, including in Canada, tend to have lower vaccination rates.

Towards more economic equality

Looking only at the United States for comparison, some Canadians may think that ours is a relatively equal society, but it is not. We are just the middle of the pack - we can and should do better.

If Canada is truly interested in achieving greater equality, we need to focus on the systems and policies that exacerbate inequality, to improve our pre-distribution policies and our redistributive effort. We can increase investments in people, enrich our social programs and have a fairer tax system where the rich contribute more.

If such measures are taken, we can expect that both economic performance and public health would improve, and that more Canadians would be in the same boat and paddling in the same direction.
Ann-Sylvia Brooker is a health researcher in Toronto and co-authored this article.

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Income inequality and COVID-19: We are in the same storm, but not in the same boat

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By now, many are aware that the pandemic has affected lower-income groups the most within countries, including in Canada. But what most do not know is that income inequality - the economic distance between higher and lower-income groups within individual countries - is also driving national COVID-19 infection and death rates.

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I don't know which group it fits however I wanted to share.

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I didn't want to share the video because it is disgusting. However, if you aren't susceptible, you can reach the video by writing " George Floyd" on youtube.