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Italy unified in 1861. They captured Rome. And fought there own country. There country was divided into three parts until this time. Slowly throughout the years they finally became a unified country with everybody getting along.

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Ten Minute History - The Unification of Italy (Short Documentary)

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In 1871 Otto von Bismarck reunified Germany. Forming the German empire.

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Otto von Bismarck (1815–1898) / German Unification

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In 1822 after decades of being under the power from the Portuguese. They finally gained independence after fighting Portugal in a war. They won on 1822 and that what made them become a free country.

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The 200th anniversary of Brazil's Independence

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Otto von Bismarck was a very powerful leader for Germany. And he is one of the most well known leaders ever for Germany. And he reunified them.

https://www.ohio.edu/chastain/ac/bism.htm

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Table of Contributors Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page

Bismarck, Otto von

Bismarck, Otto von remains one of the most significant political figures of modern Germany. This stature derives from his contribution to the creation and shaping of the modern German state as Prussian minister president and imperial chancellor from 1862 to 1890. His activities and attitudes as parliamentary deputy during the revolution of 1848 generally are viewed as mere preludes to an eminent career. Yet there is little doubt that the experiences of the period helped to shape the thirty-three year old's political ideas and ambitions. The most significant of them may be summarized under three headings: (1) his general ideological orientat io n and political commitments; (2) his position on constitutional issues and representative government; and (3) his views on the place of Prussia in Germany and in Europe.

Bismarck had entered politics in 1847 as an ultraconservative champion of Junker interests. When revolutions swept across Europe and reached Berlin the following year, his first impulse was to arm the peasants of his estate in defense of King and country. But two weeks later, in his first speech to the United Diet, he note d: " the past is buried...no human power can bring it back to life." Here was a clear expression of the "political realism" with which his name later became synonymous and which set him apart from his political friends of the reactionary Gerlach group: while they were principled and tradition-bound, Bismarck was pragmatic. What mattered to him were concrete interests and the power to defend or to satisfy them.

To be sure, all the conservatives had a common political foe in the liberal and dem ocrati c forces of the revolution. And in March 1848, when Frederick William IV concluded an alliance of necessity with the former, they even contemplated an aristocratic counter-revolution to remove a king who had compromised the traditional order of their kingdom. More clearly than his allies, however, Bismarck saw liberalism as an expression of the political, economic, and social interests of the propertied urban class associated with industrialization. He countered it by raising the material interes ts of th e Junkers to the level of patriotic duty, justifying aristocratic privileges as a necessary basis for their continued service to the state which he considered the only real guarantee of the state's " lasting prosperity and power."

On constitutional issues, Bismarck's position was similarly free of theoretical principles. Since politics as he saw it concerned interest representation, power and its distribution must of necessity serve the purpose. In the Spring of 1848, Bismarck was di smayed by the Crown's collaboration with the liberal opposition in creating a constitutional and representative political order. His response was not to fight change, but to oppose its liberal character. Thus Bismarck supported the establishment of a parliament, but advocated one based on estates or professional associations, with the power to influence but not rival the authority of the monarch. He was therefore adamantly opposed to the work of the Frankfurt Assembly as well as to constitutional chang es in Prussi a which threatened the kingdom's established political and social order. In the pursuit of his goals, Bismarck also became a modern politician who, like his opponents, began to mobilize popular support for his cause. In press campaigns, association meetings, and parliamentary speeches he appealed to the aspirations of peasants, craftsmen, and shopkeepers as if they were identical to the interests of his Junker constituents.

In his responses to the so-called German question raised during the re volution, Bismarck developed ideas and arguments which also foreshadowed his later policies and actions. He never left anyone in doubt that he was a Prussian patriot, not a German nationalist. He rejected the Frankfurt Assembly's plan for unification because it would absorb Prussia into Germany; and he opposed the Radowitz plan because it would destroy the independence of the Prussian king. "Prussian we are and Prussian we wish to remain" he said in June 1848, explaining later that only P russia's interna l strength had overcome its revolutionaries and helped to protect Germany from its foreign enemies.

Bismarck's view of Germany was based on territory rather than on language and culture. By 1849, it configured the national issue for him into one of the relative positions of Prussia and Austria in the old Reich. In the context of the falling Radowitz plan, the question became polarized around the alternatives of confrontation of cooperation. Although he had earlier urged a P russian policy of aggrandizement and primacy in Germany, Bismarck argued against a war and for cooperation with Austria on the basis of parity. Only self-interest, he explained, makes war a worthy cause for a major state. And neither the Radowitz scheme nor the quarrel over intervention in Hesse-Kassel involved such vital interests for the Hohenzollern state. His skillful defense of the Prussian Government's failed German policy in 1850 earned Bismarck his King's gratitude and an appointment to what wa s then Prussia's mos t important diplomatic post: envoy to the revived Confederation.

Bibliography

Otto von Bismarck. Die Gesammelten Werke. Friedrichsruh Edition (1924-1935).

Lothar Gall. Bismarck. The White Revolutionary. 2 vol. (1986).

Otto Pflanze. Bismarck and the Development of Germany. 3 vol. (1990).

Table of Contributors &n bsp;Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page

Krista Durchik revised this file ( http://www.ohiou.edu/~chastain/ac/bism.htm) on May 30, 1998.

Please E-mail comments or suggestions to chastain@www.ohiou.edu

© 1998 James Chastain.

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Table of Contributors Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page Bismarck, Otto von remains one of the most significant political figures of modern Germany. This stature derives from his contribution to the creation and shaping of the modern German state as Prussian minister president and imperial chancellor from 1862 to 1890.

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Early Life

Dom Pedro I was born with the lengthy name of Pedro de Alcântara Francisco António João Carlos Xavier de Paula Miguel Rafael Joaquim José Gonzaga Pascoal Cipriano Serafim on October 12, 1798, in the Queluz Royal Palace outside of Lisbon. He was descended from royal lineage on both sides: on his father's side, he was of the House of Bragança, the royal house of Portugal, and his mother was Carlota of Spain, daughter of King Carlos IV. At the time of his birth, Portugal was ruled by Pedro's grandmother Queen Maria I, whose sanity was quickly deteriorating. Pedro's father João VI essentially ruled in his mother's name. Pedro became heir to the throne in 1801 when his older brother died. As a young prince, Pedro had the best schooling and tutoring available.

Flight to Brazil

In 1807, Napoleon’s troops conquered the Iberian Peninsula. Wishing to avoid the fate of the ruling family of Spain, who were “guests” of Napoleon, the Portuguese royal family and court fled to Brazil. Queen Maria, Prince João, young Pedro, and thousands of other nobles set sail in November of 1807 just ahead of Napoleon’s approaching troops. They were escorted by British warships, and Britain and Brazil would enjoy a special relationship for decades to follow. The royal convoy arrived in Brazil in January of 1808: Prince João set up a court-in-exile in Rio de Janeiro. Young Pedro rarely saw his parents; his father was very busy governing and left Pedro to his tutors and his mother was an unhappy woman who was estranged from her husband, had little desire to see her children, and lived in a different palace. Pedro was a bright young man who was good in his studies when he applied himself, but he lacked discipline.

Pedro, Prince of Brazil

As a young man, Pedro was handsome and energetic and fond of physical activities like horseback riding, at which he excelled. He had little patience for things that bored him, such as his studies or statecraft, although he did develop into a very skilled woodworker and musician. He was also fond of women and began a string of affairs at a young age. He was betrothed to Archduchess Maria Leopoldina, an Austrian Princess. Married by proxy, he was already her husband when he greeted her at the port of Rio de Janeiro six months later. Together they would have seven children. Leopoldina was much better at statecraft than Pedro and the people of Brazil loved her, although Pedro found her plain and continued to have regular affairs, much to Leopoldina's dismay.

Pedro Becomes Emperor of Brazil

In 1815, Napoleon was defeated and the Bragança family was once again rulers of Portugal. Queen Maria, by then long descended into madness, died in 1816, making João king of Portugal. João was reluctant to move the court back to Portugal, however, and ruled from Brazil via a proxy council. There was some talk of sending Pedro to Portugal to rule in his father's place, but in the end João decided he had to go to Portugal himself in order to make sure that Portuguese liberals did not entirely do away with the position of the king and royal family. In April 1821, João departed, leaving Pedro in charge. He told Pedro that if Brazil started moving toward independence, he should not fight it and instead make sure he was crowned emperor.

Independence of Brazil

The people of Brazil, who had enjoyed the privilege of being the seat of royal authority, did not take well to returning to colony status. Pedro took his father's advice, and also that of his wife, who wrote to him: "The apple is ripe: pick it now, or it will rot." Pedro dramatically declared independence on September 7, 1822, in the city of São Paulo. He was crowned emperor of Brazil on December 1, 1822.

Independence was achieved with very little bloodshed: some Portuguese loyalists fought in isolated locations, but by 1824 all of Brazil was unified with relatively little violence. In this, Scottish Admiral Lord Thomas Cochrane was invaluable: with a very small Brazilian fleet, he drove the Portuguese out of Brazilian waters with a combination of muscle and bluff. Pedro proved himself skillful in dealing with rebels and dissidents. By 1824, Brazil had its own Constitution and its independence was recognized by the United States and Great Britain. On August 25, 1825, Portugal formally recognized Brazil's independence; it helped that João was the king of Portugal at the time.

A Troubled Ruler

After independence, Pedro’s lack of attention to his studies came back to haunt him. A series of crises made life difficult for the young ruler. Cisplatina, one of Brazil’s southern provinces, split off with encouragement from Argentina: it would eventually become Uruguay. He had a well-publicized falling-out with José Bonifácio de Andrada, his chief minister and mentor.

In 1826 his wife Leopoldina died, apparently of an infection brought on after a miscarriage. The people of Brazil loved her and lost respect for Pedro due to his well-known dalliances; some even said that she had died because he hit her. Back in Portugal, his father died in 1826 and pressure mounted on Pedro to go to Portugal to claim the throne there. Pedro’s plan was to marry his daughter Maria to his brother Miguel, which would make Maria queen and Miguel regent. The plan failed when Miguel seized power in 1828.

Abdication of Pedro I of Brazil

Pedro began looking to remarry, but word of his poor treatment of the respected Leopoldina preceded him and most European princesses wanted nothing to do with him. He eventually settled on Amélie of Leuchtenberg. He treated Amélie well, even banishing his longtime mistress, Domitila de Castro. Although he was quite liberal for his time—he favored the abolition of enslavement and supported the Constitution—he continually fought with the Brazilian Liberal party. In March of 1831, Brazilian liberals and Portuguese royalists fought in the streets. He responded by firing his liberal cabinet, leading to outrage and calls for him to abdicate. He did so on April 7, abdicating in favor of his son Pedro, then 5 years old. Brazil would be ruled by regents until Pedro II came of age.

Return to Europe

Pedro I had great troubles in Portugal. His brother Miguel had usurped the throne and had a firm hold on power. Pedro spent time in France and Great Britain; both nations were supportive but unwilling to get involved in a Portuguese civil war. He entered the city of Porto in July of 1832 with an army consisting of liberals, Brazilians, and foreign volunteers. Things went poorly at first because King Manuel's army was much larger and laid siege to Pedro in Porto for over a year. Pedro then sent some of his forces to attack the south of Portugal, a surprise move that worked. Lisbon fell in July 1833. Just as it looked like the war was over, Portugal got drawn into the First Carlist War in neighboring Spain; Pedro's assistance kept Queen Isabella II of Spain in power.

Death

Pedro was at his best in times of crises, as the years of warring had actually brought out the best in him. He was a natural wartime leader who had a real connection to the soldiers and people who suffered in the conflict. He even fought in the battles. In 1834 he won the war: Miguel was exiled from Portugal forever and Pedro's daughter Maria II was placed upon the throne. She would rule until 1853.

The warring, however, took its toll on Pedro's health. By September 1834, he was suffering from advanced tuberculosis. He died on September 24 at the age of 35.

Legacy

During his reign, Pedro I was unpopular with the people of Brazil, who resented his impulsiveness, lack of statecraft, and mistreatment of the beloved Leopoldina. Although he was quite liberal and favored a strong Constitution and the abolition of enslavement, Brazilian liberals constantly criticized him.

Today, however, Brazilians and Portuguese alike respect his memory. His stance on the abolition of enslavement was ahead of its time. In 1972, his remains were returned to Brazil with great fanfare. In Portugal, he is respected for overthrowing his brother Miguel, who had put an end to modernizing reforms in favor of a strong monarchy.

During Pedro's day, Brazil was far from the united nation it is today. Most of the towns and cities were located along the coast and contact with the mostly unexplored interior was irregular. Even the coastal towns were fairly isolated from one another and correspondence often went first through Portugal. Powerful regional interests, such as coffee growers, miners, and sugarcane plantations were growing, threatening to split the country apart. Brazil could very easily have gone the way of the Republic of Central America or Gran Colombia and been split up, but Pedro I and his son Pedro II were firm in their determination to keep Brazil whole. Many modern Brazilians credit Pedro I with the unity they enjoy today.

summary: Dom Padro was the leader for Brazil. When they became a independent country. From defeating Portugal in a war in 1822.

Sources

Adams, Jerome R. "Latin American Heroes: Liberators and Patriots from 1500 to the Present." New York: Ballantine Books, 1991.

Herring, Hubert. "A History of Latin America From the Beginnings to the Present." New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962

Levine, Robert M. "The History of Brazil." New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.

Cite thi

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Giuseppe Mazzini was one of the leaders for Italy when they went to war with themselves. And eventually became a reunified country in 1861.

https://www.ohio.edu/chastain/ac/bism.htm

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Table of Contributors Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page

Bismarck, Otto von

Bismarck, Otto von remains one of the most significant political figures of modern Germany. This stature derives from his contribution to the creation and shaping of the modern German state as Prussian minister president and imperial chancellor from 1862 to 1890. His activities and attitudes as parliamentary deputy during the revolution of 1848 generally are viewed as mere preludes to an eminent career. Yet there is little doubt that the experiences of the period helped to shape the thirty-three year old's political ideas and ambitions. The most significant of them may be summarized under three headings: (1) his general ideological orientat io n and political commitments; (2) his position on constitutional issues and representative government; and (3) his views on the place of Prussia in Germany and in Europe.

Bismarck had entered politics in 1847 as an ultraconservative champion of Junker interests. When revolutions swept across Europe and reached Berlin the following year, his first impulse was to arm the peasants of his estate in defense of King and country. But two weeks later, in his first speech to the United Diet, he note d: " the past is buried...no human power can bring it back to life." Here was a clear expression of the "political realism" with which his name later became synonymous and which set him apart from his political friends of the reactionary Gerlach group: while they were principled and tradition-bound, Bismarck was pragmatic. What mattered to him were concrete interests and the power to defend or to satisfy them.

To be sure, all the conservatives had a common political foe in the liberal and dem ocrati c forces of the revolution. And in March 1848, when Frederick William IV concluded an alliance of necessity with the former, they even contemplated an aristocratic counter-revolution to remove a king who had compromised the traditional order of their kingdom. More clearly than his allies, however, Bismarck saw liberalism as an expression of the political, economic, and social interests of the propertied urban class associated with industrialization. He countered it by raising the material interes ts of th e Junkers to the level of patriotic duty, justifying aristocratic privileges as a necessary basis for their continued service to the state which he considered the only real guarantee of the state's " lasting prosperity and power."

On constitutional issues, Bismarck's position was similarly free of theoretical principles. Since politics as he saw it concerned interest representation, power and its distribution must of necessity serve the purpose. In the Spring of 1848, Bismarck was di smayed by the Crown's collaboration with the liberal opposition in creating a constitutional and representative political order. His response was not to fight change, but to oppose its liberal character. Thus Bismarck supported the establishment of a parliament, but advocated one based on estates or professional associations, with the power to influence but not rival the authority of the monarch. He was therefore adamantly opposed to the work of the Frankfurt Assembly as well as to constitutional chang es in Prussi a which threatened the kingdom's established political and social order. In the pursuit of his goals, Bismarck also became a modern politician who, like his opponents, began to mobilize popular support for his cause. In press campaigns, association meetings, and parliamentary speeches he appealed to the aspirations of peasants, craftsmen, and shopkeepers as if they were identical to the interests of his Junker constituents.

In his responses to the so-called German question raised during the re volution, Bismarck developed ideas and arguments which also foreshadowed his later policies and actions. He never left anyone in doubt that he was a Prussian patriot, not a German nationalist. He rejected the Frankfurt Assembly's plan for unification because it would absorb Prussia into Germany; and he opposed the Radowitz plan because it would destroy the independence of the Prussian king. "Prussian we are and Prussian we wish to remain" he said in June 1848, explaining later that only P russia's interna l strength had overcome its revolutionaries and helped to protect Germany from its foreign enemies.

Bismarck's view of Germany was based on territory rather than on language and culture. By 1849, it configured the national issue for him into one of the relative positions of Prussia and Austria in the old Reich. In the context of the falling Radowitz plan, the question became polarized around the alternatives of confrontation of cooperation. Although he had earlier urged a P russian policy of aggrandizement and primacy in Germany, Bismarck argued against a war and for cooperation with Austria on the basis of parity. Only self-interest, he explained, makes war a worthy cause for a major state. And neither the Radowitz scheme nor the quarrel over intervention in Hesse-Kassel involved such vital interests for the Hohenzollern state. His skillful defense of the Prussian Government's failed German policy in 1850 earned Bismarck his King's gratitude and an appointment to what wa s then Prussia's mos t important diplomatic post: envoy to the revived Confederation.

Bibliography

Otto von Bismarck. Die Gesammelten Werke. Friedrichsruh Edition (1924-1935).

Lothar Gall. Bismarck. The White Revolutionary. 2 vol. (1986).

Otto Pflanze. Bismarck and the Development of Germany. 3 vol. (1990).

Table of Contributors &n bsp;Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page

Krista Durchik revised this file ( http://www.ohiou.edu/~chastain/ac/bism.htm) on May 30, 1998.

Please E-mail comments or suggestions to chastain@www.ohiou.edu

© 1998 James Chastain.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Table of Contributors Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page Bismarck, Otto von remains one of the most significant political figures of modern Germany. This stature derives from his contribution to the creation and shaping of the modern German state as Prussian minister president and imperial chancellor from 1862 to 1890.