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Anti-Semitism in Greece: A Country Report

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Anti-Semitism in Greece: A Country Report

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Anti-Semitism in Greece: A Country Report

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Despite the presence of a relatively small community of about 5,000 Jews, anti-Semitism remains an ongoing concern in Greek society. A large percentage of Greeks harbor anti-Semitic attitudes and stereotypes, according to a series of recent opinion polls. Anti-Semitic incidents, though few in number, are reported throughout the country.

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Videos Young Voices from Israel after October 7

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Videos Young Voices from Israel after October 7

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Videos Young Voices from Israel after October 7

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As part of the initiative "We Are Connected" ConAct, the Israel Youth Exchange Authority and the Council of Youth Movements in Israel conducted several interviews with members of different youth movements in Israel.

How did October 7 affect their lives and the Israeli society? What does it mean to be young in times of war? And how do they see the role of youth?

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Video Gallery "Young Voices from Israel"

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As part of the initiative "We Are Connected" ConAct, the Israel Youth Exchange Authority and the Council of Youth Movements in Israel conducted several interviews with members of different youth movements in Israel. How did October 7 affect their lives and the Israeli society? What does it mean to be young in times of war?

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Read Impulse: Erinnerungsarbeit by egindgjw on Issuu and browse thousands of other publications on our platform. Start here!

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The Museum of History of Polish Jews in Warsaw

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The Museum of History of Polish Jews in Warsaw

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POLIN | Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich POLIN w Warszawie

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Mémorial de la Shoah - Musée et centre de documentation

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The Shoah Memorial is a museum dedicated to Jewish history during the Second World War, with the central focus on the teaching of the Shoah.

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We invite you to visit all the museum's buildings, including the famous Complete information allowing entry into the museum, see Old Jewish Cemetery, Spanish Synagogue with a new exhibition Jews in the Bohemian Lands, 19th-20th Centuries. Open daily, 10 a.m. - 6 p.m., except Saturdays and other Jewish holidays.

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A Guide to Old Myths in a New Era

Antisemitic Myths

Antisemitism Uncovered: A Guide to Old Myths in a New Era is a comprehensive resource with historical context, fact-based descriptions of prevalent antisemitic myths, contemporary examples and calls-to-action for addressing this hate.

Introduction

On July 10, 1933, nearly a decade before the Holocaust, Dr. Paul Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi Minister of Propaganda, was on the front cover of TIME Magazine, stating "THE JEWS ARE TO BLAME!"

Nazi Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels featured on the cover of Time, July 1933.

In the years that followed, millions of Jews across Europe were terrorized, hunted and murdered by Nazis, their collaborators and those coerced by them. While the Holocaust was unique in the systematic, industrial means it employed to annihilate the Jewish people, large scale persecutions and killings of Jews did not start with the Nazis. They have happened during other times and in other regions. Indeed, hatred of Jews existed for millennia before the Holocaust and did not end with the murder of the six million. We must remember that the warning signs leading up to even the most lethal of social epidemics are typically far from immediate or obvious. And so today, it is our collective responsibility to recognize the patterns of hate-based prejudice, how this mindset takes root and even more so how it operates.

While antisemitism has sometimes escalated to violent or genocidal levels, it more often appears in subtler ways, such as insensitive remarks that are brushed off, or negative stereotypes that go unchallenged. We must never normalize even seemingly harmless forms of hate-based prejudice; this is what strengthens dangerous social attitudes, which can erode the values of even the most just society. Silence and complacency in the face of biased remarks or actions permit others to internalize harmful messages, making such messages commonplace. Antisemitism is unique in many ways, but, like other forms of hate, it grows in silence and blossoms in acquiescence.

And yet it is not always easy to recognize and combat antisemitism. For example, while knowledge of the Holocaust helped banish overt antisemitism in many contexts in the postwar decades, surprising numbers of young people today are unaware of the most basic facts about what happened to Europe's Jews during World War II. According to a nationally representative March 2018 survey, commissioned by the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany, only 36 percent of millennials (ages 18-34) in the United States knew that six million Jews perished during the Holocaust.

As survivors enter their final years and society moves forward, the Holocaust recedes from public memory, making Nazism appear almost other-worldly, like a historical impossibility. Moreover, many of those who truly are familiar with the history of the Holocaust or other massive anti-Jewish atrocities are unable or unwilling to recognize subtler manifestations of antisemitism, envisioning many contemporary Jews as a privileged group that is not sufficiently vulnerable to warrant significant concern or action. These and other factors explored below have contributed to a decrease in the previous stigmatization of antisemitic attitudes and a tendency not to take warning signs seriously.

Antisemitism has commonalities with racism, anti-Muslim bias, xenophobia, homophobia, transphobia, misogyny and other forms of hate and discrimination. It also has certain unique characteristics as a specific set of ideologies about Jews that has migrated across discourses. In almost every part of society, this hatred has been conjured and adjusted to suit the values, beliefs and fears of specific demographics and contexts. We cannot fight antisemitism without understanding how it is both intertwined with other forms of prejudice and how it is unique.

This report will help to identify what antisemitism is and how it manifests, from the ancient past to the present day. With a long history as a distinct minority group living in exile, Jews in various contexts across the globe have been misunderstood and subject to harmful characterizations that have endured through the ages. Accordingly, Jews often have found themselves wrongfully scapegoated, reviled, persecuted, expelled and murdered. They have been an easy target from all sides, sometimes attacked for remaining "too different" from dominant majority cultures or conversely for blending in "too well" within these same societies. Despite the diversity of Jewish people and of Judaism as a religion, antisemitism understands Jews as an unchanging, negative force in the world and draws on a deep reservoir of lies and propaganda to support that faulty understanding.

While antisemitism obviously harms and worries Jews, we must also be mindful that it threatens democracy and is an indicator of the health of a society as a whole, of a society's capacity to think reasonably and behave humanely. Antisemitism attacks Jews specifically, but it is the body politic that is ultimately impoverished by it.

We face complicated challenges in today's world. The lack of simple, straightforward answers embolden those who seek an easy culprit on whom to blame those problems. The hateful myths and conspiracy theories levied against Jews throughout history offer accessible templates for such blame. Cultures of silence and complacent attitudes have helped antisemitism to gain new currency in the United States and around the world. Without the requisite knowledge to recognize this evil, we are at a disadvantage to stop it.

In the pages that follow, we examine the history of antisemitism in order to understand its roots and how it has been linked with wider narratives and power structures and, thus, to debunk the acceptance it has increasingly been granted. We then examine seven of the most common antisemitic myths. These tropes have been repeated knowingly and unknowingly, too often leading to violence. For each myth, we offer context and examples to help identify it.

With mounting threats against marginalized communities on today's global stage, there is urgency. In this environment, it is imperative for each and all of us, Jewish or not, to understand and speak out against the so-called oldest hatred and preempt future acts of violence such attitudes might encourage. We have to know what antisemitism is, to be able to see it in practice, and to be willing to oppose it now.

Definition of Antisemitism

In early 2017, the editors of the Merriam-Webster Dictionary tweeted, "'Antisemitism' is among our top lookups this afternoon." Four days later, they reported the same.

It wasn't surprising, perhaps, that so many people wanted to know what the term meant. They were reading about it and hearing about it more regularly, as antisemitic incidents in the United States rose in numbers.

Merriam-Webster's cogent definition - "hostility toward or discrimination against Jews as a religious, ethnic, or racial group" - fails to provide a thorough consideration of this complicated issue. Of course, no single definition is perfect. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) convened a plenary of its 32 member nations in 2016. The researchers and scholars affirmed a lengthy working definition that begins with the following:

Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.

The IHRA definition includes numerous examples of how antisemitism can be manifested, including in classic and current forms, such as when criticism of Israel crosses the line from fair critique of policies into antisemitism. Some examples include:

Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor.

Applying double standards by requiring of it a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation.

Using the symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism (e.g., claims of Jews killing Jesus or blood libel) to characterize Israel or Israelis.

Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis.

Holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the state of Israel.

This legally non-binding working definition provides valuable guidance for elected officials, law enforcement, university administrators, educational professionals and community leaders on what exactly is antisemitism and the many different forms it can take.

Why did it take a large panel to define a single term? Because antisemitism contains features that are both similar and different from other forms of hate or prejudice, reflecting a long, complex and specific set of histories regarding Jewish and non-Jewish relations.

As the IHRA's definition indicates, antisemitism encompasses hatred of Jews on the basis of their existence as human beings, not simply as followers of the Jewish religion. It does so through contradictory logic that envisions Jews as both excessively powerful and as weak or even subhuman. In this respect, antisemitism departs slightly from racism. Racism often involves a clear power dynamic in which a privileged group believes itself to be naturally superior and attempts to retain its social advantages by persecuting or discriminating against other racialized groups. While most forms of racism focus on emphasizing the perceived weaknesses of another group, antisemites tend to portray Jews as both too strong and too weak, as well as the cause of all social problems.

The list of paradoxes is long. Jews have been blamed by racists for promoting racial equality and by racial minorities for promoting slavery and racism. Jews have been blamed by capitalists for preaching socialism and by socialists for alleged capitalist exploitation. Jews have been targeted by social conservatives for empowering sexual minorities and by queer activists for patriarchal conservatism. And the list goes on. Like non-Jews, Jews constitute a diverse population that does not act monolithically. However, the particular conditions of Jewish history, interpreted through antisemitic ideology, have contributed to perceptions of Jews as nefarious actors and manipulative magicians, always to blame. Thus, unlike other kinds of prejudice, antisemitism is a paranoid mentality that intertwines an imagined Jewish essence in relationship with other ideological concerns, prejudices or aims. Ultimately, it rests on applying simple, false explanations to complex social problems. Across eras and cultures, these ideas about Jews have been used to justify exclusion, discrimination, violence and genocide.

The primacy of antisemitism tends to be contextual and periodic. Antisemitism typically surges in times of political or economic uncertainty as well as rapid social change, often used as a tool of political manipulation or populist anger. We have seen this again and again throughout history.

In nearly every generation, centuries-old antisemitic stereotypes and myths are recycled. And because antisemitism in the present draws inspiration from hateful ideas of the past, exploring the historical origins of antisemitism is the first step toward understanding and addressing it and working to restrain and, ultimately, eradicate it.

The primacy of antisemitism tends to be contextual and periodic. Antisemitism typically surges in times of political or economic uncertainty as well as rapid social change.

Antisemitism In History

Antisemitism has followed the Jewish community across continents and through history, both globally and in the United States. Antisemitic myths continue to fester today.

Antisemitic Myths

The antisemitic myths about power, loyalty, greed, deicide, the blood libel, Holocaust denialism and anti-Zionism have persisted over time. A descriptive arc from historic origin to contemporary examples contextualizes the faulty logic behind each one.

Conclusion

After reading this report, we hope you will understand the faulty logic of the most pernicious antisemitic myths. You have seen what forms each myth can take. You know why each is wrong.

If you put this knowledge to action, you can help prevent antisemitism from growing in today's world and contribute to maintaining a civil society in which hate-based ideologies have no place.

Selma to Montgomery, Alabama March 21, 1965. March leaders (wearing leis) from left to right: John Lewis, a nun, Ralph Abernathy, Martin Luther King, Ralph Bunche, Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel and the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth.

Share Your Voice.
If you hear someone - such as a neighbor or coworker - use one of these antisemitic tropes, with or without negative intent, don't be afraid to name it. It might be a little awkward, but that's okay. If it's safe, it's good to interrupt intolerance when it happens. And if you hear an elected official or political candidate promote an antisemitic myth, call them out regardless of how they affiliate or how you vote. Leaders in our communities and our country should be held to the highest standard. When they fall short, confront them. Even when certain antisemitic myths may be used in what could be construed or intended as a complimentary way, they are still harmful to Jewish people by propagating and seeming to validate inaccurate stereotypes about Jews.

Share The Facts.
When you call out antisemitism, avoid hyperbole and draw upon data and facts such as those provided in this report. Identify which faulty narrative is being emphasized - whether theological, eugenicist or political - in order to debunk misinformation, but don't engage in hysterics. Use social and traditional media to share information that's based in evidence. Write your member of Congress. Speak up at town halls. Your local ADL office can help.

Share Your Strength.
If you experience or witness an incident of antisemitism - whether that's graffiti at a local business, an alt-right protest in your community or anti-Jewish slander on social media - report it to ADL rather than dismiss it. ADL does our best to investigate incidents and respond quickly. And beyond just reporting a single situation, stand together with those who are bullied or marginalized in any situation. Allyship is a critical aspect of the fight for a more just and fair future.

It has taken millennia to shape modern antisemitism. It will take the collective effort of all of us to counteract this evil and shape a world free from hatred, bias and bigotry. Let's get to work.

Note from the CEO

For more than a century, ADL has been battling antisemitism and fighting to secure justice and fair treatment to all.

Sadly, the past few years have been among the most challenging that we have seen in recent memory: from Pittsburgh to Poway to Jersey City to Monsey to Colleyville, violent antisemitic incidents have become all too common. In fact, ADL recorded 3,697 antisemitic incidents in 2022, the highest number of antisemitic incidents on record since ADL began tracking in 1979. This included 111 incidents of assault against members of the Jewish community, as well as incidents of vandalism and harassment across every state and the District of Columbia.

We have seen leading voices in the United States - from both sides of the political spectrum to celebrities and other high-profile figures - who are normalizing antisemitism. They are using antisemitic myths and tropes about "globalists" controlling government and other industries, especially the media, and about Jewish money destroying our borders or the dual loyalty of Jewish citizens. Disturbingly, ADL's Antisemitic Attitudes in America survey found that over three-quarters of Americans (85 percent) believe at least one anti-Jewish trope, as opposed to 61 percent found in 2019. We also see this trend throughout the world, with Jews and Jewish institutions being increasingly scapegoated and targeted by acts of violence. The surge in anti-Zionist activity on social media, on college campuses, in politics and the public domain we're seeing in the US and around the globe is similarly concerning, and efforts to mainstream attacks on Zionism and Zionists under the guise of criticizing Israel are especially alarming.

We also saw antisemitism fueled by the coronavirus pandemic, where posts on social media explained COVID-19 as a plot created by Jews to expand global influence. And, many, including politicians, have compared public safety measures, including vaccine and mask mandates, to the restrictions placed on Jews during the Holocaust.

Amplifying it all are online platforms that tolerate antisemitism and hate, facilitating its unprecedented reach and accessibility. Not just adults, but children can easily find horrific hate online with a click or a swipe, 24 hours per day, seven days per week, 365 days a year. In our local communities, we see swastikas drawn into desks at school, students ostracized for supporting Israel on college campuses and synagogue windows smashed. We see hate groups spreading antisemitic rhetoric through fliering campaigns, public demonstrations and online.

Finally, this is all happening at a time when our collective memory of the Holocaust is fading. A recent Pew study indicated that Gen Z knows less about the Holocaust than previous generations. The ADL Global 100: An Index of Antisemitism determined that only an estimated 54 percent of adults worldwide have even heard of the Holocaust.

Given this climate, ADL published this guide in March 2020. With Antisemitism Uncovered: A Guide to Old Myths in a New Era, we explain the history of antisemitism and the myths at its core. We ordered the discussion of each myth with descriptions of its historic origin and contemporary examples. With this modular structure, we built a bridge from past to present in order to crystalize and demonstrate why and how this hatred still haunts us. By offering this context and debunking these myths, this guide can educate people from all walks of life about what is and is not antisemitism, enabling all of us to stop its spread and call it out whenever and wherever it may arise. In March 2022, we launched a video series to further raise awareness around each of the seven tropes featured in this guide. You can find them in each chapter. We encourage you to share them and join us in fighting hate for good.

Sincerely,
Jonathan Greenblatt
ADL CEO

Acknowledgments

ADL gratefully acknowledges The ADL Lewy Family Institute for Combating Antisemitism for its sustained support and commitment to fighting antisemitism. ADL also thanks its individual, corporate and foundation advocates and contributors, whose vote of confidence in our work provides the resources for our research, analysis and programs fighting antisemitism and hate in the United States and around the globe.

ADL thanks Esta Gordon Epstein, Chair, Board of Directors (2019-2021) and Ben Sax, Chair, Board of Directors (2022-present) for their leadership, and all of our volunteer leaders for their time and dedication to our mission.

ADL greatly appreciates the editorial contributions and valuable review by Andrew Mark Bennett, doctoral candidate in law, Freie Universität Berlin; Golan Moskowitz, Assistant Professor of Jewish Studies at Tulane University; Alvin H. Rosenfeld, Director of the Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism, Indiana University; Jonathan D. Sarna, University Professor and Joseph H. & Belle R. Braun Professor of American Jewish History and Director, Schusterman Center for Israel Studies at Brandeis University; Magda Teter, Professor of History and the Shvidler Chair in Judaic Studies at Fordham University; and the team at Be'chol Lashon / GlobalJews.org.

Last but not least, thank you to Kenneth Jacobson, Deputy National Director and ADL's longest-serving employee, who has helped steer ADL in its fight against antisemitism for more than 50 years. His wisdom, passion for the legacy and future of the Jewish people and the respect with which he treats all of his colleagues strengthens ADL and inspires admiration among us.

Join The Fight

Antisemitism Uncovered is a guide to help you understand more about the history and current manifestations of antisemitism. What's the next step? Join the fight against it! We've gathered all our most practical resources-the tools and strategies you need to engage in that fight-in one place: right here in Antisemitism Uncovered Toolkit: Resources to Speak Up, Share Facts and Show Strength Against Hate.

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Antisemitism Uncovered: A Guide to Old Myths in a New Era

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A resource with historical context, fact-based descriptions of antisemitic myths, contemporary examples and calls-to-action for addressing antisemitism.

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RIAS (Federal Association of Departments for Research and Information on Antisemitism)

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RIAS (Federal Association of Departments for Research and Information on Antisemitism)

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On 31st October 2018 the "Federal Association of Departments for Research and Information on Antisemitism" (Bundesverband der Recherche- und Informationsstellen Antisemitismus e.V.) was founded in Berlin. Its aim is to use the reporting portal www.report-antisemitism.de to ensure consistent recording and documentation of antisemitic incidents by civil society throughout Germany. In doing so, the Federal Association draws on the working methods and technologies developed by the "Association for a Democratic Culture in Berlin" (VDK e.V.) since 2015. The Federal Association RIAS e.V. initiates and supports the establishment of regional reporting and support networks and trains new civil society projects whose main purpose is the civil society recording of antisemitic incidents in Germany.

The regional registration offices meet regularly within the framework of a federal working group of the Federal Association in order to standardize existing working methods and further develop the quality standards of the work.

In particular, the Federal Association promotes trust and, associated with this, the willingness of Jews and persons perceived as Jews to make use of civil society reporting and support services.

Close and continuous cooperation with the Central Council of Jews in Germany, the regional associations of the Jewish communities and the Competence Centre for Prevention and Empowerment at the Central Welfare Office of Jews in Germany (ZWST e.V.) and other Jewish organisations is central to this concern. At the same time, continuous consultation with the existing advisory and support services of victim counselling, mobile counselling and anti-discrimination counselling is central to the success of a gradually developing nationwide reporting and support network.

Background and funding

Since March 2017, the VDK e.V. has been working together with the ZWST e.V. to set up a nationwide coordination office for the civil society recording of antisemitic incidents using funds from the "Bundesprogramm Demokratie Leben!" Within the framework of this project, dense problem descriptions of regional manifestations of antisemitic incidents were not only compiled in Bavaria, Hesse and Brandenburg, but incident reports were also processed nationwide.

The Potsdam "Moses-Mendelssohn Centre for European Jewish Studies" (MMZ) and the "International Institute for Education and Research on Antisemitism" (IIBSA), based in Berlin, provided scientific support for the project.

The Bundesverband RIAS is funded by the Federal Ministry of the Interior and Community on the basis of a resolution of the German Bundestag. The Bundesverband RIAS is also funded by: Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth as part of the federal program Live Democracy, the Federal Ministry of Education and Research, the Stiftung Deutsche Kassenlotterie Berlin, the European Union, the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany, the Foundation Remembrance, Responsibility, Future and the Federal Ministry of Finance.

Contact

Co-operation

To facilitate counselling oriented on the needs of the victims, and to ensure a comprehensive documentation of antisemitic incidents, RIAS Berlin co-operates with the following organisations:

RIAS Berlin also co-operates with the following organisations:

Der Bundesverband RIAS e.V. ist Mitglied im Kompetenznetzwerk Antisemitismus

The network offers numerous options in the fields of Analyse, education and consulting, which are further developed through cooperation and knowledge transfer between the network partners.

Funding

Federal Association RIAS is funded by

Funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or European Commission. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them. With Assistance from the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany. Supported by the Foundation Remembrance, Responsibility and Future and by the German Federal Ministry of Finance.

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ConAct - Coordination Center German-Israeli Youth Exchange 

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ConAct - Coordination Center German-Israeli Youth Exchange 

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Termine

Teil II: Besuch der Partnerorganisationen in Deutschland weiterlesen

Wie kann ich DINA für die Projekte und Ideen meiner Austauschorganisation nutzen? weiterlesen

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Israel Individuell

Die Kontakte zwischen Menschen aus verschiedenen Ländern werden erst durch das persönliche Kennenlernen wirklich lebendig. Gemeinsam Zeit zu verbringen, sich auf neue und andere Kulturen einzulassen, Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede zu entdecken, erweitert den persönlichen und beruflichen Horizont.
Mehr erfahren

Partner gefördert
durch

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Termine Teil II: Besuch der Partnerorganisationen in Deutschland weiterlesen Wie kann ich DINA für die Projekte und Ideen meiner Austauschorganisation nutzen? weiterlesen Wie kann ich DINA für die Projekte und Ideen meiner Austauschorganisation nutzen? weiterlesen Israel Individuell Die Kontakte zwischen Menschen aus verschiedenen Ländern werden erst durch das persönliche Kennenlernen wirklich lebendig.

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This op-ed is part of a special opinion package, "Antisemitism at Harvard, According to Seven Jewish Affiliates." View the full package here.

"An antisemite is someone who hated me before I was born," Elie Wiesel, survivor of Auschwitz, said.

Antisemitism is a denial of humanity of the Jew. The reactions that occurred at Harvard in the wake of Oct. 7 considered Jews oppressors and, in some way, unworthy of human consideration.

In the calculus of an antisemite, Jews are both subhuman and superhuman - vermin who control the world. Common antisemitic rhetoric places Jews at the center of conspiracies, secretly controlling anything and everything: America, the banks, the Middle East, a vast colonialist enterprise, immigration, the Federal Reserve, NATO, and even Taylor Swift's concert tour schedule.

People hate Jews because they are communists, capitalists, foreigners, residents, immigrants, elitists, have strange ways, are unassimilated, too assimilated, bankroll the left (like George Soros) or bankroll the right (like Sheldon Adelson). People hate Jews because they are weak and stateless, or because they are Zionists and defend Israel.

This hate is justified in a number of ways, and it is never just because someone is Jewish.

One ideology common at Harvard is the colonialist settler ideology. Colonialists are people who come from one place, take a land, and now have two.

But, Jews are far from being colonialists. Jews come from Israel. In this ideology, the colonialists are almost always white, but the Jews in Israel are quite diverse. Colonialists do not share the land, but Israel gave the Sinai Peninsula back to Egypt and has made many separate offers to share their land with Palestinians - which the Palestinians rejected. Further, Jews were kicked out of Israel by one colonial power - Rome - and returned by overthrowing the rule of another - Britain.

Much of Harvard is captured by an ideology that centers oppression, but dividing all of the world into oppressor and oppressed is dangerous. Once you divide humanity by race or creed or nation into two camps - the good and the evil - you have adopted the mentality of the despot. This is bad for society, as well as for Jews.

Although many do so in ignorance, when people chant "from the river to the sea" the most natural interpretation of their calls is advocacy for territory without Israel, without Jews.

Israel is the only country in the world that is routinely and widely targeted for eradication. So is anti-Zionism synonymous with antisemitism?

There are exceptions, but the overlap is striking. I have never heard of activists who are angry with China targeting Chinese restaurants in Paris, but when Hamas terrorists were recently arrested in Europe with plans to blow up Jewish institutions, they were not targeting Israel, but Jews. If someone is angry at Israel, they target Jewish synagogues, businesses, and restaurants - anything associated with Jews, anywhere in the world - no matter their relationship to Israel.

This enmity has deep roots.

I have a position at the Harvard Divinity School, and I often wonder whether we teach students that both the New Testament, and to a lesser extent the Koran, contain messages hostile to Jews. Do the students learn that Martin Luther said Jews "are a serpent's brood" and their synagogues should be burned, or how during periods like the Almohad persecution, Jews could accept Islam, flee, or die? How Christians persecuted and periodically murdered Jews for some 1,500 years?

Jews experienced more acceptance in Muslim lands, yet still were labeled impure, subjugated, and were often persecuted. Many of my congregants in Los Angeles were forced to flee Iran when the Shah fell in 1979 - their property confiscated, the leader of the community executed, and the Khomeini regime making clear they were unwelcome in the new Islamic republic. Having lost everything and escaping with their lives, years later, they still have nightmares.

Why all this hatred against one small people? We remained different, distinct. We would not become Christian or Muslim. We were outsiders, others, champions of diversity.

Moreover, Jewish culture - portable, book-focused, and one that venerates scholarship and learning - primes us for economies where information and mental agility lead to success. When you don't like someone, seeing them succeed magnifies the antipathy.

Finally, Jews introduced the idea of ethical monotheism - the moral demands that one God makes on human beings - to the western tradition. As Jewish essayist Maurice Samuel said, "no one likes an alarm clock"; Jews represent conscience and conscience is a disruptive and painful partner in our lives.

The energy and outrage Jews generate - making up 0.2 percent of the world population - is oddly disproportionate. Antisemitism is a wild, irrational eruption.

Harvard has a long and ignoble history of antisemitism, as Harvard President Claudine Gay said in her remarks to Harvard Hillel in October. It is time to admit it, confront it and overcome it. One can criticize policies without calling for the end to the only homeland Jews have ever known. One can demand a Palestinian state without globalizing the intifada - the term for a protest that previously resulted in over 110 suicide bombings that targeted buses, cafes, and malls.

If we cannot learn to argue civilly at Harvard, how can we have hope for the civility of other places in the world?

Jews gave the world a precious gift: the idea that each human being is an image of God. I pray that we all remember and honor that gift.

Rabbi David J. Wolpe is a visiting scholar at the Harvard Divinity School. He served on Harvard's antisemitism advisory group before stepping down in early December.

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On the Hatred of Jews | Opinion | The Harvard Crimson

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Harvard has a long and ignoble history of antisemitism. It is time to admit it, confront it and overcome it. If we cannot learn to argue civilly at Harvard, how can we have hope for the civility of other places in the world?

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Anti-Semitism in Greece Today

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Heinrich Böll Stiftung - Thessaloniki Office

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Anti-Semitism in Greece Today (Second Edition) | Heinrich Böll Stiftung - Thessaloniki Office

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Examining the anti-Semitism phenomenon in Greece in the 21st century is based on the observation that post-Auschwitz anti-Semitism has not been eradicated neither in Greece nor in the rest of Europe, but is instead rising as evidence from recent studies show.

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The “Grodzka Gate ‐ NN Theatre” Centre in Lublin

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The “Grodzka Gate ‐ NN Theatre” Centre in Lublin

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The "Grodzka Gate - NN Theatre" Centre

In 1990, a group of enthusiasts walked into the derelict ruin which the Grodzka Gate was at the time. The first NN Theatre premiere took place on 11th May.

From then on, the Grodzka Gate and its neighbouring tenement houses have become completely renovated, and in 1998 the theatre was renamed the "Grodzka Gate - NN Theatre" Centre. Currently the Centre's acrivities are spread between three locations: the Grodzka Gate, the Underground Trail (Tribunal) and the House of Words (Żmigród Street). All of these places are connected through their mission of telling the history of Lublin.

To better understand the genesis of the "Grodzka Gate - NN Theatre" Centre's activities, one must keep in mind that the location of the Grodzka Gate is directly in the centre of where the Lublin Jewish quarter once had been.

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The "Grodzka Gate - NN Theatre" Centre in Lublin is a local government cultural institution. It works towards the preservation of cultural heritage and education. Its function is tied to the symbolic and historical meaning of the Centre's location in the Grodzka Gate, which used to divide Lublin into its respective Christian and Jewish quarters, as well as to Lublin as a meeting place of cultures, traditions and religions.

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Analysis of antisemitism in France (2024, FR)

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Analysis of antisemitism in France (2024, FR)

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Annual Report on Manifestations of Antisemitism in the Czech Republic 2022

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Annual Report on Manifestations of Antisemitism in the Czech Republic 2022

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Annual Report on Manifestations of Antisemitism in the Czech Republic 2022 | Federation of Jewish Communities in Czech Republic

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Federation of Jewish Communities in the Czech Republic (FJC) recorded 2 277 antisemitic incidents in 2022. The constant trend of leapfrog growth of antisemitic manifestations which could be clearly seen in the previous periods monitored, thus continued also last year. Compared to year 2021, in which 1,128 antisemitic incidents were recorded, this trend can be labelled as dramatic.

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While the need for international efforts to combat anti-Semitism is increasingly urgent, it is educators who have the power to address this pressing social challenge by instilling the values of mutual respect and equality in their students. Based on research by the University of Derby into the most prevalent challenges teachers face in educating about anti-Semitism in the OSCE region, ODIHR, within its multi-year German funded project "Turning Words into Action to Address Anti-Semitism", has produced ten specialized teaching aids to support teachers to address anti-Semitism.

They offer guidance for responding effectively to challenging questions or behaviour from students,provide brief but essential background information on contemporary manifestations, and signpost other useful resources for further reading. The overall learning approach focuses on promoting human rights, tolerance and critical thinking. This set of teaching aids complements other resources produced by ODIHR such as the Addressing Anti-Semitism through Education: Guidelines for Policymakers, Addressing Anti-Semitism inSchools: Training Curricula and Addressing Anti-Semitism in Schools: Educational Videos.ODIHR would like to acknowledge the work of the organization CEJI - A Jewish Contribution to an Inclusive Europe, who has supported the development and drafting of these teaching aids.

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Addressing Anti-Semitism through Education: Teaching Aids

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While the need for international efforts to combat anti-Semitism is increasingly urgent, it is educators who have the power to address this pressing social challenge by instilling the values of mutual respect and equality in their students.

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RIAS Report: Antisemitic Incidents in Germany 2023 

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RIAS Report: Antisemitic Incidents in Germany 2023 

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Discover the Franco-German Youth Office which promotes exchanges and intercultural meetings to strengthen Franco-German friendship.

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At Harvard and elsewhere, an old falsehood is capturing new minds.

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By now, December's congressional hearing about anti-Semitism at universities, during which the presidents of Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania, and MIT all claimed that calls for the genocide of Jews would violate their university's policies only "depending on the context," is already a well-worn meme. Surely there is nothing left to say about this higher-education train wreck, after the fallout brought down two of those university presidents and spawned a thousand op-eds-except that all of the punditry about diversity and free speech and criticism of Israel has extravagantly missed the point.

The problem was not that Jewish students on American university campuses didn't want free speech, or that they didn't want to hear criticism of Israel. Instead, they didn't want people vandalizing Jewish student organizations' buildings, or breaking or urinating on the buildings' windows. They didn't want people tearing their mezuzahs down from their dorm-room doors. They didn't want their college instructors spouting anti-Semitic lies and humiliating them in class. They didn't want their posters defaced with Hitler caricatures, or their dorm windows plastered with Fuck Jews. They didn't want people punching them in the face, or beating them with a stick, or threatening them with death for being Jewish. At world-class American colleges and universities, all of this happened and more.

I was not merely an observer of this spectacle. I'd been serving on now-former Harvard President Claudine Gay's anti-Semitism advisory committee, convened after the October 7 Hamas massacre in Israel and amid student responses to it. I was asked to participate because I am a Harvard alumna who wrote a book about anti-Semitism called People Love Dead Jews. As soon as my participation became public, I was inundated with messages from Jewish students seeking help. They approached me with their stories after having already tried many other avenues-bewildered not only by what they'd experienced, but also by how many people dismissed or denied those experiences.

In Congress, all three university presidents offered some version of the platitudes that "Hatred comes from ignorance" and "Education is the answer." But if hatred comes from ignorance, why were America's best universities full of this very specific ignorance? And why were so many people trying to justify it, explain it away, or even deny it? Our era's 10-second news cycle is no match for these questions, because the answers are deep and ancient, buried beneath the oldest of assumptions about what we think we know.
Read: What Claudine Gay got right and the International Court of Justice got wrong
The through line of anti-Semitism for thousands of years has been the denial of truth and the promotion of lies. These lies range in scope from conspiracy theories to Holocaust denial to the blood libel to the currently popular claims that Zionism is racism, that Jews are settler colonialists, and that Jewish civilization isn't indigenous to the land of Israel. These lies are all part of the foundational big lie: that anti-Semitism itself is a righteous act of resistance against evil, because Jews are collectively evil and have no right to exist. Today, the big lie is winning.

In 2013, David Nirenberg published an astonishing book titled Anti-Judais m. Nirenberg's argument, rigorously laid out in nearly 500 pages of dense scholarship and more than 100 pages of footnotes, is that Western cultures-including ancient civilizations, Christianity, Islam (which Nirenberg considers Western in its relationship with Judaism), and post-religious societies-have often defined themselves through their opposition to what they consider "Judaism." This has little to do with actual Judaism, and a lot to do with whatever evil these non-Jewish cultures aspire to overcome.

Nirenberg is a diligent historian who resists generalizations and avoids connecting the past to contemporary events. But when one reads through his carefully assembled record of 23 centuries' worth of intellectual leaders articulating their societies' ideals by loudly rejecting whatever they consider "Jewish," this deep neural groove in Western thought becomes difficult to dismiss, its patterns unmistakable. If piety was a given society's ideal, Jews were impious blasphemers; if secularism was the ideal, Jews were backward pietists. If capitalism was evil, Jews were capitalists; if communism was evil, Jews were communists. If nationalism was glorified, Jews were rootless cosmopolitans; if nationalism was vilified, Jews were chauvinistic nationalists. "Anti-Judaism" thus becomes a righteous fight to promote justice.

This dynamic forces Jews into the defensive mode of constantly proving they are not evil, and even simply that they have a right to exist. Around 38 C.E., after rioters in Alexandria destroyed hundreds of Jewish homes and burned Jews alive, the Jewish Alexandrian intellectual Philo and the non-Jewish Alexandrian intellectual Apion both sailed to Rome for a "debate" before Emperor Caligula about whether Jews deserved citizenship. Apion believed that Jews held an annual ritual in which they kidnapped a non-Jew, fattened him up, and ate him. Caligula delayed Philo's rebuttal for five months, and then listened to him only while consulting with designers on palace decor. Alexandrian Jews lost their citizenship rights, though it took until 66 C.E. for 50,000 more of them to be slaughtered.

In medieval Europe, Jews were forced into disputations with Christian priests that placed Jewish texts and traditions on public trial, resulting in Jewish books being burned and Jewish disputants exiled. Later legal trials expanded on this concept, requiring Jews to defend themselves against the absurd charge known as the blood libel, in which Jews are accused of murdering and consuming non-Jewish children-a claim that has echoes in current lies about Israelis harvesting Palestinians' organs.

The absurdity of these charges is less remarkable than the high intellectual profiles of those making them: people like Apion, a scholar of Homer and Egyptian history, as well as Christian and Muslim scholars who were among the best-read people of their time. Similarly absurd claims of Jewish perfidy were later endorsed by civilizational luminaries such as Martin Luther and Voltaire. "Anti-Judaism," Nirenberg argues, "should not be understood as some archaic or irrational closet in the vast edifices of Western thought. It was rather one of the basic tools with which that edifice was constructed."

I've been thinking about Nirenberg's thesis in the months since the October 7 massacre in Israel, during which Hamas, an openly genocidal organization whose stated goal is the murder of Jews, lived up to its mission statement by torturing, raping, and murdering more than 1,200 people in southern Israel and taking more than 200 captives, including babies, children, and the elderly. Shortly after the attacks, a Cornell professor publicly proclaimed the barbarity "exhilarating" and "energizing," while a Columbia professor called it "awesome" and an "achievement." Comparable praise percolated through America's top universities, coming from students and faculty alike. On campuses around the country, students began gathering regularly to chant "There is only one solution: intifada revolution!"-a reference to a suicide-bombing campaign in Israel a generation ago that maimed and murdered well over 1,000 Jews. (If there is only one solution, perhaps one could call it the Final Solution.)

Students took these rallies inside libraries and other campus buildings. They vandalized university property with such slogans as "Zionism = Genocide," "New Intifada," and "From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free"-referring to a geographic area that encompasses the entirety of the state of Israel, where half the world's Jews live. (At Harvard, some students opted for chanting an Arabic version: "From water to water, Palestine is Arab.") On some campuses, the exhilaration escalated into death threats and physical assaults against Jewish students. When a Jewish Tulane University student tried to stop an anti-Israel protester near campus from burning an Israeli flag, protesters attacked him and other Jewish students, breaking one student's nose.

In Los Angeles, a man invaded a Jewish family's home before dawn with a knife, breaking into the parents' bedroom while their four children slept, screaming "Kill Jewish people."

It wasn't just universities. Crowds cheering for "intifada" gathered in cities around the country, shutting down and disrupting train stations and airport access roads. Lest their support for Hamas be mistaken for support for Palestinians in general, or for peace, U.S. rally organizers named their efforts "floods" ("Flood Seattle for Palestine," "Flood Manhattan for Gaza") after "Operation Al Aqsa Flood," Hamas's name for its October 7 butchery. The enthusiasm was hard to contain. Some people tore down or vandalized posters of Israeli hostages. Others targeted synagogues and Jewish-owned businesses, spray-painting them with swastikas and slogans like "Israel's only religion is capitalism." In New York City, a Jewish teacher's online photo holding a sign that said I Stand With Israel was enough to prompt a schoolwide protest that devolved into a riot during which students destroyed school property; the teacher had to be moved to another part of the building to avoid the teenage mob screaming "Free Palestine!" In Los Angeles, a man invaded a Jewish family's home before dawn with a knife, breaking into the parents' bedroom while their four children slept, screaming "Kill Jewish people." When police arrested him, he shouted, "Free Palestine!"

Criticism of Israel is not anti-Semitic: Jews are now required to recite this humiliatingly obvious sentence, over and over, as the price of admission to public discourse about their own demonization, in "debates" with people who are often unable to name the relevant river or sea. The many legitimate concerns about Israel's policies toward Palestinians, and the many legitimate concerns about Israel's current war in Gaza, cannot explain these eliminationist chants and slogans, the glee with which they are delivered, the lawlessness that has accompanied them, or the open assaults on Jews. The timing alone laid the game bare: This mass exhilaration first emerged not in response to Israel's war to take down Hamas and rescue its kidnapped citizens, but exactly in response to, and explicitly in support of, the most lethal and sadistic barbarity against Jews since the Holocaust, complete with rape and decapitation and the abduction of infants, committed by a regime that aims to eviscerate not only Jews, but also all hopes of Palestinian flourishing, coexistence, or peace.
Read: When anti-Zionism is anti-Semitic
But there are nuances to sadistic barbarity against Jews, we are told, and sometimes gang-raping Jewish women is actually a movement for human rights. It hardly seems fair to call people anti-Semitic if they want only half of the world's Jews to die. The phrase "Globalize the Intifada," currently chanted at universities across America, perhaps widens the net a tiny bit-but really, who can say? Even the phrase "Gas the Jews," chanted at a rally organized by NYU students and faculty, is so very ambiguous. How dare those whiny Jews presume to know what's in other people's hearts?

Besides, American Jews had nothing to whine about: Had any of them actually died in the United States from all this exhilaration? That question was answered in November, when a Jewish man died in California after an anti-Israel protester allegedly clubbed him over the head with a bullhorn, the kind used to chant entirely non-anti-Semitic slogans-and of course that question had already been answered repeatedly with other anti-Semitic murders in recent years, some more publicized than others. (One murder even happened on campus: In 2022, an expelled University of Arizona student who repeatedly ranted about Jews and Zionists shot and killed his professor-who wasn't Jewish, though the student thought he was.) But now the goalposts move again: Those actual murders, along with many other physical attacks against American Jews, are all just one-offs, lone wolves, mental-illness cases, entirely unrelated to the anti-Semitic rhetoric swirling through American life.

It remains unclear why anti-Semitism should matter only when it is lethal, or if so, how many unambiguously anti-Semitic murders would be necessary for anti-Semitism to be happening outside whiny Jews' heads. A realistic estimate might be 6 million. Even then, Jews have had to spend the past 80 years collecting documentation to prove it.

One confounding fact in this onslaught of the world's oldest hatred is that American society should have been ready to handle it. Many public and private institutions have invested enormously in recent years in attempts to defang bigotry; ours is an era in which even sneaker companies feel obliged to publicly denounce hate. But diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives have proved to be no match for anti-Semitism, for a clear reason: the durable idea of anti-Semitism as justice.

DEI efforts are designed to combat the effects of social prejudice by insisting on equity: Some people in our society have too much power and too much privilege, and are overrepresented, so justice requires leveling the playing field. But anti-Semitism isn't primarily a social prejudice. It is a conspiracy theory: the big lie that Jews are supervillains manipulating others. The righteous fight for justice therefore does not require protecting Jews as a vulnerable minority. Instead it requires taking Jews down.

This idea is tacitly endorsed by Jews' bizarre exclusion from discussion in many DEI trainings and even policies, despite their high ranking in American hate-crime statistics. The premise, for instance, that Jews don't experience bigotry because they are "white," itself a fraught idea, would suggest that white LGBTQ people don't experience bigotry either-a premise that no DEI policy would endorse (not to mention the fact that many Jews are not white). The contention that Jews are immune to bigotry because they are "rich," an idea even more fraught and also often false (about 20 percent of Jews in New York City, for instance, live in poverty or near-poverty), is equally nonsensical. No one claims that gay men or Indian Americans never experience bigotry because of those groups' statistically higher incomes. The idea that money erases bigotry apparently applies only to Jews. Again and again, the ostensible reasons for not addressing anti-Semitism in DEI initiatives quickly reveal themselves to be founded on ancient, rarely examined assumptions about Jews as invulnerable villains.

The sordid history of the concept of anti-Zionism vividly illustrates this dynamic-and is particularly relevant for its success in scrambling the radar of well-meaning people. Jewish civilization has been centered for thousands of years, in ways large and small, on its homeland in Israel, where Jews have had a continuous presence since ancient times. The modern political idea of Zionism as Jewish self-determination in this homeland emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries amid many other anticolonial movements around the world, as global power dynamics shifted from empires (Habsburg, Russian, Ottoman, British, French, Japanese) toward nation-states. The large and often violent population upheavals following Israel's creation, including the displacement of most Arabs from what became Israel and the displacement of nearly all Jews from what became Arab states, paralleled similar population upheavals around the world as new states emerged from receding empires. In this, Zionism was typical.
To borrow the language of DEI, the big lie is systemic.
But anti-Zionism as an explicit political concept has a history quite independent of the actions of Jews. In 1918, 30 years before the establishment of the state of Israel, Bolsheviks established Jewish sections of the Communist Party, which they insisted be anti-Zionist. The problem, Bolsheviks argued, was that Jewish particularism (in this case, Zionism) was the obstacle to the righteous universal mission of uniting humanity under communism-just as Christians once saw Jewish particularism as the obstacle to the righteous universal mission of uniting humanity under Christ. The righteousness of this mission was, as usual, the key: The claim that "anti-Zionism" was unrelated to anti-Semitism, repeated ad nauseam in Soviet propaganda for decades, was essential to the Communist Party's self-branding as humanity's liberators. It was also a bald-faced lie.

Bolsheviks quickly demonstrated their supposed lack of anti-Semitism by shutting down every "Zionist" institution under their control, a category that ranged from synagogues to sports clubs; appropriating their assets; taking over their buildings, sometimes physically destroying offices; and arresting and ultimately "purging" Jewish leaders, including those who had endorsed the party line and persecuted their fellow Jews for their "Zionism." Thousands of Jews were persecuted, imprisoned, tortured, or murdered.

Later, the U.S.S.R. exported this messaging to its client states in the developing world and ultimately to social-justice-minded circles in the United States. A thick paper trail shows how the KGB adapted its propaganda by explicitly rebranding Zionism as "racism" and "colonialism," beginning half a century ago, when those terms gained currency as potent smears-even though Jews are racially diverse and Zionism is one of the world's premier examples of an indigenous people reclaiming independence. Facts were irrelevant: Soviets labeled Jews as racist colonialist oppressors, just as Nazis had labeled Jews as both capitalist and Communist oppressors, and just as Christians and Muslims had labeled Jews as God-killers and Prophet-defilers. Jews were whatever a given society regarded as evil. To borrow the language of DEI, the big lie is systemic.

Even naming it-that is, calling out bigotry against Jews-can be classed as yet another sign of assumed evil intent, of Jews attacking beloved principles of justice for all. In an April 2023 lecture, David Nirenberg, the historian, presented the example of an activist with a large following whose boundary-pushing rhetoric met with accusations of anti-Semitism. The activist pointed out, as Nirenberg put it, that anti-Semitism "was merely an accusation that Jews used to silence criticism and squash free speech." He brought libel lawsuits against newspapers that accused him of anti-Semitism, and won them. It is unfortunate for those making this argument today that this activist was named Adolf Hitler.

Two weeks after the October 7 massacre, I wrote an op-ed for a national newspaper about the intergenerational fears many Jews were feeling, describing a few choice moments from several thousand years of anti-Semitic attacks. A friendly fact-checker followed up, asking me to prove that the Russian Civil War pogroms of 1918-21 involved gang rapes, and appending a judicious reportedly in front of a detail I'd included from the Farhud pogrom in Baghdad in 1941 about attackers taking Jewish women's severed breasts as trophies. I dutifully provided additional sources, combing through sickening testimonies about mutilated Jewish girls in 1919 and 1941, while simultaneously avoiding videos of mutilated Jewish girls in 2023.

As I piled up evidence to prove that these things happened, I remembered an oral-history interview my sister once did with our grandfather to share with our family at his 97th-birthday party, in which he described his own grandparents' decision to leave their town in Ukraine after an aunt was attacked during a pogrom. "They raided her, et cetera, et cetera," my sister's notes from the interview say. Et cetera, et cetera, I thought over and over, as I hunted down sources on gang rapes of Jewish women to submit to the fact-checker, my vision going blurry. At the time, I hadn't wondered what those sanitized et cetera s meant.

The same week I spent emailing documentation to the fact-checker of pogroms long past, the newspaper, like many other news outlets, published a banner headline about Israelis bombing a hospital in Gaza and killing 500 people inside. This was quickly proven to be a lie told by Hamas-a lie similar to the medieval blood libel, about Jews deliberately targeting and murdering innocent non-Jewish babies-and a transparent psychological projection of the crimes that Hamas had actually committed in Israel, where Hamas terrorists had deliberately targeted and murdered hundreds of adults, children, and babies, and also repeatedly fired rockets at a hospital. Israel's military has indeed killed many innocent people in Gaza during its war to destroy Hamas, and deserves the same scrutiny as any country for its conduct in war. But scrutiny is impossible when lies are substituted for facts. The newspaper later issued a regretful editorial note acknowledging its error. Unfortunately, Hamas's lie had already inspired mass demonstrations around the world; rioters in Tunisia were so incensed by it that they burned a historic synagogue to the ground. I had been rightfully asked to prove that the Iraqi and Ukrainian pogroms happened. But the spokespeople for Hamas were taken at their word.

Shortly after the op-ed was published, I was invited to watch video footage of the October 7 attacks that the Israeli army had compiled from security cameras, online videos, and Hamas terrorists' GoPro cameras. This grim footage was assembled specifically for the purpose of fighting back against denial. But even this horrifying and humiliating evidence, documented largely by the perpetrators themselves, apparently isn't enough to prove that Jewish experiences are real. At a screening of the footage in Los Angeles, someone in the audience shouted, "Show the rapes!"

The attackers themselves provided footage of a woman's naked, mutilated corpse and of a teenager with blood-soaked pants being dragged by her hair out of a truck. Since then, it has become clear that Hamas used rape and sexual torture systematically against Israeli women. Israeli first responders and forensic scientists have found corpses of women and girls with vaginal bleeding and broken pelvises. Teenage sisters were found murdered in their bedroom, one shot in the head with her pants pulled down, covered in semen; one woman was found with nails and other objects in her genitalia, while others were found to have been shot through their vaginas. Eyewitness testimony has included details about a woman who was passed among many men, murdered while one of them was still raping her; at one point, her severed breast was tossed in the air. It's a detail familiar from the 1941 Baghdad pogrom, just as slicing a fetus out of a pregnant Jewish woman's body is a tactic Hamas unknowingly replicated from the Khmelnytskyi pogroms of 1648 Ukraine. Et cetera, et cetera. But who would believe it? "Show the rapes!"
Graeme Wood: A record of pure, predatory sadism
I was invited to these screenings multiple times, but never went. I didn't want to watch people being brutalized. Also, I didn't want to watch people being brutalized while hearing someone behind me screaming, "Show the rapes!"

On my travels around the country in recent months to discuss my work on Jews in non-Jewish societies, I met many Jewish college and high-school students who seem to have accepted the casual denigration of Jews as normal. They are growing up with it. In a Dallas suburb, teenagers told me, shrugging, about how their friends' Jewish fraternities at Texas colleges have been "chalked." I had to ask what "chalking" meant: anti-Semitic graffiti made by vandals who lacked spray paint. Synagogues are often chalked too. Another newly common verb among American Jews is swatting: fake bomb or active-shooter threats that force evacuations and instill fear. (The term is a reference to the SWAT teams that sometimes arrive at the scene, not knowing the threat is a hoax, and instill more fear.) These now happen so often at American Jewish institutions that they're almost boring; nearly 200 were swatted during one December 2023 weekend alone. (When it happened at my own synagogue in November, forcing a girl's bat-mitzvah service into a parking lot, the synagogue president warned congregants not to post any specific details about it online, in case people were tracking our evacuation procedures.)
Daniel Torday: What active-shooter trainings steal from synagogues
American Jews in recent years have also developed, at great expense, a robust system of threat detection and "target hardening" to prevent or defuse actual attacks. An organization called Secure Community Network trains Jewish leaders and community members in situational awareness and self-defense; a rabbi in Texas who was held hostage with three congregants for 11 hours by a jihadist in 2022 credited this training with saving his and his congregants' lives. Another group, Community Security Initiative, tracks threats on social media 24 hours a day; one flagged online threat to attack synagogues in 2022 led to the arrest in New York's Penn Station of two men carrying illegal weapons, ammunition, and a swastika armband.

Unfortunately, some bad actors find a sweet spot just past the security cameras. In Los Angeles, harassment of Jews walking to synagogue became common enough in recent years that some formed walking groups with volunteer guards; in December, one street harasser there assaulted an elderly Jewish couple, hitting the husband in the head with a belt buckle, causing a head wound-which was tame compared with a previous incident, in which two Jewish men were shot on their way home from two separate synagogues in February of last year. A week after the belt attack, a man in Washington, D.C., sprayed people leaving a synagogue with what police called a "foul-smelling" substance while shouting "Gas the Jews!"

In Minneapolis, a woman who works in communications for a Jewish organization told me how "Free Palestine" had, even before October 7, become a kind of verbal swastika-not because of its meaning, but because of how it is deployed. Apart from its use in political or protest contexts, it has also been used as an online-harassment technique: Trolls tag any post with Jewish content-including material unrelated to Israel-with #FreePalestine, summoning more freedom fighters to the noble cause of verbally abusing Jewish teenagers who dare to post pictures of challah. This verbal vandalism made the jump to real life, the woman explained, and harassers now routinely scrawl it on Jewish communal buildings, shout it at their Jewish schoolmates, and scream it out of car windows at anyone wearing a kippah.

It is remarkable how little any of this has to do with anything going on in the Middle East. This harassment isn't coming from an antiwar plea, or a consciousness-raising effort about Israeli policies, or a campaign for Palestinian independence, though those pretenses now serve as flimsy excuses. The only purpose of the chalking and swatting and taunting and assaulting and silencing is to dehumanize and demonize Jews. Every time Jews are forced to prove that they didn't deserve this, or to hide who they are, it is already working.

This new normal for American Jews isn't just communal, but personal. Many American Jews have quietly dropped friends in recent months after noticing those friends' posts online casually endorsing the murders of Jews. But even more striking is the low bar for the friends who remain. I've seen this most clearly among the young. In upstate New York, a Jewish high schooler told me how a friend of hers regularly passed her cartoons in class. "He just thought it was really funny," she said, and showed me a sample: a stick-figure caricature of a Hasidic Jew carrying a bag of money. "My friends," she added, "use my Jewishness to insult me. So they'll be like, 'Shut up, you're just a Jew. Shut up, Jew.' A couple of my friends say that all the time to me." I wanted to suggest that she find new friends.

At a Shabbat dinner I attended at one college, students went around the table sharing what they wished they could say to their non-Jewish friends: I wish I could say I want to spend a semester in Israel. I wish I could say I work at a Jewish preschool. I wish I could say I volunteered at a Jewish hospital. I sat at the table stupefied. They were in hiding.

It was during this ongoing nightmare that Harvard administrators recruited me for advice on the anti-Semitism problem on campus. Against my better judgment, I agreed to join the committee. The Jewish Harvard students who desperately shared their horror stories with me backed them up with piles of evidence. They knew they needed to prove it.

The problem at Harvard, it quickly became clear from the avalanche of documentation deposited at my feet, was not small. The night of the massacre, before the blood was dry, more than 30 Harvard student groups proudly announced that they "hold the Israeli regime entirely responsible for all unfolding violence." The campus was almost instantly saturated with enthusiastic anti-Israel rallies, which many in the media depicted as the centerpiece of a free-speech debate.

But these protests were not merely outdoor public events that uninterested students could walk past. They also took place inside classroom buildings during lectures, inside the first-year dining hall and inside the largest campus library and other shared study spaces. Jewish students could no longer expect to be able to study in the library, eat in dining halls, or attend class without being repeatedly told by their classmates, sometimes through a bullhorn, that Jews are genocidal murderers deserving of perpetual intifada. (Civilian casualties in war, however horrific, aren't genocide-but the demonization was the point. So was the vague romanticization of the intifada that targeted, maimed, and murdered Jewish civilians.) At the law school, hundreds of protesters marched through a classroom building during classes. Jewish students reported being targeted and chased through a building by their screaming peers. One video from the business school showed a Jewish student being physically harassed, accosted by protesters who surrounded him with their kaffiyehs.

This demonization of Jews, whether intentional or not, extended to Harvard's teaching staff. Instructors who grade Jewish students used university-issued class lists to share information about events organized by pro-Palestine groups; at least one even canceled class so students could attend an anti-Israel rally. This pattern among Harvard instructors predated the current Israel-Hamas war. A third-party investigation conducted before the academic year began found that one professor had discriminated against several Israeli students; Harvard said it took action, but the professor rejected the findings and continued teaching. In a separate incident, one student claimed that a different professor asked her to leave his classroom in the spring of 2023 after learning that she was Israeli, because her Israeliness made people "uncomfortable."

Jewish students who came to Harvard hoping to take courses in Arabic language or Middle Eastern studies told me they often ended up avoiding those courses entirely, wary of professors and peers who made their lack of welcome clear. One recent doctoral student in a field of study unrelated to the Middle East recounted to me that well before October 7, her fellow Ph.D.s in training (the supply pool for teaching assistants) seldom gathered socially without dropping references to "Zionist dirtbags" and "Israeli scum." One Harvard student described how a classmate, after learning he was Jewish, told him that "there should be no more Jewish state and no more Jews."
The mountain of proof at Harvard revealed a reality in which Jewish students' access to their own university was directly compromised.
After October 7, social-media platforms exploded with unambiguous Jew hatred in comments such as "Harvard Hillel is burning in hell" and "Let 'em cook." In this environment, many religious Jewish students stopped wearing kippahs on campus or swapped them for baseball hats; someone spat in the face of one kippah-wearing student as he walked down the street. In an echo of medieval disputations, one Jewish student was invited by a Harvard employee to "debate" him about whether Israel plotted the 9/11 terrorist attacks, according to The Harvard Crimson. Later, the employee posted an online video featuring a screenshot from the student's X account and the employee wielding a toy machete; the student reported the incident to the authorities and was told to file a restraining order.

Amazingly, Jewish students, whose numbers have dramatically declined at Harvard in recent years for reasons no one seems able to explain, did not respond to all this with their own hate-speech campaigns. Instead, both before and after October 7, Harvard Hillel's students have reached out to their peers among Harvard's anti-Israel activists-asking not for a cease-and-desist, but for a dialogue, or even just a cup of coffee. Let's get to know each other, they offered. The anti-Israel activists refused to engage. Jewish students tried again; they were rebuffed again. And again. This was hardly surprising. For some anti-Israel activists, even merely talking to "Zionists" (a label applied to the 80 percent of American Jews who regard Israel as an essential or important part of their Jewish identity) counts as "normalization"-that is, treating Jews as if they were normal humans, rather than embodiments of evil.

Again we are obliged to prove that this matters. No one died; why complain? "Has there been actual violence against Jewish students at Harvard or on other campuses?" one tenured Harvard professor wrote to our advisory committee to inquire. (The answer was yes.) "If Jewish student worries about physical danger are, in fact, exaggerated," the professor authoritatively continued, "then students that hold these fears should be advised to leave campus and go home."

But a hostile environment emerges from pervasive minor incidents, even those that don't target individuals. Imagine that you are a woman in an office where your male colleagues and bosses gather regularly by the photocopier to discuss their favorite strip clubs. You avoid the photocopier, but then they expand their discussions to the break room, the lobby, the watercooler, the conference room. You avoid those spaces too, avoid those colleagues, hide in your cubicle, and wind up not getting promoted. In such a situation, your company would be responsible for a hostile environment that discriminated against you. The company would not be absolved by pointing out that no one had raped you yet, or that these men weren't talking to or about you. It could not defend itself by advising you that if these conversations bothered you, you should leave and go home. A hostile environment is precisely one where tenured professors advise students to leave and go home.

The mountain of proof at Harvard revealed a reality in which Jewish students' access to their own university (classes, teachers, libraries, dining halls, public spaces, shared student experiences) was directly compromised. Compromised, that is, unless they agreed-or at least agreed to pretend, as many Jewish students who are neither religious nor Israeli now silently do-that there was nothing wrong with wallpapering America's premier university with demonization of Jews. Coercing that silent agreement was the goal, and it was achieved not through arguments or evidence, but through the most laughably idiotic heckler's veto: screaming at, chasing away, freezing out, or spitting on anyone who dared disagree with supporting the most successful Jew-killers since the Nazis. This left the great minds of Harvard debating the finer points of free speech for hecklers, instead of wondering why their campus was populated by hecklers. The question of why Harvard's hecklers were heckling in favor of Hamas's barbarism was too disturbing to consider, and so public discussions ignored it completely.

This heckling was not unrelated to the education that Harvard itself provided. Classes existed at Harvard, it turned out, that were premised on anti-Semitic lies. A course at the school of public health called "The Settler Colonial Determinants of Health" looked at case studies from South Africa, the United States, and Israel; its premise-not a topic of discussion, but the premise on which the course was built-was that Israel is a settler-colonialist state. (A Jewish student who wrote to the professor questioning what they saw as the ideological slant of the readings was told that it was "insulting" to suggest that the course had an agenda.) The "Palestine Program for Health and Human Rights" proudly announced that it "utilizes a decolonial framework in program development, leadership, and engagement"-meaning, one might reasonably assume, the "decolonizing" of Israel through the removal of its 7 million Jews. (The program is a partnership between Harvard and Birzeit University, a Palestinian institution where an Israeli journalist was expelled from an event in 2014 just because she was Israeli and Jewish.)

An astonishing number of pop-up lectures, panels, and events at Harvard both before and after October 7 were centered on the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza-a worthy topic addressed with almost no mention of Hamas, even though Hamas has ruled Gaza for 17 years. Nor was there much mention of the fact that Hamas was founded in connection with the global Muslim Brotherhood, or of its comically wealthy sponsors in the Persian Gulf. Students had many opportunities to learn about Palestinian suffering from oppression by evil Jews, but far fewer opportunities to learn, for instance, about Hamas's success in co-opting foreign aid and crushing dissent, or the intifada that students hoped to globalize. Outside of their engagements at Harvard, some guest speakers publicly endorsed extreme anti-Semitic lies, including the straight-up blood libel that Israelis are harvesting Palestinians' organs or that the Israeli military uses Palestinian children for weapons testing. One could hardly blame students for repeating their educators' claims.

Out of respect for Gay's request that our committee's discussions with administrators remain private, I won't share here anything that we talked about in our many meetings. But I will say that one thing we did not discuss was Gay's congressional testimony on this topic, for which she and other administrators never asked for the advisory committee's advice. Instead, they consulted lawyers, a choice that backfired on national television.
Hillary Rodham Clinton: Hamas must go
The horror that the hearing laid bare was something far worse than a viral gaffe. Harvard was already being investigated by the Department of Education for allegations of violating Jewish students' civil rights under Title VI, and perhaps the president was advised against admitting any institutional failure. (In January, a group of students sued Harvard, describing the university as a "bastion of rampant anti-Jewish hatred and harassment.") Still, the only morally tenable position would have been to admit failure, to reveal that the problem was not all in Jews' heads; that there truly was an anti-Semitic environment at these incubators of American leadership; that these universities, along with far too many other pockets of the country, had reverted, slowly and then all at once, into what they had been a century earlier: safe spaces for high-minded Jew hatred-not in spite of their aspiration that education should lead to a better world, but because of it.

It is fairly obvious what Harvard and other universities would need to do to turn this tide. None of it involves banning slogans or curtailing free speech. Instead it involves things like enforcing existing codes of conduct regarding harassment; protecting classroom buildings, libraries, and dining halls as zones free from advocacy campaigns (similar to rules for polling places); tracking and rejecting funding from entities supporting federally designated terror groups (a topic raised in recent congressional testimony regarding numerous American universities); gut-renovating diversity bureaucracies to address their obvious failure to tackle anti-Semitism; investigating and exposing the academic limitations of courses and programs premised on anti-Semitic lies; and expanding opportunities for students to understand Israeli and Jewish history and to engage with ideas and with one another. There are many ways to advocate for Israeli and Palestinian coexistence that honor the dignity and legitimacy of both indigenous groups and the need to build a shared future. The restoration of such a model of civil discourse, which has been decimated by heckling and harassment, would be a boon to all of higher education.

Harvard has already begun signaling change in this direction: The university recently reiterated and clarified rules regarding the time, place, and manner of student protests. For Harvard to take more of these steps would be huge, but I have struggled to understand why all of them still feel so small. Perhaps it's because the problem is a multi-thousand-year fatal flaw in the ways our societies conceive of good and evil-and also because somewhere deep within me, I know what has been lost. There was a time, not so very long ago, when we didn't have to prove our right to exist.

Among the mountains of evidence that Jewish students sent me, one image has stayed in my mind. There are videos of crowds chanting "Long live the intifada!" inside Harvard's Science Center, and "There is only one solution: intifada revolution!" in Harvard Yard, along with other places equally familiar from my student days. But I keep coming back to the crowds marching and screaming in front of Harvard Law School's Langdell library, because Langdell is a sacred place for me. On my 22nd birthday, in 1999, when I was a senior at Harvard, a law student I'd met at Hillel took me up through Langdell's maintenance passageways to the library's rooftop, where he asked me to marry him. I said yes.

I watched the video of the students marching and screaming in front of Langdell, and in an instant I remembered everything: studying in campus libraries for my Hebrew- and Yiddish-literature courses, talking for hours with Muslim and Christian and progressive and conservative classmates, inviting friends of all backgrounds to join me at Hillel, scrupulously following the Jewish tradition of "argument for the sake of heaven" in even the most heated debates, gathering for Shabbat dinners crowded with hundreds of students-and over those long and beautiful dinners, falling in love. My classmates and I often disagreed about the most important things. But no one screamed in our faces when we wore Hebrew T-shirts on campus. No one shunned us when we talked about our friends and family in Israel, or spat on us on our way to class. No crowds gathered to chant for our deaths. No one told us that there should be no more Jews. That night, my future husband and I worried only about getting in trouble for sneaking up to the library roof.

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Why the Most Educated People in America Fall for Anti-Semitic Lies

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At Harvard and elsewhere, an old falsehood is capturing new minds.

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Η Εκπαίδευση στο Εβραϊκό Μουσείο Ελλάδος

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The Education in the Jewish Museum of Greece

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The educational programmes of the Jewish Museum of Greece aim at bringing children into contactwith the cultural heritage and the history of the Greek Jews, thus contributing to their developing an intercultural awareness.

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Analysis of antisemitism in France (2022, EN)

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Analysis of antisemitism in France (2022, EN)

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Analysis of Antisemitic Trends in Czech Websites between 1999 and 2022

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Analysis of Antisemitic Trends in Czech Websites between 1999 and 2022

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IHRA Working definition of antisemitism 

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IHRA Working definition of antisemitism 

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The working definition has helped guide countless governments, organizations, and individuals in their efforts to identify antisemitism. This practical tool has also been formally adopted or endorsed* by these groups, both at the national and organizational level.

National level

The following UN member states have adopted or endorsed the IHRA working definition of antisemitism. Beyond the 43 countries listed below, a wide range of other political entities, including a large number of regional/state and local governments, have done so as well. Depending on their domestic situation, countries may use different terminology, including adopt, endorse, embrace, recognize, support, and so on.

Albania (22 October 2020)

Argentina (4 June 2020)

Australia (13 October 2021)

Austria (25 April 2017)

Belgium (14 December 2018)

Bosnia (22 July 2022)

Bulgaria (18 October 2017)

Canada (27 June 2019)

Colombia (2 June 2022)

Croatia (20 January 2023)

Cyprus (18 December 2019)

Czech Republic (25 January 2019)

Denmark (January 2022)

Estonia (29 April 2021)

Finland (17 February 2022)

France (3 December 2019)

Germany (20 September 2017)

Greece (8 November 2019)

Guatemala (27 January 2021)

Hungary (18 February 2019)

Israel (22 January 2017)

Italy (17 January 2020)

Latvia (11 April 2023)

Lithuania (24 January 2018)

Luxembourg (10 July 2019)

Moldova (18 January 2019)

Netherlands (27 November 2018)

North Macedonia (6 March 2018)

Panama (10 May 2023)

Philippines (18 February 2022)

Poland (13 October 2021)

Portugal (28 July 2021)

Romania (25 May 2017)

Serbia (26 February 2020)

Slovakia (28 November 2018)

Slovenia (20 December 2018)

South Korea (4 August 2021)

Spain (22 July 2020)

Sweden (21 January 2020)

Switzerland (4 June 2021)

United Kingdom (12 December 2016)

United States (11 December 2019)

Uruguay (27 January 2020)

Organizations

The following international organizations have expressed support for the working definition of antisemitism:

United Nations

Secretary General Antonio Guterres acknowledged the efforts of the IHRA Member Countries to agree on a common definition of antisemitism and underlined that it could serve as a basis for law enforcement, as well as preventive policies.

Special Rapporteur for freedom of religion or belief Ahmed Shaheed recommended that governments use the IHRA working definition of antisemitism as a non-legally binding educational and training tool and ensure it is incorporated, together with relevant human rights standards-based guidance on protecting freedom of opinion and expression, into training and educational materials for all public officials, such as police, prosecutors, and judges, government employees, educators, and national human rights institutions, and integrated into diversity inclusion programs.

European Union

Council and Parliament called on Member States that had not done so already to endorse the non-legally binding working definition of antisemitism employed by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) as a useful guidance tool in education and training, including for law enforcement authorities in their efforts to identify and investigate antisemitic attacks more efficiently and effectively.

Commission highlighted the working definition of antisemitism by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance as the benchmark for developing a victim-centered approach and urged for its adoption.

Organization of American States

Council of Europe

European Commission against Racism and Intolerance welcomed the non-legally binding IHRA working definition of antisemitism in the sense that it aids and promotes a better understanding of antisemitism. It considered that it can be a positive tool and encouraged Council of Europe member states to take it into account, in particular in the areas of data collection, education, and awareness-raising.

PARLASUR

The Parliament of MERCOSUR approved a proposal endorsing the IHRA working definition of antisemitism during its LXXXIII Ordinary Session on 11 November 2022.

* Different countries and organizations will use different terminology, including adopt, endorse, embrace, recognize, support, and so on.

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With the IHRA working definition of antisemitism, the IHRA built international consensus around an answer to the question, what does antisemitism mean?

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Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against Antisemitism

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Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against Antisemitism

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Federal Ministry of the Interior and Community

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Dr. Felix Klein

Source: Henning Schacht

The office of Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against Antisemitism was created in 2018 and is based at the Federal Ministry of the Interior and Community. Dr Felix Klein was appointed as the first holder of this office effective 1 May 2018.

The position of Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against antisemitism was created by the Federal Government's current Coalition Agreement. The post is also a response to the debate over growing antisemitism in Germany and how the federal level can best counter this phenomenon

According to a Bundestag resolution, the Commissioner is to have an independent circle of advisers to be appointed in consultation with the Federal Government, consisting of Jewish and non-Jewish experts from academia, education and civil society

As commissioner for the fight against antisemitism, Dr Klein's task is to coordinate the relevant measures taken by all the federal ministries. He will also serve as contact person for Jewish groups and organizations, and as a liaison for federal, state and civil society measures to combat anti-Semitism.

The Commissioner will also coordinate a standing joint federal and state commission made up of representatives of the responsible bodies and will provide public information as well as civic and cultural education to increase public awareness of current and past forms of antisemitism.

Dr. Felix Klein

After studying law, Dr Klein trained for the diplomatic service with the Federal Foreign Office from 1994 to 1996.

From March 2014 until April 2018, he served in the Federal Foreign Office as Special Representative for Relations with Jewish Organizations and Issues relating to Antisemitism.

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Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against Antisemitism

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Der Ideenfundus ist ein Portal, auf dem Organisator/-innen von Jugendbegegnungen die passenden Methoden für ihre Gruppe, ihr Projekt und eine Begegnungsphase finden können. Je nachdem, was gerade im Vordergrund steht, kann nach Zielen, Schlagworten und weiteren Optionen gesucht werden.

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Well written

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Why won't antisemitism die, or at least die down? In the months following Hamas' attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, antisemitic incidents increased substantially. The Anti-Defamation League, which keeps track, says they tripled in the U.S. over the previous year, although its criteria also changed to include anti-Zionism. But from 2019 to 2022, the amount of people with highly antisemitic attitudes in the U.S. had nearly doubled, the ADL found. In Europe, Human Rights Watch warned in 2019 of an "alarming" rise in antisemitism, prompting the European Union to adopt a strategic plan for fighting it two years later.

No one can say definitively why the pre-Gaza War surge happened when it did. The salience of groups like the neo-Nazis who marched in Charlottesville, Va., in 2017 probably played a role, as did the influence of figures like the troubled rapper turned designer Kanye West. Historically, antisemitism has been a side effect of populism, which traffics in us-vs.-them stereotypes. Social media allows antisemitic influencers to recruit and communicate directly to followers, getting around the filtering bottleneck of the legacy media. The murder of 11 worshipers at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh in 2018, by a shooter enraged at Jewish groups providing aid to immigrants, was the painful lowlight of this era.

Illustration by Getty Images

It can be hard to think clearly and reason calmly about antisemitism. For 15 million Jews around the world, its resilience engenders fear, pain, sadness, frustration, and intergenerational trauma going back to the Holocaust and beyond. The superficial sense of security that many Jews feel on a daily basis in the contemporary world turns out to be paper-thin. Jews know enough of their own familial stories to realize that in historical terms, such moments of safety have often been fleeting, followed by renewed persecution. Sitting in my office in leafy Cambridge, Mass., a proud citizen of the freest country in the world, in which Jews have been safer than in any other country in history, I am not free of emotion on the topic. Nor could I be.

For many non-Jews, antisemitism matters deeply too. People everywhere who believe that all humans are created equal know that the presence of antisemitism in a society has often been the forerunner of other visceral, irrational hatreds, from racism to homophobia to Islamophobia. Worse, the persistence of antisemitism stands as a stubborn counterargument to Martin Luther King Jr.'s hopeful faith that the arc of the moral universe bends toward justice.

In the past, antisemites, whether medieval Crusaders or 20th century Nazis, were often proud of their views. Today, thankfully, almost no one wants to be accused of antisemitism.

That's a marker of human progress. It also means that the whole subject of antisemitism needs to be approached with charity and sensitivity. People who harbor no conscious negative ideas about Jews may unknowingly hold views that resonate with historical antisemitism.

Jews aren't exempt from this, and so, neither am I. In a world roiled by polarizing debate, my aim is to encourage introspection-to get you to ask, as I ask myself, whether your feelings and beliefs would be the same if seen through the lens of the history and context of antisemitism. I come not to accuse anyone of antisemitism, but to explore the topic in a way that deepens our understanding of where it comes from, and where it's going.

The easiest way to explain why antisemitism is still with us is to blame religion. Scholars agree that what we call antisemitism today has its historical origins in a strain of anti-Jewish thought that grew out of early Christianity. The Gospels describe the Jews as complicit in the Roman crucifixion of Jesus. Paul's theology was read to depict the Jews as having been replaced or superseded as God's special favorites by the community of Christian believers. By failing to become Christians, Jews implicitly challenged the narrative of inevitable Christian triumph. For well over a thousand years, Jews in Christian Europe were subject to systemic, institutionalized oppression. Historical antisemitism took the form of discrimination, expulsion, and massacre.

The problem with blaming religion is that antisemitism today is no longer driven primarily by Christianity. Although antisemitism can still be found among Christians, in the U.S. and around the world, most contemporary believing Christians are not antisemites. The old theological condemnation of the Jews for killing Christ has been repudiated by nearly every Christian denomination.

Nor does antisemitism among Muslims primarily reflect the classical Islamic claims made against the Jews, such as the accusation that the Jews (and Christians) distorted Scripture, resulting in discrepancies between the Bible and the Koran. Jews in Muslim lands mostly fared better than in Christian Europe. Until the 20th century, those Jews occupied a complex, second-class status, protected alongside Christians as "people of the book" and also simultaneously subject to special taxes and social subordination. The tropes of modern Europe's antisemitism-of Jews' power and avarice-mostly came to the Middle East late, through Nazi influence. Even the prevalence of antisemitism among Islamist groups like Hamas isn't primarily driven by religion. Rather, it is part of their politically motivated effort to turn a struggle between two national groups for the same piece of land into a holy war.

Read More: When Jews are Threatened, Why Can't Americans Condemn Antisemitism?

It emerges that far from being an unchanging set of ideas derived from ancient faiths, antisemitism is actually a shape-shifting, protean, creative force. Antisemitism has managed to reinvent itself multiple times throughout history, each time keeping some of the old tropes around, while simultaneously creating new ones adapted to present circumstances.

In each iteration, antisemitism reflects the ideological preoccupations of the moment. In antisemitic discourse, Jews are always made to exemplify what a given group of people considers to be the worst feature of the social order in which they live.

A crucial reason why is surely that Jews were the most salient minority group living among Christians for the bulk of European history-and Europe was the heartland of historical antisemitism. The practice of projecting immediate social fears and hatreds onto Jews grew from the human need to treat some nearby group of people as the Other. (Muslims and Asians eventually also became subject to projection and fantasy, a practice dubbed Orientalism by the literary scholar Edward Said.) Once Jews had become the go-to targets for exemplifying societal ills, the habit stuck.

In this way, crucially, antisemitism is not and has never been about actual Jews so much as antisemites' imagination of them. Because antisemitic ideology isn't accountable to real-life facts, its content can be altered and changed as a society's worries and moral judgments shift. Antisemitism's capacity to keep its familiar character while also channeling new fears is what confers its stunning capacity to reinvent itself.

The first major reinvention of antisemitism took place as the Enlightenment gradually reduced the role of religion as the main source of Europeans' attitudes and beliefs. Nineteenth century antisemitism preserved the old belief that the Jews were unique, having once been God's chosen people and then uniquely punished for rejecting Christ. But it transformed this uniqueness to match the concerns of contemporary society.

Preoccupied with economic and social upheaval, antisemites depicted Jews as both uniquely capitalist and uniquely communist. Concerned about an unstable global power balance, antisemites claimed that Jews secretly controlled the world. Entranced by the pseudoscience of race that flourished after Darwin, antisemites declared that Jews were racially inferior. The obvious contradictions-that far from running the world, most Jews were impoverished, or that capitalism and communism were warring ideologies-did not deter antisemites. They ignored the illogic, or fell back on conspiracy theory, like the myth that Jewish capitalists and Jewish communists were secretly in cahoots. Ultimately, in different ways, both Nazism and Marxism identified Jews as an enemy deserving liquidation. The virulent antisemitism that fueled the Holocaust was thus partly a descendant of Christian antisemitism and also the product of modern conditions.

Today, racial pseudoscience is an embarrassment and the struggle between capitalism and communism has become passé. Antielitist populism can still draw on old canards about Jewish power, and those still resonate with certain audiences, especially on the far right. But the most perniciously creative current in contemporary antisemitic thought is more likely to come from the left.

Instead of disappearing among people who would condemn neo-Nazis, antisemitism is morphing again, right now, before our very eyes.

The core of this new antisemitism lies in the idea that Jews are not a historically oppressed people seeking self-preservation but instead oppressors: imperialists, colonialists, and even white supremacists. This view preserves vestiges of the trope that Jews exercise vast power. It creatively updates that narrative to contemporary circumstances and current cultural preoccupations with the nature of power and injustice.

Concerns about power and justice are, in themselves, perfectly legitimate, much like past concerns about the effects of unfettered capitalism on working people-or for that matter, condemnations of elitism. So it is important to distinguish carefully between critiques of power that deserve serious consideration and the antisemitic ways in which those critiques may be deployed.

That caution is especially important because Israel, the first Jewish state to exist in two millennia, plays a central role in the narrative of the new antisemitism. Israel is not an imaginary conspiracy but a real country with real citizens, a real history, a real military, and real political and social problems that concern relations between Jews and Palestinians. It is not inherently antisemitic to criticize Israel. Its power, like any national power, may be subject to legitimate, fair criticism.

It is also essential not to tar all critics of Israel with the brush of antisemitism, especially in wartime, when Israel, like any other war-waging power, is properly subject to the strictures of international humanitarian law. To deploy the charge of antisemitism for political reasons is morally wrong, undermining the horror of antisemitism itself. It is also likely to backfire, convincing critics of Israel that they are being unfairly silenced.

At the same time, Israel's history and current situation confound categories that are so often used today to make moral judgments-categories like imperialism, colonialism, and white supremacy. And because people's ideas about Israel typically draw on older, pre-Israel ideas about Jews, criticism of Israel can borrow, often unconsciously, from older antisemitic myths.

To understand the complicated, subtle character of the new antisemitism, notice that the concept of imperialism was developed to describe European powers that conquered, controlled, and exploited vast territories in the Global South and East. The theory of settler-colonial white supremacy was developed as a critical account of countries like Australia and the U.S., in which, according to the theory, the colonialists' aim was to displace the local population, not to extract value from its labor. The application of these categories to Israel is a secondary development.

These borrowed categories do not fit Israel's specificity very well. Israel is a regional Middle Eastern power with a tiny footprint, not a global or continental empire designed to extract resources and labor. It was brought into existence by a 1947 United Nations resolution that would have created two states side by side, one Jewish and one Palestinian. Its purpose, as conceived by the U.N.'s member countries, was to house displaced Jews after 6 million were killed in the Holocaust.

The Palestinian catastrophe, or nakba, of 1948 was that when the Arab invasion of Israel failed to destroy the nascent Jewish state, many Palestinians who had fled or been forced out of their homes by Israeli troops were unable to return. Those Palestinians became permanent refugees in neighboring countries. Instead of ending up in an independent Palestine as proposed by the U.N., those who had stayed in their homes found themselves living either in Israel or under Egyptian and Jordanian rule. Then, in the 1967 war, the West Bank and Gaza were conquered by Israel. Palestinians in those places came under what Israel itself defines as an occupation. They have lived in that precarious legal status ever since despite the 1993-2001 peace process.

Notwithstanding undeniable Jewish prejudice and discrimination against Arabs in Israel, the paradigm of white supremacy also does not correspond easily to the Jews. Around half of Israel's Jewish citizens descend from European Jews, as do most American Jews. But those Jews were not considered racially white in Europe, which is one reason they had to emigrate or be killed. Roughly half of Israel's Jews descend from Mizrahi, (literally, Eastern) origins. They are not ethnically European in any sense, much less racially "white." A meaningful number of Israeli Jews are of Ethiopian origin, and the small community of Black Hebrew Israelites in Israel are ethnically African American.
Read More: Europe's Jews Are Resisting a Rising Tide of Anti-Semitism
Whether early Zionist settlers should be conceived as colonialists is a hotly disputed question. Were they stateless, oppressed people seeking refuge in their ancient homeland, where some Jews had always lived? That is certainly how they saw themselves. Or were early Zionists agents of the very European states they were seeking to flee, aiming to buy as much territory in Palestine as they could to create their own state? That is the view of critics, who emphasize the 1917 Balfour Declaration, in which Britain, still very much an empire, announced that it looked "with favor" on the creation of a national Jewish home in Palestine.

The upshot is that while a well-meaning person, free of antisemitism, could describe Israel as colonialist, the narrative of Israel as a settler-colonial oppressor on par with or worse than the U.S., Canada, and Australia is fundamentally misleading. Those who advance it run the risk of perpetuating antisemitism by condemning the Jewish state despite its basic differences from these other global examples-most important, Israel's status as the only homeland for a historically oppressed people who have nowhere else to call their own.

To emphasize the narrative of Jews as oppressors, the new antisemitism must also somehow sidestep not only two millennia of Jewish oppression, but also the Holocaust, the largest organized, institutionalized murder of any ethnic group in human history. On the right, antisemites either deny the Holocaust ever happened or claim its scope has been overstated. On the left, one line is that Jews are weaponizing the Holocaust to legitimize the oppression of Palestinians.

During the Gaza War, some have argued that Israel, having suffered the trauma of the Holocaust, is now itself perpetrating a genocide against the Palestinian people. Like other criticisms of Israel, the accusation of genocide isn't inherently antisemitic. Yet the genocide charge is especially prone to veering into antisemitism because the Holocaust is the archetypal example of the crime of genocide. Genocide was recognized as a crime by the international community after the Holocaust. Accusing Israel of genocide can function, intentionally or otherwise, as a way of erasing the memory of the Holocaust and transforming Jews from victims into oppressors.

It is, of course, logically possible for an oppressed group to become oppressors over time. Allegations of genocide have been brought against Israel by South Africa in the International Court of Justice (ICJ), charges Israel has wisely chosen to contest rather than ignore. The charges are based on the numbers of civilians killed, the tactics that led to the deaths, and statements by Israeli officials. This evidence is supposed to prove Israel intends to destroy the Palestinian people, in whole or in part, which is the legal definition of genocide.

The number of Palestinian dead, over 29,000 as of this writing, is heartbreaking. The rhetoric of some individual Israeli government officials cited by South Africa is particularly appalling, both in its dehumanizing character and in referring to Palestinians as Amalekites, a group whom the God of the Bible called on the ancient Israelites to "erase." Retired Israeli Chief Justice Aharon Barak, who serves on the ICJ panel considering the genocide charges, joined a part of the court's provisional measures that directed Israel to "take all measures within its power to prevent ... public incitement to commit genocide" in Gaza.

The U.S. government has itself condemned far-right members of Israel's Cabinet who called for Gazans to be pushed into Egypt. The repugnant policy of ethnic cleansing urged by the extremists would violate international law, even if it would arguably not count as genocide under the legal meaning of the term.

Notwithstanding these serious concerns, Israel's efforts to defend itself against Hamas, even if found to involve killing disproportionate number of civilians, do not turn Israel into a genocidal actor comparable to the Nazis or the Hutu regime in Rwanda. The genocide charge depends on intent. And Israel, as a state, is not fighting the Gaza War with the intent to destroy the Palestinian people.

Israel's stated war aims are to hold Hamas accountable for the Oct. 7 attack on Israel and to get back its citizens who are still being held captive. These aims are lawful in themselves.

The means Israel has used are subject to legitimate criticism for killing too many civilians as collateral damage. But Israel's military campaign has been conducted pursuant to Israel's interpretation of the international laws of war. There is no single, definitive international-law answer to the question of how much collateral damage renders a strike disproportionate to its concrete military objective. Israel's approach resembles campaigns fought by the U.S. and its coalition partners in Iraq in Afghanistan, and by the international coalition in the battle against ISIS for control of Mosul. Even if the numbers of civilian deaths from the air seem to be higher, it is important to recognize that Israel is also confronting miles of tunnels intentionally connected to civilian facilities by Hamas.

To be clear: as a matter of human worth, a child who dies at the hands of a genocidal murderer is no different from one who dies as collateral damage in a lawful attack. The child is equally innocent, and the parents' sorrow equally profound. As a matter of international law, however, the difference is decisive. During the Hamas attack, terrorists intentionally murdered children and raped women. Its charter calls for the destruction of the Jewish state. Yet the accusation of genocide is being made against Israel.

These relevant facts matter for putting the genocide charge into the context of potential antisemitism. Neither South Africa nor other states have brought a genocide case against China for its conduct in Tibet or Xinjiang, or against Russia for its invasion of Ukraine. There is something specifically noteworthy about leveling the charge at the Jewish state-something intertwined with the new narrative of the Jews as archetypal oppressors rather than archetypal victims. Call it the genocide sleight of hand: if the Jews are depicted as genocidal-if Israel becomes the very archetype of a genocidal state-then Jews are much less likely to be conceived as a historically oppressed people engaged in self-defense.

The new narrative of Jews as oppressors is, in the end, far too close for comfort to the antisemitic tradition of singling out Jews as uniquely deserving of condemnation and punishment, whether in its old religious form or its Nazi iteration. Like those earlier forms of antisemitism, the new kind is not ultimately about the Jews, but about the human impulse to point the finger at someone who can be made to carry the weight of our social ills. Oppression is real. Power can be exercised without justice. Israel should not be immune from criticism when it acts wrongfully. Yet the horrific history and undefeated resilience of antisemitism mean that modes of rhetorical attack on Israel and on Jews should be subject to careful scrutiny.

Just because antisemitism is a cyclical, recurring phenomenon does not mean that it is inevitable nor that it cannot be ameliorated. Like any form of irrational hate, antisemitism can in principle be overcome. The best way to start climbing out of the abyss of antisemitism is to self-examine our impulses, our stories about power and injustice, and our beliefs.
Feldman, a professor at Harvard Law School, is the author of the new book To Be a Jew Today: A New Guide to God, Israel, and the Jewish People
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Harvard Law School professor Noah Feldman details how an ancient hatred has reinvented itself in the modern world.

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HerStories - Telling Jewish womens stories 

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HerStories - Telling Jewish womens stories 

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About the project

The HerStories project conveys the multifaceted Jewish history of the 20th century in Europe through the biographies of seven Jewish women from Germany, Poland, Greece, Spain, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. The project will contribute to a better understanding of European history through reading and listening to these women's voices and through analyzing their subjectivities.

These women's stories include experiences of persecution, deportation and flight, but also of survival, resistance and rebuilding lives after the Holocaust and World War II. The seven interviewees share with us their stories of growing up in Jewish families before the war, of falling in love, of going to school - of everyday hopes and struggles. Taken together, these individual stories paint a diverse picture of Jewish women's lives - and of European history - in the 20th century.

The HerStories project will tell these Jewish women's stories in various formats, aimed at educators, students and the general public. By bringíng together partners from educational and research institutions throughout Europe, we combine diverse approaches to present Jewish history. Multilingual exhibitions and GoogleClassrooms with teaching material for educators, a compendium collecting best teaching practices, a documentary film on the project, as well as hands-on workshops for students, training seminars for teachers and an international youth competition will foster engagement with these women's stories - ensuring they are not forgotten.

The HerStories project is co-funded by the European Union within the Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values (CERV) Program. Partners include Centropa - Zentrum für Jüdische Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts e.V. (Hamburg, Germany), Galicia Jewish Museum (Krakow, Poland) the Jewish Museum of Greece (Athens, Greece), Mozaika (Barcelona, Spain), Centropa Alipitvany (Budapest, Hungary), and Jugend- und Kulturprojekt e.V. (Dresden, Germany).

The project runs from January 2023 until December 2024.

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Telling Jewish women's stories of the 20th century

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The HerStories project conveys the multifaceted Jewish history of the 20th century in Europe through the biographies of seven Jewish women from Germany, Poland, Greece, Spain, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. The project will contribute to a better understanding of European history through reading and listening to these women's voices and through analyzing their subjectivities.

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Fit For Diversity Card Collection => Antisemitsm

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Fit For Diversity Card Collection => Antisemitsm

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Enabling learners to recognize and counter contemporary antisemitism

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Manifestations of Antisemitism in the Czech Republic – Monitoring, Analyses, Reporting and Application in Education (MANTIC) project is co-financed by the European Union through the CERV program. The project is implemented by three partner organizations: the Jewish Community of Prague (JCP), the Federation of Jewish Communities in Czech Republic (FJC) and the Jewish Museum in Prague (JMP).

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Manifestations of Antisemitism in the Czech Republic - Monitoring, Analyses, Reporting and Application in Education (MANTIC) project is co-financed by the European Union through the CERV program. The project is implemented by three partner organizations: the Jewish Community of Prague (JCP), the Federation of Jewish Communities in Czech Republic (FJC) and the Jewish Museum in Prague (JMP).

The main goal of MANTIC project is to fight against antisemitism, the project focuses mainly on:

improvement of monitoring antisemitic incidents

support to reporting antisemitic incidents by Jewish entities and general public

release of the Annual Report on Antisemitic incidents in the Czech Republic

presentation of the conclusions of the Annual Report to the general public and governmental authorities

increase of awareness among pupils and students about current antisemitic incidents

support for teachers and educators

The two-year project MANTIC starts in January 2022 under the registration number 1011049084.

The Jewish Community of Prague is responsible for the overall coordination of the entire project, ongoing monitoring and assessment of antisemitic incidents.

The Federation of Jewish Communities in CR prepares the Annual report on antisemitic incidents on the basis of data provided by JCP and ensures the media coverage of the report.

The Jewish Museum in Prague uses the Annual Report on Antisemitic Incidents in its educational programs for pupils, students and teachers.

Contact: mantic@kehilaprag.cz

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Project MANTIC | Židovské muzeum v Praze

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Judaistika a dějiny Židů, sbírkové oddělení, knihovna, dějiny muzea a vzdělávací a kulturní centrum.

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European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI)

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ECRI revised General Policy Recommendation No. 9 - European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) - www.coe.int

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ECRI's revised General Policy Recommendation No. 9 takes into account the trends observed for many years as concerns antisemitism, including contemporary forms. These include the denial and distortion of Holocaust, the continued spread of hatred against Jews by a wide range of individuals and groups (such as neo-Nazis, right-wing extremists, as well as certain left-wing extremists), age-old stereotypes and conspiracy theories resurfacing against the background of the events at the time of the Covid 19 pandemic.

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The Amadeu Antonio Foundation is an organizaton that already for a long time works and educates about the topic of antismitism, they publish also educational material (mostly in German)

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Jews have long been suspected of being responsible for the world’s ills. Even today, we continue to find anti-Semitism at all societal and educational levels, across the political spectrum. Everyone can draw from the deep arsenal of anti-Semitic clichés, from conspiracy theories about Jewish world domination or anti-Semitism under the cover of an alleged criticism of Israel to capitalism-bashing, criticism of the “the system” or demands for an end to the German “cult of guilt.”

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Tandem – Coordination Center for German-Czech Youth Exchange

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Tandem – Coordination Center for German-Czech Youth Exchange

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Als zentrale Fachstelle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland fördern wir den internationalen Jugendaustausch zwischen Deutschland und Tschechien.

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The Alhambra Decree-- Edict of the Expulsion of the Jews of Spain (1492)

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The Alhambra Decree-- Edict of the Expulsion of the Jews of Spain (1492)

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HANNAH project is co-funded by the EU Rights, Equality and Citizenship program and is expected to inform and educate about the long history of the Jewish Communities in Germany, Greece, Serbia and Poland, to reinforce knowledge and remembrance and to increase awareness against Antisemitism, through enhancing the capacity of schoolteachers, librarians and archivists, the knowledge of young people and the information of policymakers.

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Film "Wege zur Erinnerung" (“Paths to Remembrance”)

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Film "Wege zur Erinnerung" (“Paths to Remembrance”)

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Der Kurzfilm zum Programm „Wege zur Erinnerung“ – ein Förderprogramm des DPJW für gemeinsame deutsch-polnische Gedenkstättenprojekte.

The short film about the program “Paths to Remembrance” – a GPYO funding program for joint German-Polish memorial projects

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Septembre 1939 à juin 1940 : un camp pour "sujets ennemis"

L'histoire du camp débute sous la IIIe République, au début de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, lorsque le gouvernement français prend la décision d'interner les ressortissants du Reich, fussent-ils d'authentiques antifascistes ayant fui de longue date le nazisme qui sévissait dans leur pays d'origine pour venir se réfugier en France.

Considérés paradoxalement et tragiquement comme des "sujets ennemis", les internés sont victimes d'un mélange de xénophobie, d'absurdité et de désordre administratifs ambiants et vivent dans des conditions très précaires. Dans le Sud-Est, ces étrangers sont internés dans la Tuilerie des Milles, alors désaffectée. Ce bâtiment industriel devient un camp d'internement sous commandement militaire français.

Lire la suite

Juillet 1940 à juillet 1942 : un camp pour "indésirables"

En juin 1940 s'ouvre une seconde période avec la défaite française et la signature de l'armistice. C'est là que se situe l'épisode du "Train des Milles", popularisé par le film de Sébastien Grall. À partir de juillet, sous le régime de Vichy, le camp est rapidement sur-peuplé (3 500 internés à la fois en juin 1940).

Au cours de cette période sont transférés aux Milles notamment les étrangers des camps du Sud-Ouest, et en particulier des anciens des Brigades internationales d'Espagne ainsi que des Juifs expulsés du Palatinat, du Wurtemberg et du pays de Bade.

À partir de novembre 1940, le camp, passé sous l'autorité du Ministère de l'Intérieur, devient le seul camp de transit en France pour une émigration Outre-Mer, transit régulier ou illégal avec l'aide de particuliers, d'organisations ou de filières locales et internationales.

Au fil du temps, les conditions d'internement se dégradent : vermine, maladies, promiscuité, nourriture insuffisante...

Lire la suite

Août et septembre 1942 : un camp de déportation des Juifs

Une troisième période correspond aux mois d'août et septembre 1942 qui voient la déportation vers Auschwitz via Drancy ou Rivesaltes de plus de 2 000 Juifs, hommes, femmes et enfants. Vichy a accepté de livrer 10 000 Juifs de la zone dite "libre" à l'Allemagne. Au début du mois de juillet 1942, Laval propose d'inclure les enfants âgés de moins de seize ans dans les déportations.

Le 3 août, le camp est bouclé. Femmes et enfants juifs de la région sont orientés vers les Milles pour rejoindre les autres internés avant d'être déportés. Ne sont pas épargnés les Juifs réfugiés politiques ou étrangers ayant servi dans l'armée française. Et une centaine d'enfants sont ainsi déportés à partir de l'âge d'un an. Au total, cinq convois sont constitués. En réaction, des hommes et femmes courageux aident les internés et les déportés.

Ces événements surviennent avant même l'occupation allemande de la zone Sud (11 novembre 1942). Au-delà du mois de septembre 1942, le camp, demeurant un centre de transit, vivote : ses derniers occupants, très peu nombreux, quittent ses murs de briques en décembre 1942.

Lire la suite

Plus d'une centaine d'enfants et adolescents juifs furent déportés du Camp des Milles en août et septembre 1942, le plus jeune avait un an.

Abraham Ajgengold, Golda Ajgengold, Jacques Altmann, Marie Altmann, Moïse Altmann, Jeannot Ament, Benny Appel, Friedel Baum, Bertha Becher, Jacques Becher, Rachel Becher, Margit Blau, Werner Blau, Jankiel Bojm, Bernhard Bornstein, Ralph Brill, Myriam Burstyn, Maria Dymenbaum, Frieda Engel, Renate Falk, Gesis Feist, Clara Fullenbaum, Edmond Gamiel, Eugénie Gasman, Hélène Gelbard, Max Gelbard, Paulette Gelbard, Anna Goldberg, Cyrille Goldberg, Frana Goldberg, Isaac Goldberg, Maria Goldberg, Rachela Goldberg, Werner Goldschmidt, Martin Grunwald, Markus Hendler, Arnold Hirsch, Helga Hirsch, Adolf Jeruchemson, Hélène Jeruchemson, Ernst Joseph, Hans Kahn, Daniel Kaminsky, Noémie Kaminsky, Werner Kaufmann, Marion Kleinkopf, Hans Krauss, Dora Kressel, Liane Krochmal, Renate Krochmal, Siegfried Krochmal, Hélène Kupfer, Noémie Laub, Roger Lenziki, Bertha Leufer, Helmut Levy, Rafaël Lewin, Gerti Licht, Kurt Linker, Bernard Linker, Elfride Lion, Adolf Lipka, Génia Lipka, Manfred Maier, Hedwig Markey, Hélène Marxsohn, Georg Mass, Alice May, Régine Mescz, Nathan Nabel, Georges Neugass, Erica Neustadt, Anna Oesterreicher, Abraham Oszekowski, Ernst Ottinger, Gisèle Rosner, Naftali Rosner, Rachel Rosner, Karl Rothschild, Hilda Safran, Suzy Schaechter, Jürgen Schild, Chana Siegel, Isaac Strumer, Alfred Suss, Deborah Treff, Charles Uhr, Erwin Uhr, Ellie Vistave, Otto Wertheimer, Robert Wynberg, Louis Wolf, Israël Zeidelman, Maurice Zeidelman, Edwin Zwirn, Simone Zwirn, Willy Zwirn.

Voir la liste des enfants déportés.

PRIX SELIGMANN
Contre le racisme, l'injustice et l'intolérance
Décerné par la Chancellerie des Universités de Paris

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Histoire d'un Camp | Site-Mémorial du Camp des Milles - Aix-en-Provence

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L'histoire du camp débute sous la IIIe République, au début de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, lorsque le gouvernement français prend la décision d'interner les ressortissants du Reich, fussent-ils d'authentiques antifascistes ayant fui de longue date le nazisme qui sévissait dans leur pays d'origine pour venir se réfugier en France.

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https://www.pamatnik-terezin.cz/?lang=en

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Antisemitism - simple answers to basic questions

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Antisemitism - simple answers to basic questions

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What is antisemitism?

Antisemitism has many faces.

To put it very simply: antisemitism is hostility towards Jews. For centuries, Jews have been assigned character traits that are supposed justify hatred and contempt towards them. They are portrayed as greedy, malevolent and responsible for all evil in the world. "The Jews" supposedly pull the strings and control politics and world economy. In contrast to racist discrimination, where "the Other" is portrayed as inferior, antisemitism imagines Jews not only as inferior but as superior and overly powerful at the same time.

Antisemitism leads to defamation, social exclusion, discrimination, persecution and expulsion and even murder of Jewish people. In National Socialist Germany, it culminated in the Holocaust, or: the Shoah (Hebrew for "catastrophe", the Jewish term for the systematic murder of six million Jews).

There are different types of antisemitism. Antisemitism studies distinguish Anti-Judaism, modern Jew hatred, secondary antisemitism, Israel-related antisemitism and structural antisemitism. De facto, these distinctions are seldomly clear-cut, as the different types are intertwined with each other.

What this is about:
Conspiracy theories, BDS, IHRA's working definition, structural antisemitism - debates on antisemitism often require a lot of background knowledge. And then there is Israel, which everybody seems to talk about even though the subject is anti-Jewish discrimination!? This handout tries to do justice to the complexity of antisemitism while still explaining the basics of anti-antisemitism in simple terms. We do not want to imply that multi-faceted issues and academic debates can be broken down to a few sentences. The questions and answers in this handout offer first steps and orientation and refer to further information.

Note on terminology
Depending on the context, we speak of "the Jews" or, simply, Jews. The notion of "the Jews" implies an image and corresponding ascriptions, most of them negative. In this handout, we want to distinguish between "the Jews" as a stereotypical stand-in ("Conceptual Jew") and actual Jews. We do this to emphasize that antisemitic images do not describe reality but an ideological image. When we refer to antisemitic world views and the image of "the greedy, powerful Jews" we use quotation marks. When we refer to actual Jewish life, we speak of Jews or Jewish people.

Anti-Judaism is closely related to the question of when antisemitism first appeared. Anti-Judaism is used to describe anti-Jewish hostility based on religion. Today's images frequently have their sources in Christianity, although some are even older than Christianity.

It was the church's hateful, Anti-Judaist propaganda that was responsible for spreading Jew hatred in Roman Antiquity and the Middle Ages. "The Jews" were blamed collectively for the Crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth and called out for "deicide". Attacks on synagogues are reported as early as the 4th century AD. Throughout the centuries, explicitly anti-Jewish decrees were issued. Further Anti-Judaist narratives include Jews supposedly poisoning wells, murdering Christian children (blood libel) or Jewish usury. Not least, "the Jews" were accused of unleashing the Plague.

Time and time again, there were pogroms, persecution and expulsion, most famously the wave of violence from 1348 to 1351 whose geographical spread and violent quality exceeded previous events. In Erfurt, Germany, alone, almost 1000 Jews were murdered. 300 Jewish communities were annihilated.

Today's antisemitism builds on this Anti-Judaism and maintains stereotypical ideas about "the Jews". In the 19th and 20th century, these were "confirmed" by pseudo-scientific "raciology" that claimed it was in "the Jews'" nature to enslave the world. In National Socialism, "the Jews" were defined as the "counter-race" to the "Aryans" who had to be annihilated entirely to rid the earth of evil.

Jew hatred has been around for more than 2000 years, and up until today, Anti-Judaist myths of "the Jews" pulling the strings persist. They are updated over and over again in modern conspiracy theories and blend with other types of antisemitism. The originally US-American online movement QAnon, for example, believes in a secret elite comprised of US public figures who controls the world. This elite supposedly kidnaps and kills children and is assigned Satanist, sadist and pedophiliac attributes. This constitutes an update of the old Anti-Judaist blood libel.

What is secondary/Post-Shoah antisemitism?

Schuldabwehrantisemitismus (guilt-defensiveness antisemitism), secondary antisemitism or Post-Shoah antisemitism: These terms describe deflection of guilt and responsibility for the crimes of National Socialism as well as the rejection of Shoah remembrance. A frequent example of secondary antisemitism are debates around the term Schlussstrich, which means claiming there has been enough remembering and accounting for the past and the Germans have suffered long enough for Nazi crimes - and the idea that today's generation no longer has any relation to National Socialism.

This type of antisemitism includes defiling places of remembrance or speaking of Auschwitz as a "moral cudgel" that is being wielded to hold against Germans their "eternal guilt". It also becomes apparent in various ways when Covid measures are compared to National Socialism at so-called "Querdenken" rallies: one example is wearing a Yellow Star saying "Unvaccinated" - as if unvaccinated people were treated like Jews in National Socialism. This is a trivialization of the Shoah because people and groups talk about themselves as "the new Jews" as well as a reversal of historical roles of perpetrators and victims.

This reversal can also be seen when Jews are seen as partially guilty of the rejection and persecution they experience. The idea that "the Jews" acted "weird" or "not trustworthy" can be seen in today's use of "Jew" as an insult.

What is modern antisemitism?

In modern antisemitism, Jews are made responsible for all evil in the world, used as scapegoats for crises, portrayed as "subverting" societies or falsely blamed for structural problems.

Often, modern antisemitism is racialized and Jews are labeled as fundamentally different and thus not part of society. In the process, old Anti-Judaist imagery is updated, for example the idea of "the greedy Jew" which since the Middle Ages accused Jews to get rich illegitimately and at the expense of others.

Modern antisemitism evolved in the course of the 19th century. The Nazis radicalized it further and used it to justify their homicidal policies: up until 1945, they murdered six Million Jews from all over Europe. Yet, modern antisemitism did not vanish with the fall of National Socialism. Today, its imagery is confounded with other types of antisemitism, as well as regressive types of anticapitalism and criticism of globalization or Anti-Americanism. One example are readings of the Covid-19 pandemic as a global Jewish world conspiracy, but also statements that blame individual people with bad intentions for complex economic processes and financial crises or see the US as responsible for all evil in the world.

What is structural antisemitsm?

We call something structurally antisemitic if narratives are antisemitic without explicitly talking about "the Jews". This can be the case when complex social relations and/or crises are simplified or personalized, e.g. when a financial crisis is blamed on the scheming of a handful of people who are then characterized with supposedly Jewish traits.

The way this works can be seen in conspiracy ideologies. Conspiracy ideologies and antisemitism are closely related, appear alongside each other and are pretty similar: Something incomprehensible is explained by blaming crises, catastrophes or negative events on a small group of people and attributing malevolence to them. For example, conspiracy ideologies often see "secret elites" as responsible for negative events. However, secret "elites", "globalists" or "high finance" are century-old codes for Jews. The narrative in question can be antisemitic without actually mentioning "the Jews" - the narrative's antisemitism is veiled by a workaround and has to be decoded first. Sometimes, antisemitic implications are consciously not articulated - for example as a strategy to avoid criminal prosecution. Other times, Jew hatred remains dormant and is only made explicit after radicalization. We argue that structural antisemitism is Jew hatred, but (so far) without Jews. Superficially, the narratives are not even concerning Jews, as they use structures and codes. Jews or people perceived as Jewish however are affected by it directly. Thus, antisemitic ideas are handed down from generation to generation.

What is Israel-related antisemitism?

Israel-related antisemitism is when antisemitic images are directed against Israel. This is the case when Israel is demonized, when the state's right to exist is called into question or when Israel is held to different standards than other democratic states (-> the 3D test). Israel-related antisemitism often serves as a workaround because antisemitism can be expressed without actually talking about antisemitic ideas about "the Jews". Israel-related antisemitism does not work differently than other types of antisemitism but only uses Israel to express antisemitism.

This becomes especially visible when violence erupts between Israel and Hamas and consequently, Jews all over Germany are threatened and attacked and there are rallies outside of German synagogues, as was the case in May 2021. The policies of the State of Israel have nothing to do with Jews in Germany and German synagogues, never. To hold Jews in these parts responsible for Israeli policies is antisemitic. Violence in the Middle East always means a direct threat to Jews in other parts of the world. Flare-ups in the conflict and Israel's actions are opportunities to spread antisemitism not its reason.

Today, Israel-related antisemitism is such a wide-spread form of antisemitism because it can be found in various milieus (-> Who is it now, the Left, the Right, or "the Muslims"?): In parts of the political left, in Islamist groups as well as the Far Right, we can identify Israel-related antisemitism. It is especially dangerous because it helps spread antisemitism that is not easily identified.

How can we distinguish criticism from Israel-related antisemitism? The 3D test

Antisemitism, the hatred of Jews, can also be directed at Israel as a Jewish state (-> What is Israel-related antisemitism?). It is not always easy to recognize Israel-related antisemitism right away and to distinguish it from legitimate criticism of the Israeli government and its policies. Ultimately, there is no universal rule to apply to each individual case. However, the 3D test can be helpful. This method was developed by Israeli author and politician Natan Sharansky in 2004 and applies three criteria: Demonization, Double Standards and Delegitimization. If a statement can be characterized using one of these 3 "D"s, it is probably antisemitic. The following questions can be helpful:

Is the State of Israel being demonized - characterized as evil incarnate? If so, the criticism is antisemitic. This happens for example when Israel's policies are equated with the crimes of German National Socialism.

Are similar policies of other democratic states condemned less harshly than the policies of Israel? If so, the criticism is antisemitic. When Israel defends itself after rocket attacks, there will be intense criticism unfailingly. If other democratic states defended themselves in the same way this would not be called into question to the same extent.

Is Israel's right to exist being called into question? If so, the criticism is antisemitic, for example, the slogan "From the River to the Sea, Palestine will be free" that is popular at anti-Israel rallies. It calls for the establishment of a Palestinian state from the River Jordan to the Mediterranean Sea. The existence of the State of Israel is not included in this demand, wiping Israel off the map is.

BDS is short for „Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions". Time and time again, it is in the center of debates surrounding antisemitism. BDS is an international campaign without very solid organizational structure who has been operating against Jews and Israelis under the guise of commitment to the Human Rights of Palestinians since 2005. As stated in its name, BDS calls for a boycott of Israeli products as well as sanctions against Israel. Furthermore, BDS pressures artists who want to perform in Israel and has been part of efforts to exclude Israelis from international conferences or festivals.

The idea of a boycott against Israel has been around for some time. The demands of the BDS movement exceed humanitarian concerns and attack Israel's right to exist. One example is the call for an "end of the occupation in Palestine": BDS activists remain vague about the extent of the demand, but repeatedly, they talk about all of Israel's current territory and fail to allow for the existence of a Jewish state. Therefore, the BDS campaign is problematic, as it denies Israel its right to exist - maybe not openly, but certainly if you look at the consequences of its demands. This constitutes Israel-related antisemitism and has to be called out.

What is the IHRA definition?

The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), a joint effort of various states, organisations and experts, has developed a working definition of antisemitism. More than 30 states and many NGOs apply it to classify antisemitism. The IHRA defines antisemitism as follows:

"Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities."

The IHRA working definition includes the many types of antisemitism and gives concrete examples of their manifestation. Not only does it state: "Manifestations might include the targeting of the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity", but it also describes precisely what Israel-related antisemitism looks like. It includes the 3D test.

Many NGOs and governmental organisations all over the world use this definition in their work. It describes comprehensively the types of antisemitism that Jews actually experience. In 2021, the European Commission published a handbook for the practical use of this definition that further explains it.

Are comparisons between Covid-19 measures and the persecution of Jews during National Socialism antisemitic?

When public measures to slow the spread of Covid-19 are put on a level with the persecution of Jews during National Socialism, these statements diminish Shoah remembrance and are therefore antisemitic. Spread more and more by supporters of the Querdenken-protests against Covid measures, these statements ridicule the actual victims and trivialize the Holocaust. Most alarmingly, a recent study by CeMAS saw more than a third of the protest's supporters agreeing with these comparisons as legitimate and appropriate.

Speakers at these rallies who compare themselves to Sophie Scholl, a member of the German resistance to the Nazis, or Yellow Stars saying "Unvaccinated" where National Socialist Yellow Stars said "Jew" as if unvaccinated people were treated equally to Jews in National Socialism (-> What is secondary/Post-Shoah antisemitism?). A verdict by courts in Berlin confirmed that these comparisons are antisemitic. Distributing or wearing one of these "Unvaccinated"-Yellow Stars was made a criminal offense in October 2021 and is consequently persecuted in some Bundesländer (regions) in Germany.

When pandemic-related issues are connected to the terminology of the Shoah, it is partly to blame on a shift in public discourse, not least caused by the Far Right's historical revisionism. The trivialization of Nazi crimes simultaneously plays into the hands of Holocaust deniers.

Alas, who is to blame? The Left, the Right, or "the Muslims"?

Antisemitism is deeply engrained in the very center of our society. According to a study by the World Jewish Congress (WJC) from the year 2022, one in five Germans harbors antisemitic resentment - one in three even among young adults. These numbers alone make it implausible to blame antisemitism in Germany on one group, one political affiliation or one minority.

On the other hand, debates about where antisemitism in Germany is coming from tend to focus on different groups: immigrants, or Muslims respectively, are cited as well as the Far Right, the political Left or Islamists. Often, these assumptions serve to villainize „the Other" and to whitewash one's own antisemitism or to deflect from people's own antisemitic ideas. Just as often, racism comes into play, for example when antisemitism is perceived only in Muslim or immigrant and refugee contexts.

Even though antisemitism is not exclusive to certain sub-groups of the population but rather spread all over society, the representative study "Antisemitism in Germany" by the American Jewish Committee (AJC) Berlin from 2022 shows antisemitic resentments are higher in number among Muslims and the Far Right. This data should not serve as a basis to externalize antisemitism. Still, it is important to recognize this problem and to keep it in mind when fighting antisemitism.

Antisemitism is a problem in all parts of society, and consequently manifests itself with no regard to political affiliations, social milieus and education. Parts of the so-called political center prove to be especially susceptible to calls for a Schlussstrich (an end of Holocaust remembrance, -> What is secondary/Post-Shoah antisemitism?). In Muslim communities as well as the political Left, Israel-related antisemitism is especially relevant. Within the Far Right, antisemitism serves as an ideological basis and manifests in particular violent ways.

What is especially striking and dangerous is the way antisemitism can bind together all these different groups and manages to get these sometimes very different milieus to rally together.

Studies: Just "how much" antisemitism is there, and how do you measure it?

Released in January of 2022, a study by the World Jewish Congress reports an all-time high in German antisemitism. According to this survey, one in five Germans harbors antisemitic resentments, in the group of younger people (from 18-29), it is even one in three. Such studies on attitudes, like for example the widely received "Mitte" study by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, examine the approval of antisemitic statements or more universal phenomena of group-focused enmities and derive representative numbers on how widely these resentments are spread in society.

According to the WJC, 21 % of German adults are of the opinion "the Jews" had too much influence in media and finance. The "Mitte" study sees numbers for a strong opposition to antisemitic statements on the decline - 12 % of the participants do not firmly oppose antisemitic prejudice. With Israel-related antisemitism, numbers are considerably higher yet. The numbers of antisemitic incidents remains continuously at a high level. In the year 2021 alone, the Bundesinnenministerium (Ministery of the Interior) registered more than 3000 criminal offenses, online as well as out on the streets.

When it comes to studies on antisemitism, it is remarkable how little attention is paid to the perspective of the ones affected by it. The first study to explicitly ask about Jewish perspectives on antisemitism was not conducted until 2017. Researchers found that school is a focal point of experiences of antisemitic hostility. If "Jew" is a common insult on German schoolyards and Jews choose to hide their identity in supposedly safe spaces, it is clear evidence of just how common antisemitism actually is in day-to-day lives.

The Departments for Research and Information on Antisemitism (RIAS) regularly publish their reports on antisemitic incidents, even if those fail to rise to the level of a criminal offense, and thus manage to depict how much of this is day-to-day life. According to their report, there were 2378 incidents in 2021. That is more than seven per day, and a new peak, with numbers rising by 40 % compared to the previous year. You can report antisemitic incidents anonymously and easily at www.report-antisemitism.de.

Support our work and donate against antisemitism!

The article is a translation of the publication "Antisemitismus - Einfach erklärt". Translation by Fabian Schroers. The publication is available in German here. Bildungs- und Aktionswochen gegen Antisemitismus (Weeks of Action against Antisemitism) are Germany's largest coalition against antisemitism. They receive funding from Beauftragter der Bundesregierung für jüdisches Leben in Deutschland und den Kampf gegen Antisemitismus (Comissioner of the Federal Government for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against Antisemitism)

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Antisemitism - simple answers to basic questions

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Antisemitism has many faces. To put it very simply: antisemitism is hostility towards Jews. For centuries, Jews have been assigned character traits that are supposed justify hatred and contempt towards them. They are portrayed as greedy, malevolent and responsible for all evil in the world.

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Das DGJW fördert Projekte, damit sich Jugendliche aus Deutschland und Griechenland kennenlernen, austauschen und besser verstehen.

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'How the West became antisemitic' 2024

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Armed pilgrimages against distant Muslims were pointless, complained Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny, to Louis VII, King of France, in 1146, when Jews, who were "right in our midst, blaspheme, abuse and trample on Christ and the Christian sacraments so freely and insolently and with impunity."

This view, according to Ivan Marcus - a professor of Jewish history at Yale University, and author, among other books, of The Jewish Life Cycle: Rites of Passage from Biblical to Modern Times; and Rituals of Childhood: Jewish Acculturation in Medieval Europe - provides evidence of assertiveness among Jews in medieval Europe: "a story that has not been told before."

In How the West Became Antisemitic, Marcus claims that Jewish challenges, "real and imagined," to the dominant Christian majority produced a society that was "antisemitic in new ways between 800 and 1500" and has remained part of European cultural identity in the modern era. In this academic book, awash in footnotes and critiques of other scholars, Marcus also provides a provocative and timely analysis of whether the term "anti-Judaism" or "antisemitism" best describes European hatred of Jews.

A reform movement, in which popes tried to reassert supremacy over Christian society and its emperors and kings, Marcus indicates, resulted in a series of Crusades to rescue Jerusalem and Byzantine Christians from Muslim Seljuk Turks. Religious zeal became a rationale for attacking members of relatively new Jewish communities in Northern Europe, many of whom had forged close business relationships with Christians but were now increasingly seen as descendants of the killers of Christ.

Jewish resistance

ATTACKED BY Crusaders on their way to the Middle East, Jews sometimes mounted armed resistance. In Mainz, Germany, "they donned their armor and weapons of war, adults and children alike," with Rabbi Qalonymos "at their head." Some Jews reportedly killed themselves and their children rather than convert. As they called on God to avenge them, Jewish chroniclers unleashed insults aimed at Christian sancta, crying out "Hear, O Israel," an affirmation of Jewish loyalty. Some Jews reportedly spat at, urinated on, or trampled crosses.

Jewish blasphemy and resistance, Marcus emphasizes, was partly responsible for the new efforts of Christians "to contain and subordinate them."

In the late 13th and 14th centuries, Jews were expelled from many European countries. Issued by temporal, not ecclesiastical authorities, and amid intensifying opposition to usury, Marcus argues that the removal of Jewish communities from European states is best understood as "efforts to protect an ideal Christian society from perceived harmful Jewish influences."

Most important, he writes, is that even after actual Jews were expelled, "imagined Jews" continued to help maintain Christian solidarity and identity as "self-defining others" in a set of traditions that have continued into the 21st century.

Shylock, the memorable Jewish character in William Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice, is one of them. Marcus reminds us that Shylock exacts his "revenge on Christians, not on symbols of Christianity, as in the Middle Ages." In economic competition with the merchant Antonio, Shylock insists on a pound of flesh as the penalty for non-payment of his loan. He hates Christians, he says, because they compete unfairly by not charging interest to other Christians.

Medieval Jews, Marcus points out, "hated Christianity as idolatry but did business with their co-religionists," often charging them exorbitant fees. In 1290, following the expulsion of Jews from England, for example, Queen Eleanor took over and collected outstanding Jewish loans.

SHYLOCK IS not at all like his alleged medieval ancestors, Marcus suggests, because Shakespeare's audiences, many of whom had never seen a Jew, assumed they were neither rational nor fully human. The religious rivalry between Jews and Christians "was no longer the main issue." Despite Shylock's insistence that a Jew bleeds if pricked, theatergoers may well have laughed at his choice of revenge over money, especially when he doesn't get either one, watches his daughter elope with a Christian, is forced to convert, and literally disappears in Act V. In sum, Shakespeare had created his own version of "the medieval imagined Jew as an inner enemy who hates Christians."

Medieval antisemitism, Marcus asserts, helped create and legitimize modern antisemitism. Medieval Christians hated Jews because they insisted they were "the chosen people" and refused to be servile or religious subordinate. During the Crusades, Christians concluded that Jews were "the inner enemy." And they came to believe that Jewish identity was unchangeable and immune to conversion.

Had Christian antisemitism been primarily about Judaism and not Jews, Marcus writes, "modern secularism might have ended it. Instead, it got worse." In Europe and the United States in the 19th and 20th centuries, as Jews became successful and assimilated into the dominant Christian majority, white supremacists lashed out at them as the powerful enemy within, a permanent racial minority that needed to be contained, expelled, or eliminated.

How the West Became Antisemitic ends with a warning: "Just as Europe has proven again and again that it is a resilient culture that can survive devastating world wars... its antisemitic culture has also proven resilient and transportable..." And "there is every reason to be concerned" about the postmodern forms of nationalism and nativism that are recycling the medieval structure of antisemitism." 
Glenn C. Altschuler is The Thomas and Dorothy Litwin Emeritus Professor of American Studies at Cornell University.

HOW THE WEST BECAME ANTISEMITIC: JEWS AND THE FORMATION OF EUROPE, 800-1500

By Ivan G. Marcus

Princeton University Press

364 pages; $40

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'How the West became antisemitic': Looking at the medieval history of Western Jew-hatred - review

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Ivan G. Marcus provides a provocative and timely analysis of whether the term "anti-Judaism" or "antisemitism" best describes European hatred of Jews.

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BANK ACCOUNT DETAILS NAME OF ACCOUNT: FUNDACJA GALICIA JEWISH HERITAGE INSTITUTE TYPE OF ACCOUNT: CURRENT BANK: PEKAO SA SWIFT: PKOPPLPW ADDRESS OF BANK: UL. JÓZEFINSKA 18, 30-955 KRAKOW, POLAND PHONE NUMBER OF BANK: 0048 12 4236744 IBAN: PL 67124044321111000047235276 ACCOUNT NUMBER: 67 1240 4432 1111 0000 4723 5276 ACCOUNT HOLDER ADDRESS: UL.

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Stolpersteine June 2024 How to clean Stolpersteine
On the occasion of Yom ha-Shoah, Lauder school of Prague asked its students, teachers and parents to adopt individual Stolpersteine in the city. By the stone adoption, volunteers take upon themselves the commitment to visit the stones regularly during the following year until the next Yom ha-Shoah and to clean them so that the information on the stones remains easily legible. The project caught a lot of attention since the day it was launched and we believe that it will soon lead to a continuous care of the legibility of the stones. The adoptees take care either of the stones of their relatives or the Stolpersteine located in places near their place of residence. Thus, the project helps to maintain the awareness of family history as well as the awareness of the history of the place where the school children live.
http://www.lauder.cz/docs/ls_stolpersteiny_1617310677.pdf

The nearest Stolpestein installation in Prague in s pring 2024
Information at[email protected]
Stolpersteine in Prague
The artist Gunter Demnig remembers the victims of National Socialism by installing commemorative 10×10 cm brass plaques in the pavement in front of their last address of choice. The first Stolpertseine was laid in December 16th 1992 in front of the townhall in Cologne. There are now more than 80 000 Stolpersteine (lit. "stumbling stones or blocks") in many European countries.

Gunter Demnig cites the Talmud saying that "a person is only forgotten when his or her name is forgotten". The Stolpersteine in front of the buildings bring back to memory the people who once lived here. The project commemorates all victims of National Socialism, anyone who was persecuted or murdered by the Nazi regime between 1933 and 1945. The project also commemorates those who were forced by the circumstances to commit suicide. Stolpersteine can also be placed for people who were able to escape or for example the survivors of concentration camps.

Stolpersteine were first introduced to the Czech Republic on the initiative of the Jewish Youth Union in 2008. The project was then revived after two years of inactivity in 2018 by František Banyai, the Head of the Jewish Community in Prague. Since then the implementation of the Stolpersteine project in Prague is organized and supported by the Publicly Beneficial Association Supporting Persons Affected By Holocaust www.spolek.org . Today, František Bányai and Hermína Neuner continue to oversee the project's extensive agenda. We are always pleased if you choose to support the Association or the Stolpersteine project with a financial donation. We are kindly supported by the Foundation For Holocaust Victims and Prague 2 District.

If possible, we install about hundred new Stolpersteine in Prague every year. Stolpersteine are always placed in front of the last residence of choice - never in front of places that people were forced to move to. At the same time we make sure that there are no losses during the reconstruction of the sidewalks. Trevor Sage, British expat residing in Prague, helps significantly with mapping and cleaning the stones. Trevor Sage devoted his free time to map and clean Prague´s Stolpersteine. He is originally from London, but before coming to the Czech Republic he lived on the south coast of England and came to Prague for work. "When I decided to take early retirement, I fell in love with Prague and moved here." He has published a book that combines photographs of the first nearly five hundred of Prague's Stolpersteine with portrait photographs of the victims, information about their transports, and the moving life stories of several victims, often written directly by their relatives who kindly contributed to the book. In other Czech towns, including Liberec, Olomouc, České Budějovice and Písek, other organizations are committed to the Stolpersteine project. Each first Stolpersteine in town must be arranged directly with the STIFTUNG - SPUREN - Gunter Demnig foundation (contact person is Anne Thomas at [email protected] ).

We are also interested in documenting the Jewish memory on the 20th century, helping to collect the individual family stories and photographs from the family archives. We cooperate on this with Terezin Initiative Institute and the oral history collection of Jewish Museum in Prague.

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Stolpersteine June 2024 How to clean Stolpersteine On the occasion of Yom ha-Shoah, Lauder school of Prague asked its students, teachers and parents to adopt individual Stolpersteine in the city. By the stone adoption, volunteers take upon themselves the commitment to visit the stones regularly during the following year until the next Yom ha-Shoah and to clean them so that the information on the stones remains easily legible.

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„Die Juden sind an allem schuld" - so könnte man Antisemitismus, das heißt Judenfeindschaft, zusammenfassen. Doch was ist Antisemitismus genau? Wie äußert er sich? Und was können wir dagegen tun? Klicke dich durch verschiedene Bereiche. Entdecke Infos, Quizze und Videos.

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Dein Portal zum Thema Antisemitismus. Lerne neue Fakten kennen, entdecke Hintergründe und Zusammenhänge. Finde Antworten auf Fragen, die du dir so noch nie gestellt hast. Werde selbst Expert:in, um Antisemitismus zu erkennen und etwas dagegen zu tun. Diese Webseite ist ein Projekt der Bildungsprofis von:

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Israel Youth Exchange Authority הרשות הישראלית לחילופי נוער וצעירים | Ramat Gan

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‎Israel Youth Exchange Authority הרשות הישראלית לחילופי נוער וצעירים‎, ‎רמת גן‎. 684 likes · 1 was here. ‎הרשות הישראלית לחילופי נוער וצעירים Israel Youth Exchange Authority‎

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“Paths to Remembrance” – a GPYO funding program for joint German-Polish memorial projects

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“Paths to Remembrance” – a GPYO funding program for joint German-Polish memorial projects

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Alles anzeigen

„Wege zur Erinnerung"
Die Machtübernahme Hitlers, der Zweite Weltkrieg, die Besatzung Polens durch NS-Deutschland und die damit verbundene schwierige deutsch-polnische Beziehungsgeschichte stehen thematisch oft im Mittelpunkt deutsch-polnischer und trilateraler Jugendbegegnungen. Projekte zu historischen Themen sind deshalb ein wichtiger Bestandteil unserer Programmarbeit. Mit dem Förderprogramm „Wege zur Erinnerung" wollen wir derartige Projekte besser unterstützen.

Jungen Menschen bieten wir die Chance, aus der Geschichte für eine gemeinsame Zukunft zu lernen. Während der Projekte beschäftigen sie sich mit dem politischen und gesellschaftlichen Kontext der Entstehung des Nationalsozialismus seit der Machtergreifung Hitlers im Jahr 1933. Sie vertiefen ihr Wissen über den Holocaust und die Besatzung Polens durch NS-Deutschland und lernen die Geschichte der besuchten Gedenkstätten an die Opfer des NS-Terrors in Deutschland und Polen kennen.

Durch die intensive Beschäftigung mit der Geschichte bekommen junge Menschen die Möglichkeit, eine Verbindung zu Ereignissen und Problemen in der heutigen Welt zu ziehen. In gemeinsamen Workshops reflektieren die Jugendlichen menschliches Verhalten in der Vergangenheit und Gegenwart und stärken ihre eigene Haltung gegen Verletzung von Menschenrechten, Ausgrenzung, Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Diskriminierung. Auf diese Weise wollen wir zur Entwicklung von Zivilcourage und zivilgesellschaftlichen Kompetenzen von Jugendlichen beitragen.

Das Programm „Wege zur Erinnerung" richtet sich an deutsch-polnische oder trilaterale Partnerschaften, die sich bei gemeinsamen Jugendbegegnungen mit der Thematik der Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus, des Holocaust, des Zweiten Weltkriegs und der Besatzung Polens durch Nazideutschland auseinandersetzen.

Gefördert werden Projekte, die folgende Kriterien erfüllen:

Der Titel und die Projektbeschreibung beziehen sich unmittelbar auf die Thematik des Förderprogramms. Sie spiegelt sich in den geplanten Aktivitäten, sowie in den Programmpunkten, die sich mit den aktuellen Ereignissen und Problemen der Welt auseinandersetzen wider.

Das Programm beinhaltet den Besuch einer NS-Gedenkstätte und vermittelt Hintergrundwissen über die Geschichte dieses Ortes. Wir laden Sie ein, Projekte in Zusammenarbeit mit Bildungseinrichtungen, die sich inhaltlich auf Fragestellungen zum Thema Nationalsozialismus spezialisieren sowie Projekte, die vom pädagogischen Angebot dieser Einrichtungen Gebrauch machen, durchzuführen.

Mindestens die Hälfte des Programms ist der Thematik des Nationalsozialismus, des Zweiten Weltkriegs, des Holocaust oder der Besatzung Polens durch Nazideutschland gewidmet (zusammen mit der Vor- und Nachbereitung dieses Teils mit beiden Gruppen).

Der geschichtliche Programmteil knüpft an die Gegenwart und an das Leben der jungen Menschen an und orientiert sich an Fragestellungen, die die Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer selbst bewegen. Aus der Beschreibung und Durchführung des Projekts geht die aktive Beteiligung junger Menschen bei der Planung des Programms und seiner Umsetzung hervor.

In gemeinsamen Workshops wird die Verbindung zwischen historischen Ereignissen und den Problemen der heutigen Welt thematisiert.

Die Teilnehmenden werden (vor und während der Begegnung) intensiv auf das Projekt, insbesondere auf den geschichtlichen Teil vorbereitet und beteiligen sich aktiv an der Reflexion und Auswertung.

Bei trilateralen Projekten wird die Perspektive des Drittlands berücksichtigt.

Die weiteren Programminhalte des Projekts ermöglichen den Jugendlichen, einander kennenzulernen, schließen Elemente der interkulturellen Bildung ein und regen das Interesse der Jugendlichen für das Nachbarland an, z.B. seine Geschichte, Kultur, Sprache und den dortigen Alltag.

Das gemeinsame Programm dauert zwischen 4 und 14 Tage.

Die Gruppe besteht aus maximal 50 Teilnehmenden im Alter von 14 bis 26 Jahren.

Die Projektteilnehmer/-innen werden ermutigt, eine Projektdokumentation zu erstellen (z.B. Filme, Präsentationen oder Tagebücher), in der sie die gemeinsamen Aktivitäten vorstellen und ihren Überlegungen nach dem Besuch der Gedenkstätte Ausdruck verleihen.

Sollten bei der Erstellung der Dokumentation zusätzliche Kosten entstehen, kann zusätzlich die Förderung eines Kleinprojektes „ 4×1 ist einfacher " beantragt werden.
Es gelten die aktuellen „Förderrichtlinien des DPJW„.

Gedenkstätten im Sinne des Förderprogramms „Wege zur Erinnerung" sind Orte des Erinnerns und des Gedenkens an die Opfer des NS-Terrors: Orte der Massenverbrechen, ehemalige Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslager sowie Erinnerungsorte auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Ghettos, Gefängnisse, „Euthanasie-"stationen oder damaligen Arbeitslager (s. auch: Erinnerungsorte an den Zweiten Weltkrieg).

E ine außergewöhnliche Situation ermöglicht außergewöhnliche Begegnungen!
Da vorübergehende Einschränkungen aufgrund der COVID-Pandemie immer noch auftreten können, lässt das DPJW 2023 in Ausnahmefällen zu, dass Projekte in verschiedener Form durchgeführt werden: vor Ort, online oder in hybrid. Weitere Informationen zu Online-Begegnungen und deren Förderung durch das DPJW finden Sie unter „Online-Projekte".

Besuchen Sie auch die Internetseiten von Gedenk- und Begegnungsstätten, von denen viele eine virutelle Führung und Online-Seminare anbieten.

Projekte zum Thema NS-Zeit und Zweiter Weltkrieg, die den Besuch von Gedenkstätten und biographische Recherchen zu NS-Verfolgten einschließen, erfordern eine umfassende Vorbereitung der Teilnehmenden, eine tiefgründige Reflexion und oft Unterstützung durch qualifiziertes Personal von Museen und Bildungseinrichtungen. Um diesen Anforderungen gerecht zu werden, bieten wir den Organisatorinnen und Organisatoren finanzielle Unterstützung zu besonderen Konditionen an:
Projekte vor Ort:

Für Programmtage, an denen eine Gedenkstätte besucht wird und Workshops in Zusammenarbeit mit einem Museum oder einer Bildungsstätte / Bildungseinrichtung durchgeführt werden, wird eine Förderung wie bei Projekten in Bildungsstätten gewährt, unabhängig von der Art der Unterbringung.

Das DPJW fördert die Programm- und Reisekosten sowie die Sprachmittlung mit erhöhten Festbeträgen (s. Tabelle in der rechten Spalte).

Online-Projekte:

Informationen zu den Förderkriterien für die Durchfürhung von Online-Begegnungen finden Sie unter „Online-Projekte".

Das DPJW fördert Online-Projekte mit einem Zuschuss zu den Programmkosten, der Sprachmittlung, einer Technik- und Organisationspauschale oder einer Online-Trainer-Pauschale mit erhöhten Festbeträgen (s. Tabelle in der rechten Spalte).

Projekte, die sich nicht für das Programm „Wege zur Erinnerung" qualifiziert haben, aber die allgemeinen Förderkriterien erfüllen, werden im Rahmen des regulären Förderverfahrens durch das DPJW gefördert.

Für die Beantragung der Fördermittel füllen Sie bitte das DPJW-Antragsformular und ein ergänzendes Online-Formular aus.
Die Antragsfristen für Projekte in 2023 sind:

28. Februar 2023,

31. Mai 2023.

Die Antragstellung erfolgt direkt an das DPJW. Ergänzen Sie bitten den Titel Ihres Projektes um die Bezeichnung „Wege zur Erinnerung".

Die Entscheidung über die Förderung aus dem Programm „Wege zur Erinnerung" trifft eine Jury. Über diese werden wir Sie spätestens bis zum vier Wochen nach den genannten Antragsfristen benachrichtigen. Die Entscheidung der Jury ist endgültig und unanfechtbar - der Rechtsweg ist ausgeschlossen.

Kampagne #StolenMemory als deutsch-polnisches Bildungsprojekt

Das DPJW hat gemeinsam mit den Arolsen Archives ein Bildungsprojekt rund um die Kampagne #StolenMemory entwickelt. Bei einem gemeinsamen Treffen - vor Ort oder online - haben Jugendliche die Möglichkeit, sich über die historischen und politischen Hintergründe des Nationalsozialismus zu informieren und die individuellen Schicksale der Verfolgten und ihrer Familien zu erforschen. Werden Sie Teil der Kampagne #StolenMemory und helfen Sie mit, die Erinnerungen an die NS-Opfer wach zu halten. Mehr lesen

In der rechten Spalte finden Sie Infobroschüren und didaktisches Materiale zur Kampagne #Stolen Memory zum Downloaden.

Aufstand im Warschauer Ghetto

Am 19. April 2023 jährt sich zum 80. Mal der Beginn des Aufstands im Warschauer Ghetto, der größten bewaffneten Erhebung der Juden im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Dieser Jahrestag ist Anlass, eigenes Wissen über den Holocaust, über das Schicksal der jüdischen Einwohner Warschaus sowie über den ersten Aufstand in einer von den Nationalsozialisten besetzten Stadt Europas weiter zu vertiefen. Wir möchten Jugendliche und ihre Betreuerinnen und Betreuer ermutigen, sich in gemeinsamen deutsch-polnischen (ggf. trilateralen) Austauschprojekten im Rahmen des Programms „Wege zur Erinnerung" diesen Themen zu widmen und den Aufständischen im Warschauer Ghetto zu gedenken.

Eine Auswahl an hilfreichen Links zu Internetseiten und Materialien für die Vorbereitung und Durchführung von Projekten finden Sie in einer Datei in der rechten Spalte.

„menschen gedenken - jugend macht zukunft"

Begegnungen junger Menschen aus Deutschland und Polen (und ggf. einem Drittland) sind der Ausgangspunkt für das Projekt „menschen gedenken - jugend macht zukunft". Ziel dabei ist es, das Schicksal einer oder mehrerer von den Jugendlichen ausgewählter Personen, die durch den Nationalsozialismus verfolgt und seine Opfer wurden, biografisch aufzuarbeiten und ihrer im öffentlichen Raum zu gedenken.

Initiiert wurde das Projekt 2019 vom Auswärtigen Amt der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Das DPJW greift diese Idee wieder auf und möchte deutsch-polnische Partnerschaften ermutigen, individuellen Schicksalen von Opfern des Nationalsozialismus in Deutschland und Polen nachzugehen.

Archive, Geschichtsvereine und historische Institute vor Ort, Zeitzeuginnen und Zeitzeugen sowie Angehörige und Nachkommen der Opfer können für die Jugendlichen bei ihren Recherchen und Erkundungen hilfreiche Wissensquellen sein.

Die wichtigsten Maßgaben für ein Projekt sind:

Durchführung von mindestens zwei Begegnungen im Jahr 2023 - je eine in Deutschland und Polen

gemeinsamer Besuch einer Gedenkstätte* mit thematischem Bezug zum Projekt

Ausrichtung einer öffentlichen Veranstaltung, bei der die Jugendlichen:

die Ergebnisse ihrer Arbeit vorstellen und

an die verfolgte Person mittels der Verlegung eines Stolpersteins, durch Anbringung einer Gedenktafel oder in anderer Form erinnern.

*Gedenkstätten im Sinne des Förderprogramms „Wege zur Erinnerung" sind Orte des Erinnerns und des Gedenkens an die Opfer des NS-Terrors: Orte der Massenverbrechen, ehemalige Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslager sowie Erinnerungsorte auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Ghettos, Gefängnisse, „Euthanasie-"stationen oder damaligen Arbeitslager.

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PROJEKTFÖRDERUNG - „Wege zur Erinnerung" - Deutsch-Polnische Jugendwerk (DPJW)

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We tell stories, document, educate and help beyond the borders of our country. We are part of an international network of partner organizations that share the same values and goals. Together we grow and inspire...

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Current exhibitions, online features, events, and news-you can use our website to plan your visit to the Jewish Museum Berlin and immerse yourself in our digital museum. Discover biographies, objects and their history, as well as the diversity of contemporary Jewish life in Germany.

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The Council of Youth Movements in Israel (CYMI)

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The Council of Youth Movements in Israel (CYMI)

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"The youth movements acted out of a commitment to values and a sense of mission

and left their mark on their members, that of belief, sensitivity towards the Other
and a desire to make society a framework in which it is good to live"...
(among the reasons of the Israel Prize selection committee for awarding the prize to the Council of Youth Movement in Israel, 5768 , 2008).

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מועצת תנועות נוער

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מתן מועצת תנועות הנוער בישראל |

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"The youth movements acted out of a commitment to values and a sense of mission and left their mark on their members, that of belief, sensitivity towards the Otherand a desire to make society a framework in which it is good to live"...(among the reasons of the Israel Prize selection committee for awarding the prize to the Council of Youth Movement in Israel, 5768 , 2008).

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The Marek Edelman Dialogue Center in Łódź

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The Marek Edelman Dialogue Center in Łódź

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Events - The Marek Edelman Dialogue Center in Łódź

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Centrum Dialogu im. Marka Edelmana w Łodzi

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Skip to content Na našich webových stránkách používáme soubory cookie, abychom vám poskytli co nejrelevantnější zážitek tím, že si zapamatujeme vaše preference a opakované návštěvy. Kliknutím na „Přijmout vše" souhlasíte s používáním VŠECH souborů cookie. Můžete však navštívit „Nastavení souborů cookie" a poskytnout kontrolovaný souhlas.

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Gedenkstättenforum (Forum of Memorial Sites in Germany): Memorial Museum Overview

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Gedenkstättenforum (Forum of Memorial Sites in Germany): Memorial Museum Overview

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Antisemitism in Poland. Practical guidelines.

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Antisemitism in Poland. Practical guidelines.

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The publication was created as part of the project "Anti-Semitism in Poland: definition, monitoring

solving, effective counteraction”, implemented by the Open Republic

Association against Anti-Semitism and Xenophobia.

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Gemeinsam erinnern für eine gemeinsame Zukunft // Společnými vzpomínkami ke společné budoucnosti 

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Gemeinsam erinnern für eine gemeinsame Zukunft // Společnými vzpomínkami ke společné budoucnosti 

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Dokumentationen und Broschuren, die zum Schwerpunktthema 2017-2019 entsnaden sind. (Nur DE + CZ)

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Hier finden Sie die Dokumentationen zu Arbeitsgruppentreffen, Fachforen und weiteren Veranstaltungen und weitere Materialien zum Tandem-Schwerpunkt.

Eine Arbeitsgruppe aus Expert_innen, Historiker_innen und Fachkräften wird den Schwerpunkt fachlich begleiten und den beteiligten Institutionen und Teilnehmenden die Möglichkeit zum Austausch, zur Vernetzung, aber gerade auch zur Entwicklung neuer Kooperationen, Konzepte und neuer Formate geben.
Dokumentation zum 10. deutsch-tschechischen Jugendtreffen, 08.-10.11.2019

Dokumentation Auftakt

Der Auftakt zum Schwerpunktthema fand vom 2. bis 4. Februar 2017 mit über 60 Teilnehmer_innen aus beiden Ländern in Berlin statt.
Dokumentation zur Auftaktveranstaltung.

Wegweiser zur Erinnerung

Tandem ist einer der Herausgeber der Broschüre „Wegweiser zur Erinnerung", die kompakte Hintergrundinformationen zur Planung, methodischen Umsetzung und Finanzierung von Jugendprojekten in Gedenkstätten der NS-Verfolgung liefert. Erstmalig werden Gedenkstätten aus Deutschland, Tschechien und Polen gemeinsam in einem Band vorgestellt.

Kurzbeschreibung:
Herausgegeben von: Aktion Sühnezeichen Friedensdienste e.V., Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, Deutsch-Polnisches Jugendwerk, Koordinierungszentrum Deutsch-Tschechischer Jugendaustausch - Tandem, 2013
Seitenanzahl: 146 Seiten, Sprache: D

Gemeinsam auf dem Weg zur Erinnerung

Wegweiser zur Erinnerung als Download: (S. 1-23) (S. 24-48) (S. 49-73) (S. 74-98) (S. 99-120) (S. 121-144)

Materialien und Methodenbausteine für deutsch-tschechische Erinnerungsarbeit
Gemeinsam auf dem Weg DE Splečnou cestou ke vzpomínkám
Gerade in der deutsch-tschechischen Zusammenarbeit spielt die historisch-politische Bildung und damit verbunden die Aufarbeitung der gemeinsamen Historie ein wichtige Rolle. Um die Arbeit von Jugendleiter/-innen und Lehrkräften auf diesem Feld zu erleichtern, erarbeitete Tandem gemeinsam mit dem Deutschen Bundesjugendring und der KZ-Gedenkstätte Flossenbürg die Broschüre „Gemeinsam auf dem Weg zur Erinnerung. Materialien und Methodenbausteine für deutsch-tschechische Erinnerungsarbeit".

Herausgegeben von: Tandem, 2015 (1. Auflage)
Seitenzahl: 168 Seiten
Sprachen: D und CZ

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Hier finden Sie die Dokumentationen zu Arbeitsgruppentreffen, Fachforen und weiteren Veranstaltungen und weitere Materialien zum Tandem-Schwerpunkt. Eine Arbeitsgruppe aus Expert_innen, Historiker_innen und Fachkräften wird den Schwerpunkt fachlich begleiten und den beteiligten Institutionen und Teilnehmenden die Möglichkeit zum Austausch, zur Vernetzung, aber gerade auch zur Entwicklung neuer Kooperationen, Konzepte und neuer Formate geben.

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Israelis Look at Antisemitism Today

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View Table of Contents

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Israelis Look at Antisemitism Today

Anita Haviv-Horiner

186 pages, bibliog., index

ISBN 978-1-80073-317-6 $120.00/£89.00 / Hb / Published (November 2021)

eISBN 978-1-80073-318-3 eBook
https://doi.org/10.3167/9781800733176
Request a Review or Examination Copy (in Digital Format)Recommend to your Library Available in GOBI®
Reviews

"This book succeeds admirably as a tool for formal and informal education meant to arouse curiosity about Judaism, Israel, the Shoah, and antisemitism in different European countries." * Choice

Description

Today, more than 75 years after the Holocaust and World War II, antisemitism remains a poisonous force in European culture and politics, whether cloaked in the garb of reactionary nationalism or manifested in outright physical violence. Nothing New in Europe? provides a sobering look at the persistence of European antisemitism today through fifteen interviews with Jewish Israelis living in Germany, Poland, France, and other countries, supplemented with in-depth scholarly essays. The interviewees draw upon their lived experiences to reflect on anti-Jewish rhetoric, the role of Israel, and the relationship between antisemitism and the persecution of other minorities.

Anita Haviv-Horiner is an educational consultant and author. She grew up in Vienna as the daughter of Holocaust survivors before immigrating to Israel in 1979. Since 1994 Haviv-Horiner has been a freelance consultant developing educational programs dealing with antisemitism, the intergenerational impact of the Holocaust, Jewish and Israeli identity, and Israeli-European relations.
Subject Codes
BISAC:
SOC049000 SOCIAL SCIENCE/Jewish Studies;
REL040000 RELIGION/Judaism/General;
HIS037080 HISTORY/Modern/21st Century

Contents
Expand ToC
Acknowledgments
Preface
Framework

Chapter 1. The Uses of the Report on Antisemitism and the Development of Antisemitism in Germany
Samuel Salzborn

Chapter 2. Antisemitism in Europe - Then and Now
Moshe Zimmermann

Structured Biographical Interviews

Chapter 3. Ronny Hollaender
Chapter 4. Dafna Berger
Chapter 5. Guy Band
Chapter 6. Sonja K.
Chapter 7. Shimrit Sutter-Schreiber
Chapter 8. Ofer Moghadam
Chapter 9. Raphael Shklarek
Chapter 10. Arthur Karpeles
Chapter 11. Tirza Lemberger
Chapter 12. Etgar Keret
Chapter 13. Miri Freilich
Chapter 14. Stephanie Courouble Share
Chapter 15. Daniel Shek
Chapter 16. Bernadett Alpern
Chapter 17. Lydia Aisenberg

Epilogue: Antisemites are the Others: On Recent Difficulties of Surveying the Problem of Antisemitism in Europe
Gisela Dachs

Select Bibliography

Download ToC (PDF)

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berghahn books academic scholarly publisher press social anthropology archaeology humanities refugee migration geography history film

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Nothing New in Europe?: Israelis Look at Antisemitism Today | Berghahn Books

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εβραϊκό μουσείο

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μουσείο εβραικής ιστορίας

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Εβραϊκό Μουσείο Θεσσαλονίκης

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Το Μουσείο στεγάζεται σε ένα από τα σπάνια κτίρια εβραϊκής ιδιοκτησίας που σώθηκαν από την πυρκαγιά του 1917. Το επιβλητικό αυτό κτίριο στο κέντρο της Θεσσαλονίκης είναι σιωπηλός μάρτυρας της Εβραϊκής παρουσίας που κάποτε γέμιζε τους δρόμους της πόλη...

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https://www.etz-hayyim-hania.org/

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https://issuu.com/eliasblue/docs/messinas_synagogues_of_greece_do_no

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A safe school for Jews - a guide in questions and answers for anti-Semitism-critical school development

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A safe school for Jews - a guide in questions and answers for anti-Semitism-critical school development

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This has (sadly) not been translated into English yet.

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Eine sichere Schule für Jüdinnen und Juden: Ein Leitfaden für die antisemitismuskritische Schulentwicklung in 35 Fragen und Antworten | EMPATHIA³

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Der Handlungsleitfaden „Eine sichere Schule für Jüdinnen und Juden“ behandelt in Form von 35 Fragen und Antworten zentrale Aspekte der Prävention, Intervention und Repression von Antisemitismus im schulischen Kontext. Der Leitfaden richtet sich an Pädagoginnen, Schulleitungen und weitere Akteure im Bildungsbereich. Er thematisiert neben der unterrichtlichen Bildung auch außerunterrichtliche Angebote, Elternarbeit, Schulkultur und emotionale Bildung. Besonderer Wert wird auf den Schutz und das Empowerment jüdischer Schülerinnen sowie auf die Sensibilisierung aller Beteiligten für die verschiedenen Erscheinungsformen des Antisemitismus gelegt. Der Leitfaden ist praxisorientiert und bietet konkrete Handlungsempfehlungen, um Schulen zu Orten der Sicherheit und Wertschätzung für Jüdinnen und Juden zu machen.

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History of Jewish Construction and Architectural Activity in Thessaloniki

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History of Jewish Construction and Architectural Activity in Thessaloniki

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History of Jewish Construction and Architectural Activity in Thessaloniki

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The Jewish District dates back to the roman years (50 AD); it is located next Barbouta area which over time came to be known as one and the same district. In the heart of the Jewish District, with the paved lanes and the impressive mansions, there is the stone-built Synagogue, the most ancient synagogue in the Northern Greece with elaborate interior decoration; impressive wood carved ceilings and vivid mosaic tiles.

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20250917_Facing Antisemitism in Europe! -3461

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20250917_Facing Antisemitism in Europe! -3646

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Anti-Semitism in Greece A Country Report ADL

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Perception of Antisemitism as a Problem_Graphics

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20250917_Facing Antisemitism in Europe! -2946

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