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Inequality

Income inequality gap remains significant both between and within countries. Image: REUTERS/Jessica Rinaldi/File Photo

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Income and wealth inequality in 2021. Image: World Inequality Report

The changing shape of global income inequality. Image: World Inequality Report

The growth in wealth. Image: World Inequality Report

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These charts show the growing gap between the world's richest and poorest

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The latest World Inequality Report highlights the extent of the wealth and income inequality between and within countries.

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Question:what does the term "power" mean to you?
My answer:
For me, I think power means the ability that ask someone to do something. It’s also represent a person’s status in their community. For example, the managers of the company have the power to select the employee and assigned work.

Other classmate:    In layman's terms, power is the ability to control others and their results, and to have power is to have a sense of control and satisfaction. Just as flowers depend on sunlight to grow, some people need to rely on power for security and satisfaction. And some people can be as independent as trees and can be depended on. I have a huge contradiction in the choice of power. Personally speaking, I desire that power will give me the confidence to express myself to a certain extent. And at the same time, I also admit that I do not want to blindly pursue promotion of class and become dominant. Just like choosing each other, everyone has different choices. Those who choose to establish authority and allocate resources to others will have a sense of accomplishment from being selected and dependent, and those who do not want to be trapped by power, whether for themselves or others, also have the right to live undisturbed.

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Power operates in every domain of human life: in families and communities; in social, civic, and economic organizations; and in political states and regimes. Reclaiming democracy means contending with power.

These articles, funded by the Ford Foundation as part of the Realizing Democracy project, speak to an increasingly shared understanding among policymakers, civil society leaders, and scholars that democracy reform today must address underlying systemic roots of exclusion and inequality. The ideas reflect the views of the authors solely.

Yet reformers are often reluctant to confront problems of power. Revealing underlying power dynamics can be complex and uncomfortable. It is often tempting to try to solve problems by instead looking for policy fixes, new technologies, and informational solutions.

In fact, some problems can be solved through policy, technology, and information. For instance, when doctors wanted to reduce the rate of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) in the early 1990s, they launched a campaign to teach parents to put babies to sleep on their backs instead of on their stomachs. Once parents had the knowledge that babies who sleep on their backs are less likely to suffocate, they made the necessary change and the SIDS rates dramatically declined. When scientists used technology to create the polio vaccine, they were able to basically eradicate polio. In these examples, there is an alignment, broadly speaking, between the motivation to act and the authority to act. Because parents have both the motivation to protect their children and the authority to determine how they sleep, when they had the information they needed, they adjusted their behaviors.

Problems of power, however, are different because there is usually a misalignment between motivation and authority. Either those who have the motivation to make change lack the authority or capacity to act, or those who have the authority lack the motivation. Solving problems of power, then, requires bringing motivation and authority into alignment.

Recasting challenges of democracy as problems of power makes visible a distinct set of solutions. Considered in this frame, the embrace of antidemocratic authoritarian ideologies around the world is not just a rejection of particular candidates, parties, or policies. Instead, it is a reflection of the profound mismatch between the motivations or interests of the public and the actions of those with authority to act. If people are left feeling powerless, they might believe they have no choice but to blow up the system.

But giving up on democracy is not the only solution. Reformers can also seek to strengthen the capacity of people to exercise their voices in the democratic process-and instantiate the authority they have to hold economic and political leaders accountable within institutions. Realizing democracy must be about building the motivation, capacity, and authority that people of all kinds need to act as a source of countervailing power to institutions of the economy and the state. That is realizing the promise of democracy.

But this is only possible if reformers understand the link between the way people behave toward each other in their daily lives and how those daily experiences shapes people's willingness and ability to act within a democracy. Every day, at home, at work, in places of worship, and in community spaces, people have positive and negative experiences with power, the state, corporations, and the democratic process. From those experiences, people develop their own beliefs about how power should be developed and deployed, as well as how to construct their own definition of democracy. In the process, they develop the motivational, practical, and material capacities that inform their ability to act in public life.

However, reformers often seek structural change at the level of institutional or policy change without seeking to change the way people experience power in their everyday lives. As such, there is nowhere to build the capacity that people need to hold institutions and policies accountable. Research on the idea of " policy drift " shows that even when unique political coalitions are formed to pass policy, the policy often drifts from its original intent in implementation, shifting to reflect the underlying power dynamics in a policy domain or community. Reformers can pass campaign finance laws to get money out of politics and voter registration laws that make it easier to participate, but unless they also address underlying questions about the disproportionate influence of the wealthy and the lack of motivation and capacity among many to vote, the underlying problem remains unsolved.

Solving problems of power in today's democracy thus entails two crucial pieces. First, reformers must invest in the institutions of civil society, the economy, and the state through which people develop the capacities of democratic life. People are not born with the capacity they need to engage in public life; it must be cultivated. People need places to go to learn the value of engaging with others, develop the skills they need to negotiate difference, and cultivate the emotional resilience necessary to take the interpersonal risks associated with collective action. In other words, people need places to learn how to exercise their own agency. People must also have the autonomy and material conditions necessary to exercise their right to choose to act. Many people experience democracy as nothing more than the opportunity to vote for uninspiring candidates, and they see the workplace as nothing more than a site of labor extraction. When these same people reach out to community organizations, often they are treated as nothing more than names on a list. Instead, the places where people work, interact, and socialize should be places where they can build the motivations and skills they need for public life. People must experience agency in their private lives before they can become a source of countervailing power in public life.

Second, reformers must strengthen organizations through which people can exercise their power to act as a countervailing force to corporations and the state. Civil society organizations are not just where people go to learn the skills and practices of democracy; they are also sites of transformation where people's actions turn into power and influence over sociopolitical outcomes. These organizations do not transform people's participation into power by acting merely as canvassing organizations or neutral repositories for people's actions. Instead, they have to strengthen and expand ties between people, build social bridges in places where they do not otherwise exist, generate people's willingness to commit to each other, and expand people's inclination to think differently about the things they might want or the futures they might imagine. Doing all of these things means that these organizations need the leadership, structure, and governance processes that are grounded in constituency to make them powerful.

The challenge of democracy in the 21st century comes from a society that has neglected the challenge of enabling people's power. Even in civil society, catchy slogans, nifty apps, and policy debates have replaced the hard work of building capacity for democratic life and strengthening organizations that translate that capacity into the ability to hold power accountable. The precarity of this historical moment, then, comes not only from the enormity of the problems we face, but also from the mismatch between the scale of the challenge and the hope offered by the solutions on the table. TED Talks and social media alike promise solutions that fit in a 7-minute video or 280-character missive. Authoritarian campaigns promise presidential candidates and parties as saviors. But none of those will work. Instead, the most intractable social problems are problems that require power-oriented solutions. The question is whether we will do the hard work of investing in the institutions, processes, and practices of civil society, the economy, and governance to make it real.
This article appeared in the Winter 2020 issue of the magazine with the headline: "Problems of Power" Read more stories by Hahrie Han.

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Power operates in every domain of human life: in families and communities; in social, civic, and economic organizations; and in political states and regimes. Reclaiming democracy means contending with power. These articles, funded by the Ford Foundation as part of the Realizing Democracy project, speak to an increasingly shared understanding among policymakers, civil society leaders, and scholars that democracy reform today must address underlying systemic roots of exclusion and inequality.

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My Sample Writing at beginning of semester

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My Sample Writing at beginning of semester

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Plagiarism is one of the common problem which may occur in writings. Since heavy homework loads are stressing student's daily life, it is no wonder that plagiarism occurs more frequently than before. However, we need to protect author's rights in order to stimulate more authorships. In gender writings, we need to write the citation and use fraction  by using other's words in your writings in order to avoid the plagiarism. This helps people to use their language more frequently rather than copy and paste other's work with little changes.

In my high school, we already started to write some short essay in my literature classes. One of the assignment we needed to write is our reflection of the book. For some of my classmates, they didn't pay attention when we read the book and watch the movie of it. So they always did some research online, copy three author's reflection and add some of their thoughts to become their own reflections. However, this was not allowed and our teacher realized it. So all of us needed to write the assignment again for three of the students who do the plagiarism . Also, our teacher told us the importance of writing own work in America. In other words, if you do the plagiarism, you may send back to your country and lose the opportunity to study. In that time, I know the power of writing by using own words.