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Introduction and timeline

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Yes we can

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YES WE CAN - New Approaches - Entertainment - EMMY WINNER

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Slavery

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The hope of freedom

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What kind of freedom

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The Civil Rights Movement

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Black American culture today

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Louis Armstrong - Go Down Moses (Lyrics)

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Jump Jim Crow - Blackface Song and Dance

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Amendment XIV

Section 1.

All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 2.

Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a state, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such state.

Section 3.

No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any state, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any state legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any state, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.

Section 4.

The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.

Section 5.

The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.

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All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside.

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Af Marianne Lentz , Opdateret 24. marts 2022

'I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.' - Martin Luther King

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Af Marianne Lentz , Opdateret 24. marts 2022 'I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.' - Martin Luther King

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Send any friend a story
As a subscriber, you have 10 gift articles to give each month. Anyone can read what you share.

Edgar Ray Killen, in a wheelchair, outside the Neshoba County Courthouse in Philadelphia, Miss., in August 2005. Credit... Kyle Carter/Reuters

Edgar Ray Killen, the former Klansman who was sentenced to a 60-year prison term in 2005 for arranging the murders of three young civil rights workers outside Philadelphia, Miss., in 1964 during the Freedom Summer drive to register Southern black voters, died on Thursday night in prison in Parchman, Miss. He was 92.

The Mississippi corrections department said he was pronounced dead at the hospital at the Mississippi State Penitentiary at 9 p.m. No cause was given, but the department said he had been treated for congestive heart failure and hypertension.

Mr. Killen was convicted of state manslaughter charges 41 years to the day after James Earl Chaney, 21, a black man from Meridian, Miss., and two white New Yorkers, Andrew Goodman, 20, and Michael Schwerner, 24, disappeared in a death trap set by a local deputy sheriff and a gang of his fellow Ku Klux Klansmen.

He was prosecuted in one of the South's major "atonement" trials, in which the Mississippi authorities revisited civil rights-era atrocities. He was convicted of a crime that galvanized the civil rights movement, stamped the town of Philadelphia as an outpost of terror and inspired the 1988 Hollywood movie "Mississippi Burning," directed by Alan Parker.

Mr. Killen was a founding member of the Klan in the Philadelphia area and its chief recruiter, according to the F.B.I. He had been among 18 men tried in 1967 on federal charges of conspiring to violate the civil rights of Mr. Chaney, Mr. Goodman and Mr. Schwerner.

They were shot to death on the night of June 21, 1964. After an extensive search led by the F.B.I., their bodies were found on a farm nearby six weeks later, buried nearby under an earthen dam.

But in 1975 he was charged with making a telephone call threatening to kill a private investigator who had been hired by a man to follow the man's wife. The man believed she was having an affair with Mr. Killen.

Mr. Killen was sentenced to five months in prison in the case, which was prosecuted by Marcus D. Gordon, the Neshoba County district attorney at the time and later the judge who presided over the murder trial.

Mr. Killen was indicted by a Neshoba County grand jury on murder charges in January 2005. Two months later, free on bail, he broke both his legs when a tree at his farm fell on him. He sat in a wheelchair during his state trial in Philadelphia while recovering from his injuries, a gaunt figure sometimes breathing through tubes attached to an oxygen tank.

The murder prosecution, brought by the Mississippi state attorney general, Jim Hood, and the county district attorney, Mark Duncan, was based largely on the transcripts of testimony at the federal trial.

A "missing" poster for Andrew Goodman, James Earl Chaney and Michael Henry Schwerner. In 2005, Mr. Killen was sentenced to 60 years in prison for their deaths.

Mr. Killen did not testify at the trial, but he had long professed his innocence. While ardently defending segregation, he had denied being a member of the Klan, although one of his defense lawyers said he was.

Mr. Schwerner's widow, Rita Bender, was dismayed that the jury did not convict Mr. Killen of murder. But after hearing Judge Gordon sentence him to three consecutive maximum terms of 20 years on the manslaughter convictions, she remarked, "I think we got a little justice this morning."

The judge was a neighbor of Mr. Killen's and had presided over the funerals of Mr. Killen's parents. Some of the judge's friends later criticized him for not imposing concurrent sentences on Mr. Killen, who was 80 at the time.

"Each life has value," Judge Gordon said before imposing the sentence. "Law does not recognize the distinction of age."

The murder plot unfolded on the afternoon of June 21, 1964, when the Neshoba County deputy sheriff, Cecil Price (who died in 2001), pulled the three men's station wagon over and arrested them. Mr. Schwerner, the driver, was charged with speeding, and Mr. Goodman and Mr. Chaney were held for investigation concerning the burning of a black church in the area that was to have been used as a center for recruiting civil rights workers.

The three men had gone to the church to investigate the fire, which had, in fact, been set by Klansmen.

According to testimony, Sheriff Price had notified Mr. Killen that he was holding the three men, allowing time for him to gather fellow Klansmen to trap them.

The Klansmen waited in two cars near the police station, and when the three men were released that night, they chased after them, together with Sheriff Price in his cruiser. When they caught up with the station wagon on a small road, the men were pulled from it and shot to death.

Among the 19 federal defendants were Sheriff Price and Sam Bowers, the Imperial Wizard of the White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, which the federal authorities regarded as the Klan's most violent group.

Seven of the defendants were convicted at trial; another confessed, pleaded guilty and did not stand trial but testified against the others. None served more than six years in prison. Eight defendants were acquitted. Mr. Killen was among three whose cases ended with hung juries.

The prosecutors in Mr. Killen's state murder trial sought to bring charges against all eight surviving defendants from the federal trial, but the grand jury indicted only Mr. Killen.

The historian David Oshinsky, writing in The New York Times in 1998, told of an interview that Mr. Killen had given him in which he said of the victims: "Those boys were Communists who went to a Communist training school. I'm sorry they got themselves killed. But I can't show remorse for something I didn't do."

Jerry Mitchell, a reporter for The Clarion-Ledger of Jackson, Miss., who investigated many of the South's racial crimes, quoted Mr. Killen as telling him in 1999 that sometime after he had been questioned by the F.B.I. in the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968, he asked if the bureau knew who had committed the murder because, he said, "Man, I just want to shake his hand."

By Mr. Mitchell's account, when he asked Mr. Killen what should happen to the killers of the three civil rights workers, Mr. Killen replied, "I'm not going to say that they were wrong."

"I'm probably the only sawmiller in the South who never whipped one of his black hands," he said, while denouncing "mingling" of the races.

Edgar Ray Killen was born on Jan. 17, 1925, the oldest of eight children in a family that had long worked as loggers, millers and farmers in the Union, Miss., area, not far from where the three civil rights workers would be killed.

Patsy Sims, who was researching a book on the Klan when she interviewed Mr. Killen in 1976, wrote in the Southern literary magazine Oxford American in 2014 that he told her that he had graduated from high school, studied agriculture at a junior college, bought a sawmill at age 19 and had been preaching since his early 20s, mostly at a Baptist church.

In her notes following the interview, she described him as "a slight man who looked almost comical in his cowboy hat and baggy suit," lending the appearance of "someone who had just stepped off a Greyhound bus."

Mrs. Chaney and Mrs. Goodman both died in 2007. Ben Chaney, a younger brother of James Earl Chaney, was among the mourners at Mrs. Goodman's funeral, and he pondered the decades of anguish for both women.

"They carried a hell of a burden for a long time," he said. "A hell of a burden - knowing that your sons were murdered and the murderers were out on the streets going free."

In June 2016, Mr. Hood, the Mississippi attorney general, announced an end to the active federal and state investigations into the killings of the civil rights workers, saying it was unlikely that there would be any more convictions. Mr. Gordon, the judge in the murder trial, had died a month earlier.

In its report on the case, presented to Mr. Hood that June, the Justice Department said that in the course of its continuing investigation it sought to interview Mr. Killen in 2012, but that through his lawyer he had refused to speak to federal investigators and continued to maintain that he knew nothing about the murders.

"Any time a person passes, their family grieves," Andrew Goodman's brother, David, told The Clarion-Ledger. "However, in the case of Edgar Ray Killen, he belongs to a bigger part of American history, where white supremacists took black lives with impunity."

When Mr. Killen was convicted of manslaughter, Jim Prince, the editor of the weekly newspaper The Neshoba Democrat, said that a collective burden had been lifted on a once-infamous corner of Mississippi.

"Finally, finally, finally," Mr. Prince said. "This certainly sends a message, I think, to the criminals and to the thugs that justice reigns in Neshoba County, unlike 41 years ago."

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Edgar Ray Killen, Convicted in '64 Killings of Rights Workers, Dies at 92 (Published 2018)

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Send any friend a story As a subscriber, you have 10 gift articles to give each month. Anyone can read what you share. Edgar Ray Killen, the former Klansman who was sentenced to a 60-year prison term in 2005 for arranging the murders of three young civil rights workers outside Philadelphia, Miss., in 1964 during the Freedom Summer drive to register Southern black voters, died on Thursday night in prison in Parchman, Miss.

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Columbine

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School Shootings

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Gun-related tragedies in the U.S. and around the world

The following table lists notable worldwide mass and school shootings from 1996 to the present.

What distinguishes mass shootings from other incidences of gun crime-mob violence, racial lynchings, et cetera-is not entirely clear. Most commonly, mass shootings are defined as events in which a lone perpetrator or a small group of perpetrators uses firearms to kill three or more victims. The highest figures given by the Gun Violence Archive qualify it by the number of people shot, rather than the number of people killed. School shootings by contrast have no numerical qualifier; a school shooting is any incidence of gun violence occurring at or in the vicinity of an educational institution.

The full scope of gun violence in the U.S. and abroad is immense. In the U.S. alone there were 346 mass shootings in 2017, or about one per day. Despite attempts by nonprofits like the Gun Violence Archive and by government agencies, it is almost impossible to present every mass shooting. Rather, these are modern shootings that garnered particular attention or had a lasting cultural impact. Find the date, location, and a short description of each incident.

July 20, 2012
Aurora, Colo.

During a midnight screening of the film The Dark Knight Rises, a gunman opens fire on the crowded theater. At least 12 people are killed and 38 others are wounded. The suspect, James Holmes, set off a smoke device in the front of the theater before opening fire. Directly after the incident, Holmes, age 24, was arrested in a parking lot behind the theater.

Jan. 7, 2015
Paris, France

Three masked gunmen storm the office of Charlie Hebdo, a satirical weekly magazine, and kill 12 people, including the paper's top editors and cartoonists, as well as two police officers. The provocative magazine is known for publishing charged cartoons that satirized Islamic terrorists and the Prophet Muhammad.

Mar. 9, 2018
Yountville, California

An Afghanistan veteran and former resident at the Pathway Home, a program for struggling veterans, entered the Pathway Home facility and took personnel hostage. He shot three, including an expecting mother, and then himself.

June 28, 2018
Annapolis, Maryland

Shooter Jarrod Ramos entered the offices of the newspaper The Capital Gazette, killing five and wounding two. Ramos had attempted to sue the paper for defamation after they reported on his stalking an acquaintance, then resorted to threats after the lawsuit was dismissed.

August 26, 2018
Jacksonville Florida

David Katz, a participant in a video game tournament for the sports game Madden NFL 19, opened fire at the tournament after being eliminated from the competition. He killed two and himself, and wounded eleven.

Sources: Newspaper reports.

Crime Data

Gun-related tragedies in the U.S. and around the world

The following table lists notable worldwide mass and school shootings from 1996 to the present.

What distinguishes mass shootings from other incidences of gun crime-mob violence, racial lynchings, et cetera-is not entirely clear. Most commonly, mass shootings are defined as events in which a lone perpetrator or a small group of perpetrators uses firearms to kill three or more victims. The highest figures given by the Gun Violence Archive qualify it by the number of people shot, rather than the number of people killed. School shootings by contrast have no numerical qualifier; a school shooting is any incidence of gun violence occurring at or in the vicinity of an educational institution.

The full scope of gun violence in the U.S. and abroad is immense. In the U.S. alone there were 346 mass shootings in 2017, or about one per day. Despite attempts by nonprofits like the Gun Violence Archive and by government agencies, it is almost impossible to present every mass shooting. Rather, these are modern shootings that garnered particular attention or had a lasting cultural impact. Find the date, location, and a short description of each incident.

July 20, 2012
Aurora, Colo.

During a midnight screening of the film The Dark Knight Rises, a gunman opens fire on the crowded theater. At least 12 people are killed and 38 others are wounded. The suspect, James Holmes, set off a smoke device in the front of the theater before opening fire. Directly after the incident, Holmes, age 24, was arrested in a parking lot behind the theater.

Jan. 7, 2015
Paris, France

Three masked gunmen storm the office of Charlie Hebdo, a satirical weekly magazine, and kill 12 people, including the paper's top editors and cartoonists, as well as two police officers. The provocative magazine is known for publishing charged cartoons that satirized Islamic terrorists and the Prophet Muhammad.

Mar. 9, 2018
Yountville, California

An Afghanistan veteran and former resident at the Pathway Home, a program for struggling veterans, entered the Pathway Home facility and took personnel hostage. He shot three, including an expecting mother, and then himself.

June 28, 2018
Annapolis, Maryland

Shooter Jarrod Ramos entered the offices of the newspaper The Capital Gazette, killing five and wounding two. Ramos had attempted to sue the paper for defamation after they reported on his stalking an acquaintance, then resorted to threats after the lawsuit was dismissed.

August 26, 2018
Jacksonville Florida

David Katz, a participant in a video game tournament for the sports game Madden NFL 19, opened fire at the tournament after being eliminated from the competition. He killed two and himself, and wounded eleven.

Sources: Newspaper reports.

Crime Data

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Timeline of Worldwide School and Mass Shootings

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The following table lists notable worldwide mass and school shootings from 1996 to the present. What distinguishes mass shootings from other incidences of gun crime-mob violence, racial lynchings, et cetera-is not entirely clear.

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Welcome to the DanielMauser.com web site. This site is dedicated to the memory of Daniel Conner Mauser. Daniel was taken from us in the tragic massacre at Columbine High School on April 20th, 1999. Honoring Daniel

This tragedy has taught us that we must keep Daniel alive in our memories. So we are celebrating the 15 wonderful years of life he shared with us and are honoring his memory.

We believe the world must not dwell on the lives of the killers. The world must focus on the victims so that Daniel and the others are not just statistics. Daniel was a living spirit who brought joy to the lives he touched. For that reason we have created this web site to honor and remember Daniel.

Please use the navigation links to the left to visit the photo album and read about Daniel's life. In this site you can also read about the things we've done in his honor-- adopting a baby girl from China in 2000, changing the gun laws in Colorado, raising funds to build a school and library in Guatemala, and more. Below you'll find some links to more recent happenings, including video of Daniel and information about his dad's new book.

Share your thoughts by sending us your message directly to our guest book via our email address at safemauser@yahoo.com

We read every guest book entry we receive and try to respond, though often it's difficult, especially to long messages. Media requests and special messages can be sent to Tom's cell phone at 303-547-5972.

- The Mausers

Updated November 12, 2013

Our daughter Christine is engaged to be married!!!

Our daughter Madeline is inducted into the National Junior Honor Society and is a good soccer and piano player.

Tom promotes new Colorado gun safety laws and meets President Obama during an April 2013 visit.

Tom visits Newtown, Connecticut, home of Sandy Hook Elementary, one month after the tragedy there.

Colorado has passed some significant new gun laws. It's important that supporters defend these laws in the face of gun lobby opposition. Tom has developed a guide to answering the arguments and cliches of opponents. The guide will also help defenders of common sense outside Colorado.

Tom's book about his Columbine experiences:

Tom shares his many experiences with the Columbine tragedy in a recently-released book entitled, Walking in Daniel's Shoes. It was thirteen years in the making.

A signed copy can be obtained by writing to Tom at safemauser@yahoo.com. Orders can no longer be taken by credit card through this site. The book is also available on the Amazon and Barnes and Noble websites. The book is available in e-book format on Nook and Kindle and other e-book sites, for $7.99 or less. It's sold at Tattered Cover book stores in metro Denver.

Here's a link to a Denver tv news report about the book and the 13th anniversary of Columbine. And here is the cover of the book. For additional information about the book, please visit here.

Video! We thought it would be nice to bring Daniel more to life for people in a new way by placing some video of him on You Tube. Here's the link you can use to watch it:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SIz0ixdLFA0
Also posted there is a video excerpt from a speech Daniel's father made at the White House three weeks after the Columbine tragedy. It was a Mother's Day event focusing on gun violence against children:
http://www.youtube.com/v/sQ-2PRWHyeQ
The Columbine Memorial was completed and dedicated in September 2007. Here are some pictures of it, taken on the day of the dedication. Also included are the words we placed on the "Inner Ring of Remembrance."

Other popular items on this website:

One of the most touching events after the Columbine tragedy were the spontaneous memorials that were set up in Clement Park, next to Columbine High. We are including 18 photos from those memorials.

Photos of the completed library that was built in Guatemala in Daniel's memory, thanks to a Denverite who visited there.

Evidence photos from the Columbine tragedy.

The successful efforts of the Columbine victims' families' to remove the Columbine High library, where so many lives were shattered. They showed there was HOPE!

We would especially like our visitors to be aware of the following web sites and encourage you to visit them:

Daniel's Family Says Thanks!
Thank you to all who have sent condolences and prayers. Additional thanks to all of you who have helped and supported us in countless ways. We also thank you for visiting Daniel's site and helping us keep his memory alive.

God bless you,

Tom, Linda, Christine and Madeline Mauser

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Welcome to the DanielMauser.com web site. This site is dedicated to the memory of Daniel Conner Mauser. Daniel was taken from us in the tragic massacre at Columbine High School on April 20th, 1999. Honoring Daniel This tragedy has taught us that we must keep Daniel alive in our memories.

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Why, but why?

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The Boomtown Rats

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The Boomtown Rats - I Don't Like Mondays (Official Video)

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Kristin Kinkel is Kip's older sister. She discusses what it was like growing up with her parents and brother, her parents' growing concerns about Kip, and the reasons why no one in the family saw any warning signs about what was coming.

Could you describe your mom and dad for people who won't be able to know them?
They were so positive, so happy. They loved life so much. They loved other people. My mom was the type of person who would just do anything for anyone. She was a people pleaser, that's what she used to call herself, "Oh, I'm just a people pleaser." She would always put other people first. Sometimes she suffered for that, because the needs of others were met before hers.

My dad was loved being around other people. He loved having fun, he loved tennis, he loved sailing, he loved outdoor stuff. He got so much pleasure from doing things, being around people, relating to people, and telling jokes. He had the most amazing laugh. Everybody that knows him knows him by his laugh. ...

I still actually remember the day when my mom told us she was pregnant. We have this sunken area in our house, where we have the fireplace. They used to call it "the conversation pit," where everybody would sit around by the fire and talk. She gathered the whole family there, Grandma, Grandpa, and everybody, and sat them all down. She stood up and looked at me and she said, "Kristen, you're going to have a little brother." I was all excited for a while, and everyone, of course, was happy. I think I may have been a little bit nervous because she was on the verge of being too old. I want to say she was 42.

But I remember being really excited, and really proud, and telling everybody I was going to have a little brother. And then he came. And I said, "Hey, where did all the attention go? I'm used to getting all that stuff."

Tell us about Spain. Why was the family there?

My father took a sabbatical from Thurston. I turned ten when I was over there, so when we started the trip, I was nine. ... We settled in the south of Spain, in Seville, and my dad started taking classes at the university. My brother went to a kind of preschool. I would have gone into the fifth grade that fall. But because the only teacher in the school that spoke any English was the third-grade teacher, I went into the third grade. ... I had a wonderful year. I picked up Spanish really quickly, and made a lot of friends. I still keep in touch with friends there. Of all of us, I think I had the best year, and my father ranked next. He learned so much, and got so much material and knowledge to bring back. And I think my brother probably had the worst time. There was a bully at his school. I remember Kip coming home, and not being very happy with this big bully. And he was really frustrated that he had just mastered English, and then suddenly, he's in a place where it didn't work. That was frustrating for him. I was old enough to understand that this was a great experience, a one-time chance. I don't think he was old enough to be able to understand that.

Did your parents worry about that? Would they have felt bad about him being unhappy there?

He would study for hours and not pass. In first grade, second grade, and third grade, I remember him studying for those spelling tests over and over. I never studied for spelling, and all he wanted to do was pass. And I used to make fun of his writing, because that's what big sisters do. He would confuse his 3s and his Es, and Bs and Ds. He'd write them wrong, and I used to make fun of him, "Ha, ha, ha, you messed up here."

I think all second children are compared. I'm sure Kip felt compared. My parents made a huge effort not to compare us. I'm sure teachers and family compared us, and my parents did in their own little way, but they tried really hard not to let him be aware of it. Everybody's different.

My strengths were relating to people. I liked to talk. Languages, the humanities, and that kind of stuff were my strengths. I don't even know if I passed math. Math and science, blah, were hard. Those were his strengths. We focused a lot on his strengths and my strengths being different.

I often saw myself as a mediator between my parents and my brother. My parents were getting older, in their mid-50s, when he was in middle school. There's a huge generation gap there. It's hard enough to be young and able to remember middle school, and deal with that age son. When they went to school, kids were so different, and it was such a long time ago. Societal rules were different, let alone parental rules. They didn't know.

If he did some awful little thing, I found myself saying, "Remember my friend, so-and-so, that you respect, and like, and you think it's good when I spend time with him-- he's done something worse than what Kip just did. So settle down, relax, and think about it, think about the students you teach. What he did was not that bad."

The same thing for Kip. He'd say, "They don't understand this and that." I think what all kids want is somebody right in the middle to be able to tell both sides, to be able to explain where the parents are coming from to Kip, and explain where Kip is coming from to the parents.

I think he was lonely as far as having people his own age, people understanding how this generation is, understanding of the world as it is now. He needed more of that. Living where we did is hard. For me it wasn't so hard. At the beginning we had tons of kids my age, and a bit older. I had friends all over the place. I could escape whenever I wanted to, and spend the night at this person's house, right next door. When it takes 15 or 20 minutes to get to a friend's house and you are depending on your parents or their parents to drive you, you don't get it as much.

They were both really, really concerned about it. He had been interested since he was a little boy. He was not allowed to have little soldiers, or any kind of toy that had any kind of violent anything. ... We weren't allowed to watch "Bugs Bunny" because it was too violent. Violence in our house was a huge no-no.

My mom was extremely concerned, and that stemmed from her total fear and contempt for violence itself. My dad was concerned the entire time. But I believe they knew they were not going to be able to change him, they weren't going to be able to make him not interested in this. That was not possible. So what are your choices? You can ban it completely, and have him sneak around behind your back, which he ended up doing. Or you can educate him about it, and hope and pray that he uses it wisely, like many, many people in this community do. ...

My mom called me, very excited, telling me that Kip was doing so much better that the psychologist even said he could get off the medicine. A little bit later, the psychologist said, "You don't even have to come see me anymore, you're doing that much better." They thought they finally achieved this turnaround that they had been waiting for. They didn't believe he was going down. They believed he was going through some really tough times, and he was going to come out in the clear, and everything was going to be okay.

The last time I saw my family was March of 1998, a few months before it happened. Kip was the most positive, the most healthy, the most normal that I had ever seen him. So in March of 1998, my mom and I went up to Seattle for a big convention in Teaching English as Second or Other Language. My mom and I went up there to share the hotel and convention expenses. We both went to a few classes, and got a lot out of it.

After it was over, my father and my brother came up to visit. We spent the weekend in Seattle, and then we went out for a family vacation to the Crystal Mountain ski resort. We didn't ski because the weather wasn't so good. So we just spent a couple of days together.

He was more positive, he was funny. He would make jokes, and was extremely polite. He had a self-confidence I hadn't seen before. He would enter into all our conversations and add decent input. It was one of the first times he really felt like he was just a real important part of all of our conversations, and of our thoughts, and of our family. He seemed so happy, positive, and healthy. He didn't mention guns or bombs at all. ...

It was about 7:00 a.m. in Hawaii. I get a phone call from my friend, Jared. He wakes me up, so I'm not real happy, but I say hello, and there's this small voice on the other end that just says "Hi." I say, "What's up, what's going on, why are you calling me so early?" He said, "I have some bad news." I said, "Well, tell me."

There's a long pause. He obviously didn't know what to say. He said, "Well, I'm not sure about it, so I'll call you back in a half-hour." Click. So I thought, goofball.

I started to go back to sleep. Then I started thinking, and my stomach started getting icky, and I said, this is really strange, I'm going to call my mom and dad. So I called. The beep on their answering machine was really long, and I even said on the message tape, "That's kind of weird. The beep on your tape is super long, like lots of people have called you. Jared called me and said he had some bad news, something happened, and I'm just calling to make sure it's not you guys." Hang up.

Half an hour later, another friend calls, and she says, "I have some bad news. There has been a shooting at Thurston." Immediately I think, oh, it has something to do with drugs, or gangs, or something. I'm not concerned, not thinking anything, and we talk for a little while. She's watching the news while she's telling me, so she's giving me little bits of information, but none that would hint that Kip had done this.

Finally I said, "Oh, my gosh, is Kip hurt? Is that why you're calling me, is Kip hurt?" She said, "Well, Kip was involved." I said, "Oh, my gosh, tell me more, tell me more." She said, "Well, I don't know anymore. I'm watching the news right now. I'll call you back." Click.

Waiting, waiting, waiting. Then a third friend calls, probably a good 45 minutes later, from New York City. By this time I'm irritated, frustrated, and impatient. Why don't they just spit it out-- it can't be that bad. My friend says, "Have you heard?" I said, "Well, people are calling me, but they aren't telling me anything, just tell me." She couldn't say it, and she kept stuttering, "Well, uh, uh," and I finally got really angry, and I screamed at her "Why don't you just get it out, just spit it out, just tell me! Nothing's worse than this, just tell me!"

So she just spit it all out and she said, "Your brother killed your parents and then he shot a bunch of people at Thurston High School." I said, "What?" and I immediately started crying. Tears were running, but I hadn't gotten it in here yet, in my stomach yet. I said, "You've got to be lying. There's no way. You're wrong, you're wrong, you're wrong."

Then it started hitting me. My roommate came in because I was kind of breaking down, and she tried to give me a hug. I remember pushing her away. I said to my friend, "No, I just don't believe this, there's no way. How can I find out that you're lying? How can I find out that you're not telling me the truth?" She said, "Call the Springfield Police." I said, "Okay, `bye." Click.

Dial, dial, dial. It took me about a half-hour to get through, and once I got through, I said, "My name is Kristin Kinkel. I'd like to know what's going on." This person said, "Um, hang on a second." Transferred to another person. "My name is Kristen Kinkel, I'd like to know what's going on." "Well, where do you live, Kristen? What's your full name? What are your parents'..." They asked me all these questions. Now I realize they did it to make sure that I was really who I was.

Transferred to another person. This person asked me a bunch of questions. I was transferred to four people. Finally I was speaking to a member of the sheriff's department, and I was really angry at that point. I said, "Why won't somebody just tell me what's going on? Is it true? What happened? Are my parents dead?" And she said, "Yes, they are."

Then I lost it. I remember I was on the phone, sitting under this little square table by the couch.

I knew about the school, but I didn't know any details. The shock that my parents were dead and that my brother had done it, and that he hadn't stopped at that... I don't know how to describe it. It's still just too much. Now, more than a year later, I'm just barely starting to grieve my parents' deaths. I haven't come anywhere near to learning how to deal with the fact that my brother did it. And after that, I have to learn how to figure out how to deal with the fact that my brother did this to so many other people.

Yes, I think it is human nature to want to know why, and they want an answer. ... People want to be able to distance themselves, because they don't want it to be possible. They don't want it to be able to happen to them or anyone they know. It is so unbelievable, that the only way to distance yourself, the only way to make yourself feel better about it, is to find a why and figure out how that why can never happen to you. But it just doesn't work that way. This situation was much too complex. ... It would be really nice if I could say that there is something you can do to have this not happen to you. If you do this and this and this, this will never happen, don't worry. But I can't say that. There is nothing you can do to make this not happen to you, and that is the scary thing. Because my parents did absolutely everything and more in their power to make this not happen. And it did anyway. ...

Much more terrifying, for me, and for the people out there.

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Who Is Kip Kinkel? - An Interview With Kristin Kinkel | The Killer At Thurston High | FRONTLINE | PBS

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Kristin Kinkel is Kip's older sister. She discusses what it was like growing up with her parents and brother, her parents' growing concerns about Kip, and the reasons why no one in the family saw any warning signs about what was coming. Could you describe your mom and dad for people who won't be able to know them?

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The Offspring is an American rock band from Garden Grove, California, formed in 1984. Originally formed under the name Manic Subsidal, the band's lineup consists of lead vocalist and guitarist Bryan "Dexter" Holland, bassist Todd Morse, guitarist Kevin "Noodles" Wasserman and drummer Pete Parada. Over the course of their 37-year career, they have released ten studio albums and experienced lineup changes, most noticeably with their drummers. Their longest-serving drummer was Ron Welty, who replaced original drummer James Lilja in 1987, and stayed with the band for 16 years; he was replaced by Atom Willard in 2003, and then four years later by Parada. Gregory "Greg K." Kriesel, one of the co-founders of the Offspring, was their bassist until 2018 when he parted ways due to business disputes with the band, leaving Holland as the sole remaining original member (if the band's history as Manic Subsidal is included). Kriesel was replaced by Todd Morse of H2O, who had been the Offspring's touring guitarist since 2009.

The Offspring is often credited-alongside fellow California punk bands Green Day and Rancid-for reviving mainstream interest in punk rock in the 1990s. They have sold over 40 million records worldwide, making them one of the best-selling punk rock bands in history. After achieving a local following with their early releases, including their 1989 self-titled debut album and the vinyl-only EP (1991), The Offspring signed with Epitaph Records and released two albums for the independent label, (1992) and (1994). Smash, which contained the band's first major hit " Come Out and Play", propelled punk into the mainstream and holds the distinction as one of the best-selling albums released on an independent record label, selling over eleven million copies worldwide. The success of Smash attracted attention from major labels, including Columbia Records, with whom The Offspring had signed in 1996; their first album for the label, Ixnay on the Hombre (1997), did not match the success of its predecessor, but received critical acclaim and gold and platinum awards. The band's fifth album, (1998), regained their previous level of popularity, obtaining support from MTV and radio, and selling over five million units in the US. The Offspring have since released five more albums: Conspiracy of One (2000), (2003), Rise and Fall, Rage and Grace (2008), (2012) and Let the Bad Times Roll (2021).

Early years (1984-1987)

The foundations for the Offspring began with guitarist/vocalist Bryan "Dexter" Holland (who was a drummer at the time) and bassist Greg Kriesel playing music together in a garage in Cypress, California in 1983. After hearing the T.S.O.L. album Change Today? at a party, and following a riot at a 1984 Social Distortion show, they decided to form a band called Manic Subsidal. Holland changed his role from drums to guitar, and the band was rounded out by singer Doug Thompson and drummer Jim Benton. Marcus Parrish briefly joined as a second guitarist, however, no recordings were made at this point. After Thompson was forced out, Holland took over vocals, and Benton was replaced by Clowns of Death drummer James Lilja. In 1985, school janitor Kevin "Noodles" Wasserman (also formerly of Clowns of Death) joined as a second guitarist, allegedly because he was old enough to purchase alcohol for the other members, who were under the legal drinking age.

In 1986, after changing their name to The Offspring (after a B-movie called The Offspring: They Were Born to Kill), the band released their first single; the 7" " I'll Be Waiting". They released the single on their self-made Black Label record company, named after the brand of beer. An earlier version of "I'll Be Waiting", which was then known as "Fire and Ice", appeared on the long-out of print Subject to Blackout compilation tape, which was also released in 1986. Also in 1986, the Offspring recorded a demo tape, which received a positive review in Maximum Rocknroll magazine. Lilja left the Offspring in 1987 to pursue a medical career in oncology, and was replaced by Ron Welty, who was 16 years old at the time.

The Offspring and Ignition (1988-1993)

After recording another demo in 1988, the Offspring signed a record deal with a small-time label, Nemesis Records. In March 1989, the band teamed up with producer Thom Wilson (who had worked with the Adolescents, Dead Kennedys, Social Distortion, the Vandals and Youth Brigade) to record their first album, titled The Offspring. The album was released in limited numbers by Nemesis, only on the 12" vinyl and cassette formats, and was not released on CD until 1995. A six-week national tour followed, but Noodles was later stabbed during a performance at a Hollywood anti-nuclear benefit.

In 1991, the Offspring teamed up with Wilson again to produce the 7" EP and a third demo tape. This EP and demo were instrumental to the band's signing with Epitaph Records. In 1992, Thom Wilson and the Offspring returned to the studio to record their second album , which was released in October of that year. The band went on U.S. tours with Pennywise and Lunachicks, and a European tour with NOFX.

When the Offspring returned to the studio in January 1994 to record their third album, the band's relations with producer Thom Wilson had begun to strain. Three months later, The Offspring released what would become their biggest selling album, titled . The album was initially released to little mainstream attention until its lead single " Come Out and Play" received airplay from the Los Angeles radio station KROQ-FM, helping to raise the band's profile and eventually hitting number one on the Billboard rock charts for two weeks in the summer of 1994. The success of "Come Out and Play" not only propelled Smash to peak at number four on the Billboard 200 and receive simultaneous gold and platinum certification four months after its release, but it also helped bring punk rock into the mainstream and is often considered a groundbreaking album for the pop punk genre. The album's next two singles, " Self Esteem" and " Gotta Get Away", also had similar success to "Come Out and Play", both chart wise and radio airplay wise. Smash has continued to sell consistently well in the years since its release, setting an all-time record for most units sold by an independent label band at over 20 million records, and having sold over six million copies in the US by 2000. The album also sold very well outside of the U.S., particularly in Australia, where it debuted No. 1 on the ARIA Charts, and remained in that position for three weeks in 1995.

The Offspring toured extensively throughout 1994 and 1995 in support of Smash. In addition to opening for bands like Pennywise, Bad Religion and SNFU, the band had already graduated to headlining status by the summer of 1994, when they toured North America with Guttermouth and Big Drill Car and Europe with Desaster Area, and then in the fall, The Offspring toured the US with Rancid. Touring for Smash continued throughout the first half of 1995, playing their first shows in Japan and Australia (including appearances at Big Day Out), and headlining tour dates with bands like Weezer, Quicksand, No Use for a Name, The Vandals and Lunachicks; at this point, The Offspring were starting to play at larger venues such as theaters and arenas, as opposed to the clubs and smaller venues they were previously accustomed to.

Also in 1995, the band decided to buy out the rights to their first album. Holland and Kriesel had created their own record label Nitro Records and started signing bands. One of their first releases was a re-release of the band's 1989 debut album The Offspring. The label also signed a number of punk bands including the Vandals, Guttermouth, Jughead's Revenge and AFI. Soon after, Nitro Records became solely Holland's responsibility.

Ixnay on the Hombre, Americana, and Conspiracy of One (1996-2002)

In 1996, after the success of Smash, the Offspring left Epitaph and signed with Columbia Records. Epitaph retained its rights to release the next album in Europe, while Columbia had it for all other territories. The band's attorney, Peter Paterno, had issued a letter to Epitaph stating that the band had "substantial and fundamental reasons" for wanting to leave the label and that Epitaph had "breached its contract." The band began writing and recording their fourth album, titled Ixnay on the Hombre, in 1996. The album was released on February 4, 1997, which was also Noodles' 34th birthday. This album was not as successful as Smash, although it did sell four million units and spawned five singles. The album saw the band move away from the political-punk themes common to many Epitaph bands, and more into mainstream rock with songs like " Gone Away" and " I Choose". The video for the last track was directed by Holland himself. Dexter commented that Ixnay was probably not as well-received as Smash because it was such a departure, and that many fans probably were expecting Smash Part Two.

In 1998 the Offspring released . Three of the album's singles: " Pretty Fly (for a White Guy)", " Why Don't You Get a Job?" and " The Kids Aren't Alright" became the band's biggest hits, making the album the peak of the Offspring's mainstream popularity. The former song topped the charts in nine countries, including Australia, Japan, Norway and the United Kingdom. " She's Got Issues" was also released as a single, and was a minor hit.

In 1999, the band appeared as themselves in the film . They played a cover version of " I Wanna Be Sedated" (originally by the Ramones) and "Beheaded" at a school dance before Holland's character is killed. They also appeared at the infamous Woodstock 1999, where their performance was broadcast live on pay-per-view television.

2000 saw the band release their sixth album called Conspiracy of One. The band intended to release the entire album online through their official website, to show their support for downloading music on the internet. However, under threat of legal action by Columbia through their parent company Sony, only the first single "Original Prankster" was released on their official website (the rest of the record was leaked to fan sites). The band also sold T-shirts on their website with the Napster logo on it and donated money to Napster creator Shawn Fanning with the profits.

The band also released a single " Defy You" exclusively for the film Orange County.

Ron Welty's departure, Splinter and Greatest Hits (2003-2005)

Longtime drummer Ron Welty left the group in 2003 to play in Steady Ground, a band in which he played drums and co-produced (they broke up in 2007). Neither Welty nor the remaining members have elaborated on the departure.

In 2003, the band released their seventh album . The Offspring recruited Josh Freese to record the drums for Splinter and later announced that ex- Rocket from the Crypt drummer Atom Willard would be the official replacement for Ron Welty. The album's original title was to be Chinese Democrazy (You Snooze, You Lose), from the name of the long-delayed album by Guns N' Roses. As a result, Guns N' Roses frontman Axl Rose filed a cease and desist order against The Offspring, but then realized this was announced on April 1st.[citation needed ] The first single "Hit That" enjoyed moderate success on MTV. "Hit That" used a variety of electronic samples, different from what the Offspring has done in the past.

In 2005, the band released a Greatest Hits album in both DualDisc and regular CD editions. Greatest Hits contains 14 of the band's hits between and , and two previously unreleased songs, " Can't Repeat" and " Next to You" (a cover of the Police available as a hidden track). The compilation does not include any songs from the band's first two albums. The DualDisc contains video of Dexter and Noodles discussing the band's history and a bonus acoustic version of the song "Dirty Magic". About a month later, the band released a video DVD with all of their music videos, and some videos from a live show.

During the summer of 2005, the band played the Vans Warped Tour for the first time, and followed that with a tour of Europe and Japan. After the "Greatest Hits" world tour the band took a break from writing, recording and touring. During the hiatus, Willard was recruited by Tom DeLonge for his band Angels & Airwaves and released an album, We Don't Need to Whisper, in 2006.

In November 2006, it was reported that The Offspring were back in the studio recording their eighth studio album, Rise and Fall, Rage and Grace with producer Bob Rock and "a fistful of demos". In July 2007, Dexter announced that the band had finished two more songs and the album was being recorded in Orange County, California.

It was announced on July 27, 2007, that former Saves the Day drummer Pete Parada had been chosen to be the Offspring's new drummer, replacing Atom Willard, who went on to join Angels and Airwaves. The band's first shows with Parada were at the Summer Sonic festival in Japan in August of the same year. It was during these shows that the band debuted " Hammerhead" which would become the first single from the new album. Parada did not play on the new album however; Josh Freese once again handled drum duties, as he did with .

The Offspring co-headlined the Australian Soundwave Festival during February and May 2008, alongside Incubus and Killswitch Engage.

On April 9, 2008, Dexter announced that the album would be called Rise and Fall, Rage and Grace and would be released on June 17. The album's first single, "Hammerhead", went to radio on May 6. Additionally, the Offspring's official site provided an MP3 download of the song to the general public on May 5. The second single from the album, " You're Gonna Go Far, Kid", had topped the Hot Modern Rock Tracks chart, and had stayed there for 11 weeks, a record for the band. It was also the Offspring's only RIAA Gold song, proving it to be one of the most successful singles the band had released in their over-twenty-year career. Despite this, Rise and Fall, Rage and Grace has never received any certification by the RIAA.

Also in April 2008, Epitaph Records announced that the label would be reissuing and ; both albums were remastered, and Smash contained a new 24-page booklet. The re-issues were released on the same day as Rise and Fall, Rage and Grace, coinciding with the new album's release.

The supporting tour for the album began on May 16 with a performance at the X-Fest festival in California. On May 28, it was announced on the band's website that Scott Shiflett (from Face to Face) would replace bassist Greg K. on current tour dates due to a birth in the family. Kriesel returned in mid-June. In October, with the addition of touring guitarist Andrew Freeman, the band embarked on a 3-week Japanese tour followed by a tour of South America. On December 13, 2008, the Offspring headlined the nineteenth annual KROQ Almost Acoustic Christmas. In an interview at the Almost Acoustic Christmas show, guitarist Noodles stated that the Offspring would be taking a break for a month or two and promised a US tour to kick off in 2009. They toured North America on their "Shit is Fucked Up" tour from May through July with Dropkick Murphys, Alkaline Trio, Street Dogs, Pennywise, Shiny Toy Guns, Sum 41 and Frank Turner.

In May 2009, the band started doing preliminary work with Bob Rock in Hawaii for what would be the ninth Offspring album. They recorded sporadically through the next year. In June 2010 the Offspring headlined two dates in Western Canada. The Offspring took a break from the studio in order to join 311 on their summer 2010 Unity Tour. The 19-date tour was held in amphitheaters around the U.S., also featuring Pepper as a special guest. Before the 311 and Pepper tour, the Offspring played four West Coast dates in June, which were supported by Terrible Things. In January 2011, session drummer Josh Freese (who recorded drum tracks for the band's last two albums) mentioned on his website that he was in the studio working with the Offspring again. Ronnie King had also confirmed that he would appear as the keyboardist on the album, after performing the same role on . The band interrupted their work in 2011 in order to tour and took the main stage at the 2011 Reading and Leeds Festivals.

After the tour, the band started recording in earnest and it was later announced that the album was in the mixing stage. They headlined the PunkSpring Festival in Japan, on March 31, 2012 in Tokyo and on April 1, 2012 in Osaka, with Sum 41, New Found Glory and All Time Low. At one of the shows, the Offspring performed a new song called "The Future Is Now". They were also confirmed to play at the Rock am Ring/im Park and Novarock festivals in the summer 2012. Prior to that, the band would be playing at the 20th annual KROQ Weenie Roast, which was to take place at the Verizon Wireless Amphitheatre in Irvine, California on May 5, 2012.

In March 2012, the band announced on their Twitter page that the album was finished. On April 20, 2012, Kevin and Bean announced that the Offspring's new single " Days Go By" would be premiered on April 27. Three days later, the band announced on their website that would be the name of their ninth studio album, which was eventually released on June 26, 2012. On April 30, 2012, the band released another song from Days Go By, "Cruising California (Bumpin' in My Trunk)".

In early fall 2012, the Offspring toured with Neon Trees and Dead Sara. They were co-headliners of the Soundwave in Australia in 2013 alongside Metallica and Linkin Park. After this, they performed at the 20th annual WJRR Earthday Birthday on April 13, 2013, and at the Gulfport Music Festival a month later. The Offspring spent much of the spring, summer and fall of 2013 playing shows in Europe, the United States and South America. In November and December of that year, they would play Warped Tour for the first time in eight years, this time in Australia.

On June 20, 2013, it was reported that the Offspring was working on a live album with engineer Ian Charbonneau. Instead of a standard release, the live album (which was recorded in Warsaw, Poland at the Orange Warsaw Festival held at Narodowy Stadium) would have had been released online but to date has not come to fruition.

Touring and Round Hill Music (2014-2016)

The Offspring spent the summer of 2014 on tour commemorating the 20th anniversary of their third album . They headlined the Summer Nationals 2014 tour from July to September, with support from their former labelmates Bad Religion and Pennywise as well as the Vandals, Stiff Little Fingers and Naked Raygun. To coincide with the Summer Nationals tour, the Offspring released cover versions of Pennywise's "No Reason Why", and Bad Religion's "Do What You Want" and "No Control" on their YouTube account. These cover versions were released on the EP Summer Nationals, which was released digitally in August 2014. On December 24, 2014, Radio Contraband announced on their Facebook page that they would premiere the Offspring's new single, " Coming for You", on January 30, 2015. The Offspring toured in support of the "Coming for You" single and performed their 1998 album in its entirety at the Amnesia Rockfest on June 19, 2015, in Montebello, Canada.

The Offspring reclaimed the rights to their Columbia Records albums in 2014. The band started auctioning off the rights to those albums in August 2015, as well as their songwriting credits, for around $30 million. Sony Music Entertainment (the owner of Columbia Records) and Round Hill Music were allegedly interested in bidding for the Offspring's music. In January 2016, Round Hill acquired the band's Columbia Records catalogue, along with their career-long music publishing rights, for $35 million. In December 2016, Round Hill signed a distribution deal with Universal Music Enterprises for the Offspring's Columbia catalog (including the Greatest Hits album). By September 2015, the band had finished 2-3 tracks. On July 20, 2016, a new Offspring song "Sharknado" was premiered, and was recorded for the film Sharknado: The 4th Awakens.

Bassist Greg K. mentioned a possible 2018 release date for the new Offspring album, and revealed that one of the reasons for the album's slow progress was because they have been working on songs here and there. He also stated that the band was in no hurry to finish it. Noodles was absent from the Offspring's summer 2017 tour with Sublime with Rome, due to a "sudden family matter"; filling in for him on dates were Tom Thacker and Jonah Nimoy. On December 13, 2017, The Offspring posted Twitter and Instagram photos of their December calendar, with the second and third week of the month labeled "studio", and wrote, "Who's ready for new music in 2018?". In the same month, Noodles told Front Row Live, "We're working on it. We were in the studio all this week. We finished up for the holidays on Tuesday, Wednesday, and then we're gonna get back in the studio as soon as the new year [rolls around], in January." On February 23, 2018, the band announced via Instagram that they had finished tracking down drums for the album. The Offspring were later asked on Twitter if their new album would be released soon, and replied, "We're hoping by summer." On June 9, 2018, the Offspring debuted one song that is expected to appear on the new album, "It Won't Get Better", while performing at the Greenfield Festival in Switzerland. On July 20, 2018, it was announced the Offspring would release a cover of 311's " Down" and 311 would release a "reggaefied" cover of the Offspring's " Self Esteem", which 311's lead singer Nick Hexum referred to as "probably [his] favorite song of theirs;" the cover versions coincided with the co-headlining Never Ending Summer tour. On August 30, 2018, Noodles revealed to Music Feeds that The Offspring was working on two separate albums. He stated, "We have a whole record or more worth of stuff here - I think we're looking at making two records out of it - you know, like, splitting 'em up and coming out with a pretty straightforward punk and rock record that sounds like us, and then maybe saving some of the crazier stuff for another record." A few days later, he told WHIO-AM that the album will be released around the beginning of 2019, and added, "We don't have a record deal right now and we're trying to work something out. We don't know what we're going to do with that." Greg K. did not appear throughout The Offsprings headline Australian and Japan tours in 2018 and was instead replaced by No Doubt bassist Tony Kanal.

On February 23, 2019, Noodles confirmed on his Instagram account that the new Offspring album is finished. He wrote, "The album is done. Working on getting it to the fans now. Stay tuned!" A month later, Dexter Holland confirmed that the album was "98% finished" and mentioned a tentative fall 2019 release. In August, Greg Kriesel filed a lawsuit against Holland and Noodles, following an alleged decision by the two in November 2018 to ban Kriesel from the band's activities, including studio recordings and live performances. Kriesel and his lawyers also alleged that the two conspired to "seize the business, business opportunities, and assets" of Kriesel's stake in the band without compensation. In 2019, touring rhythm guitarist, Todd Morse became a full-time member replacing Kriesel as the new bassist.[citation needed ]

Noodles reiterated that the new Offspring album was ready for release in 2020 and they are in the process of searching for a new record label to release it. On April 21, 2020 the band released a rock cover of Joe Exotic's country song "Here Kitty Kitty" popularized by the 2020 Netflix documentary . It was recorded while the band was in quarantine during the COVID-19 pandemic. In a June 2020 interview with Download TV, Holland confirmed that the new album was "basically done" but added that its release was "on hold at the moment" because of the coronavirus pandemic.

On November 4, 2020, The Offspring released their first-ever Christmas song, which is a cover of Darlene Love's " Christmas (Baby Please Come Home)". A physical version of this song was released as a 7-inch vinyl single on December 11, 2020, and a description at the band's online store stated that "the single is also the tip of the iceberg for new music coming from the acclaimed group in early 2021."

On November 13, 2020, the band uploaded a lyric video for their song "Huck It!" and announced a vinyl re-release of Conspiracy of One in honor of its 20th anniversary.

On February 8, 2021, Dexter and Noodles posted a video confirming that the album is finished with an official release date and single announcement coming soon. On February 23, 2021, The Offspring announced that their tenth album would be titled Let the Bad Times Roll, and released the title track as its lead single through streaming services; the album was released on April 16.

The Offspring has been labeled under multiple genres, such as punk rock, melodic hardcore, pop punk, skate punk, and alternative rock. A signature style of the Offspring are their chorused "whoas", "heys", or "yeahs". The band's former labelmates NOFX poked fun at them for this in their song "Whoa on the Whoas". Several tracks also incorporate elements of Eastern music, which can be heard on the likes of "Tehran," "Me & My Old Lady," "Pay the Man," "Dividing By Zero," and the verse hook from "Come Out and Play". Their lyrics cover a wide range of topics, like personal relationships, such as in their songs "She's Got Issues", "Self Esteem" and "Spare Me the Details", and the degradation of the United States, politics, and society in general with songs like "It'll Be a Long Time", "Americana" and "Stuff Is Messed Up". The lyrics generally reflect a sarcastic viewpoint, which, along with the language, can be offensive to some. This is acknowledged in the opening track from their album Ixnay on the Hombre, "Disclaimer", which is sarcastic itself. Like "Disclaimer", the first track of most of the Offspring's albums are an introduction of some sort; "Time to Relax" (from Smash), "Welcome" (from Americana), "Intro" (from Conspiracy of One), and "Neocon" (from Splinter) are also examples of this. The Offspring's influences include The Dickies, the Sex Pistols, the Misfits, T.S.O.L., Agent Orange, the Adolescents, the Ramones, The Clash, the Dead Kennedys and Suicidal Tendencies.

With the mainstream success of , going six times multi-platinum and earning worldwide airplay, the Offspring's impact persists to this day. As one of the most popular punk bands of the 1990s, they are credited with reviving popular interest in punk rock and bringing the genre back into the mainstream, and have influenced younger artists such as Simple Plan. The Los Angeles modern rock radio station KROQ listed the Offspring at No. 8 in "The KROQ Top 166 Artists of 1980-2008" Countdown by Year memorial, with 30 appearances on the station's year-end countdowns as of 2008.

" Pretty Fly (for a White Guy)" can be heard in the King of the Hill episode "Escape From Party Island". " Original Prankster" was featured in The Cleveland Show episode "American Prankster". " You're Gonna Go Far, Kid" was featured in the episode We're Not in Kansas Anymore, while " Kristy, Are You Doing Okay?" appeared in the episode Zero Tolerance.

In video games, the Offspring's songs have appeared in , Tony Hawk's Pro Skater 4 and SingStar Rocks!. "Pretty Fly (for a White Guy)" appears in Guitar Hero: Van Halen. " Hammerhead", " Gone Away", " Pretty Fly (for a White Guy)", " Self Esteem", " All I Want", " The Kids Aren't Alright", "A Lot Like Me" and " Days Go By" are downloadables for the Rock Band series. "Hammerhead" was also featured in the football video game Madden NFL 09. "Days Go By" was featured in . From September 20 to October 7, 2019, the band performed a virtual concert in World of Tanks, with a limited-edition tank. The tank has instruments (and skateboards) stacked on top of its hull, "Pretty fly" painted on the side armour, and band members acting as the crew.

"Pretty Fly (for a White Guy)" received a parody treatment by "Weird Al" Yankovic as " Pretty Fly for a Rabbi".

Current members

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, rhythm guitar, occasional lead guitar, occasional piano keyboards and synthesizers (1984-present)

Noodles - lead guitar, backing vocals (1985-present)

Todd Morse - bass (2019-present), backing vocals (2009-present); rhythm guitar (touring musician 2009-2019)

Pete Parada - drums, percussion (2007-present)

Current touring musicians

Jonah Nimoy - rhythm guitar, keyboards, percussion, backing vocals (2019-present; 2017 summer tour substitute for Noodles)

Touring guests

Former members

Greg K. - bass, backing vocals (1984-2018)

Doug Thompson - lead vocals (1984; died 2003; only with band as Manic Subsidal)

Jim Benton - drums (1984; only with band as Manic Subsidal)

James Lilja - drums, backing vocals (1984-1987)

Marcus Parrish - lead guitar (1985; only with band as Manic Subsidal)

Ron Welty - drums (1987-2003)

Atom Willard - drums (2003-2007)

Former touring musicians

Touring substitutes

Scott Shiflett - bass (four shows filling in for Greg K. in 2008)

Tom Thacker - rhythm guitar (2013 substitute for Todd Morse for two shows; 2017 substitute for Noodles on summer tour)

1984 (as Manic Subsidal)

1984-1985 (as Manic Subsidal)

1985 (as Manic Subsidal)

1985-1986 (as Manic Subsidal)
1986-1987 (as The Offspring)

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, guitar

Greg K. - bass, backing vocals

James Lilja - drums, backing vocals

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, rhythm guitar

Marcus Parrish - lead guitar

Greg K. - bass, backing vocals

James Lilja - drums, backing vocals

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, rhythm guitar

Noodles - lead guitar, backing vocals

Greg K. - bass, backing vocals

James Lilja - drums, backing vocals

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, rhythm guitar

Noodles - lead guitar, backing vocals

Greg K. - bass, backing vocals

Ron Welty - drums

Touring musicians

Chris Higgins - rhythm guitar, keyboards, percussion, backing vocals (1994-2003)

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, rhythm guitar

Noodles - lead guitar, backing vocals

Greg K. - bass, backing vocals

Touring musicians

Chris Higgins - rhythm guitar, keyboards, percussion, backing vocals (2003)

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, rhythm guitar

Noodles - lead guitar, backing vocals

Greg K. - bass, backing vocals

Atom Willard - drums

Touring musicians

Chris Higgins - rhythm guitar, keyboards, percussion, backing vocals (2003-2005)

Ronnie King - keyboards, percussion (touring guest 2003-2004)

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, rhythm guitar

Noodles - lead guitar, backing vocals

Greg K. - bass, backing vocals

Pete Parada - drums

Touring musicians

Todd Morse - rhythm guitar, backing vocals (2009-2019)

Scott Shiflett - bass (2008 sub for Greg K.)

Tom Thacker - rhythm guitar (sub for Morse 2013; sub for Noodles 2017)

Warren Fitzgerald - rhythm guitar, backing vocals (2008 touring guest)

Andrew Freeman - rhythm guitar, backing vocals (2008 touring guest)

2018-2019

2019-present

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, rhythm guitar

Noodles - lead guitar, backing vocals

Pete Parada - drums

Touring musicians

Todd Morse - rhythm guitar, backing vocals (2018-2019)

Tony Kanal - bass (touring guest 2018-2019)

Dexter Holland - lead vocals, rhythm guitar

Noodles - lead guitar, backing vocals

Todd Morse - bass, backing vocals

Pete Parada - drums

Touring musicians

Jonah Nimoy - rhythm guitar, keyboards, percussion, backing vocals (2019-present)

Studio albums

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The Offspring is an American rock band from Garden Grove, California, formed in 1984. Originally formed under the name Manic Subsidal, the band's lineup consists of lead vocalist and guitarist Bryan "Dexter" Holland, bassist Todd Morse, guitarist Kevin "Noodles" Wasserman and drummer Pete Parada.

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In May 1998, a year before the massacre at Columbine High, 15-year-old Kip Kinkel murdered his mother and father, and then opened fire at Thurston High School in Springfield, Oregon, killing two fellow students and wounding 25 others.

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Watch full-length episodes of PBS documentary series FRONTLINE for free. When Kids Get Life - When a child is convicted of murder, how unforgiving should society be?

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The right to bear arms

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The National Rifle Association is America's longest-standing civil rights organization. Together with our more than five million members, we're proud defenders of history's patriots and diligent protectors of the Second Amendment.

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Legislation

Brady works tirelessly on Capitol Hill and in state houses across the country to ensure common sense gun laws are enacted and enforced.

Litigation

We have the strongest legal team in the country, representing victims and survivors among others, to challenge and change laws, state by state and nationwide.

Education

Armed with facts and solutions, every sector of the population can be part of the cultural change needed so all Americans can live free from the fear of gun violence.

There is no one solution to end this epidemic of gun violence and no one side has the answer. So our comprehensive approach fights every aspect with more than 45 years of research and real-world experience. Let's put the Brady plan into action now and get the job done right.

The Brady Plan

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Brady works tirelessly on Capitol Hill and in state houses across the country to ensure common sense gun laws are enacted and enforced. We have the strongest legal team in the country, representing victims and survivors among others, to challenge and change laws, state by state and nationwide.

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Concealed carry, or carrying a concealed weapon ( CCW), is the practice of carrying a weapon (such as a handgun) in public in a concealed manner, either on one's person or in close proximity. Not all weapons that fall under CCW laws are lethal. For example, in Florida, carrying pepper spray in more than a specified volume (2 oz.) of chemical requires a CCW permit, whereas everyone may legally carry a smaller, "self-defense chemical spray" device hidden on their person without a CCW permit. As of 2019 there have been 18.66 million concealed weapon permits issued in the United States.

There is no federal statutory law concerning the issuance of concealed-carry permits. All 50 states have passed laws allowing qualified individuals to carry certain concealed firearms in public, either without a permit or after obtaining a permit from a designated government authority at the state and/or local level; however, there are still many states that, though they have passed concealed carry permit laws, do not issue permits or make it extremely difficult to obtain one.

A comprehensive 2004 literature review by the National Academy of Sciences concluded that there was no evidence that concealed carry either increases or reduces violent crime.

Concealed weapons bans were passed in Kentucky and Louisiana in 1813. (In those days open carry of weapons for self-defense was considered acceptable; concealed carry was denounced as the practice of criminals.) By 1859, Indiana, Tennessee, Virginia, Alabama, and Ohio had followed suit. By the end of the nineteenth century, similar laws were passed in places such as Texas, Florida, and Oklahoma, which protected some gun rights in their state constitutions. Before the mid 1900s, most U.S. states had passed concealed carry laws rather than banning weapons completely. Until the late 1990s, many Southern states were either "No-Issue" or "Restrictive May-Issue". Since then, these states have largely enacted "Shall-Issue" licensing laws, with numerous states legalizing " Unrestricted concealed carry".

Regulations differ widely by state, with most states currently maintaining a " Shall-Issue" policy. As recently as the mid-'90s most states were no-issue or may-issue, but over the past 30 years states have consistently migrated to less restrictive alternatives.

There is currently a circuit split between several federal circuit courts regarding the standards for issuance of permits and the right to carry weapons outside the home. The 9th and 3rd circuits have ruled in favor of may-issue permitting policies, while the 7th and D.C. circuits have ruled that states are required to implement shall-issue policies, because the right to carry weapons extends outside the home.

The Federal Gun Free School Zones Act limits where an unlicensed person may carry; carry of a weapon, openly or concealed, within 1,000 feet (300 m) of a school zone is prohibited, with exceptions granted in the federal law to holders of valid State-issued weapons permits (State laws may reassert the illegality of school zone carry by license holders), and under LEOSA to current and honorably retired law enforcement officers (regardless of permit, usually trumping State law).

When in contact with an officer, some states require you to inform that officer that you are carrying a handgun. For detailed information on individual states' permitting policies, see Gun laws in the United States by state.

Unrestricted jurisdiction: one in which a permit is not required to carry a concealed handgun

Shall-issue jurisdiction: one that requires a license to carry a concealed handgun, but where the granting of such licenses is subject only to meeting determinate criteria laid out in the law; the granting authority has no discretion in the awarding of the licenses, and there is no requirement of the applicant to demonstrate "good cause"

May-issue jurisdiction: one that requires a permit to carry a concealed handgun, and where the granting of such permits is partially at the discretion of local authorities (frequently the sheriff's department or police)

No-issue jurisdiction: one that - with very limited exceptions - does not allow any private citizen to carry a concealed handgun in public

State regulations relating to the issuance of concealed carry permits generally fall into four categories described as Unrestricted, Shall Issue, May Issue, and No Issue.

An unrestricted jurisdiction is one in which a permit is not required to carry a concealed handgun. This is sometimes called constitutional carry. Within the unrestricted category, there exists states that are fully unrestricted, where no permit is required for lawful open or concealed carry, and partially unrestricted, where certain forms of concealed carry may be legal without a permit, while other forms of carry may require a permit.

Among U.S. states, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, Idaho, Kansas, Kentucky (effective June 26, 2019), Maine, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, North Dakota (residents only; concealed carry only), Oklahoma (effective Nov. 1, 2019), South Dakota (effective July 1, 2019), Vermont, West Virginia and Wyoming (residents only) are fully unrestricted, and allow those who are not prohibited from owning a firearm to carry a concealed firearm in any place not deemed off-limits by law without a permit. North Dakota and Wyoming only extend permitless carry to residents of the state; non-residents must still have a permit issued by their home state to legally carry concealed in these states. Permitless concealed carry in Mississippi only covers certain manners of carrying; see table above. These states also allow the open carry of a handgun without a permit with the exception of North Dakota and certain localities in Missouri.

Vermont does not have any provision for issue of concealed-carry licenses, as none has ever been necessary. As such, Vermont residents wishing to carry handguns in other states must acquire a license from a state which is valid in their destination. A popular choice is Florida's concealed handgun permit, which is valid for nonresident holders in 28 other states. All other constitutional carry states previously had concealed-carry license requirements prior to adoption of unrestricted carry laws, and continue to issue licenses on a shall-issue basis for the purposes of inter-state reciprocity (allowing residents of the state to travel to other states with a concealed weapon, abiding by that state's law).

The states of Montana, New Mexico, and Oklahoma are partially unrestricted states. Specifically, Montana currently allows concealed carry without a permit in places outside of any incorporated municipality. New Mexico laws allow an individual to conceal carry an unloaded handgun without a permit. New Mexico further allows one to carry a loaded handgun either openly or concealed while traveling in a vehicle, including motorcycles, recreational vehicles (RVs), bicycles or while riding a horse. Oklahoma allows residents of permitless carry states to carry openly or concealed without a permit, provided such individuals have a valid ID from their home state. All of the aforementioned states grant permits on a shall-issue basis for modes of concealed carry that require a permit.

On July 24, 2014, Washington D.C. became a constitutional carry jurisdiction for a brief moment when its ban on carrying a handgun was ruled unconstitutional and the ruling was not stayed. The ruling said that any resident who had a legally registered handgun could carry it without a permit and non-residents without felony convictions could carry as well. The ruling was then stayed on July 29, 2014.

A shall-issue jurisdiction is one that requires a license to carry a concealed handgun, but where the granting of such licenses is subject only to meeting determinate criteria laid out in the law; the granting authority has no discretion in the awarding of the licenses, and there is no requirement of the applicant to demonstrate "good cause". The laws in a Shall-Issue jurisdiction typically state that a granting authority shall issue a license if the criteria are met, as opposed to laws in which the authority may issue a license at their discretion.

Typical license requirements include residency, minimum age, submitting fingerprints, passing a computerized instant background check (or a more comprehensive manual background check), attending a certified handgun/firearm safety class, passing a practical qualification demonstrating handgun proficiency, and paying a required fee. These requirements vary widely by jurisdiction, with some having few or none of these and others having most or all.

The following are shall-issue states: Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island (for permits issued by local authorities), South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. The territory of Guam is also shall-issue with the passage of Bill 296 and Puerto Rico as of 2020.

Certain states and jurisdictions, while "may-issue" by law, direct their issuing authorities to issue licenses to all or nearly all qualified applicants, and as such they are considered "shall-issue" in practice. Connecticut, and certain cities and counties in California, Massachusetts, and New York are examples.

Connecticut law specifies that CCW licenses be granted on a may-issue basis, but the state's courts have established that issuing authorities must grant CCW licenses on a shall-issue basis for applicants who meet all statutory qualifications, as unlike other may-issue states Connecticut law does not contain a requirement for the applicant to show "necessary and proper reason" for obtaining a license.

Shall-issue with limited discretion is a subset of shall-issue licensing that borders between pure shall-issue and may-issue policy, where an issuing authority has a limited degree of discretion to deny applicants a concealed carry permit based either on the applicant's suitability or reason for requesting a permit, even after the applicant has completed any required training and passed a background check. In states with such licensing practices, the issuing authority would be required to demonstrate with substantiating evidence, that the applicant is either not suitable or lacks appropriate need for the permit. Most denials in such states are typically reversed upon appeal provided the applicant has passed a background check and fulfilled any training requirements for the permit. States with shall-issue laws that allow a limited degree of discretion include Illinois, Indiana, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Oregon, and Pennsylvania. Although may-issue by statute, Connecticut also falls into this subset, in practice.

Some shall-issue jurisdictions allow for automatic renewal of concealed carry permits, as long as the permit-holder files the renewal application before the permit expires (or in some states, a short grace period following expiration of the original permit). Other jurisdictions require a permit-holder to complete refresher training in firearms safety and undergo a criminal background check before applying for renewal. Some jurisdictions periodically run permit holders' IDs through the NICS background check system. Other jurisdictions require a judge to suspend a permit if the holder is arrested for certain offenses (return/revocation of the permit depending on later disposition of the case).

A may-issue jurisdiction is one that requires a permit to carry a concealed handgun, and where the granting of such permits is partially at the discretion of local authorities (frequently the sheriff's department or police), with a few states consolidating this discretionary power under state-level law enforcement. Moreover, issuing authorities in most may-issue jurisdictions are not required to provide a substantive reason for the denial of a concealed carry permit. Some may-issue jurisdictions may provide administrative and legal avenues for an applicant to appeal a permit denial, while others do not.

The law typically states that a granting authority "may issue" a permit if various criteria are met, or that the permit applicant must have "good cause" (or similar) to carry a concealed weapon. In most such situations, self-defense in and of itself often does not satisfy the "good cause" requirement, and issuing authorities in some may-issue jurisdictions have been known to arbitrarily deny applications for CCW permits without providing the applicant with any substantive reason for the denial. Some may-issue jurisdictions require a permit-holder to provide justification for continued need for a concealed carry permit upon renewal, and may deny the renewal of an expiring permit without sufficient showing of "good cause." Some of these jurisdictions may revoke a permit after it has been issued when the issuing authority in its discretion has determined that the "good cause" used in approving the permit application no longer exists. Other may-issue jurisdictions allow for automatic renewal of the permit, as long as the permit-holder completes any required firearms safety training and files the renewal application before the permit expires. Some may-issue jurisdictions give issuing authorities discretion in granting concealed carry permits based on an applicant's suitability (e.g., moral character) by requiring the applicant to submit evidence (resume/curriculum vitae, letters of reference, credit history, etc.) showing the applicant is of suitable character to be issued a permit.

When distinguishing between shall-issue and may-issue, that distinction may not necessarily be explicitly apparent in the exact letter of the law. Rather, a more accurate determinant as to whether a state is shall-issue versus may-issue is whether or not the applicant is required to show "good cause" when applying for a permit. Court precedent also plays an important role in determining whether a state is may-issue or shall-issue without regard to the verbiage in state law. For example, New York is a may-issue state, even though its concealed carry licensing laws includes the words "shall issue," because New York law requires applicants to show "good cause" when applying for a concealed carry permit. Since "good cause" is highly subjective, issuing authorities in New York have wide discretion in determining what constitutes "good cause," and the ability for an ordinary citizen to obtain a concealed carry permit varies widely throughout the state. In contrast, the pistol permit law in neighboring Connecticut contains the words "may issue," despite Connecticut effectively being a shall-issue state. This is because Connecticut's pistol permit law does not require the applicant to show "good cause" to the issuing authority when applying for a pistol permit. Because Connecticut's permitting law lacks a subjective "good cause" standard, that state's courts have repeatedly and consistently ruled that issuing authorities must issue pistol permits to applicants who meet the state's statutory qualifications for a pistol permit.

May-issue can be compared to shall-issue where in a may-issue jurisdiction, the burden of proof for justifying the need for a permit rests with the applicant, whereas in a shall-issue jurisdiction the burden of proof to justify denying a permit rests with the issuing authority.

The following are may-issue states by law: California, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, and Rhode Island.

A state that is a may-issue jurisdiction may range anywhere from shall-issue to no-issue in practice, i.e., permissive may-issue to restrictive may-issue, based on each licensing authority's willingness to issue permits to applicants:

Connecticut and Delaware are regarded as permissive may-issue states, where either governmental policy or court precedence direct issuing authorities to approve applications that meet all non-discretionary criteria.

Hawaii, Maryland, and New Jersey are considered restrictive may-issue jurisdictions, where issuing authorities are directed to deny most or all applications, either based on hard-to-meet "good cause" requirements or agency policies specifically prohibiting issue. Additionally Maryland and New Jersey require the applicant provide substantive evidence of a clear and immediate threat on their lives that exists outside of their home at the time the permit application is filed. Rhode Island further requires applicants for the statewide permit to submit to a mental health records check at the applicant's expense.

California, Massachusetts, and New York vary within state, as the criteria for what constitutes "good cause" is defined at the local level. Issuing authorities in inland California, rural portions of Massachusetts, and Upstate New York generally accept self-defense without evidence of a specific threat as "good cause" and will grant permits to the vast majority of applicants who pass a background check and complete the required firearms safety training. Meanwhile, concealed carry permits are difficult to virtually impossible to obtain by ordinary citizens in urban areas, such as New York City, Long Island, Boston, Los Angeles, and San Francisco metropolitan areas. In these locations, the definition of "good cause" is generally limited to specific and immediate threats on an applicant's life that cannot be mitigated by any other means. There are also "moderately restrictive" local jurisdictions in these states where the local "good cause" definitions may be more restrictive than locales that practice shall-issue licensing, but less restrictive than those counties or municipalities that rarely or never issue permits.

Rhode Island state law is two-tier; local authorities are directed by state law and court precedent (Archer v McGarry) to practice shall-issue permitting policy, but the Attorney General's office has discretionary authority over permits issued by its office. The permits issued by both the local authorities and the AG are valid statewide, but the AG issued permit is required for open carry in general. Some local jurisdictions, at the recommendation of the AG, still refer all applicants to the AG's office and the "may-issue" state-level system in violation of Archer.

In some may-issue jurisdictions, permits are only issued to individuals with celebrity status, have political connections, or have a high degree of wealth, resulting in accusations of systematic corruption in how CCW permit applications are adjudicated in some such jurisdictions. Additionally, issuing authorities charge arbitrarily defined fees that go well beyond the basic processing fee for a CCW permit, thereby making the CCW permit unaffordable to most applicants. For example, applying for a New York City concealed carry permit typically costs around $5,000 when the filing fee and other administrative fees are combined.

In recent cases challenging restrictive discretionary issue laws, federal district and appeals courts have generally applied intermediate scrutiny to these and other Second Amendment related cases, where the courts recognize that restrictive concealed carry laws "infringe on an individual's right to keep and bear arms," but also recognizes that such infringement is permitted to further "an important government interest in public safety." Any and all other Rights that are described as "individual" and "fundamental" by the SCOTUS require a "strict scrutiny" standard as shown in prior decisions involving fully applicable incorporation cases. In Maryland, Woollard v. Sheridan, the United States District Court for the District of Maryland decided in favor of a Maryland resident who was denied a permit renewal due to lack of "good cause" in accordance with Maryland law. The United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit reversed, holding the "good cause" requirement met the standard of intermediate scrutiny applicable to restrictions on the right to carry arms outside the home, and reinstated the "good cause" requirement on March 21, 2013. The plaintiffs in the case filed a petition for certiorari in the United States Supreme Court; the court denied certiorari without comment on October 15. New York's similar "good cause" requirement was also under challenge in Kachalsky v. Cacase. However, certiorari before SCOTUS was denied on April 15, 2013. Drake v. Filko, involving several plaintiffs (including one kidnap victim) denied permits under New Jersey's permitting system; the suit challenged New Jersey's "justifiable need" requirement for obtaining a carry permit. The United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit affirmed the lower court's judgment holding the requirement constitutional, holding (much like the 4th Circuit in Woollard and the 2nd Circuit in Kachalsky) that the New Jersey statute survived intermediate scrutiny. The common theme from Courts of Appeals rulings upholding may-issue laws is that state or local policies in limiting who is granted permits to carry firearms in public "furthers an important government interest in public safety," by which state legislatures enact laws making licensed concealed carry available but establish criteria to limit the number of concealed carry permit-holders to as few as practicable to pass constitutional muster. The courts have opined that these laws survive intermediate scrutiny on that basis. However, all other "fundamental" and "individual" Rights are subjected to a "strict scrutiny" standard, see, Duncan, 391 U.S. at 149, and n. 15, supra., "A right that is fundamental from an American perspective applies equally to the Federal Government and the States."

While members of the Armed Services may receive extensive small arms training, United States Military installations have some of the most restrictive rules for the possession, transport, and carrying of personally-owned firearms in the country.

Overall authority for carrying a personally-owned firearm on a military installation rests with the installation commander, although the authority to permit individuals to carry firearms on an installation is usually delegated to the Provost Marshal. Military installations do not recognize state-issued concealed carry permits, and state firearms laws generally do not apply to military bases, regardless of the state in which the installation is located. Federal law (18 USC, Section 930) generally forbids the possession, transport, and carrying of firearms on military installations without approval from the installation commander. Federal law gives installation commanders wide discretion in establishing firearms policies for their respective installations. In practice, local discretion is often constrained by policies and directives from the headquarters of each military branch and major commands.

Installation policies can vary from no-issue for most bases to shall-issue in rare circumstances. Installations that do allow the carrying of firearms typically restrict carrying to designated areas and for specific purposes (i.e., hunting or officially sanctioned shooting competitions in approved locations on the installation). Installation commanders may require the applicant complete extensive firearms safety training, undergo a mental health evaluation, and obtain a letter of recommendation from his or her unit commander (or employer) before such authorization is granted. Personnel that reside on a military installation are typically required to store their personally-owned firearms in the installation armory, although the installation commander or provost marshal may permit a servicemember to store his or her personal firearms in their on-base dwelling if he or she has a gun safe or similarly designed cabinet where the firearms can be secured.

Prior to 2011, military commanders could impose firearms restrictions to servicemembers residing off-base, such as mandatory registration of firearms with the base Provost Marshal, restricting or banning the carrying of firearms by servicemembers either on or off the installation regardless of whether the member had a state permit to carry, and requiring servicemembers to have a gun safe or similar container to secure firearms when not in use. A provision was included in the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2011 that limited commanders' authority to impose restrictions on the possession and use of personally-owned firearms by servicemembers who reside off-base.

A no-issue jurisdiction is one that - with very limited exceptions - does not allow any private citizen to carry a concealed handgun in public. The term refers to the fact that no concealed carry permits will be issued (or recognized). Since July 2013, with the legalization of concealed carry in Illinois, there are presently no no-issue states per se; with only the territory of American Samoa being the only U.S. jurisdiction that completely prohibits concealed carry.

While technically may-issue under state law, Hawaii, Maryland, New Jersey, and certain cities and counties within California, Massachusetts, and New York are no-issue jurisdictions in practice, with governmental policy directing officials with discretionary power to rarely or never issue licenses. Additionally, some of the United States' insular territories ( U.S. Virgin Islands, American Samoa, etc.) are no-issue jurisdictions in practice. Most no-issue jurisdictions have exceptions to their laws that permit open or concealed carry by active and retired law enforcement officials, armed security personnel while on duty and in uniform, and for members of the Armed Forces. Wisconsin and Illinois were the last remaining no-issue states, until licensed concealed carry was legalized in 2011 and 2013, respectively. Prior to legalization, Wisconsin outlawed concealed carry, but open carry was legal statewide. Illinois had banned concealed carry, and generally prohibited open carry in most locations as well.

Prohibitions of the concealed carry of firearms and other weapons by local governments predate the establishment of the United States. In 1686, New Jersey law stated "no person or persons ... shall presume privately to wear any pocket pistol ... or other unusual or unlawful weapons within this Province." After the federal government was established, states and localities continued to restrict people from carrying hidden weapons. Tennessee law prohibited this as early as 1821. By 1837, Georgia passed into effect "An Act to guard and protect the citizens of this State, against the unwarrantable and too prevalent use of deadly weapons." Two years later, Alabama followed suit with "An Act to Suppress the Evil Practice of Carrying Weapons Secretly." Delaware prohibited the practice in 1852. Ohio did the same in 1859, a policy that remained in effect until 1974. Cities also regulated weapons within their boundaries. In 1881, Tombstone, Arizona enacted Ordinance No. 9 "To Provide against Carrying of Deadly Weapons," a regulation that sparked the Gunfight at the O.K. Corral later that year.

Most may-issue jurisdictions, and some shall-issue jurisdictions allow issuing authorities to impose limitations on CCW permits, such as the type and caliber of handguns that may be carried ( Massachusetts, New Mexico), restrictions on places where the permit is valid ( New York, Rhode Island, Illinois), restricting concealed carry to purposes or activities specified on the approved permit application ( California, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York), limitations on magazine size ( Connecticut, Massachusetts, New York), or limitations on the number of firearms that may be carried concealed by a permit-holder at any given time (some states). Permits issued by all but two states (New York and Hawaii) are valid statewide. New York State pistol licenses, which are generally issued by counties, are valid statewide with one exception. A permit not issued by New York City is invalid in that city, unless validated by its police commissioner. Permits issued by Hawaii are valid only in the county of issuance.

Some states require concealed carry applicants to certify their proficiency with a firearm through some type of training or instruction. Certain training courses developed by the National Rifle Association that combine classroom and live-fire instruction typically meet most state training requirements. Some states recognize prior military or police service as meeting training requirements.

Classroom instruction would typically include firearm mechanics and terminology, cleaning and maintenance of a firearm, concealed carry legislation and limitations, liability issues, carry methods and safety, home defense, methods for managing and defusing confrontational situations, and practice of gun handling techniques without firing the weapon. Most required CCW training courses devote a considerable amount of time to liability issues.

Depending on the state, a practical component during which the attendee shoots the weapon for the purpose of demonstrating safety and proficiency, may be required. During range instruction, applicants would typically learn and demonstrate safe handling and operation of a firearm and accurate shooting from common self-defense distances. Some states require a certain proficiency to receive a passing grade, whereas other states (e.g., Florida) technically require only a single-shot be fired to demonstrate handgun handling proficiency.

CCW training courses are typically completed in a single day and are good for a set period, the exact duration varying by state. Some states require re-training, sometimes in a shorter, simpler format, for each renewal.

A few states, e.g., South Carolina, recognize the safety and use-of-force training given to military personnel as acceptable in lieu of formal civilian training certification. Such states will ask for a military ID (South Carolina) for active persons or DD214 for honorably discharged persons. These few states will commonly request a copy of the applicant's BTR (Basic Training Record) proving an up-to-date pistol qualification. Active and retired law enforcement officers are generally exempt from qualification requirements, due to a federal statute permitting retired law enforcement officers to carry concealed weapons in the United States.

Virginia recognizes eight specific training options to prove competency in handgun handling, ranging from DD214 for honorably discharged military veterans, to certification from law enforcement training, to firearms training conducted by a state or NRA certified firearms instructor including electronic, video, or on-line courses. While any one of the eight listed options will be considered adequate proof, individual circuit courts may recognize other training options. A small number of states, such as Alabama and Georgia, have no training requirements to obtain a permit-only a requirement that the applicant successfully pass the required background check before issuance.

Many jurisdictions recognize (honor) a permit or license issued by other jurisdictions. Recognition may be granted to all jurisdictions or some subset which meets a set of permit-issuing criteria, such as training comparable to the honoring jurisdiction or certain background checks. Several states have entered into formal agreements to mutually recognize permits. This arrangement is commonly called reciprocity or mutual recognition. A few states do not recognize permits issued by any other jurisdiction, but offer non-resident permits for out-of-state individuals (who possess a valid concealed carry permit from their home state) who wish to carry while visiting such states. There are also states that neither recognize out-of-state concealed carry permits nor issue permits to non-residents, resulting in a complete ban on concealed carry by non-residents in such states. There are also states that do not recognize out-of-state permits for carry on-foot, but do permit individuals with out-of-state concealed carry permits to carry while traveling in their vehicle (normally in accordance with the rules of the state of issuance).

Recognition and reciprocity of concealed carry privileges varies. Some states (e.g. Indiana, Kentucky, Ohio) unilaterally recognize all permits. Others such as Michigan, limit such universal recognition to residents of the permit-issuing state. While 37 states have reciprocity agreements with at least one other state and several states honor all out-of-state concealed carry permits, some states have special requirements like training courses or safety exams, and therefore do not honor permits from states that do not have such requirements for issue. Some states make exceptions for persons under the minimum age (usually 21) if they are active or honorably-discharged members of the military or a police force (the second of these two is allowed under federal law). States that do not have this exemption generally do not recognize any license from states that do. An example of this is the state of Washington's refusal to honor any Texas LTC as Texas has the military exception to age. Idaho, Mississippi, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Tennessee have standard and enhanced permits that have different requirements to obtain and also have unique reciprocity with different states; Utah and West Virginia have provisional permits for 18-20 year olds with more limited recognition by other states.

Permits from Idaho (enhanced), Kansas, Michigan, and North Dakota (class 1) have the highest number of recognition by other states (39 states). One can obtain multiple state permits in an effort to increase the number of states where that user can carry a legally concealed weapon. It is common practice to use a CCW Reciprocity Map to gain clarity on which states will honor the person's combination of resident and non-resident permits given the variety of standards and legal policies from state to state. There are also various mobile applications that guide users in researching state concealed carry permit reciprocity.

Although carry may be legal under State law in accordance with reciprocity agreements, the Federal Gun Free School Zones Act subjects an out-of-state permit holder to federal felony prosecution if they carry a firearm within 1000 feet of any K-12 school's property line; however, the enforcement of this statute is rare given several states' nullification statutes prohibiting state law enforcement officers from enforcing federal firearms laws.

While generally a concealed carry permit allows the permit holder to carry a concealed weapon in public, a state may restrict carry of a firearm including a permitted concealed weapon while in or on certain properties, facilities or types of businesses that are otherwise open to the public. These areas vary by state (except for the first item below; federal offices are subject to superseding federal law) and can include:

Federal government facilities, including post offices, IRS offices, federal court buildings, military/VA facilities and/or correctional facilities, Amtrak trains and facilities, and Corps of Engineers-controlled property (carry in these places is prohibited by federal law and preempts any existing state law). Carry on land controlled by the Bureau of Land Management (federal parks and wildlife preserves) is allowed by federal law as of the 2009 CARD Act, but is still subject to state law. However, carry into restrooms or any other buildings or structures located within federal parks is illegal in the United States, despite concealed carry being otherwise legal in federal parks with a permit recognized by the state in which the federal park is located. Similarly, concealed carry into caves located within federal parks is illegal.

State and local government facilities, including courthouses, DMV/DoT offices, police stations, correctional facilities, and/or meeting places of government entities (exceptions may be made for certain persons working in these facilities such as judges, lawyers, and certain government officials both elected and appointed)

Venues for political events, including rallies, parades, debates, and/or polling places

Educational institutions including elementary/secondary schools and colleges. Some states have "drop-off exceptions" which only prohibit carry inside school buildings, or permit carry while inside a personal vehicle on school property. Campus carry laws vary by state.

Public interscholastic[citation needed ] and/or professional sporting events and/or venues (sometimes only during a time window surrounding such an event)

Amusement parks, fairs, parades and/or carnivals[citation needed ]

Businesses that sell alcohol (sometimes only "by-the-drink" sellers like restaurants, sometimes only establishments defined as a "bar" or "nightclub", or establishments where the percentage of total sales from alcoholic beverages exceeds a specified threshold)

Hospitals (even if hospitals themselves are not restricted, "teaching hospitals" partnered with a medical school are sometimes considered "educational institutions"; exceptions are sometimes made for medical professionals working in these facilities)

Churches, mosques and other "Houses of worship," usually at the discretion of the church clergy (Ohio allows with specific permission of house of worship)

Municipal mass transit vehicles or facilities

Sterile areas of airports (sections of the airport located beyond security screening checkpoints, unless explicitly authorized)

Non-government facilities with heightened security measures (Nuclear facilities, power plants, dams, oil and gas production facilities, banks, factories, unless explicitly authorized)

Aboard aircraft or ships unless specifically authorized by the pilot in command or ship captain

Private property where the lawful owner or lessee has posted a sign or verbally stated that firearms are not permitted

Any public place, while under the influence of alcohol or drugs (including certain prescription or over-the-counter medications, depending on jurisdiction)

"Opt-out" statutes ("gun-free zones")

Some states allow private businesses to post a specific sign prohibiting concealed carry within their premises. The exact language and format of such a sign varies by state. By posting the signs, businesses create areas where it is illegal to carry a concealed handgun; similar to regulations concerning schools, hospitals, and public gatherings.

Violation of such a sign, in some of these states, is grounds for revocation of the offender's concealed carry permit and criminal prosecution. Other states, such as Virginia, enforce only trespassing laws when a person violates a "Gun Free Zone" sign. In some jurisdictions trespass by a person carrying a firearm may have more severe penalties than "simple" trespass, while in other jurisdictions, penalties are lower than for trespass.

Such states include: Arizona, Arkansas, Connecticut, Illinois, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and Wisconsin.

There is considerable dispute over the effectiveness of such " gun-free zones". Opponents of such measures, such as OpenCarry.org, state that, much like other malum prohibitum laws banning gun-related practices, only law-abiding individuals will heed the signage and disarm. Individuals or groups intent on committing far more serious crimes, such as armed robbery or murder, will not be deterred by signage prohibiting weapons. Further, the reasoning follows that those wishing to commit mass murder might intentionally choose gun-free venues like shopping malls, schools and churches (where weapons carry is generally prohibited by statute or signage) because the population inside is disarmed and thus less able to stop them.

In some states, business owners have been documented posting signs that appear to prohibit guns, but legally do not because the signs do not meet local or state laws defining required appearance, placement, or wording of signage. Such signage can be posted out of ignorance to the law, or intent to pacify gun control advocates while not actually prohibiting the practice. The force of law behind a non-compliant sign varies based on state statutes and case law. Some states interpret their statutes' high level of specification of signage as evidence that the signage must meet the specification exactly, and any quantifiable deviation from the statute makes the sign non-binding. Other states have decided in case law that if efforts were made in good faith to conform to the statutes, the sign carries the force of law even if it fails to meet current specification. Still others have such lax descriptions of what is a valid sign that virtually any sign that can be interpreted as "no guns allowed" is binding on the license holder.

Note that virtually all jurisdictions allow some form of oral communication by the lawful owner or controller of the property that a person is not welcome and should leave. This notice can be given to anyone for any reason (except for statuses that are protected by the Federal Civil Rights Act of 1964 and other CRAs, such as race), including due to the carrying of firearms by that person, and refusal to heed such a request to leave may constitute trespassing.

Printing refers to a circumstance where the shape or outline of a firearm is visible through a garment while the gun is still fully covered, and is generally not desired when carrying a concealed weapon. Brandishing can refer to different actions depending on jurisdiction. These actions can include printing through a garment, pulling back clothing to expose a gun, or unholstering a gun and exhibiting it in the hand. The intent to intimidate or threaten someone may or may not be required legally for it to be considered brandishing.

Brandishing is a crime in most jurisdictions, but the definition of brandishing varies widely.

Under California law, the following conditions have to be present to prove brandishing:

[1] A person, in the presence of another person, drew or exhibited a [deadly weapon, other than a firearm] [firearm, whether loaded or unloaded]; [and] [2] That person did so in a rude, angry, or threatening manner [or] [2] That person, in any manner, unlawfully used the [deadly weapon] [firearm] in a fight or quarrel] [.] [; and [3] The person was not acting in lawful self-defense.]

In Virginia law:

It shall be unlawful for any person to point, hold or brandish any firearm or any air or gas operated weapon or any object similar in appearance, whether capable of being fired or not, in such manner as to reasonably induce fear in the mind of another or hold a firearm or any air or gas operated weapon in a public place in such a manner as to reasonably induce fear in the mind of another of being shot or injured. However, this section shall not apply to any person engaged in excusable or justifiable self-defense.

The Gun Control Act passed by Congress in 1968 lists felons, illegal aliens, and other codified persons as prohibited from purchasing or possessing firearms. During the application process for concealed carry states carry out thorough background checks to prevent these individuals from obtaining permits. Additionally the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act created an FBI maintained system in 1994 for instantly checking the backgrounds of potential firearms buyers in an effort to prevent these individuals from obtaining weapons.

The Firearm Owners Protection Act (FOPA) of 1986 allows a gun owner to travel through states in which their firearm possession is illegal as long as it is legal in the states of origination and destination, the owner is in transit and does not remain in the state in which firearm possession is illegal, and the firearm is transported unloaded and in a locked container. The FOPA addresses the issue of transport of private firearms from origin to destination for purposes lawful in state of origin and destination; FOPA does not authorize concealed carry as a weapon of defense during transit. New York State Police arrested those carrying firearms in violation of state law, and then required them to use FOPA as an affirmative defense to the charges of illegal possession.

In 2004, the United States Congress enacted the Law Enforcement Officers Safety Act, 18 U.S. Code 926B and 926C. This federal law allows two classes of persons - the "qualified law enforcement officer" and the "qualified retired law enforcement officer" - to carry a concealed firearm in any jurisdiction in the United States, regardless of any state or local law to the contrary, with certain exceptions.

The Federal Gun Free School Zone Act limits where a person may legally carry a firearm. It does this by making it generally unlawful for an armed citizen to be within 1,000 feet (extending out from the property lines) of a place that the individual knows, or has reasonable cause to believe, is a K-12 school. Although a state-issued carry permit may exempt a person from this restriction in the state that physically issued their permit, it does not exempt them in other states which recognize their permit under reciprocity agreements made with the issuing state.

The law's failure to provide adequate protection to LEOSA-qualified officers, licensed concealed carry permit holders, and other armed citizens, is an issue that the United States Congress so far has not addressed.

Some federal statutes restrict the carrying of firearms on the premises of certain federal properties such as military installations or land controlled by the USACE.

On May 22, 2009, President Barack Obama signed H.R. 627, the "Credit Card Accountability Responsibility and Disclosure Act of 2009," into law. The bill contained a rider introduced by Senator Tom Coburn (R-OK) that prohibits the Secretary of the Interior from enacting or enforcing any regulations that restrict possession of firearms in National Parks or Wildlife Refuges, as long as the person complies with laws of the state in which the unit is found. This provision was supported by the National Rifle Association and opposed by the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence, the National Parks Conservation Association, and the Coalition of National Park Service Retirees, among other organizations. As of February 2010 concealed handguns are for the first time legal in all but 3 of the nation's 391 national parks and wildlife refuges so long as all applicable federal, state, and local regulations are adhered to. Hawaii is a notable exception. Concealed and open carry are both illegal in Hawaii for all except retired military or law enforcement personnel. Previously firearms were allowed into parks if cased and unloaded.

Full faith and credit (CCW permits)

Attempts were made in the 110th Congress, United States House of Representatives (H.R. 226) and the United States Senate (S. 388), to enact legislation to compel complete reciprocity for concealed carry licenses. Opponents of national reciprocity have pointed out that this legislation would effectively require states with more restrictive standards of permit issuance (e.g., training courses, safety exams, "good cause" requirements, et al.) to honor permits from states with more liberal issuance policies. Supporters have pointed out that the same situation already occurs with marriage certificates, adoption decrees and other state documents under the "full faith and credit" clause of the U.S. Constitution. Some states have already adopted a "full faith and credit" policy treating out-of-state carry permits the same as out-of-state driver's license or marriage certificates without federal legislation mandating such a policy. In the 115th Congress, another universal reciprocity bill, the Concealed Carry Reciprocity Act of 2017, was introduced by Richard Hudson. The bill passed the House but did not get a vote in the Senate.

Prior to the 1897 Supreme Court case Robertson v. Baldwin, the federal courts had been silent on the issue of concealed carry. In the dicta from a maritime law case the Supreme Court commented that state laws restricting concealed weapons do not infringe upon the right to bear arms protected by the federal Second Amendment. However, in the context of such rulings, open carry of firearms was generally unrestricted in the jurisdictions in question, which provided an alternative means of "bearing" arms.

In the majority decision in the 2008 Supreme Court case of District of Columbia v. Heller, Justice Antonin Scalia wrote;

Like most rights, the Second Amendment right is not unlimited. It is not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose: For example, concealed weapons prohibitions have been upheld under the Amendment or state analogues ... The majority of the 19th-century courts to consider the question held that prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were lawful under the Second Amendment or state analogues.

Heller was a landmark case because for the first time in United States history a Supreme Court decision defined the right to bear arms as constitutionally guaranteed to private citizens rather than a right restricted to "well regulated militia[s]". The Justices asserted that sensible restrictions on the right to bear arms are constitutional, however, an outright ban on a specific type of firearm, in this case handguns, was in fact unconstitutional. The Heller decision is limited because it only applies to federal enclaves such as the District of Columbia. In 2010 the SCOTUS expanded Heller in McDonald v. Chicago incorporating the 2nd Amendment through the 14th Amendment as applying to local and state laws. Various Circuit Courts have upheld their local and state laws using intermediate scrutiny. The correct standard is strict scrutiny review for all "fundamental" and "individual" rights. On June 28, 2010, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the handgun ban enacted by the city of Chicago, Illinois, in McDonald v. Chicago, effectively extending the Heller decision to states and local governments nationwide. Banning handguns in any jurisdiction has the effect of rendering invalid any licensed individual's right to carry concealed in that area except for federally exempted retired and current law enforcement officers and other government employees acting in the discharge of their official duties.

Even when self-defense is justified, there can be serious civil or criminal liabilities related to self-defense when a concealed carry permit holder brandishes or fires his/her weapon. For example, if innocent bystanders are hurt or killed, there could be both civil and criminal liabilities even if the use of deadly force was completely justified. Some states technically allow an assailant who is shot by a gun owner to bring civil action. In some states, liability is present when a resident brandishes the weapon, threatens use, or exacerbates a volatile situation, or when the resident is carrying while intoxicated. It is important to note that simply pointing a firearm at any person constitutes felony assault with a deadly weapon unless circumstances validate a demonstration of force. A majority of states who allow concealed carry, however, forbid suits being brought in such cases, either by barring lawsuits for damages resulting from a criminal act on the part of the plaintiff, or by granting the gun owner immunity from such a civil suit if it is found that he or she was justified in shooting.

Simultaneously, increased passage of " Castle Doctrine" laws allow persons who own firearms and/or carry them concealed to use them without first attempting to retreat. The " Castle Doctrine" typically applies to situations within the confines of one's own home. Nevertheless, many states have adopted escalation of force laws along with provisions for concealed carry. These include the necessity to first verbally warn a trespasser or lay hands on a trespasser before a shooting is justified (unless the trespasser is armed or assumed to be so). This escalation of force does not apply if the shooter reasonably believes a violent felony has been or is about to be committed on the property by the trespasser. Additionally some states have a duty to retreat provision which requires a permit holder, especially in public places, to vacate him or herself from a potentially dangerous situation before resorting to deadly force. The duty to retreat does not restrictively apply in a person's home or business though escalation of force may be required. In 1895 the Supreme Court ruled in Beard v. United States (1895) that if an individual does not provoke an assault and is residing in a place they have a right to be then they may use considerable force against someone they reasonably believe may do them serious harm without being charged with murder or manslaughter should that person be killed. Further, in Texas and California homicide is justifiable solely in defense of property. In other states, lethal force is authorized only when serious harm is presumed to be imminent.

Even given these relaxed restrictions on use of force, using a handgun must still be a last resort in some jurisdictions; meaning the user must reasonably believe that nothing short of deadly force will protect the life or property at stake in a situation. Additionally, civil liabilities for errors that cause harm to others still exist, although civil immunity is provided in the Castle Doctrine laws of some states (e.g., Texas).

Criminal possession of a weapon is the unlawful possession of a weapon by a citizen. Many societies both past and present have placed restrictions on what forms of weaponry private citizens (and to a lesser extent police) are allowed to purchase, own, and carry in public. Such crimes are public order crimes and are considered mala prohibita, in that the possession of a weapon in and of itself is not evil. Rather, the potential for use in acts of unlawful violence creates a possible need to control them. Some restrictions are strict liability, whereas others require some element of intent to use the weapon for an illegal purpose. Some regulations allow a citizen to obtain a permit or other authorization to possess the weapon under certain circumstances. Lawful uses of weapons by civilians commonly include hunting, sport, collection and self-preservation.

The penalties for carrying a firearm in an unlawful manner varies widely from state-to-state, and may range from a simple infraction punishable by a fine to a felony conviction and mandatory incarceration. An individual may also be charged and convicted of criminal charges other than unlawful possession of a firearm, such as assault, disorderly conduct, or disturbing the peace. In the case of an individual with no prior criminal convictions, the state of Tennessee classifies the unlawful concealed carry of a loaded handgun as a Class C misdemeanor punishable by a maximum of 30 days imprisonment and/or a $500 fine. While in New York State, a similar crime committed by an individual with no criminal convictions is classified as a Class D felony, punishable by a mandatory minimum of 3.5 years imprisonment, to a maximum of 7 years. As New York State does not recognize any pistol permits issued in other states, the statute would apply to any individual who does not have a valid New York State issued concealed carry permit, even if such individual has a valid permit issued in another jurisdiction. In addition, the New York State statutory definition of a "loaded firearm" differs significantly from what may be commonly understood, as simply possessing any ammunition along with a weapon capable of firing such ammunition satisfies the legal definition of a loaded firearm in New York. The large variability of state carry laws has resulted in confusing circumstances where a person in Vermont (which requires no license of any kind to carry a concealed weapon by anyone who is not prohibited by law), could unwittingly travel into the adjacent state of New York, where such individual, despite acting entirely within the law of Vermont, would then face a mandatory 3.5 year prison sentence simply for accidentally crossing the state's border into New York. These circumstances are aggravated by the fact that many NYS police departments as well as the New York State Police do not recognize the protections granted federally under the Firearm Owners Protection Act, which was intended to prevent such prosecutions.

Research has had mixed results, indicating variously that right-to-carry laws have no impact on violent crime, that they increase violent crime, and that they decrease violent crime.

A comprehensive 2004 review of the existing literature by the National Academy of Sciences found that the results of existing studies were sensitive to the specification and time period examined, and concluded that a causal link between right-to-carry laws and crime rates cannot be shown. Quinnipiac University economist Mark Gius summarized literature published between 1993 and 2005, and found that ten papers suggested that permissive CCW laws reduce crime, one paper suggested they increase crime, and nine papers showed no definitive results. A 2017 review of the existing literature concluded, "Given the most recent evidence, we conclude with considerable confidence that deregulation of gun carrying over the last four decades has undermined public safety-which is to say that restricting concealed carry is one gun regulation that appears to be effective." A 2016 study in the European Economic Review which examined the conflicting claims in the existing literature concluded that the evidence CCW either increases or decreases crime on average "seems weak"; the study's model found "some support to the law having a negative (but with a positive trend) effect on property crimes, and a small but positive (and increasing) effect on violent crimes". The Washington Post fact-checker concluded that it could not state that CCW laws reduced crime, as the evidence was murky and in dispute. In a 2017 article in the journal Stanford University law professor John Donohue and Duke University economist Philip J. Cook write that "there is an emerging consensus that, on balance, the causal effect of deregulating concealed carry (by replacing a restrictive law with an RTC law) has been to increase violent crime". Donohue and Cook argue that the crack epidemic made it difficult to determine the causal effects of CCW laws and that this made earlier results inconclusive; recent research does not suffer the same challenges with causality. A 2018 RAND review of the literature concluded that concealed carry either has no impact on crime or that it may increase violent crime. The review said, "We found no qualifying studies showing that concealed-carry laws decreased [violent crime]."

A 2019 panel study published in the Journal of General Internal Medicine by medical researchers including Michael Siegel of the Boston University School of Public Health and David Hemenway of the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health found that "shall issue" concealed carry laws were associated with a 9% increase in homicides. A 2019 study in the American Journal of Public Health found that greater restrictions on concealed carry laws were associated with decreases in workplace homicide rates. Another 2019 study in the American Journal of Public Health found that states with right-to-carry laws were associated with a 29% higher rate of firearm workplace homicides. A 2019 study in the Journal of Empirical Legal Studies found that right-to-carry laws led to an increase in overall violent crime. A 2017 study in the American Journal of Public Health found that "shall-issue laws" (where concealed carry permits must be given if criteria are met) "are associated with significantly higher rates of total, firearm-related, and handgun-related homicide" than "may-issue laws" (where local law enforcement have discretion over who can get a concealed carry permit). A 2011 study found that aggravated assaults increase when concealed carry laws are adopted.

A 2019 study in Journal of American College of Surgeons found "no statistically significant association between the liberalization of state level firearm carry legislation over the last 30 years and the rates of homicides or other violent crime." This is also in line with a 1997 study researching county level data from 1977 to 1992 concluding that allowing citizens to carry concealed weapons deters violent crimes and it appears to produce no increase in accidental deaths. A 2018 study in The Review of Economics and Statistics found that the impact of right-to-carry laws was mixed and changed over time. RTC laws increased some crimes over some periods while decreasing other crimes over other periods. The study suggested that conclusions drawn in other studies are highly dependent on the time periods that are studied, the types of models that are adopted and the assumptions that are made. A 2015 study that looked at issuance rates of concealed-carry permits and changes in violent crime by county-level in four shall-issue states found no increases or decreases in violent crime rates with changes in permit issuances. A 2019 study in the International Review of Law and Economics found that with one method, right-to-carry laws had no impact on violent crime, but with another method led to an increase in violent crime; neither method showed that right-to-carry laws led to a reduction in crime. A 2003 study found no significant changes in violent crime rates amongst 58 Florida counties with increases of concealed-carry permits.

A 2013 study of eight years of Texas data found that concealed handgun licensees were much less likely to be convicted of crimes than were nonlicensees. The same study found that licensees' convictions were more likely to be for less common crimes, "such as sexual offenses, gun offenses, or offenses involving a death." A 2019 study in Applied Economics Letters examining concealed-carry permits per capita by state found a significant negative effect on violent crime rates. A 2016 study found a significant negative effect on violent crime rates with passage of shall-issue laws. A 2017 study in Applied Economics Letters found that property crime decreased in Chicago after the implementation of the shall issue concealed carry law. A 2014 Applied Economics Letters study found states with more permissive conceal carry laws had lower murder rates than states with restrictive laws.

In 1996, economists John R. Lott, Jr. and David B. Mustard analyzed crime data in all 3,054 counties in the United States from 1977 to 1992, finding counties that had shall-issue licensing laws overall saw murders decrease by 7.65 percent, rapes decrease by 5.2 percent, aggravated assaults decrease by 7 percent and robberies decrease by 2.2 percent. The study was widely disputed by numerous economists. The 2004 National Academy of Sciences panel reviewing the research on the subject concluded, with one dissenting panelist, that the Lott and Mustard study was unreliable. Georgetown University Professor Jens Ludwig, Daniel Nagin of Carnegie Mellon University and Dan A. Black of the University of Chicago in The Journal of Legal Studies, said of the Lott-Mustard study, "once Florida is removed from the sample, there is no longer any detectable impact of right-to-carry laws on the rates of murder and rape".

In 2016 FBI analyzed 40 "active shooter incidents" in 2014 and 2015 where bystanders were put in peril in on-going incidents that could be affected by police or citizen response. Six incidents were successfully ended when citizens intervened. In two stops citizens restrained the shooters, one unarmed, one with pepper spray. In two stops at schools, the shooters were confronted by teachers: one shooter disarmed, one committed suicide. In two stops citizens with firearms permits exchanged gunfire with the shooter. In a failed stop attempt, a citizen with a firearms permit was killed by the shooter. In 2018 the FBI analyzed 50 active shooter incidents in 2016 and 2017. This report focused on policies to neutralize active shooters to save lives. In 10 incidents citizens confronted an active shooter. In eight incidents the citizens stopped the shooter. Four stops involved unarmed citizens who confronted and restrained or blocked the shooter or talked the shooter into surrender. Four stops involved citizens with firearms permits: two exchanged gunfire with a shooter and two detained the shooter at gunpoint for arrest by responding police. Of the two failed stops, one involved a permit holder who exchanged gunfire with the shooter but the shooter fled and continued shooting and the other involved a permit holder who was wounded by the shooter. "Armed and unarmed citizens engaged the shooter in 10 incidents. They safely and successfully ended the shootings in eight of those incidents. Their selfless actions likely saved many lives."

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Concealed carry, or carrying a concealed weapon ( CCW), is the practice of carrying a weapon (such as a handgun) in public in a concealed manner, either on one's person or in close proximity. Not all weapons that fall under CCW laws are lethal.

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Click Here for Legislative or other important State Changes.

US State Pages

This US Map uses internal hot-links to the state Information for each of the states in the United States and its possessions. Simply click on the states abbreviation on the map to view that state's information page in a new browser window. To view the All U.S. Page, click on U.S.A. at the bottom of the map to the left.

Where we have made every possible effort to insure these maps and information are accurate as of the last update found in the top left corner of this page, it is your responsibility to verify the data offered.

By using any of these links or information provided here, you agree to hold harmless and without liability, PC Solutions, Inc., Steve Aikens, Gary Slider, or any provider of such information.

You are responsible for validating your own information.

Why have this site

This site is owned by Steve Aikens and Gary Slider. We firmly believe in the Second Amendment, Concealed Carry and the fact that we have both a right and responsibility to take a pro-active position in our personal defense. Unfortunately, we recognize there are so many variances in our state to state laws, the average individual may have difficulty keeping up with those laws well enough to prevent them from breaking the law, especially as they travel. Since we have the ability to research those laws and create an informative Concealed Carry specific site, we have done so.

18.6 Million Concealed Carry Holders.

We now offer T-shirts and some miscellaneous items on www.cafepress.com. You're invited to visit the store there and grab a Tee, mousepad or coffee mug with our November 2007 Map on it.

We are a Database of Information on Carrying Firearms legally for Self-Defense. As we have time, we continue to add basic, related information. However, this site is focused on Concealed Carry. That is all we will try to be.

Thank you and We need your assistance. If there is a change in your state honoring other states permits/licenses, a change in laws concerning places off limits to carry or other restrictions on carry, or you find a broken link or spelling error on this site, please Contact Us so we can add it or make a correction. We want to make the information available here as correct as we can possibly make it. Stay Safe.

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Click Here for Legislative or other important State Changes. This US Map uses internal hot-links to the state Information for each of the states in the United States and its possessions. Simply click on the states abbreviation on the map to view that state's information page in a new browser window.

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Columbine survivors opposes Obama's gun control plans 

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Columbine survivors opposes Obama's gun control plans 

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Columbine survivor opposes Obama's gun control plans

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The system fights back

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The famous speech

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Emma Gonzalez's powerful March for Our Lives speech in full

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Sue Klebold: My son was a Columbine shooter. This is my story

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Sue Klebold is the mother of Dylan Klebold, one of the two shooters who committed the Columbine High School massacre, murdering 12 students and a teacher. She's spent years excavating every detail of her family life, trying to understand what she could have done to prevent her son's violence.

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Sandy Hook Promise: Gun violence warning signs

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Ark. school district to arm teachers, staff

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Superintendent hopes to prevent school shootings

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How to develop emergency lockdown procedures 

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How to develop emergency lockdown procedures 

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The Classroom | Empowering Students in Their College Journey

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Emergency school lockdown procedures are an unfortunate fact of life in 21st century schools. Like the fire drills, tornado drills and earthquake drills that preceded them and are still conducted today, these procedures are designed to help students survive a variety of threats. When developing school lockdown procedures, school officials should solicit advice from local law enforcement agencies and state and local governments.

Identify First Responders

The principal of a school building is the apex point of any school's lockdown procedures. Joining the principal as first responders in the event of a threat are the administrative and office staff, hall monitors and teachers who are on break. These personnel are not always in direct contact with children and can be used as points of contact for teachers who are supervising students. Office staff and hall monitors should be equipped with walkie-talkies and assigned an area of the building to assess and monitor in the event of a lockdown-take cover drill or an actual emergency.

Assign Responsibilities

Once the school's first responder team is in place, each member of a school's staff should receive a detailed job description detailing what to do in the event of an emergency school lockdown. Although those who are in direct contact with students changes throughout the day, instructions should remain consistent. For example, in the event of a lockdown, teachers with classrooms full of students should direct their students to their lockdown location -- under desks, into restrooms or areas of the room with no windows -- and lock the classroom door. Teachers and other personnel not directly supervising students should receive an assignment based on their current location. For example, if a teacher is in the teacher's lounge, she must secure her area by locking the door and remaining in a take-cover position until receiving the all clear signal.

Instruct Students

Students must understand what to do in the event of an emergency, and drills must take place throughout the school year to ensure understanding and compliance. Student instructions should be prominently displayed in all classrooms so they know what to do even when substitute personnel are in the building. Student instructions should identify all acceptable take-cover areas in the classroom and tell students how to report to those areas. For example: "If your teacher tells you to take cover, walk carefully but quickly to your assigned area. Students with last names beginning with A through M walk to the front of the classroom and take cover under the tables. Students with names ending in N through Z walk carefully and quickly to the back of the classroom and take cover inside the restrooms." The plan should also include instructions for students who are traveling from one part of the building to another.

Develop a Communication Plan

A communication plan is essential to the safety of students during an emergency. Using color-coded signals can be less frightening for younger students than using the words, "We have an emergency situation. Lock down and take cover." School lockdown plans often use the colors red, yellow and green to cue teachers about what to do in the event of an emergency. For example, if the principal announces a code yellow in the building, teachers know to keep all students in their classrooms and continue teaching until a code green is issued. If a code red is issued, teachers know to lock their classroom doors and instruct students to take cover.

Meet With Local Law Enforcement

Once lockdown procedures are in place, school leaders should meet with local law officials or the city's emergency preparedness department to review plan details. These professionals can help school personnel identify parts of the plan that need improvement. They will explain how the school should alert emergency responders to a threat and what to expect when law enforcement arrives.

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How to Develop Emergency School Lockdown Procedures

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Emergency school lockdown procedures are an unfortunate fact of life in 21st century schools. Like the fire drills, tornado drills and earthquake drills that preceded them and are still conducted today, these procedures are designed to help students survive a variety of threats. When developing school lockdown ...

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Bullies

"Sticks and stones may break my bones but words will never hurt me." This simple chant has been repeated countless times over the years and many people believe it. Actually, it couldn't be farther from the truth. In fact, words hurt more than sticks and stones most of the time.

When you think of a bully you usually think of a big kid who beats kids up for their lunch money. In truth most bullies use other weapons. These weapons include gossip and exclusion.

If you saw a small group of girls sitting at a lunch table by themselves, not letting other people sit with them, looking at other people and laughing, you probably wouldn't think anything was wrong. But, that group could be a clique. A clique is a small group of people, usually girls, that are exclusive about who they let in and how their members act and dress. For a time being in a clique can make you feel good about yourself. But probably sooner or later the other members will turn on you as soon as you make a mistake.

Another type of bullying is harassment. Harassment is continuously bothering someone no matter how many times they ask you to stop. Usually people who harass you know how to push your buttons. But, what most people don't know is that harassment is illegal.

"Human beings as a species are drawn to conflict." That one quote sums up the whole human species. But there are ways to stop bullies. For one, schools can actually follow up on their zero tolerance policy. Schools can also give anti-bullying classes. A few changes could have big results.

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Bullies "Sticks and stones may break my bones but words will never hurt me." This simple chant has been repeated countless times over the years and many people believe it. Actually, it couldn't be farther from the truth. In fact, words hurt more th

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Opinion Video features innovative video journalism commentary - argued essays, Op-Ed videos, documentaries, and fact-based explanation of current affairs. The videos are produced by both outside video makers and The Times's Opinion Video team.

Opinion Video features innovative video journalism commentary - argued essays, Op-Ed videos, documentaries, and fact-based explanation of current affairs. The videos are produced by both outside video makers and The Times's Opinion Video team.

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Video: Opinion | Our Loved Ones Died. We Want Action on Guns.

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new video loaded: Our Loved Ones Died. We Want Action on Guns. Recent episodes in Opinion Opinion Video features innovative video journalism commentary - argued essays, Op-Ed videos, documentaries, and fact-based explanation of current affairs. The videos are produced by both outside video makers and The Times's Opinion Video team.

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As a parent you need to be comfortable leaving your child at school.

Depending on the age of your child there are a variety of things you need to consider. Is the school secure? What is the likelyhood of violence? Are they prepared for a natural disaster? Once it is your child in school the questions seem endless.

However, we are here to help you sort through it all. That's what this site is for, simply to help you get the information you need as quickly and easily as possible. Please, bear with us as we grow. We are just getting started and there is lots more to come.

School Safety and Security Information

School Violence - We link to all the best sites for information on everything from bullying, hazing, and gangs, to reports and statistics on violence in schools.

School Safety - There's more to keeping your school safe that dealing with violence. This section links you to sites for lab safety, school resource officer information, and related organizations.

Buyers Guide - Need security products or services for your school? Start here.

Sponsors:

Tell a friend about our site and spread the word about school safety.

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parents school safety school violence prevention school security products students gangs bullying fighting in schools saftey internet kids child children

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Parents School Violence, Safety and Security Center

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Depending on the age of your child there are a variety of things you need to consider. Is the school secure? What is the likelyhood of violence? Are they prepared for a natural disaster? Once it is your child in school the questions seem endless.

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Ch. 1

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ahmad al aliwi alissa: what we know about the boulder

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Ray Sanchez, Paul Murphy, Blake Ellis and Amir Vera, CNN

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Here's what we know about the Boulder, Colorado, mass shooting suspect

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Ahmad Al Aliwi Alissa was identified by authorities Tuesday as the gunman who opened fire at a King Soopers grocery store in Colorado, killing 10 people, including a Boulder police officer.

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colorado shooting: the terrifying hour as employees and shoppers hid when a gunman went on a shooting spree in king soopers - cnn

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The terrifying hour as employees and shoppers hid when a gunman went on a shooting spree at a Colorado grocery store

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A gunman stood over an elderly man he had shot in the parking lot of King Soopers and pumped more bullets into the victim as the staff of the grocery store watched in horror.

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biden pushes house-passed gun reforms in the wake of colorado mass shooting - cnnpolitics

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Biden pushes House-passed gun reforms in the wake of Colorado mass shooting

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President Joe Biden on Tuesday used the latest mass shooting to offer his most vocal push for gun control since taking office, saying the deaths of 10 people at a grocery store in Colorado should jolt Washington and the nation into action.

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Oregon strammer våbenlov efter skyderi i Florida

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Oregon strammer våbenlov efter skyderi i Florida

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Som den første amerikanske delstat reagerer nu på de protester, der er opstået i kølvandet på et skoleskyderi i i sidste uge.

blev vedtaget med stemmerne 16 for og 13 imod.

Dermed er den første delstat, der strammer sin våbenlov efter skyderiet på Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School i onsdag i sidste uge. Skyderiet kostede 17 personer livet.

Efterfølgende har blandt andre ofrenes til en stramning af USA's liberale våbenlov.

I den ramte stat stemte politikerne i Repræsentanternes Hus tirsdag også om et forslag om et muligt forbud mod salg og besiddelse af visse typer våben. Her blev forslaget dog nedstemt.

Studerende besøgte Trump

Torsdag havde USA's præsident, Donald Trump, besøg i Det Hvide Hus fra studerende, lærere og familier fra Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School.

Her diskuterede de, hvordan man kan styrke sikkerheden på amerikanske skoler. Ved mødet foreslog Trump blandt andet at fjerne våbenfri ved landets skoler. Han luftede også idéen om at bevæbne lærere.

Senere tweetede han, at han vil være hårdere omkring baggrundstjek.

Han vil også hæve minimumsalderen for våbenkøbere til 21 år og forbyde særlige anordninger, der forvandler almindelige rifler til automatvåben, der kan affyre hundredvis af patroner i minuttet.

Den danske statsminister Lars Løkke Rasmussen (V) blandede sig onsdag aften også i diskussionen om USA's våbenlov.

I et opfordrede han således direkte præsident Donald Trump til at lytte "til kravene fra ungdommen, som kræver våbenkontrol".

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Oregon strammer våbenlov som første stat efter skoleskyderi

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Som den første amerikanske delstat reagerer nu på de protester, der er opstået i kølvandet på et skoleskyderi i i sidste uge. blev vedtaget med stemmerne 16 for og 13 imod. Dermed er den første delstat, der strammer sin våbenlov efter skyderiet på Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School i onsdag i sidste uge.

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Og præsidentens forslag om flere våben på skolerne vækker da heller ikke begejstring hos eleven Alfonso Calderon, der overlevede på Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School.

- Jeg ved ikke, om Donald Trump har været på et offentligt gymnasium, men så vidt jeg ved, skal lærere være undervisere, siger han til CNN.

Forslag om forbud

Tidligere på ugen fik våbendebatten Donald Trump til at foreslå, at såkaldte "bump stocks" bliver forbudt.

En bump stock er en anordning, der kan købes på nettet for omkring 300 kroner.

Jeg mener ikke, at det vanvittige monster nogensinde skulle have været i stand til at købe et våben.

Dana Loesch, talsperson for NRA

Anordningen fungerer ved, at den bliver monteret på en semiautomatisk riffel som en AR-15, og får den til at fungere som et fuldautomatisk våben, der kan affyre hundredvis af patroner i minuttet. Det var også sådan en anordning, der blev brugt i Las Vegas i efteråret, hvor en gerningsmand skød og dræbte 59 koncertgæster og sårede mange flere.

- Jeg vil presse kraftigt på for omfattende baggrundstjek med fokus på mentalt helbred. Hæv minimumsalderen til 21 år og stop salget af bump stocks, skriver Donald Trump på Twitter.

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Melissa gemte 19 elever i skab under skyderi: "Bevæbnede lærere er latterligt"

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Og præsidentens forslag om flere våben på skolerne vækker da heller ikke begejstring hos eleven Alfonso Calderon, der overlevede på Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School. - Jeg ved ikke, om Donald Trump har været på et offentligt gymnasium, men så vidt jeg ved, skal lærere være undervisere, siger han til CNN.

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As of Friday evening, this article is no longer being updated. For continuing coverage, check out Vox's storystream.
A shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, has left at least 17 people dead. Students and adults are among the victims.

A 19-year-old male suspect, Nikolas Cruz, has been charged with 17 counts of premeditated murder. Cruz, a former student at Stoneman Douglas, took an Uber to the school Wednesday afternoon. He was armed with an AR-15 rifle, law enforcement officials said, which he used to carry out his rampage. He fled the scene on foot, blending in with the rush of students pouring from the building. The massacre unfolded in less than 10 minutes, according to the timeline released by the Broward County Sheriff's office.

"That should not happen in Parkland. It should not happen anywhere in this country," Broward County Public Schools superintendent Robert Runcie said on Wednesday night. "We have got to find a way for this to stop."

The investigation is still in its early stages. Details could change with more information. Here's what we know - and don't.

What we know

Around 2:30 pm on Wednesday, just before class dismissal, the fire alarm went off, and shooting began. A law enforcement official told told CBS News it was believed the suspect pulled the fire alarm before the shooting rampage.

At least 17 people were killed in the school shooting. At least 14 others were wounded, with five individuals sustaining life-threatening injuries. Teenagers and adults are among the victims, according to the Broward County Sheriff's Office.

The victims we know of so far: Jaime Guttenberg, Martin Duque, Alyssa Alhadeff, Aaron Feis, Gina Montalto, Nicholas Dworet, Luke Hoyer, Carmen Schentrup, Meadow Pollack, Joaquin Oliver, Alaina Petty, Cara Loughran, Helena Ramsey, Alex Schachter, Chris Hixon, Scott Beigel, and Peter Wang. The Miami Herald has the full list with photos and more information.

The lone suspect is 19-year-old Nikolas Cruz, according to the Broward County Sheriff's Office. He was taken into custody off school property about an hour after the shooting, the sheriff said.

Cruz confessed to the shooting, according to a sheriff's report. He's been charged with 17 counts of premeditated murder. He's currently on suicide watch, according to Broward County Chief Assistant Public Defender Gordon Weekes.

Cruz is a former Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School student who had been expelled for disciplinary issues, the sheriff said, although he did not say why. Cruz is currently enrolled in Broward County Public Schools, superintendent Robert Runcie said at a press conference on Wednesday.

Former and current peers described Cruz as troubled. According to the Associated Press, Cruz "threatened and harassed peers, talked about killing animals, posed with guns in disturbing photos on social media, and bragged about target practice in his backyard with a pellet gun." He reportedly received treatment at a mental health clinic before.

One student told the Associated Press that Cruz was abusive to his ex-girlfriend and was expelled over a fight with her new boyfriend.

Some early media reports claimed that Cruz had ties to a white supremacist group, but it now appears that the group's leader lied about the suspect's connections to the Florida-based organization, reports the Associated Press. Police have not confirmed any link.

Cruz was armed with an AR-15 rifle and multiple magazines, according to the sheriff. Cruz, who was reportedly fascinated by guns, reportedly bought the rifle legally.

Cruz took an Uber to the school grounds on Wednesday afternoon, arriving shortly before 2:20 pm. He entered the stairwell of one of the school buildings, carrying a soft black case containing a rifle. He opened fire in certain classrooms on one floor, the sheriff said on Thursday. Authorities are investigating whether he targeted a specific area.

The suspect abandoned his weapon on the third floor of the building, exiting the building and blending in with the others fleeing school grounds. He then went to a nearby Walmart and bought a drink at a Subway store inside. He briefly visited a McDonald's, then left on foot and was detained about 40 minutes later, Sheriff Israel said.

Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School has around 3,000 students. It's located in Parkland, Florida, north of Miami and Fort Lauderdale. Classes are canceled at the school for the remainder of the week.

President Donald Trump signed a proclamation in honor of the shooting victims and gave a public statement on Thursday morning about the shooting. "Today we mourn for all of those who lost their lives," he said. "We comfort the grieving and the wounded. And we hurt for the entire community of Parkland, Florida, that is now in shock and pain and searching for answers." He did not mention the issue of guns.

There have been at least 16 other school shootings in the US in 2018, based on data from Everytown for Gun Safety, a group that advocates for gun control. Everytown defines a school shooting as "any time a firearm discharges a live round inside a school building or on a school campus or grounds, as documented by the press and, when necessary, confirmed through further inquiries with law enforcement or school officials."

The Florida shooting is the deadliest school shooting in five years, according to the Associated Press.

What we don't know

For more on America's gun problem, read Vox's explainer.

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Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School shooting in Florida: what we know

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As of Friday evening , this article is no longer being updated. For continuing coverage, check out Vox's storystream . A shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, has left at least 17 people dead. Students and adults are among the victims. A 19-year-old male suspect, Nikolas Cruz, has been charged with 17 counts of premeditated murder.

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Florida high school students demand change

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Florida high school students demand change

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3. Compare in groups - Official definition

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3. Compare in groups - Official definition

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Read the "official definition" of terrorism. To what extent does your definition cover the same information as the official definition?

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Watch until 5.15

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When the Towers Fell | National Geographic

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Read and memorize

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Watch the video
What is the message of this video?
Why do people bully others?

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A film about bullying.

Made by Everynone

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Read the text and make 5 questions related to the text
Afterwards, find a partner and go through your questions.

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Ask teenagers what their views are on fitting in with the crowd. Many will reply that they want to fit in, be like the popular kids, or go with the flow. The majority of teens who reply that they want to stand out still base many of their actions on fitting in with others. Ask people why they hang out where they do. Common responses are that friends hang out there, or that it is a popular place. Why do people wear what they wear? Typical replies are that the clothes are in style, or that the popular kids wear them. Many of the actions of teenagers are driven by a desire to fit in.

I am one of the relatively few teenagers who really wants to be unique. Moreover, I never use any of these reasons. Why do I want to be unique? I think deep down, the reason is based on human nature. Something about feeling useful, needed, and purposeful is rewarding to me, and probably to others too. If I am unique, then I can fill some niche better than any other person. If I am just like everyone else, then any niche I fill could probably be filled just as well by someone else, and so I would cease to be useful and needed.

I usually wear shirts that are in some way related to math or science. Why? It increases the likelihood that someone who shares my interests - math, science, computers, and learning - will talk to me, presenting the opportunity for learning, my favorite activity.

Historically, I have never wanted to fit in. One example occurred when I was in third grade. I was ready to go to school with my bulky sweatshirt tucked into my elastic sweat pants. Seeing how I was dressed, my mom said, "Why don't you wear your sweatshirt out?" I replied, "No, it's okay." She tried again, "Well, it's really designed to be worn out." I replied, "I like it better in. It's more comfortable." My mom kept trying, "Well, it looks kind of silly, and you don't want kids to tease you." I countered, "My true friends won't tease me about how I dress, and anyone who teases me isn't a true friend, just a bully, so why should I care what he thinks?" My mom gave up and instead exclaimed, "You're absolutely right! But, I like seeing it out, so do me a favor and wear it out," as she untucked it.

Even then, I changed my appearance only to satisfy my mom, not to be accepted. I was, and still am, almost impervious to peer pressure. Peer pressure is driven by and drives a desire to fit in. The people who do the pressuring are attempting to fit in by changing the crowd to make others more like themselves, while those who give in to peer pressure are trying to fit in by changing themselves to be more like the crowd.

Contrary to what some would say, I think being different is good. Anyone who says otherwise is focusing on the wrong aspects of being different. Bullies focus on the negative aspects of how others are different. People who succumb to peer pressure focus on how they are different in negative ways from what is considered "normal." I enjoy being different because I focus on the positive aspects of how I am different, and engage in pursuits that allow me to feel good about myself.

My advice to anyone who is being bullied is to find something about being different that is helpful. Bullies most likely will stop when teasing is no longer enjoyable. Because bullying is meant to elicit a response, when that person stops being affected by the bullying, it no longer accomplishes its goal. Since bullies are used to teasing people, it is possible that they can tell if a person is affected by the bullying by subtle changes in appearance, just like wild predators can "sense" fear in their prey. Thus, it might not be enough to simply pretend that the bullying does not matter. However, if the person being bullied is truly unaffected, it won't elicit any response other than mild annoyance.

I am, as my mom says, "bully-proof" because I am logical. I see teasing for what it is, and that makes it illogical to anyone other than the bully. An illogical statement is obviously untrue and cannot evoke an emotional response. To see the lack of logic behind their statements (which really only amount to "being like me is better than being like you"), I only have to enjoy being myself. My advice for achieving this is to find an activity you love and become the best you can be at it.

By viewing bullying in a logical way, feeling comfortable being yourself, and looking for the positive aspects of being different, it is possible to overcome bullying, as well as many other obstacles.

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Ask teenagers what their views are on fitting in with the crowd. Many will reply that they want to fit in, be like the popular kids, or go with the flow. The majority of teens who reply that they want to stand out still

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Discuss your first impressions of Amanda Todd and her tragic life with your table group.

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My story: Struggling, bullying, suicide, self harm

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Write 10-15 keywords

Write down the 5-10 words you didn't know/had to look up in the dictionary

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What is Dove trying to show/say with their campaign? Press open in new window

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Read the article and then, answer the following question:

What does the article focus on?

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In addition to content, images of women's - and, increasingly, men's - bodies also send messages. The average American woman, for example, wears a size fourteen, while the Association of Model Agents recommends that professional models be no larger than a size two.[2]

Even these underweight models are often not seen as being thin enough by editors, who use Photoshop and other image manipulation tools to create women who are literally "too thin to be true" - as well as to alter photos of celebrities so they meet this standard. Men's images in magazines are also frequently photomanipulated to achieve the lean and muscular ideal.[3]

Why is there such pressure to make models increasingly thinner, to the point of erasing whole body parts?[4] Simply put, advertisers believe that thin models sell products. For almost a century, advertisers have appealed to - or contributed to - women's insecurities in hopes of selling them the solution.[5] In fact, advertising is so strongly associated with creating insecurities that when women are shown images of products such as shoes, perfume or deodorant in the context of fictional ads, they are more likely to answer negatively to questions such as "How attractive do you find yourself?" or "How satisfied are you with your body?" than if they saw the same photos in a neutral context.[6]

While it's well-established that seeing images of underweight women make normal or overweight women feel bad about themselves,[7] some recent research has found that that the conventional wisdom in the fashion and advertising worlds is wrong, and that consumers are less interested in buying products that make them feel insecure. (The same research, though, found that exposure to overweight models had a similar negative effect on women's self-esteem.) [8]

In recent years there have been some efforts in the magazine industry to buck the trend. For several years, the Quebec magazine Coup de Pouce has consistently included full-sized women in their fashion pages and Châtelaine has pledged not to touch up photos or to include models younger than 25 years of age.[9] Some clothing retailers have also committed to not using underweight models, most notably Aerie.. In 2014, Aerie pledged not to retouch any of their images used in advertisements for their clothes as a part of their #AerieREAL campaign. This shift in advertising caused their profits to spike 26% in 2016, suggesting that this trend mirrors a shift in global perspectives regarding body image. [10]

There is resistance to change, both within and outside the industry. When the Australian magazine New Woman included a picture of a heavy-set model on its cover, it received a truckload of letters from grateful readers praising the move, but its advertisers complained and the magazine returned to featuring bone-thin models.[11] According to Kirstie Clements, the former editor of Australian Vogue, this response is not unusual: "[editors] get so caught up in the hype of how brilliant clothes look on a size 4, they cannot see the inherent danger in the message...Many high fashion labels are aghast at the idea of producing a size 14, and they certainly wouldn't want to see it displayed in the pages of the glossies."[12]

Online influencers are another form of advertising and source of body image issues for teens. Some social networks popular with teens have taken steps to address this. Instagram, for example, changed its policies in 2019 to stop the promotion of weight loss products and cosmetic procedures. Emma Collins, Instagram's public policy manager stated, "we want Instagram to be a positive place for everyone that uses it and this policy is part of our ongoing work to reduce the pressure that people can sometimes feel as a result of social media." Whether or not they're promoting weight loss products, though, constant exposure to ideal - and frequently photomanipulated - images of men and women's bodies has an impact, even when viewers are aware that the images have been altered.[13] Unlike traditional advertising, influencer ads are viewed alongside pictures of a young person's peers, which have a similar effect on views of one's own body. [14] As a result, many adolescents feel the only way to achieve this "model status" is to use diet products advertised to them online that show digitally manipulated models they strive to look like.[15]

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Advertising, particularly for fashion and cosmetics, has a powerful effect on how we see ourselves and how we think we should look. They also have a large influence on body image and dissatisfaction: 50% of ads found in teen magazines use "sexualized beauty" to sell products, creating a mindset from a young age that beauty is defined by looking and acting a certain way.

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Do a bit of research on the terms Bodyshaming and Body activist.
Try to explain the terms.

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Read the article about Ashley Graham.

Afterwards, do a bit of research on her online. Can you find her Sports Illustrated cover? How is her body different than the typical model? In what way is she fighting the beauty standards?
Do you know any other models/actors/celebrities who 'fight' the beauty standards?

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&#151; -- Activist and model Ashley Graham became the first plus-size model to appear on the cover of Sports Illustrated last year, and since has become an advocate for breaking down barriers when it comes to body shaming.

Graham turned heads with a Lane Bryant ad in which the model embraced her curves and asked others to do the same. "This body is made for starting a revolution. What's your body made for?" Graham said in the ad.

She has since gone on to design and debut her own clothing line at Dress Barn.

Yet despite all of the positive recognition the model has received, she still encounters backlash about her physical appearance.

Now, Graham is fighting back yet again, this time against people who attacked her size-14 figure on social media.

Graham penned an essay titled "Shamed if I do, Shamed if I Don't" for the women's website 'The Lenny Letter'.

"To some I'm too curvy," she writes in the essay. "To others I'm too tall, too busty, too loud, and, now, too small - too much, but at the same time not enough."

Last week, Graham posted a photo on Instagram that sparked comments attacking her for appearing to have a smaller figure. One of the commenters said: "you want to conform to Hollywood, you believe being skinnier is prettier." Another read, "I am so disappointed in you."

The outspoken model fired back, writing, "When I post a photo from a 'good angle,' and I receive criticism for looking smaller and selling out. When I post photos showing my cellulite, stretch marks, and rolls, I'm accused of promoting obesity. They cycle of body shaming needs to end. I'm over it."

Other celebrities have shot back when confronted by online intimidation over their bodies. Khloe Kardashian has been very open about weight loss and vocal about her newfound love for the gym on social media, but it hasn't come without her own experience with body shaming. Kardashian recently took to Twitter and sarcastically wrote, "First I am too fat and now I'm too skinny. I love this game!!"

Another celebrity notorious for calling out haters is HBO's 'Girls' and 'The Lenny Letter' creator Lena Dunham. Dunham temporarily quit Twitter last year over nasty comments about her physique.

Graham has appeared on various platforms including " Good Morning America" to encourage women to embrace their bodies.

"Why waste time and energy spewing negativity?" Graham concludes her essay in The Lenny Letter. "Let's worry about our own bodies. My body is MY body. I'll call the shots."

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Plus-Size Model Ashley Graham Fights Back Against Body Shamers

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Would you rather spend Saturday night with your friends at the cinema, or at home changing nappies? Babies are cute and easy to love. But they are also extremely needy and crave attention all the time.

Keywords

Over the past ten years, the number of American teens who use condoms regularly have increased significantly, but many still become parents at a very young age.
Even though becoming a parent as a teenager will make a huge impact on your life, 50 per cent of teens have never thought about how much a pregnancy would affect their lives.

In the USA, there are special programmes designed to give teenagers an idea of what it is like to become a parent. In these programmes, teenagers are asked to look after a doll for a week. The computerised doll is programmed to mirror the needs of a real baby - it needs to be fed, burped, changed, and cuddled. The idea is to show how much work a baby can be.

It has been proven that early parenthood is the leading reason why teen girls drop out of school. It is simply too difficult for them to juggle homework and a baby. Also, these mothers often have a second child within 24 months of the first birth, which makes it even harder to finish school - or to keep a job. This is a difficult situation for the young mothers, but also for the children who cannot be provided for.

Did you know

How can teen pregnancy be prevented? One way is, of course, to not have sex at all. That is the only 100 per cent effective method of preventing pregnancy.

In the USA, only 69 per cent of the school districts teach sex education. Moreover, 86 per cent of these suggest not having sex, instead of teaching how to use protection.

The more valid solution would probably be to make sure that you use protection correctly every time you have sex. Talk to your partner, even if you think it is a bit embarrassing, and find out what sort of contraception that would work for you. If it is difficult, it may be a good idea to talk to a close friend, your doctor or your parents before you talk to your partner.

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Would you rather spend Saturday night with your friends at the cinema, or at home changing nappies? Babies are cute and easy to love. But they are also extremely needy and crave attention all the time.

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Tisha er teenager og bor i Bronx. Da hun opdager, at hun er gravid og savner støtte fra sine omgivelser, står hun over for den sværeste beslutning i sit liv...

Denne kortfilm er med engelske undertekster med særligt henblik på brug i sprogundervisningen. Filmen findes også med danske undertekster under titlen " Umoden".

Velegnet til undervisning i grundskolen og gymnasiet.

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Tisha er teenager og bor i Bronx. Da hun opdager, at hun er gravid og savner støtte fra sine omgivelser, står hun over for den sværeste beslutning i sit liv...

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- Find information about abortion and Ireland.
- What are your thoughts concerning abortion?

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Ireland's health minister has said he will push forward with new abortion laws after Saturday's resounding referendum result overturned a 35-year ban on terminations.

Simon Harris said he would start the process on Tuesday, when the Irish cabinet will meet to discuss draft legislation to allow terminations within the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, and up to 24 weeks in exceptional circumstances.

The Irish electorate voted by 1,429,981 votes to 723,632 in favour of abolishing the controversial eighth amendment to the constitution that gave equal legal status to the lives of a foetus and the woman carrying it. The result was a two-thirds majority: 66.4% yes to 33.6% no.

Draft legislation was set out before Friday's vote and will now be formalised over the coming weeks, to be tabled in the Dáil, Ireland's parliament, in the autumn. Speaking on Saturday, the taoiseach, Leo Varadkar, said he hoped the law would be changed before the end of the year.

The change is not expected to face significant hurdles in parliament, with members who opposed repeal acknowledging the overwhelming nature of the result.

On Saturday's announcement of the historic result at Dublin Castle, Harris told supporters of repeal: "Under the eighth amendment we used to say to women in crisis: take the boat or take the plane. Today we say, take our hand."

Varadkar said Saturday would be remembered as the day Ireland "embraced our responsibilities as citizens and as a country ... The day Ireland stepped out from under the last of our shadows and into the light. The day we came of age as a country. The day we took our place among the nations of the world."

Saturday's triumph for abortion reformers occurred only months before Pope Francis visits the country - the first since John Paul II's tour of Ireland in 1979.

Orla O'Connor, the co-director of the Together for Yes campaign, said it was "a monumental day for women in Ireland", calling the result "a rejection of an Ireland that treats women as second-class citizens".

Ireland's foreign minister, Simon Coveney, stressed that the outcome proved this was "not Dublin versus the rest ... not a rural-urban division".

One of the first constituencies to declare a result - Dublin Central - had nearly 77% voting yes. Yet even in traditionally conservative Roscommon/East Galway the first tallies from the count showed 57% for yes and 43% for no. Other rural constituencies such as Carlow/Kilkenny also voted 63.5% in favour of change.

In the last major referendum, the vote to legalise same-sex marriage three years ago, Roscommon was the only area to vote no.

This time, the only constituency to return a majority of no votes was Donegal, where 51.87% opposed repeal, while 48.13% backed it.

The overall turnout of Friday's abortion referendum, at 64.51%, exceeded the 60.5% that voted in the 2015 marriage plebiscite.

Victory for the yes side means that the only part of the United Kingdom and Ireland where abortion remains banned in almost all circumstances is Northern Ireland.

On Saturday afternoon, both Amnesty International and the Liberal Democrat leader, Vince Cable, called for Northern Ireland's near-total ban on abortion to be lifted.

Amnesty's Grainne Teggart said women in Northern Ireland were "still prosecuted by a Victoria-era abortion ban".

Teggart said the British government could no longer turn a blind eye to the plight of Northern Irish women who were forced to travel across the Irish Sea for abortions.

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Ireland moves forward with abortion law reform after historic vote

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Process will begin on Tuesday when cabinet discusses draft legislation, says health minister

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On Friday 25 May, people in the Republic of Ireland voted on whether they want to make changes to the country's strict abortion laws, upheld in the Eighth Amendment of the Irish constitution.

So where does the law currently stand?

Since 2013, terminations have been allowed in Ireland but only when the life of the mother is at risk, including from suicide. The maximum penalty for accessing an illegal abortion is 14 years in prison.

In 2016, the Irish Department of Health said there were 25 legal abortions carried out in Ireland.

In the same year, 3,265 women travelled from Ireland to the UK for a termination.

After independence, Ireland retained many UK laws, one of which was the Offences Against the Person Act 1861 which criminalised abortion.

However, in the early 1980s, following legal cases in other jurisdictions allowing the introduction of less restrictive abortion laws, some people became concerned that something similar could happen in Ireland.

In 1983, after a referendum, an eighth amendment was added to the country's constitution known as Article 40.3.3.

In it, the state acknowledged "the right to life of the unborn and, with due regard to the equal right to life of the mother, guarantees in its laws to respect, and, as far as practicable, by its laws to defend and vindicate that right".

Travelling for termination

After a further referendum in 1992, two other changes were made to the constitution in relation to women seeking to access terminations.

The Thirteenth Amendment said women were free to travel to other countries to access abortion services.

The Fourteenth Amendment stated that the constitution would not prevent people accessing information relating to "services lawfully available in another state".

In 2013, the law was changed when the Dáil (Irish parliament) voted to allow abortions under limited circumstances.

The Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act allowed terminations to be carried out where there is a threat to the life of the mother. They would also be allowed where there is medical consensus that the expectant mother will take her own life over her pregnancy.

Referendum

In 2017, the Citizens' Assembly, a body set up advise the Irish government on constitutional change, voted to replace or amend the part of Ireland's Constitution which strictly limits the availability of abortion.

So on 25 May, 2018, the Irish people were asked if they wanted to remove the Eighth Amendment and allow politicians to set the country's abortion laws in the future.

The wording on the ballot paper read: "Provision may be made by law for the regulation of termination of pregnancies.

In March, Health Minister Simon Harris outlined what would be in the government legislation if the people voted to repeal the Eighth Amendment.

If passed, women could access a termination within the first 12 weeks of pregnancy.

However, beyond 12 weeks, abortions would only be permitted where there is a risk to a woman's life or of serious harm to the physical or mental health of a woman, up until the 24th week of pregnancy.

Terminations would also be permitted in cases of fatal foetal abnormality.

More on Ireland's abortion referendum

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Ireland abortion referendum: What is the law?

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As we await the official referendum result, BBC News looks at the current abortion law in Ireland.

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Why Ireland’s battle over abortion is far from over

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From sham websites to rogue crisis pregnancy centres, Irish anti-abortionists are using shocking tactics to block women’s rights to safe abortions

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Here Are All The State Abortion Bans and Restrictions Proposed In 2019

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All the legislation comes from Republican-led efforts to challenge Roe v. Wade.

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A federal judge has temporarily blocked an abortion ban in Alabama that would criminalise the procedure at any stage of a pregnancy in most cases.

Abortion rights groups sued the state after Republican lawmakers approved the bill in May, but both sides expected the law to be blocked in federal court.

The controversial bill was to go into effect on 15 November.

Anti-abortion supporters hope the case will eventually reach the Supreme Court to overturn national abortion laws.

US District Judge Myron Thompson granted a preliminary injunction on Tuesday until the court is able to resolve the case in full.

He wrote in a 17-page opinion that the abortion ban "defies the United States constitution".

"Alabama's abortion ban contravenes clear Supreme Case Court precedent," the judge wrote.

"It violates the right of an individual to privacy, to make choices central to personal dignity and autonomy. It diminishes the capacity of women to act in society, and to make reproductive decisions."

The law allows exceptions only if the mother's life is seriously at risk or the foetus has a fatal complication - but would not allow exceptions in cases of rape or incest.

Physicians who provide abortions could go to jail for life under the ban.

Should men have a say in abortion debate?

The women looking outside the law for abortions

Alabama women react to abortion ban passing

Alabama is one of several states to pass such highly restrictive abortion laws this year - and dozens more have proposed similar bills in their legislatures - though none have gone into effect thus far.

Anti-abortion supporters hope the legal challenges will reach the Supreme Court and allow the now conservative-leaning court to overturn the Roe v Wade ruling that legalised abortion nationally in 1973.

Roe v Wade states that abortions are protected up until viability - the point at which a foetus is able to survive outside the womb, around the third trimester of a pregnancy.

What's the reaction?

The state's attorney general Steve Marshall said in a statement after the ruling that the outcome was expected, AL.com reported.

"As we have stated before, the State's objective is to advance our case to the US Supreme Court where we intend to submit evidence that supports our argument that Roe and Casey were wrongly decided and that the Constitution does not prohibit states from protecting unborn children from abortion."

Alabama congresswoman Terri Collins, who spearheaded the ban, also said the ruling was "welcomed" and was "merely the first of many steps on that legal journey" to see Roe overturned, according to AL.com.

The Alabama American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which brought the lawsuit against the law alongside abortion provider Planned Parenthood, praised the decision while criticising the state.

"The state's repeated attempts to push abortion out of reach by enacting unconstitutional laws restricting abortions have already cost taxpayers nearly $2.5m," said executive director Randall Marshall.

"This ill-advised law will cost taxpayers more money."

Dr Yashica Robinson, an abortion provider and another plaintiff in the case, said: "This win is critical to our patients and to healthcare providers like myself."

"The abortion care we provide is essential healthcare, and these ruthless attacks from anti-abortion politicians have no place in Alabama."

More about the US abortion battle

Why are people talking about NY's abortion law?

The men who feel left out of abortion debate

Trump breaks silence amid US abortion row

How US abortion debate got to this point

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Alabama law banning almost all abortion is blocked

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A federal judge has temporarily blocked an abortion ban in Alabama that would criminalise the procedure at any stage of a pregnancy in most cases. Abortion rights groups sued the state after Republican lawmakers approved the bill in May, but both sides expected the law to be blocked in federal court.

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In 2019 several US states have passed laws which effectively ban abortion, and others have taken steps to drastically restrict abortion access.

Here are 10 key facts about this frightening crackdown on reproductive rights.

1. This has been a long time coming

In 1973 the US Supreme Court ruled that abortion was legal in the landmark case Roe v. Wade. Anti-choice activists and politicians have been working to overturn this decision ever since, and we're now seeing the fruits of that labour. The attacks on Roe also ramped up when President Trump appointed two new judges to the Supreme Court, both of whom have expressed anti-choice views.

But it's important to recognize that the law is not the only factor that determines whether people can access abortions.

Since 1973, anti-choice activists have been steadily chipping away at abortion access. They have done this partly by creating financial and logistical barriers which make it difficult or impossible for people to get abortions - despite what the law says.

2. It's already hard for many people to get abortions in the US

Take Alabama as an example. In May, Alabama's governor signed into law a draconian bill that could punish doctors who perform abortions with life in prison. But in practice abortion is already inaccessible for many people in Alabama.

The Guttmatcher Institute found that in 2014, 93% of Alabama counties had no clinics that provided abortions. This means many people in Alabama have to travel to other states to access abortions. Even then, many people simply cannot afford to end their pregnancies.

This is because Alabama, like many other states, does not include abortion in the list of healthcare services that people with low incomes can access through Medicaid (government-assisted health insurance). Currently all states have to provide public funding for abortions in cases of rape, incest or threat to life - but in many places these exemptions will be irrelevant if harsh new laws come into effect.

3. There are nowhere near enough abortion clinics in the US

There are six states in the US which have only one clinic providing abortion. Twenty-seven major US cities and much of rural America qualify as abortion "deserts", where most people live more than 100 miles away from an abortion provider.

One way that anti-choice activists force essential services out of existence is through targeted regulation of abortion providers, known as TRAP laws. TRAP laws are unnecessary licensing requirements which can make it difficult for abortion service providers to stay open.

For example, state authorities might specify how wide the corridors can be in a building where doctors carry out abortions, the size of parking spaces, or how far away from schools the premises must be. These requirements have nothing to do with patient safety. Instead they are used as a way to put so much pressure on abortion services that they are forced to close.

4. Some states have effectively banned all abortions

Alabama's new law bans all abortion from the time a "woman [is] known to be pregnant" - with no exceptions. This is the harshest law yet.

Five states - Georgia, Ohio, Kentucky, Mississippi and Louisiana - have passed bills which prohibit abortion after about six weeks - before many people even realize they are pregnant.

5. But it's not just outright bans we're worried about

According to the Guttmacher Institute, 42 abortion restrictions were enacted between 1 January and 15 May 2019 alone. This includes measures like prohibiting certain common types of procedure and requiring parental consent for teenagers who need abortions.

6. These new laws will cause deaths and injuries

Anti-abortion laws do not stop or reduce abortions, but they do make them dangerous.

When carried out with the assistance of a trained health-care provider in sanitary conditions, abortions are one of the safest medical procedures available. But when abortions are restricted or criminalized, people are forced to seek unsafe ways to end pregnancies.

Worldwide, an estimated five million women are hospitalized each year for treatment of abortion-related complications and about 47,000 women die.

The US has the highest maternal mortality rate of any developed nation, and states with more restrictive abortion laws already have higher rates of both infant and maternal mortality. That's why these new laws are a recipe for disaster for women's health.

7. These laws are discriminatory

People with low incomes - teenagers, people of colour, migrants and refugees - are hardest hit by abortion restrictions because it is more difficult for them to pay, travel or take time off work.

African-American women are three or four times more likely to die in pregnancy or childbirth than white women in the US, and this shameful inequality will likely be entrenched by new laws making pregnancy more dangerous.

These laws are also another blow to LGBTI people, who have suffered a sustained attack on their rights under the Trump administration. Trans people in the US already face huge barriers to accessing reproductive healthcare, and this raft of new laws will further exclude them

8. Trump's anti-abortion agenda doesn't just affect people in the US

In 2017 President Trump reinstated and expanded a policy called the "global gag rule". This rule states that any overseas organization which receives US global health funding cannot even mention abortion as part of their counselling or education programs-even if the money for these particular programs does not come from the US.

Even if providers think that a pregnancy will put a woman's health at risk, they cannot tell her that abortion is an option or direct her to a safe provider. A recent study found that this policy is making a broad range of services less accessible, including contraceptive services, HIV/AIDS testing and treatment, cervical cancer screening and support for survivors of gender-based violence

9. 73% of Americans want abortion to remain safe and legal

The lawmakers putting these extreme restrictions on abortion access do not represent the views of most Americans.

An independent poll released in January 2019 found that two-thirds of Americans think abortion should be legal in "all" or "most" cases, and 73% are opposed to overturning Roe v. Wade

10. The fight is not over!

None of the abortion bans passed this year has yet taken effect, and abortion is still legal in all 50 states (as of 11 June 2019).

The American Civil Liberties Union, the Planned Parenthood Action Fund and others have vowed to fight back and lawsuits have already been filed in several states.

On 31 May Planned Parenthood won a court order to keep Missouri's only abortion clinic open on the day it was due to close. Kentucky's "six week" bill has been temporarily blocked.

Previously, similar bills have been struck down as unconstitutional in states including Iowa and North Dakota.

In May thousands of people took part in coordinated rallies, calling on states to #stopthebans, and people all over the world continue to raise their voices in defence of reproductive rights.

For more information on why access to abortion is a human right, see Key Facts on Abortion.
Further Reading

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10 things you need to know about abortion laws in the US

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10 key facts about the new anti-abortion laws introduced in US states including Alabama and Missouri - part of a long battle to repeal Roe v. Wade