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Wu Xiuyin was born in 1901, as a given away child bride. Her feet were binded due to she was born in the countryside of late Qing. She cannot walk fast due to that. When PRC is founded. The marriage law of new China law in the 1950s have illegalized such practice. She was married and had a son at the year of 1945. Her husband died when the son is 2 years old. Her son's name is Wang Chengen. Chengen does not remember much about the three antis and five antis since he was too young and they did not ask his mother to participate much either since she had small feet. Ningguo, Anhui is a small place. It was hard for her to walk long distance. However, Chengen memorized that he would see people walk and drop dead during the great Chinese famine.  He remembered he had to wake up at 4am to steal crops from the production team and he was not the only person who did it. The famine was so bad at one point even stealing from the production cannot feed him and his mother. He knows that he had to do something or he and his mother cannot survive through this. He joined the Chinese national army at the year of 1960 because the country would make sure that the solders would have food to eat. He heard that news and join the army without hesitation even his mother asked him to stay many times. He walks miles to the recruiting placed and signed his name. His feet are bleeding when he arrived to the recruiting place. He mailed his shoes while he wears to the recruiting place to his mother also along with a letter using the few words he learned from four years of education. The shoes have blood on it. Wu cried when she seeing the shoes, but she now gets portion of Wang's military paycheck and the family may survive.

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By the time the 1950s came around, the Jin/Liu family was split between mainland China and Taiwan. Liu Yan (刘艳) and her cousin Jin Man-Hui (金惠满) lived in Taipei, while Liu Hong (刘洪) and her husband Liu Bolin (刘柏林) lived in Beijing, and their two adult children lived on their own in other areas of the city. Liu Bolin was a former landowner in the rural area outside Kunshan, and therefore was accused of being a landlord by the PRC. He was able to avoid any serious punishment, but he and his family suffered greatly due to it.

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At this point the Liu family's loyalties are split in two. Jiaolong, who previously joined the communist ranks was put into the lower working class. Being labeled a lower class didn't sit well with the man, but he thought the conditions were more tolerable than his previous life. The rest of Jaolings family (the remainder of his brother's and sister) fled to Taiwan; they weren't willing to trust the CCP. Jiaolong played the game well and avoided getting personally involved with the campaigns. He was never a target of the hundred flower campaign because of his worker status. He wasn't much of an intellectual anyway. But you wouldn't catch him critiquing the party anyway (he wasn't as perceptive as he should have been). He swore complete allegiance to the party and didn't suffer much till the co-ops began to increase in size.

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It is 1949  and the PRC has just declared victory. Liu Kong is too young to understand exactly what this means just yet, but she can see and hear the loud discussions taking place between her whole family. Ever since Liu’s grandfather and his brother split paths late in the 1800s, during the revolution, there has been a divide in the family. This political disagreement has funneled down to Liu’s dad, Feng, and his brother, Hu. (Liu’s uncle)

Both being raised as generationally poor farmers, Feng wanted more for himself and fled to pursue a more prominent role in society. After finding a position in the KMT Feng moved up in “class” and found a wife shortly after. Hu on the other hand continued his work on the farm and became more influenced by the CCP even up to present day 1949. Knowing everyone has either already fled to Taiwan or died trying, Feng is terrified about what is going to happen to his family, especially his daughter who was the only reason he left in the first place to try to find a better life. The only option is to flee for Taiwan and leave his brother, Hu at home. Hu who is a loyal and longtime CCP member is thrilled, and is considered an important member in society in the party.

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My family originated in Hubei as poor peasant farmers. After three generations my family has moved East in an effort to survive during the Chinese civil war. My family was able to gain standing with radical communist in the east while the KMT ignored the Japanese invasion. Under the shroud of the Japanese communist in the east like my family are able to settle gaining resources and influence. My once poor family from Hubei in the early 1900s in the east now are leaders of a local clan of communist radicals/outlaws who start to have ties with Mao and the revolution. After the civil war ends and Mao takes power my family is well rewarded for there communist devotion with a nice house in the city and for the first time my family is not in poverty. My family is extremely loyal to Mao as they feel his leadership has given them everything they could ever want. Since my family were no longer farming peasants but instead "land owning" cadres collectivization had less of an effect on my family and we proudly participated in all campaigns standing strong by Maos side. Overall my family is experiencing the most wealth and confront they have ever experienced in there family history as loyal subordinates to Mao.

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At the beginning of this storyline, the Ma family members were of the wealthy land-owning class. Throughout the turmoil in China, they lost their land and ended up having to move into the nearby city of Kunming. The city itself prospered during the war and the family was able to gain back a little of their wealth by becoming traders and picking up any job they could. The family had a focus on education and it was recommended for the kids to try and get as much of an education as they should. Thus during the time of the new classifications that were created, they would have progressed past the bad stage of landowners but would have been considered in the more neutral stage because of their life in the city. Their history though and their love for education could have possibly hurt them. But because the family was Muslim and a minority they worked to not draw attention to themselves. The political campaigns of the 1950s were mandatory and thus the Ma's would have had to participate to not draw suspicion towards themselves by they would have tried to work and stay too much out of the limelight. The family had never really been pro-communist before the revolution. They would have leaned more on the side of the nationalists and were somewhat fearful of the communists for taking away their religious freedom. But in the long run, they would have gone along with whichever power was in charge to try and do what was best for their family.

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Brendan Grover, Gentry turned KMT politician.

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Brendan Grover, Gentry turned KMT politician.

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Following the defeat of Japan in 1945, China immediately descended into civil war. For four bloody years communist and nationalist fought a bitter struggle. The most dreaded day came when Mao Zedong declared Red victory over the nationalists and proclaimed the creation of the People's Republic of China. After hearing of this news, I spent all of my family's remaining fortune on getting us to fly to the last bastion of the KMT, the island of Taiwan. Thankfully due to my never yielding loyalty to the Nationalist cause, my whole family were guaranteed seats on one of the last flights to Taiwan from Shanghai. If I had chosen to remain on the mainland, I and my whole family would have been executed or worse by the reds. This was not only because I was a nationalist politician and a known advisor to Chiang Kai-Shek. I had also managed to keep a considerable amount of family wealth from our days as gentry-men during the last days of the Qing. Wealthy KMT politicians were classified in the "bad class" of capitalists, members of the nationalist government and party as well as the gentry and landlords, a label that would have been thrown on myself and my family. Now on the island of Taiwan, our fear of a red invasion still occupies the minds of all nationalists on the island, at least my and my family's immediate future is guaranteed.

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Despite the Bai family's ties to the CCP, their recent history of being intellectuals has caused them to be classified under the middle class. Although their situation is not great, they are lucky they were not classified based on their grandpa and great grandpa because both were prominent members of the gentry and members of the old regime. Attempting to escape the harsh treatment of CCP members in large urban centers back in the 30’s, the Bai family swiftly moved out of Beijing and settled in a village outside of Shouzou in the Shanxi province. Because of their moderate wealth, they were considered middle peasants and weren’t treated well during the land reform campaign. They didn’t have many acres to begin with but out of the five they had they were allowed to keep one acre. They worked hard in the fields like their neighbors and took advantage of the local co-ops. Additionally, since Hong Bai has been a long time member of the CCP, they were hardly affected by the anti-rightist movement, yet there was increased paranoia amongst some people in the village and several times reported suspicious activity to local soldiers. All in all they were happy with Mao’s policy changes and believed he was leading China in the right direction.

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With the declaration of the PRC in 1949, the two Chong brothers faced completely different scenarios. Long estranged, they would only further grow apart with Bolin fleeing to Taiwan and Jiang taking a higher position within the Communist Party. Jiang participated in the Long March and was known as a loyal soldier of the Red Army. He was rather well educated for a member of the party and this allowed him to be placed in a leadership position in the city of Shanghai. There was a mark on his name though which kept him from moving any higher, and it was his capitalist family history. Known as wealthy traders who participated in the opium trade and were very compliant with the west, the Chong family was not well-liked by the new regime. Jiang was working hard to remedy this, but his brother disagreed. Bolin, the brother, had inherited what remained of the family wealth and intended to keep it. He fled along with his wife and young daughter with the KMT to Taiwan hoping that he would be able to help see the return of the nationalists to power.

Back in Shanghai, Bolin was doing his best to erase his past. He married a fellow loyal party member named Yan Le. Bolin was classified as a Revolutionary Cadre/ Revolutionary soldier. He and his wife bore 4 children over the following decade, 3 girls and a boy. All of these children would be educated with the help of the party. Bolin was largely unaffected by the political campaigns of the 1950s. He maintained his high position, only being targeted once. During the Five Anti campaign,  two members of his workplace targeted him as a capitalist. He managed to get away with minor self-criticism as he emphasized his early joining of the communist party, participation in the Long March, and how he cut ties with his brother early on. He deflected much of the blame onto his brother and expressed his remorse over his family's exploitation of the Chinese people. Bolin understood the world to be a much better and brighter place. He fully believed in the communist ideas and Mao and was getting along rather well. With his young family and his new morality, he truly believed he was doing what was best.

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Due to their status as landlords, the Ikderi family was not looked upon favorably. Soon after the communists assumed power, all of the Ikderi family's money and lands were taken from them, and the head of their family, Jakdan was sentenced to death. What was left of the family in Cangzhou then took everything they had and made the long journey to Zhengzhou. Zhengzhou was where Ilha Yi, Jakdan's sister, lived. Having married a revolutionary soldier, she had a good status within the new social structure of China. Upon reaching Zhengzhou however, there was little Ilha could do for the rest of the Ikderis due to their poor status. After a few days stay, She gave them some food and money and sent them on their way. The Ikderis would then become laborers, doing whatever odd jobs they could to survive. On one occasion, while they were working in the fields in rural Henan, they saw an imported car drive past them with a high-ranking official inside. It was ironic seeing a person who stands for communist ideals driving in an exorbitantly expensive car. Considering that the man may have been more wealthy than their family was, it left a sour taste in everyone's mouths. It was made quite clear to them; this new society was far from fair. Eventually, they joined the weixing people's commune in Zhumadian in 1958. Not long after this, Jakdan's son, Wěi qí, was found to be a rightist and was sent to prison. In all actuality, Wěi qí hadn't said anything that might warrant suspicion of being a rightist, rather he didn't get along with the local cadre. This event showed the Ikderis that they were living in a society where it was easy to abuse power because everyone was guilty until proven innocent.

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The Zau family had, throughout the past few generations, maintained a family policy of minimized compliance with whichever government was in power at the time in order to get by. They took advantage of economic policies that benefited them whenever possible, yet they tried their best to comply with whichever party ruled and to remain on their good side. There was an issue with the takeover of the communist party, however, as they had in recent years supported the KMT in order to get by. They switched positions to support the CCP when it became clear that they were going to overtake the KMT, yet many family members were targeted as capitalists, considering their support of the KMT and them being traders. They decided as a family to do what they always had done, and did not argue when those deemed necessary within the family were made to enroll in a re-education program. They continued trading as they always had done, but now largely as party members. Government officials in the region knew of their background still, and so some family members overplayed their enthusiasm about the communist party in order to counteract their capitalist history. For some family members it worked, yet the perception remained about the Zaus as a whole.

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Before 1946, Zhidu always worked  in the National Southwestern Associated University, as a academia, its political ideology is never mainly lean towards CCP, and even has a tendency to lean towards GMD. However, politic is not the focus of Zhidu, his interest is always academic, he knows that he do not have the sensitivity of politics, and so he decided not to interfere with politics to make himself safe.
After 1946, after the dismissal of the Associated University, his work relation has been transfer to Beijing University, and from now on, he lives in Beijing.
With a background of study in the US, taught in a politically leaning towards GMD university, Zhidu is obviously in the bad category. However, there is evidence shows that his father used to support revolution and had donated a lot against Japanese Army, his family  is then classified as national capitalists, and given he is a intellectual, he is classified as a petty Bourgeoisie.
He is too, joined the Democratic Party, 93 society. But he is not interested in politics, and has never talked a lot regard to it.
In his later years, he has focused on his education career, the lesson he offers is mainly “Historical Materialism” and “Marxism in the new era.”

However, he is too much a Marxism Fundamentalist, and his effort of translating Descartes and David Hume, he is later classified as “the anti-revolutionist in disguise” in the 1956 Sufan Movement, and then entered re-education. His 20 years daughter, Zhipei芷佩 currently study music and literature in the University, is also at great influence.

In 1960, his status as a professor is redressed, but he is afraid that his research will influence his daughter and wife, so he give up translating foreign academia, and focus on his teaching.

In his late years, there have been numerous interrogations, but he managed to get out because he do not like socialize, and do not any more foreign relations. However, he has to give up his most favored research of Philosophy and Literature to protect his family.

Meanwhile, even though Zhidu is suffering emotionally, the financial situation of the family is quite good, his salary and the government allowance is high enough to maintain a rather good shape, they can even go to the fine dinning place like Moscow Restaurant occasionally.

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Our family no longer has ties in Jiangxi and is located in northern China in Yan'an, following the move north of the Red Army, which the son partook in. Classified as revolutionary cadres, my family has fared very well, with both opportunities to education and growth within the party and society. Our son has gotten extremely lucky with his work within industry, as connections through the party and the father's status allowed him to not only gain the position in that line of work, but also benefit financially from it. We were caught up in the Yan'an Rectification Movement after making a stable life for ourselves on the mountainside. The CCP has placed a base on the mountain and has been using it over the years for overthrowing and changing the minds of the people, while also causing casualties to intellectuals and remaining nationalists. We have been very well understood and feel safe here, we are extremely thankful for our family's courage to leave the farm and make strides. It has been scary hearing stories of executions of those not faithful to the party and its reign, but we are confident we have made the right choice in following Mao.

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Wei Yilin, the only person who stayed in the Chinese mainland of Wei's family, had left her hometown Fujian and lived in Hubei for 4 years. Because she had participated in the revolution and the Communist party, she was classified as an industrial worker and revolutionary cadre, and then she married a man who worked with her in the same place after the civil war and got two children. In 1951, her husband had become one of their factory managers. At the same time, Yilin believed that education is an essential part of a child's life, so she sent her 6-year-old son to Japan to study. Wei Hua, who escaped to Taiwan helped Yilin's child when he studied outside. In 1953, at the beginning of the First Five Year Plan, the factory employed a huge number of workers and they worked day and night. Some people even died due to overnight work. Around 1957, the factory was getting better so Yulin's husband read the newspaper when he was available, and he usually shared his opinion with Yilin since Yilin had received education when she was young. However, once they discussed democracy and some unreasonable policies, someone heard and reported this and their son studying in Japan to communists. Therefore, Yilin and her husband were caught. Yilin's husband told that Yilin did not say anything about "rightists", so she was sent home three days later. When she came back home, her four-year-old son was dying. The first 5 years of new China were fantastic to Yilin's family due to they were classified as a good class, but when the Anti-Rightist Campaign began, their life became awful.

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The year is 1949, the CCP has declared victory and the People's Republic of China is born. Shi Wei, the oldest son of Shi Boilin is now 28 years old and is working in the communist news agency, New China. His spends his days writing news about the successes of the communist government, spreading communist propaganda and interviewing leaders as well as foreigners. Occasionally he would attend the important events, but due to his position and rank he was never seated with the political leaders. He has a wife named, Zhao Yiu and two children, Shi Jian and Shi Mei. His wife works in supervising a textile company in their city, Beijing. His brother, Shi Feng, is 23 years old and had just graduated from university with an architecture degree. He is living in Shanghai and is planning to marry his college sweetheart Li Jun. On top of that, he is trying to get a job in the architecture department but has not being successful. In 1950, a year after the communist rule, the counterrevolutionary campaign that is going to last for three years began. For the Shi family, they were the least of the target, since their parents and them have been working for the CCP and their ancestors were poor peasants. So they now belong to the good class. In 1952, Shi Feng finally got a job as an assistant architect responsible for building new factory buildings. A year later, the First Five Year Plan is released, with the goal of increasing economic growth through focusing on industrial development with the sacrifice of the agricultural sector. As a journalist, Shi Wei was not really affected by this plan. As for Shi Feng, it just means more job for him. A few more campaigns followed. In 1956, Mao Zedong, released the Hundred Flowers Campaign with the goal of encouraging intellectuals to speak up and give criticisms to the government. Shi Feng is now a renowned architect and he has something to say. He talks about the harsh working conditions that people were being put into. They were forced to build huge factory buildings in short deadlines with lack of sophisticated machineries. His criticisms were well received, but little did he know, just a year later, the government released another campaign called the Anti-Rightist Movement. Now the intellectuals that spoke up are labelled as a rightist, hence many of them were imprisoned and forced to write public self-criticism letters, including Shi Feng. He got arrested a few months after the campaign and forced to write a self-criticism letter. However, he is a very stubborn man and did not want to follow the orders. He believed that what he said was correct and something important that people need to know about. So they kept him in prison. His older brother, Shi Wei, was notified and concerned about his brother's life, he took the first train to Shanghai. He then got a permission from his connections to meet his brother and tried to convince him to just write the letter so he can be released because they come from a good family. Hence, Shi Feng followed his brother's advice and wrote the letter. A week later he was released but with a consequence of having to husle again for a job. He lost his good position in his old job. Now, with no money and unemployed, he is forced to postpone his wedding and that had affected his bride so much. Then in 1959, during the Great leap Forward, his skill was now useful again so he was able to get a job in building new storage units for the anticipated agricultural growth in the country. A year later, after being able to save up, he then married his sweetheart.

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By the time China(Tibet not included) was politically unified by communist, Bstandzin family was one of the most powerful family in Tibet. On one hand, most of the family members were high-class bureaucrat in the government of Tibet, controlling the diplomatics, economics, and military. On the other hand, Bstandzin family was extremely rich. Before the thriving of Bstandzin family, the father of Bstandzin I was one the strongest serf owner and landlord in Lhasa, controlling vast amount of wealth. After Bstandzin family coming into power and setting up relations with Britain and British Raj, they became an entrepreneur in the industry funded by Tibet and Britain. After the liberation of Tibet in 1951, all the family members were classified as "enemy". Anyone who had ever participated in the family business was executed in order to break down the old sovereignty and social bonding. However, One boy(13-year-old) and one girl(9-year-old) were luckily kept out of the execution and sent to the schools in the east China in order to make them the sample of communistic education and declassification and the bureaucrat of the autonomous government for the short-term stability.

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Due to his parent's abandonment of the Red Army after the Long March, Hao was classified as an intellectual. During the 1950s, Hao kept a low profile, refusing to directly take part in the campaigns, but also never actually resisting any of them. As such, Hao was criticized in his community, both by what remained of the merchant family for being disloyal, and by the cadres for not actively participating in the campaigns. Hao had been given a basic education in communist ideology by his father, but to him Mao's campaigns were completely unprecedented. They left him terrified, so much so that during the Hundred Flowers Campaign he wrote nothing, fearing the worst if he dared to speak out (which it turned out he was right to do)

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Since childhood, Liu Zhanjun, nurtured and influenced by his father, Liu Haomiao, had the honor to be one of the first batches of college students at the College of Engineering of the Naval Aviation University of the People's Liberation Army in 1950. Because his father, Liu Haomiao, met and got to know his mother, Zhao Hui, after graduating from the Shandong Army Military Academy, he decided to settle in Qingdao, Shandong Province. As he had joined the 10th Regiment of Special Column Artillery of the Southwest Military Region of the army, he was later assigned by the Central Military Commission to be a professor at the Naval Aviation University of the People's Liberation Army. His father, Liu Haomiao, with his experience in military technology, such as building airplanes in the army, joined the Communist Party successfully and pioneered a new step in his career. Liu Zhanjun, as his name suggests, has the meaning of a soldier in modern Chinese characters, as if he were an outstanding soldier chosen by the heavens. In 1952, after the enactment of the Land Reform Law and in response to the call of the national leadership, the new China moved towards the goal of converting agriculture to industrial production. Liu Zhanjun would shout slogans every day with his classmates led by professors at school. At the same time, he also learned from his father that Shandong, to strengthen the leadership of industrial and mining work, drew one hundred and fifty-nine cadres at the county level and above to fill the industrial and mining enterprises. The focus was on strengthening heavy industry while caring for light industry and local enterprises. Soon Shandong achieved the goal of abundant material industries. According to the policy marked to divide the class, Father Haomiao's friend was in charge of the land reform in tea garden. In the rural areas of Shandong Province, the land is scattered, with few large landowners and many medium and small landowners. Generally speaking, according to the policy, those who own more than 50 acres of land are medium landowners, while those who own more than 100 acres of land are large landowners. The division of class composition must fully mobilize and rely on the masses because they and landlords are living and working in a village and are familiar with each other. Liu Zhanjun reckoned that such new thinking was worthy of being recognized and that the nature of land had changed. For contemporary socialist China, the nationalization of the essential means of land production was inevitable. Less than five years after the land reform, the nationalization of rural communes throughout the country brought it to a complete end. The nationalization of China's arable land became the only path.

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The incorporation of Xinjiang into the CCP passed Adil Bugrah by relatively unnoticed. The death of his uncle and cousins in Kashgar ten years ago, as well as multiple close brushes with secret police, had rendered him apathetic towards politics. He only wanted to take care of his ailing father and rebuild the business. However, the CCP’s land reforms would soon hit hard. Though some parts of Xinjiang were untouched by this process, Adil lived in the capital and could not escape the reappropriation of his land. In 1952, officers of the CCP confiscated the family home and dragged Adil’s father into custody as a landowner. He would die shortly afterward. The rest of the Bugrahs were forced to the outskirts of Urumqi and forced into menial labor. The trouble wouldn’t end there- in 1959, Adil himself would be arrested as a “rightist” due to his former landlord status, as well as the family’s historical connection to the ETR independence movement. Unaccustomed to the expected political reeducation, Adil languished for years in a prison camp.

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My family was classified as Capitalists under the new government as my family have been merchants and business people since the end of the Qing. The new government has forced my family to give up lots and almost go into hiding in order to avoid any persecution in the campaigns that Mao has been encouraging people to take part in. During the campaigns, my family would participate in the sudden mods that formed because they had to in order to survive. These events and wild changes were all things that my family was aware of; and they needed to just play the game and ride it all out in order to survive the new persecutions against intellectuals, merchants, and everyone who wasn't a working class person or peasant.

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Lee Jaemin (재민), Jingyi’s son, in 1930 at the age of 20 years old joined the Jilin Self Defense Army in order to fight against the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. The volunteer army, which also fought alongside other volunteer armies in Northern China, fought consistently until 1937. Jaemin’s two children, who had been living with Jaemin’s sister, Yunseo (윤서), near Hedong on the Tumen river, had effectively been subjected to Japnaese rule while Jaemin was fighting with the communists. The family was able to survive against Japanese authority’s question regarding Jaemin by claiming they had no relation and had died before the conflict started. Ironically, the family also had to deal with anti-Korean sentiments coming from Chinese communist supporters who claimed that Koreans were complicit in the creation of the Japanese state of Manchukuo. So, although Jaemin had been fighting for the Chinese communists up until the start of the Second Sino-Japanese War, the family still faced discrimination based on ethnic identity. In 1937, Jaemin was killed by Chinese communists as part of the purge of Korean communists during this period. After Jaemins death, the family effectively had to succumb to Japanese influence and Jaemin’s son, Jihu (지후), even joined the Japanese police in order to help his family survive. Yunseo and Jaemin’s daughter, Sua (수아), stayed in Hedong and worked as farmers until 1945 when the Japanese surrendered Korea and Manchukuo. The issue of citizenship came up again during this post-war period. The CCP claimed that Korean living in Manchuria could voluntarily apply for Chinese citizenship. However, the CCP also encouraged Koreans to return to Korea and help create and support the democratic communist revolution. Additionally, But a large number of foreign nationals and residents with no nationality posed a threat to the stability of northeast China. Thousands of Koreans returned and while the Lee family wanted to, they had registered themselves with the Chinese government when they first arrived in Hedong in 1919. Effectively, the CCP acknowledged that Koreans in China would have the responsibility of defending their home country, should it be invaded. This was tantamount to acknowledging the dual citizenship of Korean residents in northeast China. They could fight in China’s civil war and could also return to Korea to defend their motherland. This policy mobilized ethnic Koreans to participate in fighting against the Chinese Nationalist government and thus played an important role in consolidating the CCP’s base in northeast China. So, the Lee family remained in Northern China and in 1952, the family moved to the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture that had just been established by the The Common Program of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. Before the family moved, Jihu joined the Korean People’s Army to fight against South Korea and the Americans during the Korean War. He never returned home. After the Korean War, although the Lee family were considered Chinese citizens, their ethnic identity, like almost all Koreans living in the autonomous zone, remained strong. However, the Lee family had to explicitly remain loyal to Chairman Mao and the PRC because they feared the collapse of North Korea or the event of America or South Korea taking over China, in which case the Lee family would have to remain loyal to the Chinese nation (or at least declare they would). For the remained of the 1950’s, the family had to remain loyal CCP supporters and adamant Chinese nationalists. In 1957, they even publicly denounced Koreans who attempted to make the autonomous prefecture truly autonomous and separate from China. Also in 1957, in accordance with the first Five-Year Plan, Yunseo and Sua got jobs doing industrial labor. For the time being, the two women of what remained the Lee family struggled doing manual labor, but remained in the good graces of the CCP. It was not until 1957 when Chinese officials began encouraging Chinese Koreans to get a visa to work in North Korea to help rebuild the economy after the Korean War. Sua went, though Yunseo was too weak to make the journey. Sua continued to work in North Korea until the mid-1960’s.

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Li Sheng, a Communist veteran of the Civil War, was given a mid-ranking position in which he oversaw and helped plan infrastructure projects including the consolidation of land in North China. Sheng was a dedicated Communist and fully supported the early movements, understanding the violence to be necessary. During the Five-Anti campaign, Sheng's sister Li Mei was singled out for her capitalist and nationalist sympathies, along with her husband who was arrested for bribery. Li Mei was pressured to denounce her husband and publicly express critiques of capitalist business, while Sheng felt pressured to denounce his relationship with Li Mei to maintain his post. Sheng was suspected of being a partner in the bribery when friendly letters about the state of Mei's business were uncovered, and coupled with the fact that Sheng had encouraged cooperation with the Nationalists and had had close contact with his Nationalist sister throughout the war, he was forced to publish a self-criticism. This was accepted until a year later, when an unmet quota for the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries forced him to resign from his post and accept a much lower position as a clerk. After the seizure of most of their company, Mei struggled to figure out how to keep their family housed and fed. The Party provided schooling which Mei's three children attended, but they were routinely harassed for their parents histories, and they were encouraged to distance themselves from both parents.

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With my family having been a history of peasant farmers, in new China we are in the good classs, my husband and I have decided to continue work as peasant farmers while my younger brother and his wife have decided to join in on industrialization. With the political campaigns-- which we supported but never got involved in as the known violence was not something we really wished to encounter-- who seem to recognize us as land owners with the land reform my husband and I thought that my family's generational goal to own land would continue to be achieved, as we are proudly anti-capital and rightist however, now with these large co-ops it seems as if my family has no land once again. At first we supported mutual aid as we understood that with industrialization our productivity would become more important when it comes to farming, however now there seems to be a sort of corruption in these larger co ops as not every family is doing their part and instead living off of our production as well as this collective farm land I would imagine cannot last much longer as we are all sharing the same land and trying to produce much more than what we are used to. I am trying to stay positive but I fear for the worst.

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In your posts, make sure to discuss: 1) How your family members were classified socially in New China; 2) How they participated and fared in the political campaigns of the 1950s; 3) How they understood the new China and the times they lived in

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Lai Yixiu was 34 years old working as a professor of philosophy at Hunan University when the Civil War commenced with the Communist Party claiming its victory. It was an encouraging victory, one that brought promise to many women who believed that their rights and freedoms would be greatly expanded under the rule of the PRC. It was not a far-off belief either. Marriage reform came underway just a year after the government was established, forbidding arranged marriages, encouraging free choice, and simplifying divorce. But the question remained would this be contradictions in practice?

For Lai her daily life at work and home did not change significantly. She still faced discrimination from her male co-workers even under the party's watch only to return home and find herself almost entirely responsible for her three children's wellbeing. At the macro level, government and army positions and were still predominantly held by men. This included people like Lai’s husband who was a high-ranking army official in the party. He had received his status from his efforts during the Long-March after working with party officials to curate party messages and rhetoric. Before the long march he had been a student of economics at Shanghai University in Shanghai. Despite being more committed to the party's goals than most could say at this time (he had actually been very active as a student in the city and on campus movements that had survived the Red Purge in 1927) he longed for a more “official” role where he could use his knowledge to aid the fight. However, he saw that the only way up was through pledging loyalty by joining the Red Army in their march. By the time the war started he was considered a loyal member of the army, part of the envied older unit for they were at the top of the party's military hierarchy. Lai Yixiu on the other hand had a more complicated, less respected background due to her family's legacy in the party’s eyes. Though very active in the communist movement's campaigns around her school and university, she found herself more interested in the urban movement’s, more humanitarian, more ethical, less violent approach. That is until the Red Purge when the urban centered party came under attack by the nationalist government who sought to wipe them out- she began to see the necessity of some push back towards the nationalist government as they increasingly encroached on the party's goals and organizing. However, even after the war she still always felt deep down that the use of violence was wrong.

Perhaps her position as an intellectual, though devout to the party's cause, was enough to make her inferior in status to military leaders and peasants in the party’s eyes. Though it likely was also because she had reason to fear that that violence could one day be turned towards her for having the wrong family background. Her family, who were gentry back during the Qing Dynasty had done very well for themselves for even after the revolution, they preserved their wealth well enough that the family managed to own a sizeable amount of property in Hunan. Her father had sold all the family's businesses and land in the forties when the communist victory seemed inevitable, however, he always remained spiteful towards the party. He was a capitalist and saw any interference with his business plans to cultivate greater wealth, whether it came from the nationalists, communists, or foreign powers, as an unwanted intrusion. Even after selling his land, proving his loyalty, and registering under a faked peasantry status to the party after their victory in the 50s, he still always privately thought to himself whether he should have fled to Taiwan with his children (who were grown) for fear that one day their evil family past would be discovered.

Lai and her brother had long disassociated with her father as they had both fell into the communist movement during their time boarding at school in Shanghai. They disagreed with their fathers apolitical, and often anti-leftist sentiments, and saw the growing appeal for Marxism as imperialist actors kept interfering in Chinas sovereignty and affairs. She never returned to Hunan and instead chose to stay in Shanghai for university and then work. It was during her time working there that she met her husband, who was taking a leave of absence from the army for an injury he sustained in battle. It was around 1945 and he was working on writing articles for the party about the Soviet economy and how China could themselves implement their central planning policies. He was also taking Russian language courses at the university. They fell in love and married quickly knowing that he would soon have to return to the fight. In 1947 that day came- right before they had their first child. He ultimately returned victorious in 1949 and the small family cultivated a life around the party in Shanghai where her husband had gotten a post as a political secretary. They had two more children by the time the Thousand Flower Campaign would begin causing chaos in this new family.

The family was registered under the “good class” because of their contribution to the revolutionary cause. Lai was a professor of philosophy and specialized in Marxism, earning her the initial praise of the party despite her controversial past. Her husband's post more specifically earned the family a special status in their unit. Lai was working on articles in support of Mao and his policies throughout the early 50’s especially pertaining to his promises for greater advancements for gender equality. In 1956 when the opportunity for intellectuals like Lai presented itself to offer voices of minor dissent to the party, she took it to advocate for greater adherence to party promises for women's rights. She saw a gap between rhetoric and practice in her daily life as well as in the hierarchy of the party itself. This was much to the fear and anger of her husband who saw this as an extremely careless and dangerous act for the family. It could be seen as counter-revolutionary or politically incorrect and not only hurt his image as a high-ranking party leader but also have them both thrown in jail, especially considering her past.

He was right to be concerned. Mao allowed intellectuals to speak out in an attempt to appear more democratic in the eyes of the international community as well as domestically after various anti-communist uprisings and Khrushchev’s condemning of Stalin who was always mirrored with Mao frightened him. When it quickly got out of control he turned around and portrayed it as a purposeful campaign to weave out the rightists. He went after the very academics, thinkers, and professionals he seemed to support at first. This included Lai and by extension her husband.