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Wednesday will be the second anniversary of the lurid street murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer. The killings of Black people had become almost banal in their incessancy and redundancy, but something about this one - captured during an advancing pandemic that had forced people apart and inside, watching the world through windows and screens - drew thousands of people out into the streets, where boarded-up storefronts produced the tempting tableau of a country strewn with canvases.

Some saw in the uprising the potential for revolution. They talked about the protests in the lofty language of a "racial reckoning," an "inflection point," a fresh start on America's path to absolution from its original sin.

But flashes of guilt, outrage and shame often stir fleeting fealties, and the heavy gravitational pull of racial privileges and power can quickly draw mercurial allies back into the refuge of the status quo.

Some good came of the protests, to be sure. Some states and local municipalities passed or instituted police reforms. Money poured into Black Lives Matter, as well as other racial justice organizations and Black institutions. Individuals began personal journeys to become more egalitarian and more actively "antiracist." And artists produced hundreds of murals and thousands of pieces of other street art that, for a time, transformed this country.

In the end, transformative national change proved to be an illusion. Inflation, a war in Ukraine, public safety, abortion and even a baby formula crisis have overtaken the zeitgeist. Support for Black Lives Matter has diminished. Federal police reform and federal voter protection both failed to pass the Senate. And the founders of Black Lives Matter have been drawn into controversies about how they handled its money.

I've learned not to expect much from America; it has a deep capacity for change but a shallow desire for it. I have embraced the "wise desire not to be betrayed by too much hoping," as James Baldwin put it. But I worry about young people in all of this. It is their faith that's most vulnerable to damage. They were the ones who most believed that change was not only possible but imminent, only to have America retreat and retrench.

Now not only are their allies reversing course on issues like police reform; the country is also facing a full backlash toward protest itself. Dozens of states have passed laws restricting the right to protest (just this week, Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida barred citizens from protesting outside private homes), and more than a dozen have now criminalized teaching full and accurate racial history.

The Great Erasure is underway, not so much an attempt to erase the uprising itself as an attempt to blunt its effects.

There is no example of this erasure more striking than the continual destruction, removal or slow vanishing of much of the street art produced in the wake of Floyd's killing.

According to a database compiled by three professors at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota - Heather Shirey, David Todd Lawrence and Paul Lorah - there were once approximately 2,700 murals, graffiti, stickers, posters affixed to surfaces and light projections created in response to Floyd's killing, mostly in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul. Shirey and Lawrence called it "the largest proliferation of street art around one idea or issue or event in history." But many of those pieces have disappeared, sometimes because of exposure to traffic or the elements and sometimes because of deliberate attempts to erase them. Business owners quietly removed the graffitied planks from their storefronts. Some of the murals have been defaced.

For this project, my colleagues and I looked at 115 murals created after Floyd's death and tried to determine how many had been maintained. (It is not a comprehensive list, although it is hard to imagine any such list could be.) Only 37 were fully intact. In cities from Oklahoma to California, few vestiges remain of what were once vibrant murals, painted on asphalt and walls.

Over the past two months, I talked to art historians, museum directors and curators, activists and artists who had created murals. The picture that emerges is of a group determined to preserve as much of the art as possible while understanding that it can't all be saved, and an acknowledgement of the inherent, ephemeral nature of street art. This art was created in a moment, for a moment. Permanence was often not its central consideration. But to lose it would be to lose a cultural record of the time, a record of the profound significance and magnitude of what transpired: A generation of young people and young artists found their voice and used it, creating an arts movement that sits in the canon alongside the Black Arts Movement of the 1960s and '70s and the Harlem Renaissance. You might even say it mirrors on an enormous scale the Wall of Respect mural first painted in 1967 by the Visual Arts Workshop of the Organization of Black American Culture in Chicago.

What may have been different about this movement was the outlook of the generation that created it. Aaron Bryant, curator of photography, visual anthropology and contemporary history at the Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture, described it to me as a "sense of entitlement." These activists and artists believe "they have an absolute right, and even a responsibility, to express themselves," he told me. "They aren't necessarily a generation that was raised to be silent."

The art produced during and after the uprising was powerful, emotional and energetic, like a lightning storm. But like lightning, the illuminated contours of the way it split the sky soon dimmed and vanished.

The art tapped into something and provided a language for it. As Franklin Sirmans, director of the Pérez Art Museum Miami, put it, "Some of the best art is created under situations of not only duress but of immediate response, and that is part and parcel with this sense of collective identity that I think many of us felt in that moment, and to see it visualized was really heartening."

For me, it was transcendent. It brought a fresh, abounding energy to a standing tradition.

Murals as instruments of memorial have long been a feature of Black grief and remembrance. They are what Amaka Okechukwu, assistant professor of sociology and anthropology at George Mason University, so eloquently describes as "gravestone murals" or "wake work" haunting the urban spaces where Black lives have been lost.

By no means are these murals the expression solely of African Americans. They can be found in many communities and in many cultures around the world, where the tradition of producing them is centuries old.

But in a way, Floyd's murder globalized gravestone murals in service of a singular subject. Perhaps the most iconic of these murals were thoses with the words "Black Lives Matter" written in large block letters down the middle of streets. The first was painted by the District of Columbia and was so large that it was legible on satellite images.

People like Sarah Lewis, associate professor of history of art and architecture and African and African American studies at Harvard University, saw it as a powerful testament "symbolizing the precarity of black life in open terrain." But activists soon pointed out that the politicians who supported the art often resisted policies designed to rectify the historic injustices Black Lives Matter had highlighted. When the District of Columbia painted its mural, the local Black Lives Matter chapter called it "a performative distraction from real policy changes" designed "to appease white liberals while ignoring our demands." Mayor Muriel Bowser was "on the wrong side" of history, they said. "Black Lives Matter means defund the police."

These tensions stretched beyond Washington.

In Minneapolis, at the intersection where Floyd was murdered - now called George Floyd Square - the George Floyd Global Memorial project has taken on the Herculean task of preserving all protest objects, items the group calls "offerings," including art and murals, in the square. So far it has collected over 5,000 artifacts, preserved them with the help of art conservators and stored them in cardboard boxes in a small room in a community theater. The group has ambitions to one day build a museum to house it all. Some of the murals in George Floyd Square were being repainted when I visited this month, ahead of the observances of the second anniversary of Floyd's murder. New ones have been added featuring other Black people killed elsewhere, some lost to community violence rather than state violence.

This level of ambition makes Minneapolis both the epicenter of the preservation efforts and an anomaly. Governments in cities across the country, like Tulsa, Okla. and Redwood City, Calif., have erased the murals, reflecting the reality that many lacked the true, sustained commitment to Black lives.

Further complicating the preservation efforts is the degree to which these pieces of art were politicalized from the moment of their creation: Murals were going up as Confederate monuments in cities like Montgomery, Ala., continued to come down. It fueled the fears held by white supremacists that white people and white culture would eventually be superseded.

In their zero-sum worldview, BLM's pro-Blackness was inherently anti-white. President Donald Trump called a Black Lives Matter mural to be painted in front of Trump Tower in New York City a "symbol of hate." Historical revisionists held fast to the lie that Confederate monuments were about history, rather than racism. The fight was over which art representing which points of view was more deserving of public display.

It's perhaps also no coincidence that much of the artwork created after Floyd's death is vanishing as the public embrace of the Black Lives Matter movement is waning. Polls last year by the Pew Research Center found that support for Black Lives Matter, which peaked in the immediate aftermath of George Floyd's death, had fallen back to its 2017 levels, pre-George Floyd. Black support had remained high; it was the support among white people that fell.

Activists chafe at the notion that the BLM movement itself is waning.

"Every off year we write Black Lives Matter's obituary, and we eulogize it and we talk about the waning Black Lives Matter Movement," Frank Leon Roberts, creator of the Black Lives Matter Syllabus, a public curriculum for teaching BLM in classrooms and communities, and newly appointed assistant professor of English and Black studies at Amherst College, told me.

"The movement actually is not waning," he said. "The movement from its inception has operated in waves." He predicts that "there will inevitably be another heinous event of police violence which will once again incite something in the people, and then we'll be having this same conversation."

But police killings have continued unabated. In fact, last year saw a record number of police shootings, the most since The Washington Post began keeping count in 2015. The police killed 1,055 people across the country in 2021. And yet, there were no nationwide protests.

In my life I have arrived at the conclusion that real liberation - equity, safety and "the pursuit of happiness" - is not rooted in feelings and personal evolutions. Only a change in the parameters of power - political, economic and cultural, who has it and who gets to exercise it, who is benefited by it and who is harmed by it - can transform this country.

Passions flare and subside; power endures. Like the art, broad-based, transracial interest and energy to support the Black Lives Matter movement are fading. I mourn the loss of that energy, but I also mourn the loss of the movement's art from public space. In the streets it was both declaration and confrontation, brazen and assertive. It was forcefully in your face.

Now, even among the artifacts that can be or have been saved, the context will change from the urgency of in-situ to the sterility of institutions or the impersonal distance of digital space.

The art that once shouted and demanded and documented the movement is being culled and reduced to the dulcet-toned advocacy of a few heroic curators.

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Opinion | The Memory of George Floyd Is Literally Fading Across America

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Wednesday will be the second anniversary of the lurid street murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer. The killings of Black people had become almost banal in their incessancy and redundancy, but something about this one - captured during an advancing pandemic that had forced people apart and inside, watching the world through windows and screens - drew thousands of people out into the streets, where boarded-up storefronts produced the tempting tableau of a country strewn with canvases.

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"These guidelines aim to raise awareness, guide learning, and support the use of culturally sensitive terms and phrases that center the voices and perspectives of those who are often marginalized or stereotyped." ~ Maysa Akbar, PhD, ABPP;
Chief Diversity Officer

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Foreword

For the first time, APA is systematically and institutionally examining, acknowledging, and charting a path forward to address its role in racism and other forms of destructive social hierarchies including, but not limited to, sexism, ableism, ageism, heterosexism, classism, and religious bigotry. The organization is assessing the harms and is committing to true change. This requires avoiding language that perpetuates harm or offense toward members of marginalized communities through our communications.

As we strive to further infuse principles of equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) into the fabric of society, those committed to effecting change must acknowledge language as a powerful tool that can draw us closer together or drive us further apart. Simply put, words matter. The words we use are key to creating psychologically safe, inclusive, respectful, and welcoming environments.

These guidelines aim to raise awareness, guide learning, and support the use of culturally sensitive terms and phrases that center the voices and perspectives of those who are often marginalized or stereotyped. They also explain the origins for problematic terms and phrases and offer suitable alternatives or more contemporary replacements. This document will be flexible and iterative in nature, continuing to evolve as new terminology emerges or current language becomes obsolete.

By embracing inclusive language and encouraging others to do the same, we firmly believe that we will not only communicate effectively with more people, but also better adapt to a diversifying society and globe.

Maysa Akbar, PhD, ABPP
Chief Diversity Officer

Inclusive language in writing

General terms related to equity and power

access: the elimination of discrimination and other barriers that contribute to inequitable opportunities to join and be a part of a work group, organization, or community (APA, 2021b).

ally/allies: people who recognize the unearned privilege they receive from society's patterns of injustice and take responsibility for changing these patterns. Being an ally is more than being sympathetic and feeling bad for those who experience discrimination. An ally is willing to act with, and for, others in pursuit of ending oppression and creating equality. Real allies are willing to step out of their comfort zones. Those who decide to undertake the ally role must recognize and understand the power and privileges that one receives, accepts, and experiences and they use that position to act for justice (Akbar, 2020).

bias: APA defines bias as partiality: an inclination or predisposition for or against something. Motivational and cognitive biases are two main categories studied in decision-making analysis. Motivational biases are conclusions drawn due to self-interest, social pressures, or organization-based needs, whereas cognitive biases are judgments that go against what is considered rational, and some of these are attributed to implicit reasoning (APA, 2021b).

climate: the degree to which community members feel included or excluded in the work group, organization, or community (APA, 2021b).

cultural competence: ability to collaborate effectively with individuals from different cultures; such competence improves health care experiences and outcomes (Nair & Adetayo, 2019).

discrimination: the unjust and differential treatment of the members of different age, gender, racial, ethnic, religious, national, ability identity, sexual orientation, socioeconomic, and other groups at the individual level (e.g., behavioral manifestation of prejudice involving negative, hostile, and injurious treatment of the members of targeted groups; APA, 2021b) and the institutional/structural level (e.g., operating procedures, laws, and policies) that favor certain groups over others and has the effect of restricting opportunities for other groups.

diverse: involving the representation or composition of various social identity groups in a work group, organization, or community. The focus is on social identities that correspond to societal differences in power and privilege, and thus to the marginalization of some groups based on specific attributes-for example, race, ethnicity, culture, gender, gender identity and expression, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, religion, spirituality, disability, age, national origin, immigration status, and language. There is a recognition that people have multiple identities and that social identities are intersectional and have different salience and impact in different contexts (APA, 2021b).

equity: providing resources according to the need to help diverse populations achieve their highest state of health and other functioning. Equity is an ongoing process of assessing needs, correcting historical inequities, and creating conditions for optimal outcomes by members of all social identity groups (APA, 2021b).

generalization: the process of deriving a concept, judgment, principle, or theory from a limited number of specific cases and applying it more widely, often to an entire class of objects, events, or people (APA, n.d.).

global citizenship: the umbrella term for social, political, environmental, and economic actions of globally minded individuals and communities on a worldwide scale. The term can refer to the belief that individuals are members of multiple, diverse, local, and nonlocal networks rather than single actors affecting isolated societies (United Nations, n.d.).

global majority: also known as people of the global majority (PGM), a collective term that encourages those of African, Asian, Latin American, and Arab descent to recognize that together they comprise the vast majority (around 80 percent) of people in the world. Understanding the truth that Whiteness is not the global norm has the power to disrupt and reframe our conversations on race (Maharaj & Campbell-Stephens, 2021).

health equity: ensuring that everyone has a fair and just opportunity to be as healthy as possible. This requires removing obstacles to health such as poverty, discrimination, and their consequences, including powerlessness and lack of access to good jobs with fair pay, quality education and housing, safe environments, and health care (Braveman et al., 2017).

human rights: rights to which all human beings are inherently entitled. In response to widespread, horrific violations of human rights in the first half of the 20th century, the international community established  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights  (1948) and international human rights laws that lay down the obligations of governments to respect, protect, and fulfill human rights (APA, 2015b). Human rights are defined by the United Nations as "universal legal rights that protect individuals and groups from those behaviors that interfere with freedom and human dignity" (APA, 2021b).

inclusion: an environment that offers affirmation, celebration, and appreciation of different approaches, styles, perspectives, and experiences, thus allowing all individuals to bring in their whole selves (and all their identities) and to demonstrate their strengths and capacity (APA, 2021b).

intergenerational trauma: the transmission of trauma or its legacy, in the form of a psychological consequence of an injury or attack, poverty, and so forth, from the generation experiencing the trauma to subsequent generations. The transference of this effect is believed to be epigenetic-that is, the transmission affects the chemical marker for a gene rather than the gene itself. The trauma experienced by the older generation is translated into a genetic adaptation that can be passed on to successive generations (Akbar, 2017; APA, 2017a; Menakem, 2017; Whitbeck et al., 2004).

intersectionality: the complex, cumulative way in which the effects of multiple forms of discrimination (such as racism, sexism, and classism) combine, overlap, or  intersect especially in the experiences of marginalized individuals or groups to produce and sustain complex inequities. Kimberlé Crenshaw introduced the theory of  intersectionality in a paper for the University of Chicago Legal Forum (Crenshaw, 1989), the idea that when it comes to thinking about how inequalities persist, categories like gender, race, and class are best understood as overlapping and mutually constitutive rather than isolated and distinct (Grzanka et al., 2017, 2020).

marginalization: relegation to or placement in an unimportant or a depowered position in society (APA, 2017a).

microaggressions: commonly occurring, brief, verbal or nonverbal, behavioral, and environmental indignities that communicate derogatory attitudes or notions toward a different "other." Microaggressions may be intentional or unintentional, and the perpetrators may possibly be unaware of their behavior (APA, 2017a). Microaggressions can accumulate over time and lead to severe harm.

minority: a minority group is a population subgroup (e.g., ethnic, racial, social, religious, or other group) with differential power than those deemed to hold the majority power in the population. The relevance of this term is outdated and has changed as the demographics of the population change. Thus, refrain from using the term "minority" and use the specific name of the group or groups to which you are referring (e.g., people of color or communities of color vs. ethnic and racial minorities; APA, 2020b).

oppression: occurs when one subgroup has more access to power and privilege than another subgroup, and when that power and privilege are used to dominate the other to maintain the status quo. Thus, oppression is both a state and a process, with the state of oppression being unequal group access to power and privilege, and the process of oppression being the ways in which that inequality is maintained (APA, 2021b).

pathway programs: programs (e.g., in secondary schools and colleges) that foster increased access by marginalized groups to education, training, or a profession. It is preferable to use this term rather than "pipeline" ( see definition of pipeline for explanation; APA, 2021b).

performative allyship: also known as optical allyship, this term refers to someone from a nonmarginalized group professing support and solidarity with a marginalized group but in a way that is not helpful. Worse yet, the allyship is done in a way that may actually be harmful to "the cause." The "ally" is motivated by some type of reward. On social media, that reward is a virtual pat on the back for being a "good person" or for being "on the right side" of a cause, or "on the right side of history" (Kalina, 2020).

population health: the health outcomes of a group of individuals, including the distribution of such outcomes within the group. Population health includes health outcomes, patterns of health determinants, and policies and interventions that link these two. Attention to social and environmental, as well as medical, determinants of health is essential (Silberberg et al., 2019).

positionality: our social position or place in a given society in relation to race, ethnicity, and other statuses (e.g., social class, age, gender identity, sexual orientation, nationality, ability, religion) within systems of power and oppression. Positionality refers to our individual identities and the intersection of those identities and statuses with systems of privilege and oppression. Positionality shapes our psychological experiences, worldview, perceptions others have of us, social relationships, and access to resources (Muhammad et al., 2015). Positionality therefore means actively understanding and negotiating the systemic processes and hierarchy of power and the ways that our statuses affect our relationships because of power dynamics related to privilege and oppression (APA, 2019b).

prejudice: a negative attitude toward another person or group formed in advance of any experience with that person or group. Prejudices can include an affective component (e.g., nervousness, anger, contempt, pity, hatred) and a cognitive component (assumptions and beliefs about groups, including stereotypes). Prejudice is typically manifested behaviorally through discriminatory behavior. Prejudicial attitudes tend to be resistant to change because they distort our perception of information about the target group. Prejudice based on racial grouping is racism; prejudice based on perceived sexual orientation is homophobia and biphobia; prejudice based on sex or gender (including transphobia) is sexism; prejudice based on chronological age is ageism; and prejudice based on disability is ableism (APA, 2021b).

privilege: unearned power that is afforded to some but not others based on status rather than earned merit; such power may come in the form of rights, benefits, social comfort, opportunities, or the ability to define what is normative or valued (Bailey, 1998; Johnson, 2018; McIntosh, 1989). Privilege arises in relation to systems of oppression. A person has privilege not because they desire to have privilege or promote inequity but because they exist within a system where biased values, attitudes, and behaviors have become integrated and normalized (APA, 2019b). See racial privilege or White privilege.

social justice: commitment to creating fairness and equity in resources, rights, and treatment of marginalized individuals and groups of people who do not share equal power in society (APA, 2021b).

stereotype: a set of cognitive generalizations (e.g., beliefs, expectations) about the qualities and characteristics of the members of a group or social category. Stereotypes, like schemas, simplify and expedite perceptions and judgments, but they are often exaggerated, negative rather than positive, and resistant to revision even when perceivers encounter individuals with qualities that are not congruent with the stereotype (APA, n.d.).

structural competency: the trained ability to discern how a host of issues defined clinically as symptoms, attitudes, or diseases (e.g., depression, hypertension, obesity, smoking, medication noncompliance, trauma, psychosis) also represent the downstream implications of a number of upstream decisions about such matters as health care and food delivery systems, zoning laws, urban and rural infrastructures, medicalization, or even about the very definitions of illness and health (Metzl & Hansen, 2014).

Person-first and identity-first language

person-first versus identity-first language: the discussion of person-first versus identity-first language was first applied to issues regarding people with disabilities. However, the language has been broadened to refer to other identity groups. Authors who write about identity are encouraged to use terms and descriptions that both honor and explain person-first and identity-first perspectives. Language should be selected with the understanding that the individual's preference supersedes matters of style. In person-first language, the person is emphasized, not the disability or chronic condition. In identity-first language, the disability becomes the focus, which allows the individual to claim the disability or the chronic condition and choose their identity rather than permitting others (e.g., authors, educators, researchers) to name it or to select terms with negative implications. It is often used as an expression of cultural pride and a reclamation of a disability or chronic condition that once conferred a negative identity. It is permissible to use either approach or to mix person-first and identity-first language unless or until you know that a group clearly prefers one approach, in which case, you should use the preferred approach (APA, 2020b).

Person-first language may also be appropriate in the following scenarios (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.):

Term to avoid

Suggested alternative

victim, survivor

person who has experienced...
person who has been impacted by...

wheelchair-bound

person who uses a wheelchair

mentally ill

person living with a mental health condition
person with a mental disorder
person with a mental illness

abusive relationship

relationship with a person who is abusive

addict

person with a substance use disorder

homeless person

person without housing

prostitute

person who engages in sex work

prisoner, convict

person who is/has been incarcerated

slave

person who is/was enslaved

For more information on person-first and identity-first language, please refer to the APA bias-free language guidelines for writing about disability (APA, 2020b).

Identity-related terms

Age

ageism: stereotyping and discrimination against individuals or groups based on their age. Ageism can take many forms, including prejudicial attitudes, discriminatory practices, or institutional policies and practices that perpetuate stereotypical beliefs (APA, 2020a). Reverse ageism literature also indicates that young employees-broadly defined as people under 40-comprise a socially disadvantaged group that is likely to be exposed to workplace discrimination stemming from reverse-ageist ideologies (Kessler et al., 1999; Raymer et al., 2017).

Term to avoid

Suggested alternative

the elderly
elderly people
the aged
aging dependents
seniors
senior citizens

older adults
older people
persons 65 years and older
the older population

Avoid using terms such as "seniors," "elderly," "the aged," "aging dependents," and similar "othering" terms because they connote a stereotype and suggest that members of the group are not part of society but rather a group apart (see Lundebjerg et al., 2017; Sweetland et al., 2017).

For more information on problematic and preferred language use related to age, please refer to the APA bias-free language guidelines for writing about age (APA, 2020b).

Disability status

ableism: stereotyping, prejudicial attitudes, discriminatory behavior, and social oppression toward people with disabilities to inhibit the rights and well-being of people with disabilities, which is currently the largest minority group in the United States (APA, 2021b; Bogart & Dunn, 2019). Understanding the concept of ableism, and how it manifests in language choices, is critical for researchers who focus on marginalized groups such as the autistic community (Bottema-Beutel et al., 2021).

disability: can be broadly defined as the interaction of physical, psychological, intellectual, and socioemotional differences or impairments with the social environment (World Health Organization, 2001). The members of some groups of people with disabilities-effectively subcultures within the larger culture of disability-have ways of referring to themselves that they would prefer others to adopt. The overall principle for using disability language is to maintain the integrity (worth and dignity) of all individuals as human beings (APA, 2020b).

neurodiversity: a term that evolved from the advocacy movement on behalf of individuals with autism spectrum disorders (ASD) and has been embraced by other groups of individuals with neurologically based disabilities (e.g., learning disabilities [LDs]). Neurodiversity suggests that these disabilities are a natural variation in brain differences and that the workplace should adapt to them (Sumner & Brown, 2015).

For more information on problematic and preferred language use related to disability, please refer to the APA bias-free language guidelines for writing about disability (APA, 2020b).

Race, ethnicity, and culture

acculturation: the processes by which groups or individuals adjust the social and cultural values, ideas, beliefs, and behavioral patterns of their culture of origin to those of a different culture. Psychological acculturation is an individual's attitudinal and behavioral adjustment to another culture, which typically varies with regard to degree and type (APA, n.d.).

African American/Black: African American and Black are not always interchangeable. "African American" should not be used as an umbrella term for people of African ancestry worldwide because it obscures other ethnicities or national origins, such as Nigerian, Kenyan, Jamaican, Bahamian, Puerto Rican, or Panamanian; in these cases, use "Black." The terms "Negro," "colored," and "Afro-American" are outdated; therefore, their use is generally inappropriate (APA, 2020b).

American Arab, Middle Eastern, and North African (AMENA): there is no standard definition, the Middle Eastern racialized group includes people with ancestry from countries or territories such as Jordan, Iran, and Palestine; and North African includes people with ancestry from countries such as Algeria, Egypt, and Libya. People from AMENA countries have been racialized in the United States, especially after 9/11, so much so that the U.S. Census Bureau recommended the inclusion of AMENA as a category in the 2020 census (APA, 2019b; Krogstad, 2014), though ultimately this category was not used.

Asian/Asian American: when writing about people of Asian ancestry from Asia, the term "Asian" is appropriate; for people of Asian descent from the United States or Canada, the appropriate term is "Asian American" or "Asian Canadian," respectively. It is problematic to group "Asian" and "Asian American" as if they are synonymous. This usage reinforces the idea that Asian Americans are perpetual foreigners. "Asian" refers to Asians in Asia, not in the United States, and should not be used to refer to Asian Americans. The outdated term "Oriental" is primarily used to refer to cultural objects such as carpets and is pejorative when used to refer to people. To provide more specificity, "Asian origin" may be divided regionally, for example, into South Asia. The term "East Asian" can be used; however, refer to the specific nation or region of origin when possible (APA, 2020b).

BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and people of color): people use the term BIPOC to acknowledge that not all people of color face equal levels of injustice. The construction of the term "BIPOC" recognizes that Black and Indigenous people are severely impacted by systemic racial injustices (Merriam-Webster, n.d.-a). The term BIPOC is still considered by many to indicate a hierarchy among communities of color. Instead of BIPOC, the preferred term(s) to use are "people/persons of color" and "communities of color."

color-blind beliefs: refer to the denial or minimization of race or racism in society (i.e., "not see [skin] color"; Bonilla-Silva, 2010; Neville et al., 2013). Color-blind beliefs in a racial sense purportedly are based on the assumption that acknowledgement of race reifies racial divisions in society. People who endorse color-blind beliefs believe that individual effort is sufficient for achievement in a meritocracy predicated on the assumption that everyone has equal opportunity for life success. People who hold color-blind attitudes believe that doing so reduces racial and ethnic prejudice and that acknowledging racial and ethnic differences promotes racial division. Research evidence shows that holding color-blind beliefs allows racial and ethnic prejudice to fester (Pahlke et al., 2012; Richeson & Nussbaum, 2004).

color-blind policies: institutional policies that are race-neutral in language and tone and yet have a disproportionate and harmful impact on people of color (Apfelbaum et al., 2012; Block, 2016; Castro-Atwater, 2016; Penner & Dovidio, 2016). Research indicates that the United States is not a meritocracy (Farkas, 2003; Gale et al., 2017; Pearson et al., 2009). Color-blind belief systems undergird color-blind policies. Moreover, color-blind policies operate to maintain disparities and do not lead to equitable treatment across groups (APA, 2019b; Helms, 2008; Neville et al., 2016, 2000).

culture: the values, beliefs, language, rituals, traditions, and other behaviors that are passed from one generation to another within any social group. Broad definitions include any socially definable group with its own set of values, behaviors, and beliefs. Accordingly, cultural groups could include groups based on shared identities such as ethnicity (e.g., German American, Blackfoot, Algerian American), gender (e.g., women, men, transgender, gender-nonconforming), sexual orientation (e.g., gay, lesbian, bisexual), and socioeconomic class (e.g., poor, working class, middle class, wealthy; APA, 2019b).

enculturation: first introduced by anthropologist Melville Herskovits (1948), the term enculturation is defined as "the process by which individuals learn and adopt the ways and manners of their culture" (Matsumoto, 2004, p. 156). Enculturation emphasizes socialization to, or maintenance of, one's culture of ethnic or familial ethnic origin (APA, 2012; Kim & Abreu, 2001; Zhang & Moradi, 2013). This process considers how, for example, U.S.-born or highly U.S.-acculturated individuals may be more actively learning their ethnic origin culture, rather than maintaining it (APA, 2019b).

ethnic bias: differential treatment toward individuals based on their ethnic group, often resulting in inequities in such areas as education, employment, health care, and housing. With regards to testing and measurement, ethnic bias refers to contamination or deficiency in an instrument that differentially affects the scores of those from different ethnic groups. Ideally, researchers strive to create culture-fair tests (APA, n.d.).

ethnic identity: an individual's sense of being a person who is defined, in part, by membership in a specific ethnic group. This sense is usually considered to be a complex construct involving shared social, cultural, linguistic, religious, and often racial factors but identical with none of them (APA, n.d.).

ethnicity: a characterization of people based on having a shared culture (e.g., language, food, music, dress, values, and beliefs) related to common ancestry and shared history (APA, 2021b).

Hispanic, Latin(a/o), Latinx: when writing about people who identify as Hispanic, Latino or Latinx, Chicano, or another related designation, authors should consult with their participants to determine the appropriate choice. Note that "Hispanic" is not necessarily an all-encompassing term, and the labels "Hispanic" and "Latinx" have different connotations. The term "Latinx" (and its related forms) might be preferred by those originating from Latin America, including Brazil. Some use the word "Hispanic" to refer to those who speak Spanish; however, not every group in Latin America speaks Spanish (e.g., in Brazil, the official language is Portuguese). The word "Latino" is gendered (i.e., "Latino" is masculine and "Latina" is feminine). "Latinx" can also be used as a gender-neutral or nonbinary term inclusive of all genders. There are compelling reasons to use any of the terms "Latino," "Latina," "Latino/a," and/or "Latinx" (see de Onís, 2017), and various groups advocate for the use of different forms. Use the term(s) your participants or population uses; if you are not working directly with this population but it is a focus of your research, it may be helpful to explain why you chose the term you used or to choose a more inclusive term like "Latinx." In general, naming a nation or region of origin is preferred (e.g., Bolivian, Salvadoran, or Costa Rican is more specific than Latino, Latinx, Latin American, or Hispanic; APA, 2020b).

Indigenous: although an official definition of "Indigenous" is not agreed on, the United Nations has developed an understanding of the term based on self-identification; historical continuity to precolonial and/or presettler societies; links to territories and resources; distinct social, economic, and political systems; and possession of distinct languages, cultures, and beliefs (Native American Journalists Association, n.d.). Per the APA Publication Manual, Seventh Edition, capitalize "Indigenous" and "Indigenous People" when referring to a specific group but use lowercase for "people" when describing specific persons who are Indigenous. For more information, see Section 5.7 of the  Publication Manual (APA, 2020b).

Indigenous Peoples around the world: when writing about Indigenous Peoples, use the names that they call themselves. In general, refer to an Indigenous group as a "people" or "nation" rather than as a " tribe." For information on citing the Traditional Knowledge or Oral Traditions of Indigenous Peoples as well as the capitalization of terms related to Indigenous Peoples, see Section 5.7 of the  Publication Manual (APA, 2020b).

Indigenous land acknowledgment: Indigenous land acknowledgment is an effort to recognize the Indigenous past, present, and future of a particular location and to understand our own place within that relationship. Usually, land acknowledgments take the form of written and/or verbal statements. It is becoming more and more common to see land acknowledgments delivered at conferences, community gatherings, places of worship, concerts, festivals, and so forth (Native Governance Center, n.d.).

people of color: this term represents a shift from the terms minority or colored people to refer to individuals from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds. Instead, use people of color or  communities of color when referring to groups from diverse backgrounds. When appropriate, you may use the terms underserved, underrepresented, or marginalized to describe populations; however, use the specific group title whenever possible. For example: LGBTQ+ students, Black students, undocumented students, etc. (APA, 2020b).

people of European origin: when writing about people of European ancestry, the terms "White" and "European American" are acceptable. Adjust the latter term as needed for location, for example, "European," "European American," and "European Australian" for people of European descent living in Europe, the United States, and Australia, respectively. The use of the term "Caucasian" as an alternative to "White" or "European" is discouraged because it originated as a way of classifying White people as a race to be favorably compared with other races. As with all discussions of race and ethnicity, it is preferable to be more specific about regional (e.g., Southern European, Scandinavian) or national (e.g., Italian, Irish, Swedish, French, Polish) origin when possible (APA, 2020b).

race: the social construction and categorization of people based on perceived shared physical traits that result in the maintenance of a sociopolitical hierarchy (APA, 2021b).

racial identity: an individual's sense of being defined, in part, by membership in a particular racial group. The strength of this sense depends on the extent to which an individual has processed and internalized the psychological, sociopolitical, cultural, and other contextual factors related to membership in the group. Given the socially constructed nature of racial categories, racial identifications can change over time in different contexts (APA, n.d.). Worrell (2015) argued that culture can be and is used interchangeably with racial and ethnic identity and contended that these are the psychosocial manifestations of race and ethnicity, respectively.

racial and ethnocultural justice: applies social justice meanings (Prilleltensky, 2012) specifically to inequities affecting people of color. Thus, it explicitly attends to the ways that race and ethnicity have affected the inequitable distribution of resources and opportunities for equitable participation, power, and influence (e.g., distributive, procedural, retributive, relational, and cultural justice; Prilleltensky, 2012). Racial and ethnocultural justice within psychology also attends to the ways that  oppression and  marginalization  have shaped the psychological, relational, and practical experiences of people of color; psychologists aspiring for racial and ethnocultural justice strive to apply this understanding to develop their professional activities in ways that address the negative effects of injustice and challenge the existence and maintenance of racial and ethnic oppression (APA, 2019b).

racial privilege or White privilege: unearned power that is afforded to White people based on status rather than earned merit that protects White people from the consequences of being racist and benefitting from systemic racism; such power may come in the form of rights, benefits, social comforts, opportunities, or the ability to define what is normative or valued. As White people are dominant in the U.S. racial hierarchy, racial privilege in the United States is a benefit of being White. This does not mean that White people seek to be privileged, only that they inherently benefit from being dominant in a biased system (APA, 2019b; Goodman, 2011).

racial socialization: refers to the developmental process by which race-related messages about the meaning of race and racism are transmitted by parents and extended families intergenerationally. It consists of various kinds of parental messages, activities, and behaviors; teaching children about their racial-ethnic heritage and history and promoting racial pride ( racial pride/cultural socialization); highlighting the existence of inequalities between groups and preparing youth to cope with discrimination ( racial barriers/preparation for bias); emphasizing individual character traits such as hard work over racial or ethnic group membership ( egalitarianism); focus on the necessity of individual excellence and the development of positive character traits ( self-development); promoting feelings of individual worth within the broader context of the child's race or ethnicity ( self-worth messages); emphasizing negative characteristics associated with their racial identity ( negative messages); conveying distrust in interracial communications ( promotion of mistrust); engaging in race-related activities and behaviors ( socialization behaviors); and avoiding mention of issues pertaining to race or ethnicity ( silence about race; Hughes et al., 2006; Neblett et al., 2012; Scottham et al., 2006). Together, these multiple aspects of racial socialization are thought to combine to provide youth of color with a view of both the significance and meaning of race (and ethnicity) in U.S. society (Neblett et al., 2016).

racial/racialized/race-based trauma: a form of race-based stress, referring to people of color and Indigenous individuals' reactions to dangerous events and real or perceived experiences of racial discrimination. Such experiences may include threats of harm and injury, humiliating and shaming events, and witnessing racial discrimination toward other people of color. Although similar to posttraumatic stress disorder, racial trauma is unique in that it involves ongoing individual and collective injuries due to exposure and reexposure to race-based stress (Comas-Díaz et al., 2019; Kniffley, 2018; Mosley et al., 2020).

racism: a system of structuring opportunity and assigning value based on phenotypic properties (e.g., skin color and hair texture associated with "race" in the United States). This "system"-which ranges from daily interpersonal interactions shaped by race to racialized opportunities for good education, housing, employment, and so forth-unfairly disadvantages people belonging to marginalized racial groups and damages their physical and mental health, unfairly advantages individuals belonging to socially and politically dominant racial groups, and "ultimately undermines the full potential of the whole society" (APA, 2021a; Jones, 2002). The following more specific forms of racism also exist:

structural racism: results from laws, policies, and practices that produce cumulative, durable, and race-based inequalities and includes the failure to correct previous laws and practices that were explicitly or effectively racist.

institutional racism: results from policies, practices, and procedures of institutions-such as school, health care, law enforcement, and criminal justice systems-that marginalize diverse racial groups.

interpersonal racism: occurs when individuals from socially and politically dominant racial groups behave in ways that diminish and harm people who belong to other racial groups. Interpersonal racism is therefore distinct from bigotry (negative attitudes about an outgroup, not necessarily tied to race) or prejudice (a preconceived opinion that is not based on reason or actual experience).

internalized racism: refers to the acceptance by diverse racial populations of the negative societal beliefs and stereotypes about themselves-including negative stereotypes and beliefs about complexion and color (i.e., colorism) that reinforce the superiority of Whites and can lead to the perception of themselves as devalued, worthless, and powerless (APA, 2021a).

White supremacy: the ideological belief that biological and cultural Whiteness is superior, as well as normal and healthy, is a pervasive ideology that continues to polarize the United States and undergird racism (APA, 2021b). For more information, see also White privilege.

For more information on problematic and preferred language use related to race and ethnicity, please refer to the APA bias-free language guidelines for writing about racial and ethnic identity (APA, 2020b).

Sexual orientation and gender diversity

gender: the socially constructed ideas about behavior, actions, and roles of a particular sex (APA, 2021b).

gender-exclusive language: terms that lump all people under masculine language or within the gender binary (man or woman), which does not include everyone. When describing a generic or hypothetical person whose gender is irrelevant to the context of the usage, do not use gendered pronouns such as "he" and "she" or gendered pronoun combinations such as "he or she" because these pronouns and pronoun combinations assume gender; instead, use the singular "they" because it is gender inclusive. When describing a specific person, use that person's pronouns (e.g., "he," "she," "they," "ze," "xe") (Conover et al., 2021). Ask the person for their pronouns rather than make assumptions. Also avoid gendered nouns when describing people who may be of any gender, as in the following examples: you guys, ladies and gentlemen, policeman, chairman, congressman, and freshman (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.). Instead, use gender-inclusive nouns to describe people who may be of any gender, as in the following examples: everyone, folks, folx, friends, loved ones, or y'all; distinguished guests; police officer; chair or chairperson; congressperson or member of congress; and first-year student or first year.

gender identity: a component of gender that describes a person's psychological sense of their gender. Many people describe gender identity as a deeply felt, inherent sense of being a boy, a man, or male; a girl, a woman, or female; or a nonbinary gender (e.g., genderqueer, gender nonbinary, gender-neutral, agender, gender-fluid) that may or may not correspond to a person's sex assigned at birth, presumed gender based on sex assignment, or primary or secondary sex characteristics (APA, 2015a). Gender identity applies to all individuals and is not a characteristic only of transgender or gender-nonbinary individuals. Gender identity is distinct from sexual orientation; thus, the two must not be conflated (e.g., a gay transgender man has a masculine gender identity and a gay sexual orientation, a straight cisgender woman has a feminine gender identity and a straight sexual orientation).

cisgender: refers to "a person whose gender identity aligns with sex assigned at birth" (APA, 2015a).

transgender: "an umbrella term used to describe the full range of people whose gender identity and/or gender role do not conform to what is typically associated with their sex assigned at birth" (APA, 2015a). The term "transgendered" is inappropriate because of the connotations that being transgender is something that is done to a person and to create distance from misconceptions that being trans requires a before/after, surgery, or other formal transition (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

gender-inclusive language: terms used to be more gender equitable. It is the opposite of gender-exclusive language. Examples of gender-inclusive nouns for general use: everyone or everybody, distinguished guests, folks or folx, friends, humans, individuals, loved ones, person, people, y'all. Examples of gender-inclusive occupational nouns: chair or chairperson, congressperson or member of congress, first-year student or first year. When describing a specific person, use that person's pronouns (be sure to ask for their pronouns rather than assume; Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

gender and pronoun usage: do not use the term "preferred pronouns" because this implies a choice about one's gender. Use the term "pronouns" or "identified pronouns" instead. When writing about a known individual, use that person's identified pronouns. When referring to individuals whose identified pronouns are not known or when the gender of a generic or hypothetical person is irrelevant within the context, use the singular "they" to avoid making assumptions about an individual's gender. Use the forms "they," "them," "theirs," and so forth (APA, 2020b).

sexual and gender minorities (SGM): please note that the use of the term minority can be considered pejorative. The umbrella term "sexual and gender minorities" refers to multiple sexual and/or gender minority groups. The term is also used to write about "sexual orientation and gender diversity." Abbreviations such as LGBTQ, LGBTQ+, LGBTQIA, and LGBTQIA+ may also be used to refer to multiple groups. The form "LGBT" is considered outdated, but there is not consensus about which abbreviation including or beyond LGBTQ to use. If you use the abbreviation LGBTQ (or a related one), define it and ensure that it is representative of the groups about which you are writing. Be specific about the groups to which you refer (e.g., do not use LGBTQ and related abbreviations to write about legislation that primarily affects transgender people; instead, specify the impacted group). However, if in doubt, use one of the umbrella terms rather than a potentially inaccurate abbreviation (APA, 2020b). SGM populations include, but are not limited to, individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, asexual, transgender, Two-Spirit, queer, and/or intersex. Individuals with same-sex or same-gender attractions or behaviors and those with a difference in sex development are also included. These populations also encompass those who do not self-identify with one of these terms but whose sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, or reproductive development is characterized by nonbinary constructs of sexual orientation, gender, and/or sex ( National Institute of Mental Health, n.d.).

sexual orientation and identity: refer to an enduring disposition to experience sexual, affectional, or romantic attractions to men, women, nonbinary people, and so forth. It also encompasses an individual's sense of personal and social identity based on those attractions, behaviors expressing them, and membership in a community of others who share them (Brief for American Psychological Association et al., as Amici Curiae supporting petitioners, Obergefell v. Hodges, 2015, p. 7). The term "homosexual" should not be used in place of "sexual orientation."

For more information on problematic and preferred language use related to sexual orientation and gender diversity, please refer to the APA bias-free language guidelines for writing about sexual orientation and gender (APA, 2020b).

Socioeconomic status

classism: the assignment of characteristics of worth and ability based on actual or perceived social class, and the attitudes, policies, and practices that maintain unequal valuing based on class (Collins & Yeskel, 2005). Classism can be expressed via prejudiced or discriminatory attitudes, language, or behaviors directed toward individuals based on perceived or actual social class. This can occur in interpersonal interactions, education, housing, health care, legal assistance, politics, public policy, and more (APA, 2019a; Lott & Bullock, 2007).

class privilege: encompasses the unearned advantages, protections, immunities, and access experienced by a small class of people who typically carry special status or power within a society or culture (Class Action, n.d.). This status and privilege are typically conferred based on wealth and financial status, occupational prestige (e.g., the perceived societal valuation of an occupational class or job title), title/leadership within a culture, or fame/recognition. These advantages are typically granted to the disadvantage of others and contribute to the establishment of perceived and concrete hierarchies within a community, culture, and/or society (APA, 2019a).

socioeconomic status (SES): encompasses not only income but also educational attainment, occupational prestige, and subjective perceptions of social status and social class. SES encompasses quality-of-life attributes and opportunities afforded to people within society and is a consistent predictor of a vast array of psychological outcomes (APA, 2019a).

For additional terms related to socioeconomic status, please refer to the APA Guidelines for Psychological Practice for People with Low-Income and Economic Marginalization and the APA bias-free language guidelines for writing about socioeconomic status (APA, 2020b).

Avoiding microaggressions in conversation

Culturally appropriative and pejorative language

Indian-giver: the term Indian-giver is offensive and is said to have roots in misunderstandings about trade customs in early relationships between Indigenous people in the Americas and White settlers. Suggested alternatives: take something back or rescind a gift (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

"long time no see" or "no can do": these terms as well as other expressions using "broken" English originate from stereotypes making fun of nonnative English speakers, particularly applied to Indigenous people and Asians. Suggested alternatives: "It's been a while!" and "Sorry, I can't" (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

pipeline: a term that is considered offensive and triggering to Indigenous communities as a result of oil companies transporting crude oil through the sacred lands of American Indians or Native Alaskans living in the United States, contaminating their water supply. The National Congress of American Indians (2019) recommends that allies for Indian country should avoid careless use of words that refer to historical trauma or socioeconomic conditions. Suggested alternative: pathway.

powwow: using the word powwow erases the cultural roots, significance, and true meaning of the word. Suggested alternatives: meeting, party, or gathering (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

spirit animal: in some cultural and spiritual traditions, spirit animals refer to an animal spirit that helps guide and/or protect a person through a journey; equating this with an animal you like strips the term of its significance. Suggested alternatives: favorite animal, animal I would most like to be (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

tribe: whenever possible, identify Indigenous people by their specific tribes, nations, or communities. Headlines and text should also refer to tribes by their proper names, not a catch-all phrase like "Oklahoma Native American Tribe" or "Native American group." While many Indigenous people share a common history of oppression and colonialism, tribal nations are diverse and different; failing to use the actual name of the tribe you are referring to is neither accurate, fair, or thorough and undermines diversity by erasing the tribe's identity (Native American Journalists Association, n.d.). Outside of being used to describe racial, ethnic, and/or cultural groups, the word "tribe" was historically used in a dehumanizing way to equate Indigenous people with being "savage" or "primitive"; modern misuse could be interpreted as racially charged. Please use your judgment as to when it is appropriate to use these suggested alternatives: friends, group, pals, team (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

"sold down the river": this expression refers to enslaved people who were sold as punishment, separating them from their families and loved ones. Suggested alternative: betrayed (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

"to get gypped": the offensive term "gypped" is derived from "gypsy," connected to the racial stereotype that Romani people are swindlers. Suggested alternative: to get ripped off (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

"to get Jewed": the term "Jewed" is based on the anti-Semitic stereotype that Jews are cheap and/or money hoarders. Suggested alternative: to get haggled down (Brandeis University PARC, n.d.).

Violent language

Language that doesn't say what we mean

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About this resource

These inclusive language guidelines are written for those working to champion equity, diversity, and inclusion in the spaces that they learn, teach, work, or conduct research. This includes, but is not limited to, APA staff, volunteer leaders, members, students, affiliated organizations, and EDI professionals working across various industries.

The document draws directly from the bias-free language guidelines of the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, Seventh Edition (APA, 2020b). The guidance offered is intended to be used in conjunction with, not in place of, those guidelines.

Various APA publications also influenced the information presented within, namely the Equity, Diversity and Inclusion Framework (APA, 2021b); numerous policy resolutions and practice guidelines; and the APA Dictionary of Psychology (APA, n.d.). We also relied on articles published in peer-reviewed psychology journals and the collective expertise of subject matter experts among our staff and APA committees.

Finally, we consulted inclusive language guidelines from the Brandeis University Prevention, Advocacy and Resource Center and the Native American Journalists Association.
Please note that the explanations in this document are distinct and separate from how these words are defined and interpreted under law.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank specific APA staff who directed this resource with passion and resolve:

Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion Executive Office

Maysa Akbar, PhD, ABPP, Chief Diversity Officer

Nadia Dawood, MS, Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion Manager

Triven Parker, MPH, Sr. Director EDI Planning & Integration

Mia Smith-Bynum, PhD, Sr. Director for Science Equity

Communications

Alicia Aebersold, Chief Communications Officer

Efua Andoh, Public Engagement Manager

Dani Poole, Senior Marketing Manager

Trent Spiner, Editor-in-Chief

Susan Straight, Managing Editor

Callie Strobel, Graphic Designer

Executive Office

Arthur C. Evans Jr., PhD, Chief Executive Officer and Executive Vice President

Ellen Garrison, PhD, Senior Policy Advisor

Human Resources

Public Interest

Clinton Anderson, PhD, Acting Chief of Psychology in the Public Interest

Tanya Dozier, Assistant Director, Women's Programs Portfolio

Kelley Haynes-Mendez, PsyD, Director, Ethnic, Racial, and Cultural Affairs Portfolio

Keyona King-Tsikata, MPH, Sr. Director, Health Equity and Access Team, and Sr. Director, Socioeconomic Status Portfolio

Ron Schlittler, MIPP, Assistant Director, Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity Portfolio

Meggin Van der Hilst, AuD, Director, Disability Issues in Psychology Portfolio

Latrice Vinson, PhD, Director, Aging Portfolio

Publishing

Ayanna Adams, MA, Editor, APA Style

Emily Ayubi, Director, APA Style

Chelsea Lee, MA, Content Development Manager, APA Style

Rose Sokol-Chang, PhD, Publisher, APA Journals and Books

Office of General Counsel

Donna Euben, JD, Deputy General Counsel

We would like to thank the following APA governance groups for their review:

Committee on Aging

Committee on Disability Issues in Psychology

Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs

Committee on Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity

Committee on Socioeconomic Status

Committee on Women in Psychology

Suggested citation:

American Psychological Association. (2021). Inclusive language guidelines.
https://www.apa.org/about/apa/equity-diversity-inclusion/language-guidelines.pdf

This material may be produced and distributed for noncommercial purposes only, provided that acknowledgment is given to the American Psychological Association and/or the material is reproduced in its entirety (including cover and title pages). This material may not be translated without prior permission in writing from the American Psychological Association.

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For the first time, APA is systematically and institutionally examining, acknowledging, and charting a path forward to address its role in racism and other forms of destructive social hierarchies including, but not limited to, sexism, ableism, ageism, heterosexism, classism, and religious bigotry. The organization is assessing the harms and is committing to true change.

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A&T University series on Black First Gen Experiences

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A&T University series on Black First Gen Experiences

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Shared in an email by Rashne Jehangir:
Excellent series on Black First Gen Experiences hosted by Dr. Kellie Dixon at  A&T University.

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Share your videos with friends, family, and the world

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@thegetdowncoffeeco - Bringing diversity to specialty coffee in North MPLS

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The Get Down Coffee Co. will not be just a coffee shop. It will be a coffee company, including roasting and selling its own coffee with a two-year goal to build its own roasting facility in North Minneapolis.

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Why Does Racial Inequality Persist? Workshop February 3, 2022

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Why Does Racial Inequality Persist? Workshop February 3, 2022

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Register for the virtual Public Life Project event "Why Does Racial Inequality Persist?," February 3, noon-1 PM (CT), when Glenn C. Loury, Merton P. Stolt Professor of the Social Sciences at Brown University, will discuss the issue of persisting racial inequality in the United States. Following the presentation, CLA Economics Professor Christopher Phelan will moderate an audience Q&A.

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Why has the unequal economic status of black Americans persisted into the 21st century? A conversation with Professor Glenn C. Loury.

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Reel America: Martin Luther King Press Conference

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Reel America: Martin Luther King Press Conference

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Dr. King shares his views on the forthcoming civil rights bill, underscoring the centrality of voting rights. “I think the tragedy is that we have a Congress with a Senate that has a minority of misguided senators who will use the filibuster to keep the majority of people from even voting.” ~ Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

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Reel America

Martin Luther King, Jr., was interviewed by four journalists for "Press Conference U.S.A.," a U.S. Information Agency (USIA) series that was... read more

Martin Luther King, Jr., was interviewed by four journalists for "Press Conference U.S.A.," a U.S. Information Agency (USIA) series that was distributed internationally. The interviewers were George Enninful, United Nations correspondent for the Ghana News Agency, William Workman, associate editor of Columbia, South Carolina's, State newspaper, T.V. Parasuram, Washington correspondent for the Indian Express, and program moderator Robert Lodge. By law, USIA programs could not be shown in the United States until 12 years after production. close

Report Video Issue

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Reel America: Martin Luther King Press Conference (1963)

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Martin Luther King, Jr., was interviewed by four journalists for "Press Conference U.S.A.," a U.S. Information Agency (USIA) series that was distributed internationally. The interviewers were George Enninful, United Nations correspondent for the Ghana News Agency, William Workman, associate editor of Columbia, South Carolina's, [State] newspaper, T.V.

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Before she became bell hooks, one of the great cultural critics and writers of the twentieth century, and before she inspired generations of readers-especially Black women-to understand their own axis-tilting power, she was Gloria Jean Watkins, daughter of Rosa Bell and Veodis Watkins. hooks, who died on Wednesday, was raised in Hopkinsville, a small, segregated town in Kentucky. Everything she would become began there. She was born in 1952 and attended segregated schools up until college; it was in the classroom that she, eager to learn, began glimpsing the liberatory possibilities of education. She loved movies, yet the ways in which the theatre made us occasionally captive to small-mindedness and stereotype compelled her to wonder if there were ways to look (and talk) back at the screen's moving images. Growing up, her father was a janitor and her mother worked as a maid for white families; their work, rife with minor indignities, brought into focus the everyday power of an impolite glare, or rolling your eyes. A new world is born out of such small gestures of resistance-of affirming your rightful space.

In 1973, Watkins graduated from Stanford; as a nineteen-year-old undergraduate, she had already completed a draft of a visionary history of Black feminism and womanhood. During the seventies, she pursued graduate work at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and the University of California, Santa Cruz. In the late seventies, she began publishing poetry under the pen name bell hooks-a tribute to her great-grandmother, Bell Blair Hooks. (The lowercase was meant to distinguish her from her great-grandmother, and to suggest that what mattered was the substance of the work, not the author's name.) In 1981, as hooks, she published the scholarship she began at Stanford, " Ain't I a Woman? Black Women and Feminism," a landmark book that was at once a history of slavery's legacy and the ongoing dehumanization of Black women as well as a critique of the revolutionary politics which had arisen in response to this maltreatment-and which, nonetheless, centered the male psyche. True liberation, she believed, needed to reckon with how class, race, and gender are facets of our identities that are inextricably linked. We are all of these things at once.

In the eighties and nineties, hooks taught at Yale University, Oberlin College, and the City College of New York. She was a prolific scholar and writer, publishing nearly forty books and hundreds of articles for magazines, journals, and newspapers. Among her most influential ideas was that of the "oppositional gaze." Power relations are encoded in how we look at one another; enslaved people were once punished for merely looking at their white owners. hooks's notion of a confrontational, rebellious way of looking sought to short-circuit the male gaze or the white gaze, which wanted to render Black female spectators as passive or somehow "other." She appreciated the power of critiquing or making art from this defiantly Black perspective.

I came to her work in the mid-nineties, during a fertile era of Black cultural studies, when it felt like your typical alternative weekly or independent magazine was as rigorous as an academic monograph. For hooks, writing in the public sphere was just an application of her mind to a more immediate concern, whether her subject was Madonna, Spike Lee, or, in one memorably withering piece, Larry Clark's "Kids." She was writing at a time when the serious study of culture-mining for subtexts, sifting for clues-was still a scrappy undertaking. As an Asian American reader, I was enamored with how critics like hooks drew on their own backgrounds and friendships, not to flatten their lives into something relatably universal but to remind us how we all index a vast, often contradictory array of tastes and experiences. Her criticism suggested a pulsing, tireless brain trying to make sense of how a work of art made her feel. She modelled an intellect: following the distant echoes of white supremacy and Black resistance over time and pinpointing their legacies in the works of Quentin Tarantino or Forest Whitaker's "Waiting to Exhale."

Yet her work-books such as " Reel to Real" or " Art on My Mind," which have survived decades of rereadings and underlinings-also modelled how to simply live and breathe in the world. She was zealous in her praise-especially when it came to Julie Dash's "Daughters of the Dust," a film referenced countless times in her work-and she never lost grasp of how it feels to be awestruck while standing before a stirring work of art. She couldn't deny the excitement as the lights dim and we prepare to surrender to the performance. But she made demands on the world. She believed criticism came from a place of love, a desire for things worthy of losing ourselves to.

She reached people, and that's what a generation of us wanted to do with our intellectual work. She wrote children's books; she wrote essays that people read in college classrooms and prisons alike. Picking up "Reel to Real" made me rethink what a book could be. It was a collection of her film essays, astute dissections of "Paris Is Burning" or "Leaving Las Vegas." But the middle portion consists of interviews with filmmakers like Wayne Wang and Arthur Jafa, where you encounter a different dimension of hooks's critical persona-curious, empathetic, searching for comrades. "Representation matters" is a hollow phrase nowadays, and it's easy to forget that even in the eighties and nineties nobody felt that this was enough. She was at her sharpest in resisting the banal, market-ready refractions of Blackness or womanhood that represent easy, meagre progress. (One of her most famous, recent works was a 2016 essay on Beyoncé's self-commodification, which provoked the ire of the singer's fans. Yet, if the essay is understood within the broader context of hooks's life and intellectual project, there are probably few pieces on Beyoncé filled with as much admiration and love.)

This has been a particularly trying time for critics who came of age in the eighties and nineties, as giants like hooks, Greg Tate, and Dave Hickey have passed. hooks was a brilliant, tough critic-no doubt her death will inspire many revisitations of works like "Ain't I a Woman," " Black Looks," or " Outlaw Culture." Yet she was also a dazzling memoirist and poet. In 1982, she published a poem titled "in the matter of the egyptians" in Hambone, a journal she worked on with her then partner, Nathaniel Mackey. It reads:

ancestral bodies
buried in sand
sun treasured flowers
press in a memory book
they pass through loss
and come to this still tenderness
swept clean by scarce winds
surfacing in the watery passage
beyond death

In 2004, hooks returned to Kentucky to teach at Berea College, where she also founded the bell hooks Institute. Over the past two decades, hooks's published criticism turned from film and literature to relationships, love, sexuality, the ways in which members of a community remain accountable for one another. Living together was always a theme in hooks's work, though now intimacy became the subject, not the context. Much like the late Asian American activist and organizer Grace Lee Boggs, who turned to community gardening in later years, hooks's twenty-first-century writings about love as "an action, a participatory emotion," and companionship were prophetic, a return to the basis for all that is meaningful. The social and political systems around us are designed to obstruct our sense of esteem and make us feel small. Yet revolution starts within each of us-in the demands we take up against the world, in the daily fight against nihilism.

"If I were really asked to define myself," she told a Buddhist magazine in the early nineties, "I wouldn't start with race; I wouldn't start with blackness; I wouldn't start with gender; I wouldn't start with feminism. I would start with stripping down to what fundamentally informs my life, which is that I'm a seeker on the path. I think of feminism, and I think of anti-racist struggles as part of it. But where I stand spiritually is, steadfastly, on a path about love."

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Before she became bell hooks, one of the great cultural critics and writers of the twentieth century, and before she inspired generations of readers-especially Black women-to understand their own axis-tilting power, she was Gloria Jean Watkins, daughter of Rosa Bell and Veodis Watkins.

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https://www.ted.com/talks/rita_pierson_every_kid_needs_a_champion?language=en

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Rita Pierson, a teacher for 40 years, once heard a colleague say, “They don’t pay me to like the kids.” Her response: “Kids don’t learn from people they don’t like.’” A rousing call to educators to believe in their students and actually connect with them on a real, human, personal level.

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APA apologizes for its role in perpetuating racism

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APA apologizes for its role in perpetuating racism

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The American Psychological Association failed in its role leading the discipline of psychology, was complicit in contributing to systemic inequities, and hurt many through racism, racial discrimination, and denigration of people of color, thereby falling short on its mission to benefit society and improve lives. APA is profoundly sorry, accepts responsibility for, and owns the actions and inactions of APA itself, the discipline of psychology, and individual psychologists who stood as leaders for the organization and field.

The governing body within APA should have apologized to people of color before today. APA, and many in psychology, have long considered such an apology, but failed to accept responsibility. APA previously engaged in unsuccessful efforts to issue apologies in the past, including an apology to Indigenous peoples. The work done to make this apology to people of color a reality was led by the people and voices of a broad cross-section of today's APA-members, APA's elected and appointed leaders, and staff-in a shared commitment to not only truly assess the harms and the harmed, but also to take responsibility and commit to taking those collective learnings and direct them into an apology that will affect true change. It is informed by listening with intention to the voices of the past-as outlined in a stunning chronology of psychology's history-and especially informed by the voices of today, the lived experience of psychologists of color, Ethnic Psychological Associations, and those who serve people of color.

Consistent with its February 2021 commitment to catalogue the long history of harms to people of color and to inform an apology and a path forward toward healing and reconciliation, APA commissioned historical research by the Cummings Center for the History of Psychology at the University of Akron (Cummings Center, 2021). In addition, recognizing that many existing historical records and narratives have been centered in Whiteness, APA also concluded that it was imperative to capture oral history and the lived experiences of communities of color, so commissioned a series of listening sessions and surveys, which also inform this resolution, by Jernigan & Associates Consulting.

The narrative that emerged from the listening sessions, surveys, and historical findings put into stark amplification the impact of well-known and lesser-known actions. It leaves us, as APA leaders, with profound regret and deep remorse for the long-term impact of our failures as an association, a discipline, and as individual psychologists.

We know too well that history can repeat itself, that the past informs the present, and that many harms will continue to be perpetuated absent purposeful intervention. In offering an apology for these harms, APA acknowledges that recognition and apology only ring true when accompanied by action; by not only bringing awareness of the past into the present but in acting to ensure reconciliation, repair, and renewal. We stand committed to purposeful intervention, and to ensuring that APA, the field of psychology, and individual psychologists are leaders in both benefiting society and improving lives.

About this resolution

In constructing this apology, APA benefited greatly from a report generated by APA Division 45, the Society for the Psychological Study of Culture, Ethnicity, and Race, titled Protecting and Defending Our People: Nakni tushka anowa (The Warrior's Path; APA Division 45, 2020). This Warrior's Path report reflects upon how APA and psychology can shed racist and colonial roots to embody the principles of equity, diversity, and inclusion to become an actively antiracist discipline.

The structure of this apology focuses on acknowledging the roles of psychology and APA in promoting, perpetuating, and failing to challenge racism, and the harms that have been inflicted on communities of color as a result. It should be noted that this apology is accompanied by a second proposed resolution, "Psychology's Role in Dismantling Systemic Racism," which delves more deeply into methods by which psychological science can be used to remedy harms in practice, education, criminal justice, training, and other domains.

Whereas psychology cannot harness its potential to disarm and dismantle racism without addressing its own history of racism and support for human hierarchy (APA, 2021c). Since its origins as a scientific discipline in the mid-19th century, psychology has, through acts of commission and omission, contributed to the dispossession, displacement, and exploitation of communities of color. This early history of psychology, rooted in oppressive psychological science to protect Whiteness, White people, and White epistemologies, reflected the social and political landscape of the U.S. at that time. Psychology developed under these conditions, helped to create, express, and sustain them, continues to bear their indelible imprint, and often continues to publish research that conforms with White racial hierarchy (Cummings Center, 2021; Helms 2003; Luther et al., 1996; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2016).

Whereas APA was established by White male leadership, many of whom contributed to scientific inquiry and methods that perpetuated systemic racial oppression, including promoting the ideas of early 20th century eugenics; Eugenics is defined as the idea that racial differences and hierarchies are biologically based and fixed, and was used to support segregation, sterilization, and antimarriage laws (Cummings Center, 2021).

Whereas eugenicists focused on the measurement of intelligence, health, and capability, concepts which were adopted by the field of psychology and used systemically to create the ideology of White supremacy and harm communities of color (Cummings Center, 2021; Gillham, 2001).

Whereas psychologists created, sustained, and promulgated ideas of human hierarchy through the construction, study, and interpretation of racial difference, and therefore contributed to the financial wealth gap and social class disparities experienced by many communities of color (Cummings Center, 2021).

Whereas APA has recently adopted a framework that affirms that human rights are universal and inalienable, that racism is a violation of human rights, and that APA must oppose racism in all its forms (APA, 2021e) and implemented an equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) framework (APA, 2021d) to be infused throughout the association that holds APA accountable for promoting psychological safety, emotional intelligence, and belongingness throughout APA.

Whereas in February 2021, APA "reaffirm[ed] its denunciation of racism in all forms for its destructive psychological, social, educational, and economic effects on human rights and human welfare throughout the lifespan;" committed to "undertake an analysis of psychology's history, with the goal of understanding the harms that marginalized racial groups have experienced and the actions necessary to create a more equitable, diverse, and inclusive association, discipline, and society going forward;" and established a standard definition of racism (PDF, 95KB) and a framework for understanding the following four levels of racism in designing and implementing antiracist research, education, training, policy, and clinical applications through the lens of intersectionality: structural racism, institutional racism, interpersonal racism, and internalized racism (APA, 2021c).

Whereas this framework for understanding the four levels of racism recognizes that racism is woven into the fabric of the historical origins of the U.S. and its territories and has become integral to the functioning of its core institutions and organizations (APA, 2021c).

Whereas acts of racism have exposed long-simmering racial inequities and injustices and have prompted a national conversation about systemic racism, bigotry, and xenophobia (APA, 2020a, 2021c).

Whereas psychology has minimized and marginalized psychologists from communities of color and their contributions to the field (Guthrie, 2004). APA specifically acknowledges the harm it caused the field and the Black community during the height of the civil rights movement. APA ignored the opportunity to take a formidable stand to address poverty, racism, and social concerns affecting African Americans, despite the strong advocacy of our members, some of whom consequently left the organization to form the Association of Black Psychologists (ABPsi), an independent association. Further, APA acknowledges often excluding American Arab, Middle Eastern/North African (AMENA) individuals from APA statements regarding the impact of racism and discrimination and makes an affirmative statement here regarding their inclusion in this resolution (Awad et al., 2019).

Whereas psychologists established, participated in, and disseminated scientific models and approaches rooted in scientific racism when the discipline was first founded (Winston, 2020).

Whereas the field of psychology has not historically supported research on communities of color by not adequately reporting and including them, minimally reporting them as a demographic data point, and/or interpreting results based on Eurocentric research standards, thereby perpetuating invisibility and resulting in a lack of quality research that can inform practices and policies that impact communities of color (Helms et al., 2005; Buchanan, Perez, Prinstein, & Thurston, in press).

Whereas these views have often been centered in research used to advance the careers of White researchers who became "experts" with respect to the ethnically diverse studied group, without providing any follow up to that community or insight into the data findings and the implications for the researched community (Buchanan et al., in press; McFarling, 2021).

Whereas a general lack of faculty and advisors of color to assist with navigating and completing graduate programs has placed great burdens on current faculty of color to support students of color and champion all university-related issues pertaining to race and diversity, all of which is a consequence of racial disparities in the field and discipline of psychology which may be rooted in negative training-related and other experiences of faculty and students of color (DeBell, 2017; Constantine & Sue, 2007; El-Ghoroury, 2012; Keels, 2017; Johnson-Bailey et al., 2009; McCoy et al., 2015).

Whereas psychological science and practice have been used by psychologists and others to support segregated and subpar education for many children of color (Jackson, 2005; Kazembe, 2021; Richards, 1997).

Whereas psychologists created and promoted the widespread application of psychological tests and instruments that have been used to disadvantage many communities of color (Fass, 1980; Helms, 2002; Kaestle, 2013; Kevles, 1968), contributing to the overdiagnosis, misdiagnosis, and lack of culturally appropriate diagnostic criteria to characterize the lived experience and mental health concerns of people of color (Anderson & Mayes, 2010; Cermele et al., 2001).

Whereas APA and its leadership failed to take concerted action in response to calls from Black psychologists (many of whom later formed ABPsi) for an end to the misuse of testing and assessment practices (including standardized assessments) and interventions in education and the workplace developed by psychologists and others that perpetuated racial inequality (Cummings Center, 2021; Gomez, Cano, & Baltes, 2021; Pickren & Tomes, 2002; Williams & Mitchell, 1978; Wilson, 2020).

Whereas for students of color, the system has been built to perpetuate multiple barriers to entry and completion, including the completion of training requirements that omit taking the perspective of diversity into account, the costs of tuition, and the costs of entrance examinations and related preparation programs (Lantz & Davis, 2017), all of which along with many other factors adversely impact the recruitment and retention and successful transition into the field of psychology for students of color.

Whereas APA recognizes that traditional diagnostic methods and standards do not always capture the contextual and lived experiences of people of color, which influences mental health outcomes and emotional well-being (Anderson & Mayes, 2010; Cermele et al., 2001).

Whereas psychology has been complicit in failing to effectively elevate the science behind the disproportionate concentration of adverse social determinants of health in communities of color, as well as the impact of climate change on these same communities. That includes acknowledging that neighborhoods populated primarily by people of color and members of low-socioeconomic backgrounds are overburdened with lack of access to healthy food, quality health care, and community safety, as well as disproportionate exposure to environmental hazards, including lead paint in older buildings, toxic waste facilities, and other sources of pollutants. As the incidence of adverse social determinants of health and climate change worsens, there will be increasingly deleterious effects on both the physical and mental health of these communities of color (Bullard et al, 2013; Rosner, 2016; Schell et al., 2020; Williams, 2018).

Whereas racist behaviors and ideologies are evidenced in the health inequities of pandemics and disease on Indigenous people (including over 570 Tribal Nations), Black/African American, Asian American, Pacific Islander American, Latina/o and Latinx, and AMENA peoples and communities; psychologists also provided ideological support for, and failed to speak out against, the colonial framework of the government-sponsored industrial (boarding) and day school systems for Indigenous youth (Cummings Center, 2021); the tragic hate crimes and killings of Black people at the hands of law enforcement; the surge in hate crimes against and ongoing harms perpetuated by "model minority" stereotyping of Asian Americans Americans (Yip, Cheah, Kiang & Hall, 2021); the inhumane treatment and systemic targeting and historical exclusion of immigrants of color from the civil rights granted by U.S. citizenship, through immigration policy and its aggressive enforcement and the mistreatment and criminalization of undocumented immigrants who lack access to a pathway to U.S. citizenship; the continuing hate crimes and speech perpetrated against AMENA people; and the overall climate of xenophobia in the U.S. These examples of racism are widespread and impact either directly or indirectly all individuals who belong to marginalized racial groups, including multiracial persons (APA, 2019, 2020a, 2020b, 2021a, 2021b).

Whereas racial inequities result from laws, systems, policies, practices, and cultural narratives that reflect racial bias and White supremacist ideology, and that APA and psychology, in keeping with the ethical values reflected in the APA Ethics Code (2016) have an important role and responsibility to disarm and dismantle racism in all its forms (APA, 2021c; Thomas, 2005; Yearby et al., 2020).

Whereas racism harms all people and infects their beliefs, ways of understanding the world, and interpersonal interactions (APA, 2021d; C.P. Jones, 2003).

Therefore, be it resolved that APA sincerely and formally acknowledges, accepts responsibility for, and owns the actions and inactions of APA itself, the discipline of psychology, and prominent individual psychologists who stood as leaders for the organization and field, and that APA sincerely and formally apologizes to communities of color for these actions and inactions.

Therefore, be it resolved that APA rejects "hegemonic science"-that is, research focused on identifying and reinforcing supposed hierarchies of human value based on a White-default-and will continue to oppose it through culturally responsive training, ethical/equity-focused approaches, peer review, and publications (e.g., APA, 2021d).

Therefore, be it resolved that APA reaffirms that race is a social construct with no underlying genetic or biological basis and debunks the notion that different groups can be ranked hierarchically on the basis of physical characteristics (APA 2021c).

Therefore, be it resolved that, consistent with the 2012 Final Report of the APA Presidential Task Force on Preventing Discrimination and Promoting Diversity, the 2017 APA Multicultural Guidelines, the 2019 Race and Ethnicity Guidelines, and the 2021 Resolution on Human Rights, APA will encourage psychologists and trainees to consider the limitations of White Western-oriented clinical practice, and gain awareness of other healing approaches emanating from Indigenous and other non-Western and cultural traditions. APA will continue to learn and update new information on racism in diagnosis and clinical practice, and on the pursuit of equity, diversity, and inclusion in health service psychology, including psychological testing and assessment, while fostering practice based in culturally relevant evidence.

Therefore, be it resolved that APA commits to developing future policy that is grounded in its ethical values; is based on a broad definition of research that appropriately includes knowledge by, for, and about communities of color; and decenters Whiteness in science, scholarship, and practice. Given that such research is currently lacking for many communities of color, APA will advocate for increased funding and opportunities for scholars of color to fill this void and will encourage the development of future policy that considers the generalizability and appropriateness of current research to inform recommendations and actions and ensure rigorous, evidence-based approaches for all populations.

Therefore, be it resolved that APA encourages ethical scientific research that actively engages communities of color as equitable partners and is based on the lived experiences and perspectives of those communities of color to develop needed interventions created for diverse populations and delivered by diverse providers.

Therefore, be it resolved that APA will examine, review, make recommendations, or require revisions for terms referencing communities of color (such as "minority") in journals, correspondence, titles, etc., to ensure that they are consistent with the APA Publication Manual (APA, 2020) and the EDI inclusive language guidelines (APA, December 2021) to accurately describe the communities in a nonderogatory manner.

Therefore, be it resolved that APA acknowledges that an apology absent ameliorative action is without impact, and thus commits to the following immediate actions of remedy and repair, in addition to long-term actions specified above. These actions are anchored in creating immediate and real structural change for the organization.

APA will engage in a comprehensive audit of all its EDI and other antiracism-related activities including ethnic representation of governance leaders and central office staff and policies, practices, and procedures currently underway and in use-to include how psychologists of color will have access to the results of the audit and its intended impact on society, to be concluded by the February 2022 meeting of the Council of Representatives.

Not later than August 2022, initial actions will be proposed for approval by Council, based on recommendations from members and ethnic groups, with respect to implementation of the following three priorities, though Council may offer different tactics than the examples noted below:

APA will prioritize efforts in knowledge production and scholarship, such as those that enhance psychology's scientific methods based on culturally diverse knowledge production, and those that create mechanisms to count and acknowledge all racial and ethnic groups in APA-sponsored research and membership surveys (e.g., regularly offering "AMENA" as a demographic category that survey respondents may choose, avoiding clustering small population samples, such as American Indian and Alaska Native psychologists, in "other" categories).

APA will prioritize efforts in training, opening pathways, and workforce development, such as those that expand opportunities for students of color to pursue careers in psychology; promote mentorship of psychologists of color; improve psychology graduate education and training to include diverse, non-Western cultural perspectives; increase mechanisms, strategies, and practices to raise participation and success rates for psychologists of color in academia, publishing, and governmental licensing; increase representation of communities of color throughout APA's elected and appointed leadership; expand opportunities for leadership and leadership training for psychologists of color; and enhance the visibility of psychologists of diverse backgrounds.

APA will prioritize efforts in clinical practice and health equity, such as those that elevate both advocacy for and training in culturally competent, easily accessible care models; and those that improve the discipline's knowledge of and responsiveness to the needs of communities of color. The foundational work on this has already begun, as outlined in the "Resolution on Advancing Health Equity and Psychology," developed by APA's Presidential Task Force on Psychology and Health Equity.

To improve accountability and transparency, APA will establish and share metrics on progress toward the objectives identified, establish timeframes for accomplishing these objectives, communicate regularly to members of the association regarding progress toward meeting the objectives, and incorporate feedback received from key stakeholders regarding progress toward objectives, as a means of continuous quality improvement.

Therefore, be it resolved that future APA actions could include targeted apologies and restorative processes for specific communities of color that extend beyond the content, format, and style of this formal Council resolution to be responsive to, and respectful of, the unique cultures and traditions of a given group, such as by the inclusion of elements respectful of the cultural traditions of Indigenous peoples.

Therefore, be it resolved that future APA actions could also include targeted interventions to benefit other groups that have experienced systems of oppression, including those based on religion, sex, class, sexual orientation and gender diversity, and disability identity.

Therefore, be it resolved that APA reaffirms its rejection of racism and racist ideologies and its commitment to dismantling racism in all forms, including within the discipline itself, will continue to work to identify psychology's significant potential to dismantle racism in important systems and sectors of society, and will continue to advocate for policies that create a more equitable and inclusive society that honors the needs and well-being of people of color.

References

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American Psychological Association. (2019, June). Letter to President Donald Trump. https://www.apa.org/advocacy/immigration/immigration-letter-trump.pdf

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American Psychological Association. (May, 2020a). We are living in a racism pandemic says APA president. https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/2020/05/racism-pandemic

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American Psychological Association. (March, 2021a). Statement of APA president in response to Atlanta area spa shootings. https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/2021/03/atlanta-spa-shootings

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American Psychological Association. (February, 2021c). Resolution on harnessing psychology to combat racism: Adopting a uniform definition and understanding. https://www.apa.org/about/policy/resolution-combat-racism.pdf

American Psychological Association. (April, 2021d). Equity, diversity, and inclusion framework. https://www.apa.org/about/apa/equity-diversity-inclusion/equity-division-inclusion-framework.pdf

American Psychological Association. (February, 2021e). APA resolution on APA, psychology, and human rights. https://www.apa.org/about/policy/resolution-psychology-human-rights.pdf

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Cermele, J. A., Daniels, S., & Anderson, K. L. (2001). Defining normal: Constructions of race and gender in the DSM-IV casebook. Feminism & Psychology, 11(2), 229-247.

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Cummings Center for the History of Psychology (2021). Examining psychology's contributions to the belief in racial hierarchy and perpetuation of inequality for People of Color in the United States. Cummings Center for the History of Psychology (proposed for vote to receive in Council of Representatives meeting scheduled for October 2021).

Division 45 of the APA. (2020). Warrior's Path Presidential Task Force. Protecting and defending our people: Nakni tushka anowa (The warrior's path) Final Report. Journal of Indigenous Research, 9(8). https://doi.org/10.26077/2en0-6610

Gonzalez, G. G. (2013). Chicano education in the era of segregation. University of North Texas Press.

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Helms, J.E. (2002). A remedy for the Black-White test-score disparity. American Psychologist, 57(4), 303-305.

Helms, J.E. (2003). A pragmatic view of social justice. The Counseling Psychologist, 31(3), 305-313.

Helms, J.E., Jernigan, M., & Mascher, J. (2005). The meaning of race in psychology and how to change it: A methodological perspective. American Psychologist, 60(1), 27-36.

Jackson, J. P., Jr. (2005). Science for segregation: Race, law, and the case against Brown v. Board of Education. NYU Press.

Jackson, J. P. & Weidman, N. M. (2004). Race, racism, and science: Social impact and interaction. Rutgers University Press.

Jones, C. P. (2003). Confronting institutionalized racism. Phylon, 50, 1-2.

Kaestle, C. (2013). Testing policy in the United States: A historical perspective. The Gordon Commission on the Future of Assessment in Education. https://www.ets.org/Media/Research/pdf/kaestle_testing_policy_us_historical_perspective.pdf

Keels, M., Durkee, M., & Hope, E. (2017). The psychological and academic costs of school-based racial and ethnic microaggressions. American Educational Research Journal, 54(6), 1316-1344.

Luther, M., Cole, E., & Gamblin P. (1996). Dynamic assessment for instruction: From theory to application. Captus Press.

McFarling, U. L. (2021). Health equity tourists: How white scholars are colonizing research on health disparities. STAT. https://www.statnews.com/2021/09/23/health-equity-tourists-white-scholars-colonizing-health-disparities-research/.

Richards, G. (1997). Race, racism, and psychology: Toward a reflexive history. London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2015.303011 h

Santiago-Rivera, A. L., Adames, H. Y., Chavez-Dueñas, N. Y., & Benson-Flórez, G. (2016). The impact of racism on communities of color: Historical contexts and contemporary issues. In A. N. Alvarez, C. T. H. Liang, & H. A. Neville (Eds.), The cost of racism for people of color: Contextualizing experiences of discrimination (pp. 229-245). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/14852-011

Schell, C. J., Dyson, K., Fuentes, T. L., Des Roches, S., Harris, N. C., Miller, D. S., Woelfle-Erskine, C. A., & Lambert, M. R. (2020). The ecological and evolutionary consequences of systemic racism in urban environments. Science, 369(6510), 1-11. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aay4497

Thomas, R.R. (2005). Building on the promise of diversity: How we can move to the next level in our workplaces, our communities, and our society. AMACOM Books: New York, NY.

Tucker, W. H. (1994). The science and politics of racial research. University of Illinois Press.

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Wilson, R. (2020). Predicting graduate school success: A critical race analysis of the Graduate Record Examination. Dissertation published by Kennesaw State University.

Winston, A. S. (2020). Scientific racism and North American psychology. In O. Braddick (Ed.), The Oxford research encyclopedia of psychology. Oxford University Press.

Yearby, R., Lewis, C. N., Gilbert, K. L., & Banks, K. (2020). Racism is a public health crisis: Here's how to respond. Institute for Healing Justice and Equity, St. Louis University. https://tjcinstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Racism-is-a-Public-Health-Crisis.pdf

APA Council of Representatives resolutions

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Apology to people of color for APA's role in promoting, perpetuating, and failing to challenge racism, racial discrimination, and human hierarchy in U.S.

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APA failed in its role leading the discipline of psychology, was complicit in contributing to systemic inequities, and hurt many through racism, discrimination, and denigration of communities of color, thereby falling short on its mission to benefit society and improve lives.

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Overcoming Racism Virtual Conference Nov 12-13, 2021

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Overcoming Racism Virtual Conference Nov 12-13, 2021

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Registration is now open (as of 10/4/21)!

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Facilitating Racial Equity Collaborative (FREC)

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A two-day event to inspire people to overcome racism where they live, work and play

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Upcoming National Center for Faculty Development & Diversity virtual workshops

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Upcoming National Center for Faculty Development & Diversity virtual workshops

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Submitted by Bre Krzyzanowski

The Institute for Diversity, Equity, & Advocacy (IDEA) has upcoming workshops for faculty, graduate students and postdocs that center on mentoring. Please sign up if you're interested in participating in one of events!

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Dear University of Minnesota Scholar,

We invite you to join us for two upcoming National Center for Faculty Development & Diversity virtual workshops this October hosted by the U of M Institute for Diversity, Equity, and Advocacy (IDEA). These events are free and open to all faculty, graduate students, and postdocs.

The first workshop, Re-Thinking Mentoring: How to Build Communities of Inclusion, Support, and Accountability, will take place on October 13 from 2 to 4 pm.

Re-Thinking Mentoring is designed to start a new type of discussion about mentoring by describing the common problems that pre-tenure and post-tenure faculty members experience and why traditional mentoring programs fail to meet those needs. We propose an alternative framework for mentoring that focuses on needs assessment and shifts the idea of mentoring from a relationship between two faculty members towards building a broad network of support, community and accountability. The virtual workshop concludes with a presentation of best practices in mentoring pre-tenure, under-represented and mid-career faculty.

See this flyer for further information on the October 13 workshop. Registration will close on October 6.

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The Institute for Diversity, Equity, & Advocacy (IDEA)

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Dear University of Minnesota Scholar, We invite you to join us for two upcoming National Center for Faculty Development & Diversity virtual workshops this October hosted by the U of M Institute for Diversity, Equity, and Advocacy (IDEA). These events are free and open to all faculty, graduate students, and postdocs.

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NEPC Resources on Critical Theory and Pedagogy

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NEPC Resources on Critical Theory and Pedagogy

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Includes a helpful Q&A on what Critical Race Theory is and is not

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A Sadness I Can't Carry: The Story of the Drum

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A Sadness I Can't Carry: The Story of the Drum

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Submitted by Susan Slater
A very good article. It's long but very on point after Karen Diver spoke at the CEHD Fall Assembly.

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The author on Fish Knuckle Lake, near the Leech Lake Reservation in Minnesota and his childhood home. Credit... Jaida Grey Eagle for The New York Times

The Great Read

For Ojibwe, the Big Drum is a gathering to mourn, to process grief, to understand loss. Could it heal my pain from the past year?

The author on Fish Knuckle Lake, near the Leech Lake Reservation in Minnesota and his childhood home. Credit... Jaida Grey Eagle for The New York Times

In the summer of 2020 I was - and there's no fancy way​ ​to put this - falling​ ​apart. My mother died that March, just after Covid hit. My father died a few years before. Strung between the fixed poles of my parents' deaths were the loss of my marriage, Trump's election and the sudden and, it seemed to me, inexplicable deaths of my two best friends.

On March 16, 2017, my friend Sean Fahrlander woke up coughing. He stumbled across the bedroom in his house near the Lac Courte Oreilles Reservation and collapsed on the floor. By the time his partner got there, he was dead. Not even a year later, my other friend, Dan Jones - whose Ojibwe name was Gaagigebines - went for a walk with his daughter after dinner around the small Ojibwe reserve northeast of Fort Frances where he was from. He, too, coughed and tried to clear his throat. He told his daughter that he wasn't feeling well and that she should get the car. By the time she ran home and came back with her mother, he was in the middle of a massive heart attack.

They were my guys, and when I got the news about Sean and then Dan, I collapsed but continued living somehow. One moment I would be fine, the next, inarticulate with rage and the next numb and unknowing. There's an old joke that goes something like this: An anthropologist asked a Native elder what the world is made out of, and the elder tells him that the earth rests on the back of a turtle. What, wondered the anthro, does the turtle rest on? Another turtle. And what does that turtle rest on? The elder says: Look, it's just turtles all the way down. I might have been the earth, but my grief was a bit like those turtles. Or at least that's how it felt - a huge stack of loss with no bottom to it. Then in August of last year, I started dreaming about Jim McDougall.

I grew up on the Leech Lake Reservation in Minnesota; Jim's place was roughly an hour and a half southwest, on the White Earth Reservation. Our reservations are close and closely related: Both house the same tribe (the Ojibwe, also known as the Chippewa), we share the same homelands and our religious societies are intertwined. White Earth was originally made by strong-arming families to move there from the Leech Lake, Mille Lacs, Turtle Mountain and Fond du Lac reservations, so we are related by blood too. My family was part of that coercive migration, and most of my family is officially enrolled at White Earth, though none of us have ever lived there.

I only know Jim at all because we had been a part of the Big Drum. Ojibwe Big Drum society, or "drum," as we call it, is a large, loud, social healing ceremony that takes place in dance halls designated specifically for that purpose in communities mostly in Minnesota and Wisconsin, throughout the year. To be seated on a drum, to be a member of the society, is both an honor and a profound, lifelong duty.

I'd always admired Jim and watched as he danced - a little bowlegged in that way of Ojibwe men, but light on his feet. And I had heard him joking with other drum members, watched as he threw his head back and directed his laughter at the ceiling. After the dreams started, I felt that I had to see Jim in particular, but also sit with other men like him. I felt that they could help me unravel everything that was tangled up inside of me, could help my heart find some kind of peace.

My dreams about Jim hadn't been specific - no clear directions or visions - just a repeated slumbery tap on the shoulder. As a Vietnam vet, Jim was part of a long fighting tradition. It was because of that service that he was also part of Big Drum. It, like Jim, was born out of war.

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Jim McDougall, a longtime Big Drum member, at home in Waubun, Minn. Credit... Jaida Grey Eagle for The New York Times

Around 1750, a large Ojibwe war party armed with French guns and powder attacked a Dakota village at Mille Lacs Lake (Bde Wakhang in the Dakota language) from the north. They slaughtered Dakota in the open and dumped bags of powder down the smoke holes in the Dakota lodges, burning women and children alive. The Dakota fled down the Rum River and spread out to the west and south into the plains. The loss of their forest homelands was deeply felt and often remembered. In the decades that followed, the Dakota and my tribe lived together and in tension: We found a strange way to not get along. We intermarried and traded and lived with Dakota near our borders and fought with and destroyed and were destroyed by Dakota farther away. As Gen. Jacob L. Devers remarked in relation to working with the French during World War II: "For many months we have fought together - often on the same side." Kind of like that.

Roughly 100 years after the war party's attack, a Dakota entourage arrived in Mille Lacs bearing a ceremonial gift for the Ojibwe who had conquered them, a shocking kind of grace in the face of grief and loss. They were received and feasted, and the Dakota presented a drum and a ceremony to the assembled Ojibwe. They were told that the ceremony was one of peace meant to forever close the wound of our mutual bloodletting.

The Ojibwe were instructed to pick, or "seat," people for different positions in the ceremonial society. They were told that every member who was seated should be someone who had killed a Dakota person in close warfare, people who had "touched blood." They were also told that as the years passed and the ceremony spread to other communities, they would run out of people who had killed a Dakota and could then seat people who had killed other enemies. Eventually, if they stuck to the ceremony and its message of peace, they would run out of people who had killed anyone at all.

Beyond the history, it's hard to know what to say about Big Drum, because it's hard to know what I can say about it. The Oneida comic Charlie Hill once said his tribe was originally from what is now New York, but the tribe migrated to Wisconsin because they had a "little real estate problem." Almost all tribes have. But we also suffer from a curiosity problem: outsiders peering in and fetishizing us with a collector's obsession. So we're protective, secretive, often mute (in public at least) about our ceremonies.

Big Drum, however, is a little different. It is possible to talk about it somewhat. At its most basic level, the Big Drum is quite literally a big drum, originally made out of a hollowed-out tree trunk but subsequently out of barrels cut in half, with a raw hide stretched over the open ends, painted, decorated. It is also a ceremony (made up mostly of singing, talking, eating and dancing), and it is a society (made up of people from the community in which the drum sits). Big Drum exists to heal people from physical, psychological and social pain and grief. Outsiders are welcomed there. I'm not sure why. It could be that, like the first Big Drum brought by the Dakota, the whole thing is meant to heal communities and close the distance between them. In any event, it is one of the few outward-facing Ojibwe ceremonies, and visitors are invited to come and mingle and partake.

I didn't grow up going to drum with my family. It was something that my older brother, Anton, and I grew into. We began going about 30 years ago, not as drum members and not as spectators - drum dances aren't a spectator sport. We just went to be there, to hang out with the people, to spend time with friends. Later, Anton was seated on a drum and then, nearly a decade after that, around 2005, I was approached and asked to be a part of a drum society, too. It's hard to say, and feels strange to do so, how many times I went to drum before I was seated or after. As strange, I suppose, as asking Catholics how many times they've been to Mass. Drums just happen. You go to them. When you're a member, you go to them a lot: your society's, other local ones. It would be nice to think that I was seated because I was important. It would be more honest to say that I was dependable.

There are still positions on the drum, however, that can only be held by veterans. Among their duties is to put families who have suffered a tragic loss into mourning and to, at the right time, take them out of it. The thinking is that only veterans - those who have risked themselves in combat, those who carry the grief of their own losses as much as the agony they feel at having taken lives - truly understand the meaning, the terrible weight, of life and death. And they are the only ones who can help us heal from it. There's something to it.

Maybe, I wondered, the problem wasn't that ghosts were real but that there were too many of them, too many to manage.

Jim's trailer sits on a slight rise above the shores of Strawberry Lake, caught in spangled glimpses among the leaves of oak and maple, in the middle of White Earth Reservation. Strawberry Lake is small, gorgeous, intimate in the way of lakes in northern Minnesota. "This is it, this is it right here," Jim said last August as he opened his arms to embrace the trailer, the maples, the lake, everything.

Jim has wide, powerful shoulders and huge, crushing hands. But despite all that strength, there's a lightness to how he moves, or there was: He's very sick now. He used to have long salt-and-pepper hair and a mustache that reminded me of old-time Ojibwe leaders' in photos. I've known Jim for about 25 years. I don't know him well, but he feels familiar, uncle-y.

In 1971, Jim was nearing the end of high school when he volunteered for the Navy. "I broke up with a girl I'd gone with for a few years there, and I waited till after school was out, and I talked to my cousin and told him what I was going to do. He said, 'I'll go with you.' We stayed drunk for a week. Took the train over to Fargo. Signed some papers." He was inducted into the Navy after he graduated.

I asked him why, during the height of Vietnam, he volunteered. He shrugged and said, "I wanted to be like my dad." A lot of people at White Earth, and by extension from Native communities across the country, volunteered for the armed forces for the same reasons: tradition and the lack of other opportunities. Off Jim went. First to Naval Station Great Lakes, and then to his shipside assignment on an aircraft carrier.

While on the carrier, he worked in aviation fuels. "It was dangerous work," he said, "bombs and fuel everywhere. A lot of people died from accidents." He did his years and got out, but there "wasn't [expletive] going on in the '70s." He worked as a mechanic for a while, but that wasn't enough, so he went back in. "I was in for a total of 11 years. I thought maybe I could make it a career. It didn't work out, though.

"I got in trouble with my drinking and stuff like that," he says of his service after re-enlisting. "But a lot of guys do. To hang in there with everyone else, I had to learn how to drink." Then the drinking started to show. "My division officer called me and told me I had a choice." He could go to treatment or get out. "I got out. They let me go with an honorable discharge. I tried to get back in later, but they said no."

Jim is modest and self-effacing. He resists the impulse to draw larger meaning from his life. As he put it, he liked being in the service and was happy (if that's the right word) to serve during Vietnam. The fact that he kept trying to re-enlist, that a man would go back into the Navy soon after he fought in such a war, says something. I don't know what the toll of that service was for Jim. But serving in a war, killing even if by proxy, seeing death, being responsible for it, all of that changes a person.

My father was changed twice, once as a Jew during the Holocaust when others were trying to kill him, and again only a few short years later when he served in the Philippines and Okinawa, his force intent on killing other people. The same is true for my mother's father, Ojibwe, from Leech Lake Reservation, who also served in World War II, but his war was much worse. He was bombed and shelled and frozen and forced to kill, over and over and over again. I'm not sure if he was a nice man before, but he struggled to be one after he got back. The whole relationship between Native people and military service feels, to me, like a kind of simple arithmetic. We collectively grew up with a fair amount of pain, and then many of us joined the military and caused suffering that, directed at the enemy, bent backward and affected us. Some more deeply than others.

Jim started to realize that he was an alcoholic. Blackouts, D.W.I.s, drying out in the drunk tank. Finally, after one bender, he woke up in jail still drunk. He started praying. "I said: 'This is it. I'm done.' And since November of 1990, I was done. Haven't had a drink since." Whatever dry well of pain that Jim might have been trying to fill with booze began, gradually, to be filled up with something else. He met his wife, Betsy, in 1992, and they've been together ever since. In 1994 he was seated as a veteran on the Big Drum at White Earth. "If I hadn't gotten involved with Betsy and her family, it would have taken me a lot longer to get involved and to get my life in order. I get something out of going to Big Drum. I get a good feeling in my head and in my heart."

There's a process that sometimes occurs (not always or even often) during the Big Drum to help end a family's mourning called "wash their tears." Typically, men will wash up men, and women will wash up women. I've seen Jim do this many times over the years. A family is seated in chairs near the drum, and the veterans approach them with bowls of water and soap and combs. They literally wash the faces of the bereaved, and comb and braid their hair. These big men, with their strong hands, wash and comb with a delicacy you wouldn't think possible. In so doing, they wash away our sadness. Even though Jim hasn't washed me up, I've always felt a kind of calm fall over me when I've seen him help others with their grief. My breath comes easier. My hands don't play so fretfully. I felt similarly as I sat on Jim's porch and listened to him talk.

He listened to me, too. We spoke of my mom and dad, and when I started talking about the death of my friend Sean, I became overwhelmed. Rather than cry, I drifted off into silence, or some version of it, as I stared at the lake between the trees.

That old feeling, that feeling of being very small in the presence of my grief, kept me pinned to my chair. I finally managed to wonder out loud why the loss of my parents didn't rock me the way the death of my friend did. I wondered out loud that maybe it was hard to talk about Sean because he had come to stand in for all the losses: of my parents, and of other friends, my marriage, all of it. Maybe, I wondered, the problem wasn't that ghosts were real but that there were too many of them, too many to manage.

"Maybe," Jim said. "That could be." Jim is many things - a veteran, a ceremony man, a White Earther, a Vikings football fan. But he's not a Buddha.

"My uncle had this black lab named Shine." Then Jim's voice broke. He fought back tears. "There's been more than one Shine. But the original. The original Shine was one [expletive] great dog. When we drove that truck into town, Shine would climb up on the top of the cab and ride like that. And he hunted, and he protected us. He was a family dog. He was just a mutt born in White Earth." Not unlike Jim, I thought. For that matter, not unlike me. Sometimes what hurts us and also what moves us, is profoundly ineffable. For me, infuriatingly so.

Five years ago when I looked down at my father's dead body as it lay in the room at my brother's house, I felt nothing. When my mother lay dying in my sister's house a year ago, I wanted to leave. Yet if the sun catches the trees in a certain way, I think of my friend Dan, and I miss him so much I'm made mute, frozen in my grief until the tears come and I am doubled over and then brought to the ground. Where we find relief can be just as hard to predict. Jim hadn't done anything grand for me. He hadn't washed me up or wiped my tears. But he'd given me permission to look at my life and my feelings a little more closely. Because of Jim's personality and the power of his experience, he gave me space to think about something I hadn't given myself a chance to process.

If we were at a ceremony, Jim would be able to help me directly. He would seat me in a chair and wash my face and head, and dress me in new clothes and dance for my grief. As a veteran, Jim has held the entire span of a person's existence in his hands. As a veteran, he has caused grief, and so - with wisdom or without it, intentionally or not - he can carry our grief, so we don't have to.

The author and his mother, Margaret Treuer, at the Ball Club powwow in the mid-1970s. Credit... From David Treuer

Native people are keenly aware of what we've given to this country. Across what would become the United States, Native people fought rapacious European powers and, when the time came, fought an expanding American government in order to protect themselves and their homelands. In the 19th century, the United States fought more wars against Indian tribes than it did against "foreign" powers, among them: Tecumseh's War (1811), the Creek War (1813-14), the First and Second and Third Seminole Wars (1817-18 and 1835-42 and 1855-58), the Arikara War (1823), the Winnebago War (1827), the Black Hawk War (1832), the Cayuse War (1847-55), the Apache Wars (1861-1900), the Puget Sound War (1855-56), the Rogue River Wars (1855-56), the Yakama War (1855-58), the Utah War (1857-58), the Navajo Wars (1848-68), the Paiute War (1860), the Yavapai Wars (1861-75), the Dakota War (1862), the Colorado War (1864-65), the Snake War (1864-68), the Powder River War (1865), Red Cloud's War (1865-68), the Comanche Campaign (1867-75), the Modoc War (1872-73), the Red River War (1874-75), the Great Sioux War (1876-77), the Buffalo Hunters' War (1877), the Nez Percé War (1877), the Bannock War (1878), the Cheyenne Campaign (1878), the Sheepeater War (1879), Victorio's War (1879-80), the White River Ute War (1879), the Pine Ridge Campaign (1890-91), the Yaqui Wars (1896-1918).

Alongside these punitive, barely remembered wars were equally destructive federal policies directed at Native people and Native nations, such as the Indian Removal Act of 1830, which sought to shift all Indians from east of the Mississippi to Indian Territory in what is now Oklahoma. There was the General Allotment Act of 1887, which tried to dissolve tribes and tribal ownership of their homelands by assigning parcels to individual Indians to farm - this policy resulted in the loss of over 90 million acres and thrust Native people into seemingly perpetual cycles of poverty. There was also the federal policy of taking Native children from their homes and sending them to federally funded Indian residential schools, where they were forbidden to speak their tribal languages, practice their religion or wear their traditional clothing.

In a speech he gave in 1886, Teddy Roosevelt said, "I don't go so far as to think that the only good Indians are the dead Indians, but I believe nine out of every 10 are, and I shouldn't like to inquire too closely into the case of the 10th." We had suffered from American violence for centuries and we - as American allies and members of the armed forces - had visited violence on others. Violence defines the lives of Native people in ways unlike any other group of eventual Americans.

In the modern era, beginning in 1914, Indians joined up in staggering numbers. Some from northern tribes walked or paddled across the border to Canada and enlisted. Many didn't. Barely 1 percent of Navajo and Pueblo men served in the Allied Expeditionary Force. In contrast, 39 percent of Osage and 54 percent of Quapaw men from Oklahoma did. By war's end, the U.S. War Department estimated that more than 17,000 Indian men registered. Sixty-five hundred were drafted. The rest volunteered. All in all, as much as 30 percent of the adult Indian male population participated in World War I, double the national average.

The Indian boarding schools were a rich source of volunteers. Schools like the Hampton institute and the Carlisle, Chilocco, Haskell and Phoenix Indian schools sent thousands of students off to war. Most of these schools had a military feel - students marched to class and wore uniforms and were better suited to Army life than most white Americans. Many were paid more, too: At boarding school they had received vocational training that qualified them for better billets, as carpenters' mates, shipwrights, blacksmiths, electricians and colliers, among others.

But a majority were sent to the infantry. They were there to shoot and be shot. Most likely aware of America's sins, they nonetheless believed in and were committed to the American cause. During W.W.I, Native people raised over $25 million in war bonds, equivalent to $75 per Native American alive.

Indian soldiers descended into modern mechanized war. They lived below ground in the dark, tormented by rats and the sweet stench of rotting corpses. They endured trench foot and dysentery. They were gassed and bombed and picked off by snipers. Among the sufferers was Sgt. Otis W. Leader, a Choctaw tribal member and machine-gunner in the 16th Infantry Regiment. Leader fought at Soissons, Château-Thierry, Saint-Mihiel and the Argonne Forest. He was wounded and gassed multiple times.

Sgt. Thomas Rogers and Joe Young Hawk (both Arikara) fought at Soissons. Rogers was an incredible soldier and was cited for bravery after he captured, "at night, barehanded and alone," many German sentinels. During the same battle, Young Hawk was nabbed by the Germans while on patrol. He turned on his captors and killed three with his bare hands. During the fight, he was shot through both legs but still managed to capture two Germans and march them back to American lines. The most daring, though, was Pvt. Joseph Oklahombi, a Choctaw. At Saint-Étienne, Oklahombi was among a group that rushed across 200 yards of open ground. Together they commandeered a German machine gun and turned it on the enemy, killing 79 Germans and taking 171 prisoners. They held them for four days before reinforcements arrived.

It was during W.W.I that myths of Indian bravery and immunity to suffering were amplified. As with all myths, there is a bit of truth in them. Maj. Tom Riley, a commander in the 165th Infantry Regiment, wrote, "If a battle was on, and you wanted to find the Indians, you would always find them at the front." But it is just as true that you always found them at the front because the government put them there: Indians suffered casualty rates five times as high as the American Expeditionary Force as a whole. When they returned home - having fought and suffered for the country even though many of them were not American citizens and wouldn't be until the passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 - they returned to trouble.

At White Earth, where Jim's family is from, veterans came home to find their reservations clear-cut by aggressive and unscrupulous lumber companies in their absence. They left a forest and returned to a wasteland. It has been suggested that Joseph Oklahombi struggled with alcohol abuse when he returned from the war. He died on April 13, 1960, when he was struck by a truck while walking along a road.

Not all veterans suffered. Navajo, Eastern Cherokee and Lakota veterans started American Legion posts. Those who traveled overseas had seen the world - France and Belgium and Germany and England - and picked up skills as clerks and bookkeepers and heavy-equipment operators and machinists and secretaries and trigger men. These veterans led their tribes into the second half of the 20th century. The government didn't always keep good statistics regarding the race of its military personnel (my grandfather listed "white" as his race on his induction paperwork in 1943), but Native people currently serve at five times the national average.

I've noticed that outsiders are fascinated by this. Why, after all, would Native people put their lives on the line for a country and people who tried to bury us? Why fight for a country that never fought for us? But some Native people have always thrown in with America. Others threw in with the British. Or the French. Or the Spanish. During the Civil War, some Natives joined the Confederates and others the Union Army. When the United States emerged triumphant from these early conflicts, Native people continued to join up. Some did it to carry forward older cultural ways of being. Others because they embraced the country that had grown up around them. And others still because it was the only path open to them.

It may be hard to reconcile our service with how we've been treated, but only if Native people are understood as merely Native. We are Native, sure. But we are also American. We are Native and American and we are men. We are women. We are trans. Whitman may have claimed that he contained multitudes, and Bob Dylan may have amplified the idea. But Native people, arguably, contain more.

Joe Nayquonabe, a Big Drum member and Vietnam War veteran, on the Mille Lacs Reservation in Minnesota. Credit... Jaida Grey Eagle for The New York Times

When I moved to California in 2011, there were times when I couldn't travel back home to help out on the drum. The drum I'm on convenes twice a year - once in the fall and once again in the spring, year in, year out. When I separated from my wife two years later and became a single parent, it became even more difficult to attend a dance. Recently, Covid has meant that I haven't been to a drum in over a year. At first when I missed a dance, I felt that I was letting my community down. That has since given way to the fact that I just miss it. I miss the closeness I feel when I'm around my people, the clusters of conversation and laughter that spring up here and there among people around the drum. I even miss the twitchy, nervous feeling I get when I have to speak or dance. I miss our words and our wordlessness. As the pandemic broke us apart and locked me in my house, as the horizon of my world increasingly became measured in the width of the bezels around my screen, I missed the raw awkwardness of the ceremony itself. And I also missed Joe Nayquonabe.

Joe has been seated on nine drums, in a few different communities, which is extraordinary, because this means he spends half his weekends at a drum. Like Jim, he is a Vietnam War veteran. I've known him for about as long as I've known Jim and under the same circumstances: He's a Big Drum guy. He's the Belt Man on the drum. He's very dark and very big, with small deep-set eyes and large round cheeks. He is, to me, an impressive man, and I am uncharacteristically desperate for his approval.

At drum he is punctual, and he has never, while I've known him, missed a dance. Joe always dances last, because the Belt Man always dances last. I like watching him. He ties on the feather belt and dances earnestly. His face, usually friendly, becomes a mask, and he looks intently left and then right and then left again as if searching for something. The Belt Man is something of an "über veteran." A part of his job is to look after the souls of everyone at the dance, to make sure they are good and safe and protected, to catch any lingering badness or bad feeling and do away with it. The Belt Man's dance is like a hunting dance: searching low and high, maybe miming the loosing of an arrow. The quarry is danger, or terror, or bad feelings, or all of the above. When Joe dances, I feel that he can see me, he can see all of us and all our troubles.

I arrived at his front door in Mille Lacs in August 2020 a few days after I visited Jim, almost in the shadow of the water tower emblazoned with the seal of the Mille Lacs Band of Ojibwe Indians, not far from where, in 1750, our ancestors killed those Dakota by throwing gunpowder in their lodges while they were sleeping. Across the street, heavy machinery was tearing down and chewing up a rez house not unlike Joe's.

"Dave! Come in, come in, come in!" We sat down at his cluttered kitchen table, and he apologized for the noise outside. When I first reached out to Joe, I hadn't told him that I was selfishly hoping to get something for myself by talking, as I had with Jim. I wanted a kind of healing that could come only from hearing his story. Joe dove right into telling me about his past. "I wasn't a gung-ho G.I. Joe kind of guy. I didn't have many options after high school, so when high school came around, they told me those were my choices - vocational school and the military. Right away I chose the military."

But Joe was rejected: He had bad eyes and flat feet. He also had a criminal record. That left vocational training. Joe pursued it in Milwaukee as part of the relocation program begun in the mid-1950s: a government policy aimed at moving Native people from their reservations to urban centers where they would receive educational and employment opportunities. The purpose of the program was to "civilize" Indian people.

"I went there and didn't have no clue what I wanted to do," he told me. "But my dad had been a welder in the shipyards over here during World War II. So the first thing that comes to my mind is welder. Got a pretty good job." Here Joe becomes reflective. "But when I talk about my civilization, I always tell them I learned the 'N word' and the 'Q word,' and I learned how to drink. That was my 'civilization.' I fought with that racism in myself a long time. I'm still working on getting it out of my system." He is frank and clear, and he doesn't seem embarrassed, because shame isn't helpful. "I'm always working on it."

While he was in Milwaukee learning to be civilized, a letter came for him back on the reservation informing him that he had to appear for a pre-induction physical. This was in 1965. The military didn't want him before, but they wanted him now. He was drafted. Death came close the first day he was "in country," when a guy was killed next to him. "We were fighting a guerrilla war. Ambushes. Sudden explosions. You never really knew where they'd be. Some of them were right in the villages farming, running little stores. At night they'd ambush us and then they'd go back to work in the village the next day. I wasn't prepared for what I was going to see - the death, the pain, the mangled bodies. Emotional and physical pain." That first day in combat, when one of the guys in his group was hit, they tried to give him an IV, but it was during the monsoon season. Rain like they had never seen in their lives. Joe tried to hold the man down so that others could insert the IV, but then he stopped breathing. "Right away: death."

Joe was in Vietnam for six months. By his count, he "dropped in" via helicopter at least 60 times, sometimes multiple times in a single day. I can't really imagine it. "I looked at that as a duty, a job," he said. "I took an oath: the Uniform Code of Military Justice. You're going to do this and that. Who the eff are you if you can't follow your oath?"

On Dec. 4, 1966, one of the guys in Joe's outfit was wounded. He was out in a field, screaming. "No one wanted to go after him. He was kind of lying out there. And there was lots of fire going on. I thought, Well, [expletive]. 'OK, you guys,' I said. 'You lay down a base of fire, and I'm going to go get him.' They said, 'OK, Joe, go!'" Joe was shot in the back dragging the soldier to safety, an act of heroism that earned him the Bronze Star with a brass V for valor. That soldier still writes to him. Joe thinks he might be having a hard time. "The war will do that to you. I talk about that suffering at the drum. Lots of those guys are in mental hospitals. When I look back, I think maybe I should be there, too." He laughs. Joe's service in the field ended that day because of his wound. He was afraid he'd be sent back to Vietnam after he healed, but he was not.

Joe and his family have been involved in Big Drum probably since the drum first arrived at Mille Lacs with the Dakota in the mid-18th century. He was seated when he was 9. But despite that long connection and the safety and healing that drum societies confer, he struggled when he got back from the war. "I didn't think nothing of the drums. I was 21, and I didn't care. Who wants it? These [expletive] tom-toms. These damn Indians! Again: I was civilized, remember? And these guys? They're crazy. I wanted to go down to the Blue Goose bar and roughhouse with the farmers. Let's go to Onamia and party with the rednecks!" Mostly he drank. And mostly he drank because he had terrible, recurring nightmares, four of them in steady rotation.

The first dream was about one of Joe's early missions, when he was deployed to protect an artillery unit. They were shelled by friendly fire. "We took off running," Joe remembered, "and the first guy I come to had no face. He's lying there, and he's telling me to kill him." Joe tried to assure him he'd be OK. Then the doctor showed up, and Joe left not knowing what happened to the man. In his nightmares, he hears a knock on his door. "It doesn't matter where I am - my house or a trailer or wherever," he describes. "It's him, and he's still missing his face. He's saying to me, 'Why didn't you kill me?'"

The second dream is even more brutal. Like the one before, it's based in something that happened in the field: "We were walking, and me and this guy were on point, and we took a smoke break. We heard something and went over there, and there's this 12- or 13-year-old girl, and her gun is jammed, and she's trying to fix it." They told her to put her gun down. They offered her a little card that said that if she surrendered, she wouldn't be hurt and she would be fed. "I went over there and gave it to her, and she took it and ripped it in half and spit on it and threw it back at me. Well then her gun unjammed and she was ready to put it on me, and my buddy opened up on her. Boom boom boom. Stomach, chest, throat." They went over to try to help her, but she was hollering and swearing at Joe. "To her dying breath, she was cursing me." In the dream, however, "her gun comes loose, and she's ready to let me have it, and I wake up."

He pauses as one of his daughters and some kids come in the house from running errands.

In the third dream, also based on something that happened to him, he and a group of soldiers are walking through an open field. They start to spread out to make themselves less of a target. Then he notices a water buffalo standing in the open. "He was big. I walk by, and he's looking at me. Something must have happened because they opened up behind me. I look back and you can see the tracers going into him." The buffalo starts running around and goes down but eventually gets back up, covered in blood. "He's blood. Nothing but blood. In my dream he's standing there all bloody and he comes after me. One-hundred-some guys and he comes after me! I start running and I'm doing good, but I start slowing down, and then I fall down and he's on me. And then I wake up."

The fourth dream is simpler: "I get sent back."

Joe eventually quit drinking, but quitting didn't make him any happier. "I was pissed off at everybody. The welfare people, the unemployed, freeloaders. I thought white people were right - we are lazy, no-good alcoholics. I was really a mess." Joe used to visit a couple of World War II vets from a nearby community. By his own account, he was so far gone he thought it was a good idea to show them photos from Vietnam. When he was there, Joe got hold of a camera and started snapping pictures of dead bodies, both people he had killed and others he had found. It was an awful habit. The vets told him to burn the pictures. But Joe was stubborn and refused. A short while later, his mom's house burned down with all his stuff inside, including the pictures. "Now when an elder says something, I listen."

'There's two words we use a lot at drum, two ideas: wiidookodaadidaa and zhawendidaa. Let's help each other, and let's care for each other.'

At the drum, he continued, "I started listening to the speakers, and I started asking questions about what my job was and why the drum looks the way it does and where these things come from. All of a sudden, the nightmares quit. They quit. The drums are the ones that keep me sober and happy and on the right road. They are good to me. I don't think I would be here today without them."

I began my visit with Joe with a mixture of fear and admiration. Fear that Joe wouldn't like me. Admiration for how directly and humbly he addressed his own shortcomings. Our conversation often drifted back to the idea of duty - to yourself, to the community, to forces outside ourselves. For Joe as much as in Ojibwe tradition, duty is related to help and care more so than to violence and destruction. "If you don't keep your vows, what good are you? I always thought about that - it means something to give your word to people and to the creator. If you don't keep your word and your vows, what good are you?"

Sixteen years ago, I was approached by a drum owner of a drum at White Earth. And I was seated as a "drumheater." At the time, my brother told me that a drumheater, Abiigizigewinini, was an important position. We are the only ones allowed to physically move the drum from the home of the owner to the dance hall. We are the first to arrive at the ceremony and usually the last to leave. The dance can't proceed without our contributions and approval. Being there first, staying last, being present - that has become my duty.

It's worth reminding ourselves of our duty to one another, and to ourselves. I am not from the kind of place where epiphanies are all that common, and I'm not the kind of person to recognize them when they occur. But I know this: When I talked to Jim, and again when I listened to Joe, I could breathe a little more easily.

"There's two words we use a lot at drum, two ideas: wiidookodaadidaa and zhawendidaa. Let's help each other, and let's care for each other," Joe said. "If we did those two things, our community and our whole world would be a better place. Those are the two words I live by. At my age I'm getting a little slower. But I'm getting to where I want to help. What can I do to help? I'm here. If you need me, I'm here."

The story of the drum, of Jim and Joe, are not stories of atonement. Culturally speaking, we don't do atonement. Even the word feels strange on my tongue, an unfamiliar Christian flavor. What the Dakota gave my tribe was the responsibility and capacity to carry their grief for them: to tend it so they don't have to. What Jim and Joe offer me - personally, and in consideration of what I've lost and the losses I've inflicted on others - is not wisdom (though they both possess it), or absolution (that's not theirs to give), or even grace (that ever-elusive thing). What they offer is a much vaster peace by taking into themselves a sadness I can't carry. I think it would kill me if I tried.

My siblings and I have decided that we will be "washed up" at Big Drum in White Earth in the fall. We will be seated in chairs in the center of the dance hall, and the veterans will attend to us. They will, one by one, dance around us. They will speak about their authority to wipe away our grief. Our faces will be washed, and our hair will be combed and our faces streaked with red pigment. We will then eat as a family. When it is over, we will give away things our mother loved while she was alive (candy, warm blankets, fishing rods, but not the cigarettes that contributed to her death).

I can't speak for my siblings, but the veterans will also wash away the loss of my father, and my friends, and the many who have died from Covid and the many who have died and continue to die at the hands of the police and the republic. In all likelihood Jim and Joe will do the washing.

The magic and the healing my family will receive - if you believe in such things - reside in the connectedness between people and place that drum has to offer as much as in the spirits that enable the ceremony. When my parents were still alive, when Sean and Dan were still alive, when I was young, I traveled to the community of Lake Lena, near Pine City, Minn., to attend a funeral: a very elderly and much-revered spiritual leader named Albert Churchill had died that week. The wake began on Sept. 10, 2001, and went late into the night. The next day, as I drove from my hotel, I heard the news on the radio. I burst into the gymnasium where the funeral rites were about to begin. Something terrible has happened, I said. After the funeral was over, almost instinctively, a Big Drum owner brought the drum to the gym. It was impromptu. Not something that happens very often, not the usual scheduled drum dance. But it felt right and necessary to sound the drum to offer healing and support for the dead, the missing, for the country more generally.

If Jim and Joe and the other Native veterans I've talked to are to be believed, when the Dakota brought us the drum, a feeling of indebtedness and duty and profound concern displaced darker habits: of revenge, self-satisfaction, victimhood, self-righteousness, violence and reliance on the myth of our own innocence. My private, singular grief is still with me, though it sits in me differently. And it will be eased somewhat when my tears are washed away this fall. America is still the complicated, dreamy, enraged country it has been for a long time. Big Drum is, now, an old, powerful thing. But the ceremony was young once. It was once new because the world it appeared in was new. We needed that ceremony when it came to us that first time, we needed the drum that September and we need it now.

David Treuer is an Ojibwe Indian from Leech Lake Reservation in northern Minnesota and the author of "The Heartbeat of Wounded Knee: Native America from 1890 to the Present," a 2019 finalist for both the National Book Award and the Carnegie Medal.

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'A Sadness I Can't Carry': The Story Of The Drum

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The Great Read For Ojibwe, the Big Drum is a gathering to mourn, to process grief, to understand loss. Could it heal my pain from the past year? The author on Fish Knuckle Lake, near the Leech Lake Reservation in Minnesota and his childhood home. Credit...

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The 2021 MN Chapter of ACPA (MNACPA) Conference will be held Friday, October 22 virtually through Zoom. This year's theme is "Systemic Change in Higher Education: What's Your Role?" Program proposal submission deadline is Sunday, Sept 19th at 11:59 PM.

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Frederick Douglass' speech about the 4th of July

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Mr. President, Friends and Fellow Citizens:

He who could address this audience without a quailing sensation, has stronger nerves than I have. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more shrinkingly, nor with greater distrust of my ability, than I do this day. A feeling has crept over me, quite unfavorable to the exercise of my limited powers of speech. The task before me is one which requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance. I know that apologies of this sort are generally considered flat and unmeaning. I trust, however, that mine will not be so considered. Should I seem at ease, my appearance would much misrepresent me. The little experience I have had in addressing public meetings, in country schoolhouses, avails me nothing on the present occasion.

The papers and placards say, that I am to deliver a 4th [of] July oration. This certainly sounds large, and out of the common way, for it is true that I have often had the privilege to speak in this beautiful Hall, and to address many who now honor me with their presence. But neither their familiar faces, nor the perfect gage I think I have of Corinthian Hall, seems to free me from embarrassment.

The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, the distance between this platform and the slave plantation, from which I escaped, is considerable - and the difficulties to be overcome in getting from the latter to the former, are by no means slight. That I am here to-day is, to me, a matter of astonishment as well as of gratitude. You will not, therefore, be surprised, if in what I have to say I evince no elaborate preparation, nor grace my speech with any high sounding exordium. With little experience and with less learning, I have been able to throw my thoughts hastily and imperfectly together; and trusting to your patient and generous indulgence, I will proceed to lay them before you.

This, for the purpose of this celebration, is the 4th of July. It is the birthday of your National Independence, and of your political freedom. This, to you, is what the Passover was to the emancipated people of God. It carries your minds back to the day, and to the act of your great deliverance; and to the signs, and to the wonders, associated with that act, and that day. This celebration also marks the beginning of another year of your national life; and reminds you that the Republic of America is now 76 years old. I am glad, fellow-citizens, that your nation is so young. Seventy-six years, though a good old age for a man, is but a mere speck in the life of a nation. Three score years and ten is the allotted time for individual men; but nations number their years by thousands. According to this fact, you are, even now, only in the beginning of your national career, still lingering in the period of childhood. I repeat, I am glad this is so. There is hope in the thought, and hope is much needed, under the dark clouds which lower above the horizon. The eye of the reformer is met with angry flashes, portending disastrous times; but his heart may well beat lighter at the thought that America is young, and that she is still in the impressible stage of her existence. May he not hope that high lessons of wisdom, of justice and of truth, will yet give direction to her destiny? Were the nation older, the patriot's heart might be sadder, and the reformer's brow heavier. Its future might be shrouded in gloom, and the hope of its prophets go out in sorrow. There is consolation in the thought that America is young. Great streams are not easily turned from channels, worn deep in the course of ages. They may sometimes rise in quiet and stately majesty, and inundate the land, refreshing and fertilizing the earth with their mysterious properties. They may also rise in wrath and fury, and bear away, on their angry waves, the accumulated wealth of years of toil and hardship. They, however, gradually flow back to the same old channel, and flow on as serenely as ever. But, while the river may not be turned aside, it may dry up, and leave nothing behind but the withered branch, and the unsightly rock, to howl in the abyss-sweeping wind, the sad tale of departed glory. As with rivers so with nations.

Fellow-citizens, I shall not presume to dwell at length on the associations that cluster about this day. The simple story of it is that, 76 years ago, the people of this country were British subjects. The style and title of your "sovereign people" (in which you now glory) was not then born. You were under the British Crown. Your fathers esteemed the English Government as the home government; and England as the fatherland. This home government, you know, although a considerable distance from your home, did, in the exercise of its parental prerogatives, impose upon its colonial children, such restraints, burdens and limitations, as, in its mature judgment, it deemed wise, right and proper.

But, your fathers, who had not adopted the fashionable idea of this day, of the infallibility of government, and the absolute character of its acts, presumed to differ from the home government in respect to the wisdom and the justice of some of those burdens and restraints. They went so far in their excitement as to pronounce the measures of government unjust, unreasonable, and oppressive, and altogether such as ought not to be quietly submitted to. I scarcely need say, fellow-citizens, that my opinion of those measures fully accords with that of your fathers. Such a declaration of agreement on my part would not be worth much to anybody. It would, certainly, prove nothing, as to what part I might have taken, had I lived during the great controversy of 1776. To say now that America was right, and England wrong, is exceedingly easy. Everybody can say it; the dastard, not less than the noble brave, can flippantly discant on the tyranny of England towards the American Colonies. It is fashionable to do so; but there was a time when to pronounce against England, and in favor of the cause of the colonies, tried men's souls. They who did so were accounted in their day, plotters of mischief, agitators and rebels, dangerous men. To side with the right, against the wrong, with the weak against the strong, and with the oppressed against the oppressor! here lies the merit, and the one which, of all others, seems unfashionable in our day. The cause of liberty may be stabbed by the men who glory in the deeds of your fathers. But, to proceed.

Feeling themselves harshly and unjustly treated by the home government, your fathers, like men of honesty, and men of spirit, earnestly sought redress. They petitioned and remonstrated; they did so in a decorous, respectful, and loyal manner. Their conduct was wholly unexceptionable. This, however, did not answer the purpose. They saw themselves treated with sovereign indifference, coldness and scorn. Yet they persevered. They were not the men to look back.

As the sheet anchor takes a firmer hold, when the ship is tossed by the storm, so did the cause of your fathers grow stronger, as it breasted the chilling blasts of kingly displeasure. The greatest and best of British statesmen admitted its justice, and the loftiest eloquence of the British Senate came to its support. But, with that blindness which seems to be the unvarying characteristic of tyrants, since Pharaoh and his hosts were drowned in the Red Sea, the British Government persisted in the exactions complained of.

The madness of this course, we believe, is admitted now, even by England; but we fear the lesson is wholly lost on our present ruler.

Oppression makes a wise man mad. Your fathers were wise men, and if they did not go mad, they became restive under this treatment. They felt themselves the victims of grievous wrongs, wholly incurable in their colonial capacity. With brave men there is always a remedy for oppression. Just here, the idea of a total separation of the colonies from the crown was born! It was a startling idea, much more so, than we, at this distance of time, regard it. The timid and the prudent (as has been intimated) of that day, were, of course, shocked and alarmed by it.

Such people lived then, had lived before, and will, probably, ever have a place on this planet; and their course, in respect to any great change, (no matter how great the good to be attained, or the wrong to be redressed by it), may be calculated with as much precision as can be the course of the stars. They hate all changes, but silver, gold and copper change! Of this sort of change they are always strongly in favor.

These people were called Tories in the days of your fathers; and the appellation, probably, conveyed the same idea that is meant by a more modern, though a somewhat less euphonious term, which we often find in our papers, applied to some of our old politicians.

Their opposition to the then dangerous thought was earnest and powerful; but, amid all their terror and affrighted vociferations against it, the alarming and revolutionary idea moved on, and the country with it.

On the 2d of July, 1776, the old Continental Congress, to the dismay of the lovers of ease, and the worshipers of property, clothed that dreadful idea with all the authority of national sanction. They did so in the form of a resolution; and as we seldom hit upon resolutions, drawn up in our day whose transparency is at all equal to this, it may refresh your minds and help my story if I read it. "Resolved, That these united colonies are, and of right, ought to be free and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown; and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, dissolved."

Citizens, your fathers made good that resolution. They succeeded; and to-day you reap the fruits of their success. The freedom gained is yours; and you, therefore, may properly celebrate this anniversary. The 4th of July is the first great fact in your nation's history - the very ring-bolt in the chain of your yet undeveloped destiny.

Pride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt you to celebrate and to hold it in perpetual remembrance. I have said that the Declaration of Independence is the ring-bolt to the chain of your nation's destiny; so, indeed, I regard it. The principles contained in that instrument are saving principles. Stand by those principles, be true to them on all occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost.

From the round top of your ship of state, dark and threatening clouds may be seen. Heavy billows, like mountains in the distance, disclose to the leeward huge forms of flinty rocks! That bolt drawn, that chain broken, and all is lost. Cling to this day - cling to it, and to its principles, with the grasp of a storm-tossed mariner to a spar at midnight.

The coming into being of a nation, in any circumstances, is an interesting event. But, besides general considerations, there were peculiar circumstances which make the advent of this republic an event of special attractiveness.

The whole scene, as I look back to it, was simple, dignified and sublime.

The population of the country, at the time, stood at the insignificant number of three millions. The country was poor in the munitions of war. The population was weak and scattered, and the country a wilderness unsubdued. There were then no means of concert and combination, such as exist now. Neither steam nor lightning had then been reduced to order and discipline. From the Potomac to the Delaware was a journey of many days. Under these, and innumerable other disadvantages, your fathers declared for liberty and independence and triumphed.

Fellow Citizens, I am not wanting in respect for the fathers of this republic. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men. They were great men too - great enough to give fame to a great age. It does not often happen to a nation to raise, at one time, such a number of truly great men. The point from which I am compelled to view them is not, certainly, the most favorable; and yet I cannot contemplate their great deeds with less than admiration. They were statesmen, patriots and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will unite with you to honor their memory.

They loved their country better than their own private interests; and, though this is not the highest form of human excellence, all will concede that it is a rare virtue, and that when it is exhibited, it ought to command respect. He who will, intelligently, lay down his life for his country, is a man whom it is not in human nature to despise. Your fathers staked their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, on the cause of their country. In their admiration of liberty, they lost sight of all other interests.

They were peace men; but they preferred revolution to peaceful submission to bondage. They were quiet men; but they did not shrink from agitating against oppression. They showed forbearance; but that they knew its limits. They believed in order; but not in the order of tyranny. With them, nothing was "settled" that was not right. With them, justice, liberty and humanity were "final;" not slavery and oppression. You may well cherish the memory of such men. They were great in their day and generation. Their solid manhood stands out the more as we contrast it with these degenerate times.

How circumspect, exact and proportionate were all their movements! How unlike the politicians of an hour! Their statesmanship looked beyond the passing moment, and stretched away in strength into the distant future. They seized upon eternal principles, and set a glorious example in their defense. Mark them!

Fully appreciating the hardship to be encountered, firmly believing in the right of their cause, honorably inviting the scrutiny of an on-looking world, reverently appealing to heaven to attest their sincerity, soundly comprehending the solemn responsibility they were about to assume, wisely measuring the terrible odds against them, your fathers, the fathers of this republic, did, most deliberately, under the inspiration of a glorious patriotism, and with a sublime faith in the great principles of justice and freedom, lay deep the corner-stone of the national superstructure, which has risen and still rises in grandeur around you.

Of this fundamental work, this day is the anniversary. Our eyes are met with demonstrations of joyous enthusiasm. Banners and pennants wave exultingly on the breeze. The din of business, too, is hushed. Even Mammon seems to have quitted his grasp on this day. The ear-piercing fife and the stirring drum unite their accents with the ascending peal of a thousand church bells. Prayers are made, hymns are sung, and sermons are preached in honor of this day; while the quick martial tramp of a great and multitudinous nation, echoed back by all the hills, valleys and mountains of a vast continent, bespeak the occasion one of thrilling and universal interest - a nation's jubilee.

Friends and citizens, I need not enter further into the causes which led to this anniversary. Many of you understand them better than I do. You could instruct me in regard to them. That is a branch of knowledge in which you feel, perhaps, a much deeper interest than your speaker. The causes which led to the separation of the colonies from the British crown have never lacked for a tongue. They have all been taught in your common schools, narrated at your firesides, unfolded from your pulpits, and thundered from your legislative halls, and are as familiar to you as household words. They form the staple of your national poetry and eloquence.

I remember, also, that, as a people, Americans are remarkably familiar with all facts which make in their own favor. This is esteemed by some as a national trait - perhaps a national weakness. It is a fact, that whatever makes for the wealth or for the reputation of Americans, and can be had cheap! will be found by Americans. I shall not be charged with slandering Americans, if I say I think the American side of any question may be safely left in American hands.

I leave, therefore, the great deeds of your fathers to other gentlemen whose claim to have been regularly descended will be less likely to be disputed than mine!

My business, if I have any here to-day, is with the present. The accepted time with God and his cause is the ever-living now.

Trust no future, however pleasant,
Let the dead past bury its dead;
Act, act in the living present,
Heart within, and God overhead.

We have to do with the past only as we can make it useful to the present and to the future. To all inspiring motives, to noble deeds which can be gained from the past, we are welcome. But now is the time, the important time. Your fathers have lived, died, and have done their work, and have done much of it well. You live and must die, and you must do your work. You have no right to enjoy a child's share in the labor of your fathers, unless your children are to be blest by your labors. You have no right to wear out and waste the hard-earned fame of your fathers to cover your indolence. Sydney Smith tells us that men seldom eulogize the wisdom and virtues of their fathers, but to excuse some folly or wickedness of their own. This truth is not a doubtful one. There are illustrations of it near and remote, ancient and modern. It was fashionable, hundreds of years ago, for the children of Jacob to boast, we have "Abraham to our father," when they had long lost Abraham's faith and spirit. That people contented themselves under the shadow of Abraham's great name, while they repudiated the deeds which made his name great. Need I remind you that a similar thing is being done all over this country to-day? Need I tell you that the Jews are not the only people who built the tombs of the prophets, and garnished the sepulchres of the righteous? Washington could not die till he had broken the chains of his slaves. Yet his monument is built up by the price of human blood, and the traders in the bodies and souls of men shout - "We have Washington to our father." - Alas! that it should be so; yet so it is.

The evil that men do, lives after them, The good is oft-interred with their bones.

Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here to-day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? and am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?

Would to God, both for your sakes and ours, that an affirmative answer could be truthfully returned to these questions! Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and delightful. For who is there so cold, that a nation's sympathy could not warm him? Who so obdurate and dead to the claims of gratitude, that would not thankfully acknowledge such priceless benefits? Who so stolid and selfish, that would not give his voice to swell the hallelujahs of a nation's jubilee, when the chains of servitude had been torn from his limbs? I am not that man. In a case like that, the dumb might eloquently speak, and the "lame man leap as an hart."

But, such is not the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common. - The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought life and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth [of] July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak to-day? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation whose crimes, lowering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrecoverable ruin! I can to-day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people!

"By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down. Yea! we wept when we remembered Zion. We hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof. For there, they that carried us away captive, required of us a song; and they who wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one of the songs of Zion. How can we sing the Lord's song in a strange land? If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth."

Fellow-citizens; above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions! whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are, to-day, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. If I do forget, if I do not faithfully remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, "may my right hand forget her cunning, and may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!" To forget them, to pass lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the popular theme, would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and would make me a reproach before God and the world. My subject, then fellow-citizens, is AMERICAN SLAVERY. I shall see, this day, and its popular characteristics, from the slave's point of view. Standing, there, identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July! Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the future. Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which is outraged, in the name of liberty which is fettered, in the name of the constitution and the Bible, which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery - the great sin and shame of America! "I will not equivocate; I will not excuse;" I will use the severest language I can command; and yet not one word shall escape me that any man, whose judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just.

But I fancy I hear some one of my audience say, it is just in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. Would you argue more, and denounce less, would you persuade more, and rebuke less, your cause would be much more likely to succeed. But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. What point in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? On what branch of the subject do the people of this country need light? Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man? That point is conceded already. Nobody doubts it. The slaveholders themselves acknowledge it in the enactment of laws for their government. They acknowledge it when they punish disobedience on the part of the slave. There are seventy-two crimes in the State of Virginia, which, if committed by a black man, (no matter how ignorant he be), subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment. What is this but the acknowledgement that the slave is a moral, intellectual and responsible being? The manhood of the slave is conceded. It is admitted in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments forbidding, under severe fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to read or to write. When you can point to any such laws, in reference to the beasts of the field, then I may consent to argue the manhood of the slave. When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then will I argue with you that the slave is a man!

For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are ploughing, planting and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and cyphering, acting as clerks, merchants and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators and teachers; that, while we are engaged in all manner of enterprises common to other men, digging gold in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hill-side, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives and children, and, above all, confessing and worshipping the Christian's God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave, we are called upon to prove that we are men!

Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? that he is the rightful owner of his own body? You have already declared it. Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? Is that a question for Republicans? Is it to be settled by the rules of logic and argumentation, as a matter beset with great difficulty, involving a doubtful application of the principle of justice, hard to be understood? How should I look to-day, in the presence of Americans, dividing, and subdividing a discourse, to show that men have a natural right to freedom? speaking of it relatively, and positively, negatively, and affirmatively. To do so, would be to make myself ridiculous, and to offer an insult to your understanding. - There is not a man beneath the canopy of heaven, that does not know that slavery is wrong for him.

What, am I to argue that it is wrong to make men brutes, to rob them of their liberty, to work them without wages, to keep them ignorant of their relations to their fellow men, to beat them with sticks, to flay their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them with dogs, to sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to knock out their teeth, to burn their flesh, to starve them into obedience and submission to their masters? Must I argue that a system thus marked with blood, and stained with pollution, is wrong? No! I will not. I have better employments for my time and strength than such arguments would imply.

What, then, remains to be argued? Is it that slavery is not divine; that God did not establish it; that our doctors of divinity are mistaken? There is blasphemy in the thought. That which is inhuman, cannot be divine! Who can reason on such a proposition? They that can, may; I cannot. The time for such argument is passed.

At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. O! had I the ability, and could I reach the nation's ear, I would, to-day, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced.

What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy - a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices, more shocking and bloody, than are the people of these United States, at this very hour.

Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the old world, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival.

Take the American slave-trade, which, we are told by the papers, is especially prosperous just now. Ex-Senator Benton tells us that the price of men was never higher than now. He mentions the fact to show that slavery is in no danger. This trade is one of the peculiarities of American institutions. It is carried on in all the large towns and cities in one-half of this confederacy; and millions are pocketed every year, by dealers in this horrid traffic. In several states, this trade is a chief source of wealth. It is called (in contradistinction to the foreign slave-trade) " the internal slave trade." It is, probably, called so, too, in order to divert from it the horror with which the foreign slave-trade is contemplated. That trade has long since been denounced by this government, as piracy. It has been denounced with burning words, from the high places of the nation, as an execrable traffic. To arrest it, to put an end to it, this nation keeps a squadron, at immense cost, on the coast of Africa. Everywhere, in this country, it is safe to speak of this foreign slave-trade, as a most inhuman traffic, opposed alike to the laws of God and of man. The duty to extirpate and destroy it, is admitted even by our DOCTORS OF DIVINITY. In order to put an end to it, some of these last have consented that their colored brethren (nominally free) should leave this country, and establish themselves on the western coast of Africa! It is, however, a notable fact that, while so much execration is poured out by Americans upon those engaged in the foreign slave-trade, the men engaged in the slave-trade between the states pass without condemnation, and their business is deemed honorable.

Behold the practical operation of this internal slave-trade, the American slave-trade, sustained by American politics and America religion. Here you will see men and women reared like swine for the market. You know what is a swine-drover? I will show you a man-drover. They inhabit all our Southern States. They perambulate the country, and crowd the highways of the nation, with droves of human stock. You will see one of these human flesh-jobbers, armed with pistol, whip and bowie-knife, driving a company of a hundred men, women, and children, from the Potomac to the slave market at New Orleans. These wretched people are to be sold singly, or in lots, to suit purchasers. They are food for the cotton-field, and the deadly sugar-mill. Mark the sad procession, as it moves wearily along, and the inhuman wretch who drives them. Hear his savage yells and his blood-chilling oaths, as he hurries on his affrighted captives! There, see the old man, with locks thinned and gray. Cast one glance, if you please, upon that young mother, whose shoulders are bare to the scorching sun, her briny tears falling on the brow of the babe in her arms. See, too, that girl of thirteen, weeping, yes! weeping, as she thinks of the mother from whom she has been torn! The drove moves tardily. Heat and sorrow have nearly consumed their strength; suddenly you hear a quick snap, like the discharge of a rifle; the fetters clank, and the chain rattles simultaneously; your ears are saluted with a scream, that seems to have torn its way to the center of your soul! The crack you heard, was the sound of the slave-whip; the scream you heard, was from the woman you saw with the babe. Her speed had faltered under the weight of her child and her chains! that gash on her shoulder tells her to move on. Follow the drove to New Orleans. Attend the auction; see men examined like horses; see the forms of women rudely and brutally exposed to the shocking gaze of American slave-buyers. See this drove sold and separated forever; and never forget the deep, sad sobs that arose from that scattered multitude. Tell me citizens, WHERE, under the sun, you can witness a spectacle more fiendish and shocking. Yet this is but a glance at the American slave-trade, as it exists, at this moment, in the ruling part of the United States.

I was born amid such sights and scenes. To me the American slave-trade is a terrible reality. When a child, my soul was often pierced with a sense of its horrors. I lived on Philpot Street, Fell's Point, Baltimore, and have watched from the wharves, the slave ships in the Basin, anchored from the shore, with their cargoes of human flesh, waiting for favorable winds to waft them down the Chesapeake. There was, at that time, a grand slave mart kept at the head of Pratt Street, by Austin Woldfolk. His agents were sent into every town and county in Maryland, announcing their arrival, through the papers, and on flaming " hand-bills," headed CASH FOR NEGROES. These men were generally well dressed men, and very captivating in their manners. Ever ready to drink, to treat, and to gamble. The fate of many a slave has depended upon the turn of a single card; and many a child has been snatched from the arms of its mother by bargains arranged in a state of brutal drunkenness.

The flesh-mongers gather up their victims by dozens, and drive them, chained, to the general depot at Baltimore. When a sufficient number have been collected here, a ship is chartered, for the purpose of conveying the forlorn crew to Mobile, or to New Orleans. From the slave prison to the ship, they are usually driven in the darkness of night; for since the antislavery agitation, a certain caution is observed.

In the deep still darkness of midnight, I have been often aroused by the dead heavy footsteps, and the piteous cries of the chained gangs that passed our door. The anguish of my boyish heart was intense; and I was often consoled, when speaking to my mistress in the morning, to hear her say that the custom was very wicked; that she hated to hear the rattle of the chains, and the heart-rending cries. I was glad to find one who sympathized with me in my horror.

Fellow-citizens, this murderous traffic is, to-day, in active operation in this boasted republic. In the solitude of my spirit, I see clouds of dust raised on the highways of the South; I see the bleeding footsteps; I hear the doleful wail of fettered humanity, on the way to the slave-markets, where the victims are to be sold like horses, sheep, and swine, knocked off to the highest bidder. There I see the tenderest ties ruthlessly broken, to gratify the lust, caprice and rapacity of the buyers and sellers of men. My soul sickens at the sight.

Is this the land your Fathers loved,
The freedom which they toiled to win?
Is this the earth whereon they moved?
Are these the graves they slumber in?

But a still more inhuman, disgraceful, and scandalous state of things remains to be presented. By an act of the American Congress, not yet two years old, slavery has been nationalized in its most horrible and revolting form. By that act, Mason and Dixon's line has been obliterated; New York has become as Virginia; and the power to hold, hunt, and sell men, women, and children as slaves remains no longer a mere state institution, but is now an institution of the whole United States. The power is co-extensive with the Star-Spangled Banner and American Christianity. Where these go, may also go the merciless slave-hunter. Where these are, man is not sacred. He is a bird for the sportsman's gun. By that most foul and fiendish of all human decrees, the liberty and person of every man are put in peril. Your broad republican domain is hunting ground for men. Not for thieves and robbers, enemies of society, merely, but for men guilty of no crime. Your lawmakers have commanded all good citizens to engage in this hellish sport. Your President, your Secretary of State, our lords, nobles, and ecclesiastics, enforce, as a duty you owe to your free and glorious country, and to your God, that you do this accursed thing. Not fewer than forty Americans have, within the past two years, been hunted down and, without a moment's warning, hurried away in chains, and consigned to slavery and excruciating torture. Some of these have had wives and children, dependent on them for bread; but of this, no account was made. The right of the hunter to his prey stands superior to the right of marriage, and to all rights in this republic, the rights of God included! For black men there are neither law, justice, humanity, not religion. The Fugitive Slave Law makes mercy to them a crime; and bribes the judge who tries them. An American judge gets ten dollars for every victim he consigns to slavery, and five, when he fails to do so. The oath of any two villains is sufficient, under this hell-black enactment, to send the most pious and exemplary black man into the remorseless jaws of slavery! His own testimony is nothing. He can bring no witnesses for himself. The minister of American justice is bound by the law to hear but one side; and that side, is the side of the oppressor. Let this damning fact be perpetually told. Let it be thundered around the world, that, in tyrant-killing, king-hating, people-loving, democratic, Christian America, the seats of justice are filled with judges, who hold their offices under an open and palpable bribe, and are bound, in deciding in the case of a man's liberty, hear only his accusers!

In glaring violation of justice, in shameless disregard of the forms of administering law, in cunning arrangement to entrap the defenseless, and in diabolical intent, this Fugitive Slave Law stands alone in the annals of tyrannical legislation. I doubt if there be another nation on the globe, having the brass and the baseness to put such a law on the statute-book. If any man in this assembly thinks differently from me in this matter, and feels able to disprove my statements, I will gladly confront him at any suitable time and place he may select.

I take this law to be one of the grossest infringements of Christian Liberty, and, if the churches and ministers of our country were not stupidly blind, or most wickedly indifferent, they, too, would so regard it.

At the very moment that they are thanking God for the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, and for the right to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences, they are utterly silent in respect to a law which robs religion of its chief significance, and makes it utterly worthless to a world lying in wickedness. Did this law concern the " mint, anise, and cumin" - abridge the right to sing psalms, to partake of the sacrament, or to engage in any of the ceremonies of religion, it would be smitten by the thunder of a thousand pulpits. A general shout would go up from the church, demanding repeal, repeal, instant repeal! - And it would go hard with that politician who presumed to solicit the votes of the people without inscribing this motto on his banner. Further, if this demand were not complied with, another Scotland would be added to the history of religious liberty, and the stern old Covenanters would be thrown into the shade. A John Knox would be seen at every church door, and heard from every pulpit, and Fillmore would have no more quarter than was shown by Knox, to the beautiful, but treacherous queen Mary of Scotland. The fact that the church of our country, (with fractional exceptions), does not esteem "the Fugitive Slave Law" as a declaration of war against religious liberty, implies that that church regards religion simply as a form of worship, an empty ceremony, and not a vital principle, requiring active benevolence, justice, love and good will towards man. It esteems sacrifice above mercy; psalm-singing above right doing; solemn meetings above practical righteousness. A worship that can be conducted by persons who refuse to give shelter to the houseless, to give bread to the hungry, clothing to the naked, and who enjoin obedience to a law forbidding these acts of mercy, is a curse, not a blessing to mankind. The Bible addresses all such persons as "scribes, Pharisees, hypocrites, who pay tithe of mint, anise, and cumin, and have omitted the weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy and faith."

But the church of this country is not only indifferent to the wrongs of the slave, it actually takes sides with the oppressors. It has made itself the bulwark of American slavery, and the shield of American slave-hunters. Many of its most eloquent Divines. who stand as the very lights of the church, have shamelessly given the sanction of religion and the Bible to the whole slave system. They have taught that man may, properly, be a slave; that the relation of master and slave is ordained of God; that to send back an escaped bondman to his master is clearly the duty of all the followers of the Lord Jesus Christ; and this horrible blasphemy is palmed off upon the world for Christianity.

For my part, I would say, welcome infidelity! welcome atheism! welcome anything! in preference to the gospel, as preached by those Divines! They convert the very name of religion into an engine of tyranny, and barbarous cruelty, and serve to confirm more infidels, in this age, than all the infidel writings of Thomas Paine, Voltaire, and Bolingbroke, put together, have done! These ministers make religion a cold and flinty-hearted thing, having neither principles of right action, nor bowels of compassion. They strip the love of God of its beauty, and leave the throng of religion a huge, horrible, repulsive form. It is a religion for oppressors, tyrants, man-stealers, and thugs. It is not that " pure and undefiled religion" which is from above, and which is " first pure, then peaceable, easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy." But a religion which favors the rich against the poor; which exalts the proud above the humble; which divides mankind into two classes, tyrants and slaves; which says to the man in chains, stay there; and to the oppressor, oppress on; it is a religion which may be professed and enjoyed by all the robbers and enslavers of mankind; it makes God a respecter of persons, denies his fatherhood of the race, and tramples in the dust the great truth of the brotherhood of man. All this we affirm to be true of the popular church, and the popular worship of our land and nation - a religion, a church, and a worship which, on the authority of inspired wisdom, we pronounce to be an abomination in the sight of God. In the language of Isaiah, the American church might be well addressed, "Bring no more vain ablations; incense is an abomination unto me: the new moons and Sabbaths, the calling of assemblies, I cannot away with; it is iniquity even the solemn meeting. Your new moons and your appointed feasts my soul hateth. They are a trouble to me; I am weary to bear them; and when ye spread forth your hands I will hide mine eyes from you. Yea! when ye make many prayers, I will not hear. YOUR HANDS ARE FULL OF BLOOD; cease to do evil, learn to do well; seek judgment; relieve the oppressed; judge for the fatherless; plead for the widow."

The American church is guilty, when viewed in connection with what it is doing to uphold slavery; but it is superlatively guilty when viewed in connection with its ability to abolish slavery. The sin of which it is guilty is one of omission as well as of commission. Albert Barnes but uttered what the common sense of every man at all observant of the actual state of the case will receive as truth, when he declared that "There is no power out of the church that could sustain slavery an hour, if it were not sustained in it."

Let the religious press, the pulpit, the Sunday school, the conference meeting, the great ecclesiastical, missionary, Bible and tract associations of the land array their immense powers against slavery and slave-holding; and the whole system of crime and blood would be scattered to the winds; and that they do not do this involves them in the most awful responsibility of which the mind can conceive.

In prosecuting the anti-slavery enterprise, we have been asked to spare the church, to spare the ministry; but how, we ask, could such a thing be done? We are met on the threshold of our efforts for the redemption of the slave, by the church and ministry of the country, in battle arrayed against us; and we are compelled to fight or flee. From what quarter, I beg to know, has proceeded a fire so deadly upon our ranks, during the last two years, as from the Northern pulpit? As the champions of oppressors, the chosen men of American theology have appeared - men, honored for their so-called piety, and their real learning. The Lords of Buffalo, the Springs of New York, the Lathrops of Auburn, the Coxes and Spencers of Brooklyn, the Gannets and Sharps of Boston, the Deweys of Washington, and other great religious lights of the land have, in utter denial of the authority of Him by whom they professed to be called to the ministry, deliberately taught us, against the example or the Hebrews and against the remonstrance of the Apostles, they teach that we ought to obey man's law before the law of God.

My spirit wearies of such blasphemy; and how such men can be supported, as the "standing types and representatives of Jesus Christ," is a mystery which I leave others to penetrate. In speaking of the American church, however, let it be distinctly understood that I mean the great mass of the religious organizations of our land. There are exceptions, and I thank God that there are. Noble men may be found, scattered all over these Northern States, of whom Henry Ward Beecher of Brooklyn, Samuel J. May of Syracuse, and my esteemed friend (Rev. R. R. Raymond) on the platform, are shining examples; and let me say further, that upon these men lies the duty to inspire our ranks with high religious faith and zeal, and to cheer us on in the great mission of the slave's redemption from his chains.

One is struck with the difference between the attitude of the American church towards the anti-slavery movement, and that occupied by the churches in England towards a similar movement in that country. There, the church, true to its mission of ameliorating, elevating, and improving the condition of mankind, came forward promptly, bound up the wounds of the West Indian slave, and restored him to his liberty. There, the question of emancipation was a high religious question. It was demanded, in the name of humanity, and according to the law of the living God. The Sharps, the Clarksons, the Wilberforces, the Buxtons, and Burchells and the Knibbs, were alike famous for their piety, and for their philanthropy. The anti-slavery movement there was not an anti-church movement, for the reason that the church took its full share in prosecuting that movement: and the anti-slavery movement in this country will cease to be an anti-church movement, when the church of this country shall assume a favorable, instead of a hostile position towards that movement. Americans! your republican politics, not less than your republican religion, are flagrantly inconsistent. You boast of your love of liberty, your superior civilization, and your pure Christianity, while the whole political power of the nation (as embodied in the two great political parties), is solemnly pledged to support and perpetuate the enslavement of three millions of your countrymen. You hurl your anathemas at the crowned headed tyrants of Russia and Austria, and pride yourselves on your Democratic institutions, while you yourselves consent to be the mere tools and body-guards of the tyrants of Virginia and Carolina. You invite to your shores fugitives of oppression from abroad, honor them with banquets, greet them with ovations, cheer them, toast them, salute them, protect them, and pour out your money to them like water; but the fugitives from your own land you advertise, hunt, arrest, shoot and kill. You glory in your refinement and your universal education yet you maintain a system as barbarous and dreadful as ever stained the character of a nation - a system begun in avarice, supported in pride, and perpetuated in cruelty. You shed tears over fallen Hungary, and make the sad story of her wrongs the theme of your poets, statesmen and orators, till your gallant sons are ready to fly to arms to vindicate her cause against her oppressors; but, in regard to the ten thousand wrongs of the American slave, you would enforce the strictest silence, and would hail him as an enemy of the nation who dares to make those wrongs the subject of public discourse! You are all on fire at the mention of liberty for France or for Ireland; but are as cold as an iceberg at the thought of liberty for the enslaved of America. You discourse eloquently on the dignity of labor; yet, you sustain a system which, in its very essence, casts a stigma upon labor. You can bare your bosom to the storm of British artillery to throw off a threepenny tax on tea; and yet wring the last hard-earned farthing from the grasp of the black laborers of your country. You profess to believe "that, of one blood, God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of all the earth," and hath commanded all men, everywhere to love one another; yet you notoriously hate, (and glory in your hatred), all men whose skins are not colored like your own. You declare, before the world, and are understood by the world to declare, that you " hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal; and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; and that, among these are, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" and yet, you hold securely, in a bondage which, according to your own Thomas Jefferson, " is worse than ages of that which your fathers rose in rebellion to oppose," a seventh part of the inhabitants of your country.

Fellow-citizens! I will not enlarge further on your national inconsistencies. The existence of slavery in this country brands your republicanism as a sham, your humanity as a base pretence, and your Christianity as a lie. It destroys your moral power abroad; it corrupts your politicians at home. It saps the foundation of religion; it makes your name a hissing, and a bye-word to a mocking earth. It is the antagonistic force in your government, the only thing that seriously disturbs and endangers your Union. It fetters your progress; it is the enemy of improvement, the deadly foe of education; it fosters pride; it breeds insolence; it promotes vice; it shelters crime; it is a curse to the earth that supports it; and yet, you cling to it, as if it were the sheet anchor of all your hopes. Oh! be warned! be warned! a horrible reptile is coiled up in your nation's bosom; the venomous creature is nursing at the tender breast of your youthful republic; for the love of God, tear away, and fling from you the hideous monster, and let the weight of twenty millions crush and destroy it forever!

But it is answered in reply to all this, that precisely what I have now denounced is, in fact, guaranteed and sanctioned by the Constitution of the United States; that the right to hold and to hunt slaves is a part of that Constitution framed by the illustrious Fathers of this Republic.

Then, I dare to affirm, notwithstanding all I have said before, your fathers stooped, basely stooped

To palter with us in a double sense:
And keep the word of promise to the ear,
But break it to the heart.

And instead of being the honest men I have before declared them to be, they were the veriest imposters that ever practiced on mankind. This is the inevitable conclusion, and from it there is no escape. But I differ from those who charge this baseness on the framers of the Constitution of the United States. It is a slander upon their memory, at least, so I believe. There is not time now to argue the constitutional question at length - nor have I the ability to discuss it as it ought to be discussed. The subject has been handled with masterly power by Lysander Spooner, Esq., by William Goodell, by Samuel E. Sewall, Esq., and last, though not least, by Gerritt Smith, Esq. These gentlemen have, as I think, fully and clearly vindicated the Constitution from any design to support slavery for an hour.

Fellow-citizens! there is no matter in respect to which, the people of the North have allowed themselves to be so ruinously imposed upon, as that of the pro-slavery character of the Constitution. In that instrument I hold there is neither warrant, license, nor sanction of the hateful thing; but, interpreted as it ought to be interpreted, the Constitution is a GLORIOUS LIBERTY DOCUMENT. Read its preamble, consider its purposes. Is slavery among them? Is it at the gateway? or is it in the temple? It is neither. While I do not intend to argue this question on the present occasion, let me ask, if it be not somewhat singular that, if the Constitution were intended to be, by its framers and adopters, a slave-holding instrument, why neither slavery, slaveholding, nor slave can anywhere be found in it. What would be thought of an instrument, drawn up, legally drawn up, for the purpose of entitling the city of Rochester to a track of land, in which no mention of land was made? Now, there are certain rules of interpretation, for the proper understanding of all legal instruments. These rules are well established. They are plain, common-sense rules, such as you and I, and all of us, can understand and apply, without having passed years in the study of law. I scout the idea that the question of the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of slavery is not a question for the people. I hold that every American citizen has a right to form an opinion of the constitution, and to propagate that opinion, and to use all honorable means to make his opinion the prevailing one. Without this right, the liberty of an American citizen would be as insecure as that of a Frenchman. Ex-Vice-President Dallas tells us that the Constitution is an object to which no American mind can be too attentive, and no American heart too devoted. He further says, the Constitution, in its words, is plain and intelligible, and is meant for the home-bred, unsophisticated understandings of our fellow-citizens. Senator Berrien tell us that the Constitution is the fundamental law, that which controls all others. The charter of our liberties, which every citizen has a personal interest in understanding thoroughly. The testimony of Senator Breese, Lewis Cass, and many others that might be named, who are everywhere esteemed as sound lawyers, so regard the constitution. I take it, therefore, that it is not presumption in a private citizen to form an opinion of that instrument.

Now, take the Constitution according to its plain reading, and I defy the presentation of a single pro-slavery clause in it. On the other hand it will be found to contain principles and purposes, entirely hostile to the existence of slavery.

I have detained my audience entirely too long already. At some future period I will gladly avail myself of an opportunity to give this subject a full and fair discussion.

Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented of the state of the nation, I do not despair of this country. There are forces in operation, which must inevitably work the downfall of slavery. "The arm of the Lord is not shortened," and the doom of slavery is certain. I, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope. While drawing encouragement from the Declaration of Independence, the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age. Nations do not now stand in the same relation to each other that they did ages ago. No nation can now shut itself up from the surrounding world, and trot round in the same old path of its fathers without interference. The time was when such could be done. Long established customs of hurtful character could formerly fence themselves in, and do their evil work with social impunity. Knowledge was then confined and enjoyed by the privileged few, and the multitude walked on in mental darkness. But a change has now come over the affairs of mankind. Walled cities and empires have become unfashionable. The arm of commerce has borne away the gates of the strong city. Intelligence is penetrating the darkest corners of the globe. It makes its pathway over and under the sea, as well as on the earth. Wind, steam, and lightning are its chartered agents. Oceans no longer divide, but link nations together. From Boston to London is now a holiday excursion. Space is comparatively annihilated. Thoughts expressed on one side of the Atlantic, are distinctly heard on the other. The far off and almost fabulous Pacific rolls in grandeur at our feet. The Celestial Empire, the mystery of ages, is being solved. The fiat of the Almighty, "Let there be Light," has not yet spent its force. No abuse, no outrage whether in taste, sport or avarice, can now hide itself from the all-pervading light. The iron shoe, and crippled foot of China must be seen, in contrast with nature. Africa must rise and put on her yet unwoven garment. "Ethiopia shall stretch out her hand unto God." In the fervent aspirations of William Lloyd Garrison, I say, and let every heart join in saying it:

God speed the year of jubilee
The wide world o'er
When from their galling chains set free,
Th' oppress'd shall vilely bend the knee,
And wear the yoke of tyranny
Like brutes no more.
That year will come, and freedom's reign,
To man his plundered fights again
Restore.

God speed the day when human blood
Shall cease to flow!
In every clime be understood,
The claims of human brotherhood,
And each return for evil, good,
Not blow for blow;
That day will come all feuds to end.
And change into a faithful friend
Each foe.

God speed the hour, the glorious hour,
When none on earth
Shall exercise a lordly power,
Nor in a tyrant's presence cower;
But all to manhood's stature tower,
By equal birth!
That hour will come, to each, to all,
And from his prison-house, the thrall
Go forth.

Until that year, day, hour, arrive,
With head, and heart, and hand I'll strive,
To break the rod, and rend the gyve,
The spoiler of his prey deprive -
So witness Heaven!
And never from my chosen post,
Whate'er the peril or the cost,
Be driven.

Source: Frederick Douglass: Selected Speeches and Writings, ed. Philip S. Foner (Chicago: Lawrence Hill, 1999), 188-206.

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"What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?" - Teaching American History

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Mr. President, Friends and Fellow Citizens: He who could address this audience without a quailing sensation, has stronger nerves than I have. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more shrinkingly, nor with greater distrust of my ability, than I do this day.

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Jenna Sits down with our new co-host Liza Talusan to discuss principled partnerships across race.

Read More

In this episode, Elizabeth sits down with Elena Aguilar to talk about how race shows up in coaching relationships.

Read More

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NEA Conference on Racial and Social Justice

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NEA Conference on Racial and Social Justice

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This free National Education Association festival takes place June 14 and 15 and will feature appearances and performances from:
-Dr. Ibram X. Kendi
-Oddisee
-LaTosha Brown
-Amythyst Kiah
...and more. Register at the link below.

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Conference on Racial & Social Justice - Season of Justice

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A deep dive into what it means to be "white" ... an important historical documentary series.

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Just what is going on with white people? Police shootings of unarmed African Americans. Acts of domestic terrorism by white supremacists. The renewed embrace of raw, undisguised white-identity politics. Unending racial inequity in schools, housing, criminal justice, and hiring. Some of this feels new, but in truth it's an old story.

Why? Where did the notion of "whiteness" come from? What does it mean? What is whiteness for?

Scene on Radio host and producer John Biewen took a deep dive into these questions, along with an array of leading scholars and regular guest Dr. Chenjerai Kumanyika, in this fourteen-part documentary series, released between February and August 2017. The series editor is Loretta Williams.

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Just what is going on with white people? Police shootings of unarmed African Americans. Acts of domestic terrorism by white supremacists. The renewed embrace of raw, undisguised white-identity politics. Unending racial inequity in schools, housing, criminal justice, and hiring. Some of this feels ne

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A searchable directory of racial equity programs and training providers that can help your organization combat racism and increase cultural competence.

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By tracking and analyzing trends in areas that affect our quality of life, Compass gives everyone in our state a common foundation to act on issues to improve our communities.

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The video, hosted by Eugene Lee Yang, includes in-depth conversations about the complex, often untold story of the Asian American community and the unique struggles they face.

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Bystander Intervention to Stop Police Sponsored Violence and Anti-Black Racist Harassment

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Bystander Intervention to Stop Police Sponsored Violence and Anti-Black Racist Harassment

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April 16th at 4pm: Free, one-hour, interactive training to train people on how to safely intervene in the face of police violence and anti-black racism using Hollaback!’s 5D’s of bystander intervention.

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Hollaback! Together We Have the Power to End Harassment

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WE WOULD LIKE TO INVITE YOU TO ATTEND THE NEXT FREE TRAINING:

Please note you must register in advance for all trainings. Registration is capped at 1,000 people per training.

After registering, you will receive a confirmation email containing information about joining the meeting. The training is currently only offered in English. Additionally, please note at the moment this training may not be ADA compliant.

Don't see the training times you're looking for? We also have free bystander intervention trainings to address gender-based harassment.

WORKSHOP DESCRIPTION

In response to continued police violence against black communities and the recent murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery, Hollaback! Is offering this free, one-hour, interactive training to train people on how to safely intervene in the face of police violence and anti-black racism using Hollaback!'s 5D's of bystander intervention.

We'll start by talking about the types of violence and racism black folks are facing right now - from microaggressions to murder - using a tool we call the "spectrum of racism." We'll talk about how anti-black racism is so ingrained into the fabric of our society that we see it present in all forms, from everyday tasks or activities to larger societal institutions. We'll discuss the deep impact harassment, violence, and constant threat of violence has on black communities.

You'll learn what to look for and the positive impact that bystander intervention has on individuals and communities. We'll talk through five strategies for intervention: distract, delegate, document, delay, and direct; and how to prioritize your own safety while intervening. We'll also talk about what to do if you're a person of color worried the violence will turn on you and how to avoid being a "white savior." We'll have time at the end for practice, and you'll leave feeling more confident intervening the next time you see police sponsored, anti-black harassment or violence.

RESOURCES:

ORGANIZATIONS TO SUPPORT:

Black Lives Matter :: A global network fighting for Freedom, Liberation and Justice of Black folks by building local power and intervening when violence is inflicted on Black communities.

Campaign Zero :: A campaign taking deliberate action to end the disproportionate police violence and incarceration of Black communities in America.

Run with Maud :: A justice campaign fighting for due process in the lynching of Ahmaud Arbery. Sign the petition or make phone calls to demand justice for Ahmaud.

Take Action Minnesota :: A Minnesota-based organization pushing for collective aid and pursuing justice in the murder of George Floyd.

Minnesota Teen Activists :: A collective of youth activists fighting white supremacy and injustice in Minnesota.

Fair Fight Action :: An organization promoting fair elections and educating voters about their voting rights nationwide.

NAACP Legal Defense Fund :: America's premiere legal defense organization fighting for racial justice.

Color of Change :: The nation's largest online racial justice organization.

The Bail Project :: Provides free bail assistance to low-income individuals who are legally presumed innocent.

Black Visions Collective :: A Minnesota-based organization that believes in a future where all Black people have autonomy, safety is community-led, and we are in right relationship within our ecosystems.

Reclaim the Block :: A Minneapolis-based campaign that works to move money from the police department to other areas of the city budget, prioritizing community health and safety.

Communities United for Police Reform :: A campaign to end discriminatory policing practices in New York.

Southern Poverty Law Center :: An organization that monitors and exposes the behavior of hate groups and extremists in the US.

American Civil Liberties Union :: An organization dedicated to defending and preserving the civil rights and liberties of all Americans.

National Urban League :: A historic civil rights organization that advocates on behalf of economic and social justice for African Americans and against racial discrimination in the United States

Black Alliance for Just Immigration :: BAJI educates and engages African American and black immigrant communities to organize and advocate for racial, social and economic justice.

Trans Women of Color Collective :: Trans Women of Color Collective (TWOCC) was created to cultivate economic opportunities and affirming spaces for trans people of color and our families, to foster kinship, build community engage in healing and restorative justice through arts, culture, media, advocacy and activism.

INCITE! :: INCITE! is a network of radical feminists of color organizing to end state violence and violence in our homes and communities.

Black Women's Blueprint :: An organization providing a blueprint for black liberation through a feminist lens.

TALK TO OUR TEAM:

To connect with a member of our training team and learn more about how we can customize this training for your team or business, please complete the form below:

We collect stories to raise awareness about
harassment. By sharing your testimony, you
change the way people understand this problem.
Remember you are not alone and we've got your back.

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BYSTANDER INTERVENTION TO STOP POLICE SPONSORED VIOLENCE AND ANTI-BLACK RACIST HARASSMENT | Hollaback! Together We Have the Power to End Harassment

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WE WOULD LIKE TO INVITE YOU TO ATTEND THE NEXT FREE TRAINING: Please note you must register in advance for all trainings. Registration is capped at 1,000 people per training. Friday, April 16th 2021. 5:00PM ET/ 4:00PM CT/ 3:00PM MT/ 2:00PM PT/ 11:00AM HST. Register Here.

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Tips for Responding to Bias, Harassment, and/or Discrimination

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Tips for Responding to Bias, Harassment, and/or Discrimination

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Submitted by Lori Boucher

Incidents of bias, harassment, and discrimination are on the rise and impacting international students (especially Chinese and other Asian students), Asian Americans, and Pacific Islanders. The ISSS staff has compiled the following information and suggestions

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Responding to Harassment and Bias - Ideas for Intl' Students from ISSS

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Native owned Bookstore and arts

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Boozhoo! Welcome.

Birchbark Books is operated by a spirited collection of people who believe in the power of good writing, the beauty of handmade art, the strength of Native culture, and the importance of small and intimate bookstores. Our books are lovingly chosen. Our store is tended with care.

find books

Open daily 10am to 6pm

2115 West 21st Street
Minneapolis, MN 55405

612-374-4023

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Birchbark Books & Native Arts / Minneapolis, Minnesota

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Owned by author Louise Erdrich, Birchbark Books is a full range bookstore specializing in Indigenous American books, arts & gifts. Our books are lovingly chosen. Our store is tended with care. We are also a vendor for schools and provide expert guidance in selecting quality, appropriate resources for educators.

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March 18: Mapping Prejudice: A reckoning with structural racism in the Twin Cities

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March 18: Mapping Prejudice: A reckoning with structural racism in the Twin Cities

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For most of the last century, racial covenants like these kept Black and brown people out of the neighborhoods deemed most desirable. These racial covenants are illegal today, but our community is still living with the consequences. Join the UMN Libraries to learn how the groundbreaking Mapping Prejudice project brings context to the national reckoning that began here in the Twin Cities.

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continuum | University of Minnesota Libraries

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"Whites Only" was embedded in thousands of property deeds across the Twin Cities. For most of the last century, racial covenants like these kept Black and brown people out of the neighborhoods deemed most desirable.

These racial covenants are illegal today, but our community is still living with the consequences. Join usto learn how the groundbreaking Mapping Prejudice project brings context to the national reckoning that began here in the Twin Cities.

This event is free
Make your reservation below to receive the Zoom event information

About the event

By mapping restrictive covenants, the Mapping Prejudice project has documented the history of structural racism in the Twin Cities, resulting in the highest racial disparities and lowest African-American homeownership rates in the country.

In the aftermath of George Floyd's death, the Mapping Prejudice project has attracted media attention from across the globe. What began here has exploded into the largest protest in American history. The whole world was watching as our community was ripped apart, partly as a consequence of decades of unjust and discriminatory housing practices.

Learn how community researchers are mapping the hidden histories of race and privilege in your neighborhood - and how you can join them.

About the panelists

Kirsten Delegard is one of the co-founders of the Mapping Prejudice project . She received her Ph.D. in history from Duke University, where she trained as a women's historian. In her early research, she explored the history of women and politics. More recently she has devoted her energy to public history and unearthing the complex past of her hometown, Minneapolis. This focus led to Mapping Prejudice and the Historyapolis Project , which she also started.

Maria Cisneros is the City Attorney for the City of Golden Valley, Minnesota, the Immediate Past President of the Minnesota Association of City Attorneys, and a founder of the Just Deeds Project, which provides free legal and title services to help property owners find covenants and remove them from their property titles. She handles a wide range of civil legal matters for the city and also provides general civil advice to city staff and elected officials. She graduated summa cum laude from William Mitchell College of Law and has a B.S. from the University of Minnesota where she majored in International Business and Spanish.

Rose McGee is the creator of Sweet Potato Comfort Pie : a catalyst for caring and building community. She is a recent Bush Fellow, a Minnesota " 50 Over 50 ," featured in the PBS documentary " A Few Good Pie Places," and TEDx Talk " The Power of Pie Rose is also a Humanities Officer for the Minnesota Humanities Center. She resides in Golden Valley and has been recognized as Citizen of the Year.

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Mapping Prejudice: A reckoning with structural racism in the Twin Cities | continuum | University of Minnesota Libraries

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"Whites Only" was embedded in thousands of property deeds across the Twin Cities. For most of the last century, racial covenants like these kept Black and brown people out of the neighborhoods deemed most desirable. These racial covenants are illegal today, but our community is still living with the consequences.

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Submitted by Jason Wolff

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The biomedical research enterprise is powered by people committed to scientific advancement and innovation to improve human health and reduce the burden of disease for all. NIH is committed to breaking down the barriers that prevent the full breadth of talent from contributing to the biomedical enterprise. The enterprise is strengthened when it harnesses the complete intellectual capital of the nation, bringing diverse perspectives, backgrounds, and skillsets to apply to complex problems. We recognize our efforts aimed at achieving scientific workforce diversity are hindered by organizational structures, systems, and policies that perpetuate exclusion and inequity based on race. Organizational structures, policies, practices, and social norms that perpetuate bias, prejudice, discrimination, and racism limit the pace of scientific progress.

"To those individuals in the biomedical research enterprise who have endured disadvantages due to structural racism, I am truly sorry. NIH is committed to instituting new ways to support diversity, equity, and inclusion, and identifying and dismantling any policies and practices at our own agency that may harm our workforce and our science."

Historical racism has led to the marginalization and oppression of Indigenous peoples, African Americans, Latinos, and other communities of color. This discrimination has extended to sexual and gender minorities. Structural racism has resulted in persistent health disparities, poor health status, and premature mortality as demonstrated by the current disproportionate burden of morbidity and mortality from COVID-19. Within the biomedical research enterprise, structural and institutional racism has resulted in inequitable access to funding, training, and workforce opportunities. NIH is in a position of influence to contribute to positive, visible, and sustainable change to break the cycle of institutional racism with systems, policies, social norms, and practices that remove stereotypes and mitigate the pervasive effects of racism. We must practice science in a way that ensures employing the full breadth of talent and with attention to any unintended consequences of our research that might amplify health disparities.

NIH established the UNITE initiative to address structural racism and promote racial equity and inclusion at NIH and within the larger biomedical research enterprise. UNITE has five committees with the following specific aims:

U - Understanding stakeholder experiences through listening and learning

N - New research on health disparities, minority health, and health equity

I - Improving the NIH culture and structure for equity, inclusion, and excellence

T - Transparency, communication, and accountability with our internal and external stakeholders

E - Extramural research ecosystem: changing policy, culture, and structure to promote workforce diversity

As part of its overarching efforts to perform a broad, systematic self-evaluation to identify elements that may perpetuate structural racism and lead to a lack of diversity, equity, and inclusion within the NIH and the larger biomedical research community, UNITE plans to:

Collect and share information on relevant past, ongoing, or planned activities of the Institutes and Centers to inform efforts that enhance equity, diversity, and inclusion within NIH and across the biomedical research community.

Conduct listening sessions with internal and external stakeholders.

Publish a Request for Information to seek input on practical and effective ways to improve the racial and ethnic inclusivity and diversity of research-centered environments and workforce.

Work with the NIH Division of Program Coordination, Planning, and Strategic Initiatives to develop a strategic plan to address racial, ethnic, and gender disparities at NIH.

NIH's efforts are consistent with President Joe Biden's Executive Order on Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities and is part of an overall effort by the Department of Health and Human Services to respond to the EO to improve equity, diversity, and inclusion in the federal workplace.

This webpage directs users to key information and websites that describe NIH's efforts to redress structural racism and promote racial equity and inclusion.

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The biomedical research enterprise is powered by people committed to scientific advancement and innovation to improve human health and reduce the burden of disease for all. NIH is committed to breaking down the barriers that prevent the full breadth of talent from contributing to the biomedical enterprise.

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2021 Virtual Summit On Equity, Race and Ethnicity

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2021 Virtual Summit On Equity, Race and Ethnicity

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Keynote Speakers: Dr. Ibram X. Kendi, Author of How to Be an Antiracist and more, and Tim Wise, Author of Dispatches from the Race War and more
This year’s virtual summit will be held over three days, with the first two days featuring guest speakers and workshops on current issues in antiracism. The third day will offer a Racial Justice Organization Fair to highlight the work being done in Duluth and Minnesota communities. The aim of the fair is to encourage participants to engage in concrete action. Register at https://z.umn.edu/CERESummit

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Webinar: Know ‘Dis:  Strategizing Around White Supremacist Epistemologies

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Webinar: Know ‘Dis:  Strategizing Around White Supremacist Epistemologies

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A University Research Ethics Week presentation by Dr. Jeanine Weekes Schroer followed by an introduction to the UMN Libraries’ new anti-racism in research toolkit.

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Know 'Dis: Strategizing Around White Supremacist Epistemologies

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A University Research Ethics Week presentation by Dr. Jeanine Weekes Schroer followed by an introduction to the UMN Libraries' new anti-racism in...

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Recommended by Rose Vukovic
Local, black-owned bookstore.

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Your neighborhood independent bookstore located in south Minneapolis. Selling new and used books since 2012.

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Webinar on Disproportionate Suspensions of Black Children and Youth

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Webinar on Disproportionate Suspensions of Black Children and Youth

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Free registration available for Feb 17, 1 pm Pacific Time

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https://diverseeducation.com/article/205210/
"Racelighting" tied to gaslighting.

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Learn more about the recent anti-Asian/Asian American attacks and what you can do about it.

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Hate Crimes Against Asian-Americans Continue to Rise | The Daily Social Distancing Show

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Ruby Bridges - Trailblazing as a Child in the Jim Crow South | The Daily Social Distancing Show

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On our role in the change

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Calvin Terrell challenges all to remember their power to see themselves in others. To transcend global challenges while maintaining the Earth's environment, humankind must heal historical traumas around race intersecting with every human identity. In his candid presentation, Calvin will weave ancient indigenous concepts of healing with modern challenges as a call to action.

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Brené with Austin Channing Brown on I'm Still Here: Black Dignity in a World Made for Whiteness 

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Brené with Austin Channing Brown on I'm Still Here: Black Dignity in a World Made for Whiteness 

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Update: 2020-06-10 58

Description

Austin Channing Brown's anti-racism work is critical to changing our world, and her ability to talk about what is good and true about love, about our faith, and about loving each other is transformative. She is a writer, a speaker, and a media producer providing inspired leadership on racial justice in America. In this episode, we connect on her book I'm Still Here: Black Dignity in a World Made for Whiteness, and talk about her online television show, The Next Question.

Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Download from Google Play

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Brené with Austin Channing Brown on I'm Still Here: Black Dignity in a World Made for Whiteness

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Update: 2020-06-10 58 Description Austin Channing Brown's anti-racism work is critical to changing our world, and her ability to talk about what is good and true about love, about our faith, and about loving each other is transformative. She is a writer, a speaker, and a media producer providing inspired leadership on racial justice in America.

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In our recent webinar, Microaggressions and Implicit Bias: Anti-Bias Strategies for Targets, Allies, and Bystanders, Dr. Derald Sue explained the distinction between microaggressions (individual racism) and macroaggressions (systemic racism). He also covered how to become an ally to people of color or BIPOC and use anti-bias strategies (microinterventions) to disarm individual racism and dismantle systemic racism.

| Watch Recording
https://www.wiley.com/network/instructors-students/on-demand-webinars/microaggressions-and-implicit-bias-anti-bias-strategies-for-targets-allies-and-bystanders?elq_mid=46626&elq_cid=11105&utm_campaign=29135&utm_source=eloquaEmail&utm_medium=email&utm_content=Email3b_WEPAPG_PSY_PRO_PROSPECT_NP_DeraldSueWebinar_2007_W9I8I_NonRegistrants

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Webinar from CSPP Alum, Derek Francis: Anti-Racist Proactive School Counseling

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Webinar from CSPP Alum, Derek Francis: Anti-Racist Proactive School Counseling

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While this is directed at school counselors, it applies to all educators and includes how to respond to race and hate incidents in schools.

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CharacterStrong is a character education & social-emotional learning (SEL) curriculum and professional development company to create positive habits through idea-based practice. It focuses mainly on high school and middle school campuses to help them practice character traits such as kindness, r

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Morgan Freeman reads Rep. John Lewis' last letter

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Morgan Freeman reads Rep. John Lewis' last letter

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Recommended by Sherri Turner

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Morgan Freeman Reads Rep. John Lewis’ Last Words | The Last Word | MSNBC

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Recommended by Alisha Wackerle-Hollman

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‎Teaching While White Podcast: White Fragility- Part One on Apple Podcasts

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‎We sat down with Robin DiAngelo, author of White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism.

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From the Society for Personality and Social Psychology meeting on allyship

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From the Society for Personality and Social Psychology meeting on allyship

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https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1vO4l34ow8TPhwNEMalDUPfDpNkKRKtXi

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OED created a website of the curated resources by topic from their Equity & Diversity workshops, including Race, Racism and White Supremacy. Readings, videos, and more found here: https://diversity.umn.edu/education/education-program-resources

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Submitted by: Carolyn Berger
Free professional development opportunity related to antiracism and social justice.

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There are perspectives and resources on TpT that can move this conversation forward. Across our channels, we are highlighting Black educators, their TpT stores, and important resources members of our community can use to start critical conversations about race with students. Read More.

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There are perspectives and resources on TpT that can move this conversation forward. Across our channels, we are highlighting Black educators, their TpT stores, and important resources members of our community can use to start critical conversations about race with students. Read More.

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Anti-Racism Daily is a newsletter that helps you read the news and do something about it

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Anti-Racism Daily is a newsletter that helps you read the news and do something about it

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If you have an Instagram account, you may have seen this post when you were going through your friends' Stories:

Update: A GoFundMe has also been set up for Jacob and his family. Please support (link in bio, too): https://www.gofundme.com/f/justiceforjacobblake On Sunday, August 23, a Black man was shot in the back seven times by police officers in Kenosha, WI. Reports indicate that the police were on the scene to respond to a domestic dispute, and the victim was attempting to help settle it (Kenosha News). A video of the shooting was widely circulated on social media. In the video, the victim can be seen walking to his car and opening the door before being restrained by a police officer and shot point-blank in the back. A reporter for WISN, a news channel in Wisconsin, later confirmed that the victim is 29-year-old Jacob Blake (Twitter). A large group of people was present to witness the shooting, in addition to his fiancée and children. As of the time of writing this, Blake is in serious condition.⁣⁣ ⁣⁣ Call local officials to demand the police officers are held accountable:⁣⁣ ⁣⁣ Kenosha City Attorney⁣⁣ 262-653-4170⁣⁣ Kenosha Mayor and City Administration: 262-653-4000⁣⁣ Kenosha Police Non Emergency Line 262-656-1234⁣⁣ Wisconsin DOJ ⁣⁣ (608) 266-1221⁣⁣ ⁣ Donate to the Milwaukee Freedom Fund, which is extending support to protestors in Kenosha: https://bit.ly/mkefreedomfund⁣ This story is still developing. #justiceforjacobblake #jacobblake #kenosha

A post shared by Anti-Racism Daily (@antiracismdaily) on

The post explains how, on August 23, 29-year-old Jacob Blake of Kenosha, Wis., was shot in the back by police. The caption gives more details on the shooting, and the text slides offer ideas on how to take action in protest. The post went viral and has been liked more than 870,000 times.

The Jacob Blake post might seem to blend in with the social justice slideshows that have been circulating on Instagram all summer, but its background is a little different: It was adapted from the Anti-Racism Daily, a newsletter written by Nicole Cardoza.

Cardoza is the founder and executive director of Yoga Foster, a national nonprofit organization that provides educators with yoga and mindfulness resources to use in their classrooms. Because Cardoza is outspoken about the intersections of racism and wellness, she was getting a lot of questions about what people could do to support social justice movements in the aftermath of George Floyd's death.

Constantly fielding those questions can be exhausting, especially as a Black woman living in the United States. That's why, in early June, Cardoza decided that, instead of answering the same things over and over, she'd start a newsletter to give people actions to take to "dismantle white supremacy."

"I just said, 'I'm going to send everybody one email every day with an action item,'" Cardoza recalled. "People tend to get very outraged when there's a death, when something terrible happens in the news, and then the conversation caves. But in the wellness community - in the world that I work in - people are really familiar with the idea of practice. People that practice yoga and mindfulness usually are talking about creating a practice, building a relationship with their well being, consistently and over time. I knew that people in my community would [like] having a daily call to action on something that they can do and ideally they'll stay in this work past the protest."

More than 1,000 people signed up for the newsletter within a few hours, and a few days later the subscriber count was 10,000. Three months in, Cardoza said, Anti-Racism Daily has more than 100,000 email subscribers. The Instagram account has 256,000 followers.

Each weekday edition of the newsletter usually takes a deep dive into a major news story through an anti-racist lens and is written either by Cardoza or a guest writer. On Saturdays, Cardoza sends out a "Study Hall" edition, where she answers reader questions and comments on the previous week's issues. On Sundays, she sends out a weekly review of racial disparities related to the Covid-19 pandemic.

Every weekday issue is divided into three sections: "Take Action," which gives people actionable things they can do to address an issue; "Get Educated," a deep dive explainer; and "Share This Issue," which includes easy-to-read slides versions of the newsletter that people can share on Instagram and other social media platforms. The subject line of the emails are written as commands, as active actions people can take, instead of summaries of what the issue contains.

For example, one issue in June titled "Diversify your media consumption" delved into the American news media industry's reckoning with racism in U.S. newsrooms. Cardoza explained how journalism influences the public's perception of race. She wrote, in part:

When it comes to dismantling systemic oppression, representation and equity in media reporting is essential. Historically, the media has done more to uphold racial bias against people of color than dismantle it. Racial bias is a form of implicit bias, or the unconscious attitudes or stereotypes that distort our understanding, actions and decisions. Our racial biases are largely influenced by the media and how it chooses to center and elevate people and conversations.

The action items in that issue were:

1. Add one of the recommended news sources below to your reading list.

2. Replace a lifestyle magazine subscription to one with a more diverse lens. Here are my favorites >

3. Reflect on your go-to news source:
How many articles do I read by people of color? By women?
Who is on the executive leadership team of this news organization?

What stories, if any, have come up in the past two weeks about representation and equity in their workplace?

Reading news about racism is draining and can leave people feeling helpless, overwhelmed, and unsure of what to do next. But offering actions to take helps reduce the passive or performative activism that's common on social media, Cardoza said. While ARD does use social media (and quite well) to raise awareness about issues, followers and media consumers are always encouraged to get the full story behind what they're reading. At minimum, they can find that in the daily newsletter.

"People can save that. It's in their inbox, it's something that's getting sent to them, and I think that psychological difference between getting something in your inbox that's asking you to take action, versus going to a website and just reading, shifts our participation and the stories that we experience from a passive place to an active place," Cardoza said. "I'm looking to build a practice over time. I have no accountability for people to come back to our website every day. But I do have accountability with ensuring that people get the actions to take in their inboxes every day. It makes me a more active participant in the conversation, instead of expecting people to take action based on things I published."

When Cardoza is writing the newsletter, she usually works one or two days ahead of time. Many ideas come from her own personal experiences with racism and the impacts of white supremacy, she said. She scans the news for ideas and reads all responses she gets from subscribers. "One topic will spark another," she said.

Cardoza emphasizes that she's not a journalist by profession. The newsletter doesn't typically break news or produce investigative journalism. Rather, she sees it as amplifying the journalism published around each issue that might not have reached her audience otherwise. Cardoza said she links to at least 15 news outlets and sources per issue and focuses on centering the work of journalists of color and journalists of other marginalized groups. She doesn't hesitate to correct misleading or vague language that's often used in writing about racism.

"When we don't use the right words to describe the pain and suffering of people, we further minimize it and we reinforce the same system of white supremacy that is creating that harm," Cardoza said. "Those are things that I've been really clear on. Calling Donald Trump a racist. Saying that it wasn't an 'officer-involved shooting,' it was an officer that shot a black man. To me it's really important that we name things...because this is the time to be exposing the things that we have to change. We can't heal what we don't reveal."

Along with naming racism and injustices as such, Cardoza makes sure that Anti-Racism Daily doesn't contribute to harmful and insensitive media practices. She doesn't publish body-camera footage from police shootings, mugshots, or any other visuals that depict the suffering of people of color and marginalized people.

"I know how difficult it is to read news that isn't taking into account that toll that it has on our bodies," Cardoza said. "There's plenty of people that are going to share the videos and plenty of people that are going to report on people as if they're bodies and not humans and souls. This platform is not designed to make entertainment out of pain and suffering of communities of color. I don't write this space for white people to become engaged and informed. I write this space to help protect and center the needs of those most vulnerable."

The email newsletter is free to subscribe to, though Cardoza encourages people to donate in a variety of ways to help with the upkeep of the product. There's a monthly subscription on Patreon or a one-time contribution option. People can also donate through Venmo and PayPal. There's no business model yet in terms of making the products profitable, as Cardoza and the guest writers all work on Anti-Racism Daily on a volunteer basis (though there are three part-time remote positions posted on the website for a graphic designer, a reporter, and an editor).

Cardoza does, however, offer team subscriptions to ARD for workplaces and classrooms. The group subscription includes the daily emails, weekly discussion guides, and monthly engagement reports of the team's participation, with open rates and the actions taken. A subscription for a team of two to 10 people is $360 while a subscription for a team of 400 or more is $7,200.

Still, Cardoza said she doesn't wake up thinking about ARD's bottom line, and hopes to keep it that way.

"The only true benchmark of success is whether or not racism is has ended in America and around the world, and we're still far away from that."

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Anti-Racism Daily is a newsletter that helps you read the news and do something about it

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"People tend to get very outraged when there's a death, when something terrible happens in the news, and then the conversation caves. But in the wellness community - in the world that I work in - people are really familiar with the idea of practice."

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Anti-Racism & Racism Psychology, Psychiatry, Counseling, Psychotherapy, & Supervision

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Anti-Racism & Racism Psychology, Psychiatry, Counseling, Psychotherapy, & Supervision

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Ken Pope collection (https://kspope.com/ethics/anti-racism.php)

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Division for Autism and Developmental Disabilities

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Division for Autism and Developmental Disabilities

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Curriculum resources addressing intersectionality, ableism, and racism

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COUNCIL FOR EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN - DIVISION ON AUTISM AND DEVELOPMENTAL DISABILITIES (DADD)

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CLICK ON THE IMAGES BELOW FOR DEFINITIONS AND MORE INFORMATION

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Presentation and tips for preparing for difficult conversations about race in class

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Presentation and tips for preparing for difficult conversations about race in class

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https://padlet.com/epcomm/antiracismresources

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A 12-Step Program for Decolonizing the University

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A 12-Step Program for Decolonizing the University

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Recommended by Jennifer McComas

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A 12-Step Program for Decolonizing the University: A Conversation with Dr Rodney Coates

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This article shares one department's strategies to build a more diverse department. Leadership, intention, and culture were key factors for success. Thanks to the student who shared this with me!

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Executive Summary

Washington University in St. Louis has one of the more racially diverse sociology departments in academia today. This is no accident. It was the result of intentional, consistent efforts from multiple stakeholders to create a department that would be both racially diverse and committed to excellence. If organizations that want to become truly diverse, they can learn from the three key elements of Wash U's success: firm, explicit support and resources from leadership; an intentional focus on racial diversity in hiring and advancement; and creating a culture that recognizes and responds to the realities Black workers face.

Hill Street Studios/Getty Images

I work in the sociology department at Washington University in St. Louis. Our department has several interesting distinctions - it was formed in 2015, making it one of the newest sociology departments in the country. It came into being after this region was rocked by protests following a grand jury's refusal to indict Officer Darren Wilson for killing Michael Brown in nearby Ferguson.

But perhaps most notably, we comprise one of the more racially diverse departments in academia today. This wasn't an accident. It was the result of intentional, consistent efforts from multiple stakeholders to create a department that would be both racially diverse and committed to excellence.

In just five years, our department has grown to 13 full-time faculty, nearly half of whom identify as people of color. Not only that, of the eight senior professors in my department, half of us are people of color. Three of these senior faculty are women, and three identify as Black. This is the kind of racial diversity that many departments in academia and other organizations say is impossible to create, claiming that there's too leaky a pipeline, or that it's too difficult to find strong candidates. Our experience building Washington University's sociology department shows that these results are certainly possible. Here's a glimpse at our playbook.

When university leadership decided to launch a sociology department, the administrators, advisory committees, and faculty leaders involved with this effort asserted early on that it would not be enough for the faculty to excel in research and teaching. These leaders were emphatic that this department needed to be racially diverse as well. They stressed that there doesn't have to be a contradiction between valuing diversity and hiring the best person for the job - indeed, those two imperatives are complementary more often than some might think.

Following a national search for faculty who could become founding members of the new sociology department, I was hired in 2015 with two other colleagues who are white men. Early on in our first few months on the job, my coworkers and I explicitly prioritized building a racially diverse department. During that first year, I vividly remember sitting in department meetings as the lone woman and person of color and thinking, "This is the last year that department meetings look like this." Fortunately, my other departmental colleagues thought - and openly said - the same thing. This meant that there was collective, shared support for the importance of building a racially diverse faculty. It wasn't up to one person to raise and continue pressing this issue, a phenomenon that often occurs when women or racial minority men are in the minority at work. We all agreed that this mattered and that we wanted our hiring decisions to reflect this commitment.

This early support for a racially diverse department was absolutely crucial. It set the tone for our department and created a ripple effect on future hiring cycles. But it also highlights that creating more racial diversity is much easier when multiple voices in leadership agree to make it a priority. I expect that in settings where departmental and managerial leadership does not prioritize or actively work to create racial diversity, it will be much harder to make changes.

When it came time to begin our hiring cycle for the first round of assistant professors to interview for jobs, we made sure to advertise our open position in a broad range of locations. Since we knew that relying on social networks often excludes candidates of color, we did not want to rely primarily on our alma maters or other networks where we would be likely to net a predominantly white applicant pool. Instead, we relied on professional associations that primarily included sociologists of color. We contacted colleagues to let them know that we were hiring and particularly wanted to consider applicants from underrepresented minority groups. We looked for promising candidates of color, contacted them, and encouraged them to apply. In short, we didn't just wait for applicants of color to come to us. We made it a point to be proactive in our efforts to create a diverse candidate pool. And we continued these efforts throughout the hiring process, checking ourselves at every step of the way to make sure that each time we further narrowed our list, we still had a diverse slate of candidates.

This is another stage where support from university leadership was critical. Higher level administrators reiterated that they welcomed and encouraged our efforts to build a racially diverse department. More importantly, they backed this up with action. They provided financial resources (available tenure track lines, funding, and competitive retention packages) that allowed us to attract, hire, and keep faculty of color. It matters knowing that the higher-ups value racial diversity.

These are important steps to take when it comes to hiring, but that's only part of the battle when it comes to racial diversity in the workplace. It's also very important for people of color to be included, visible, heard, and represented in the everyday life of the department. This is where organizational culture matters a lot. As sociologists who study race and the workplace have shown, if a company hires one or two workers of color who then have to navigate a consistently hostile and unwelcoming space, that company probably isn't going to keep those workers for long. Equally important to hiring is creating an organizational culture that is attuned to racial dynamics and actively encourages the participation, visibility, and authentic voices of people of color.

In our department, for example, we simply refuse to have a " colorblind" organizational culture where discussion of and attention to racial issues is taboo or discouraged. In our teaching and research, we include the voices and experiences of people of color. From classes on "Race, Ethnicity, and Migration" and "The Roots of Ferguson," to social theory seminars that assign the work of overlooked Black sociologists like W.E.B. DuBois and Anna Julia Cooper, to research on how factors such as incarceration and policing contribute to racial health disparities, acknowledging race is a critical part of our departmental mission. Importantly, this focus doesn't mean that everyone in the department focuses on these issues. Some of my colleagues do not make race a central focus of their research or teaching. But we see it as an imperative to nurture a department culture that makes room for all voices to be heard, rather than sidelining or downplaying racial issues in our teaching or scholarship.

Our "extracurricular" activities carry this theme of color-consciousness as well. One year, we hosted a screening and discussion of the sociological themes present in the film Get Out. The following year, we did the same for the film BlacKkKlansman. Before the coronavirus upended our spring semester, we'd discussed continuing this screening and discussion trend with the film Sorry to Bother You. These events allow us to engage in optional activities in ways that still fulfill our departmental mission while avoiding a colorblind culture where conversations around race are discouraged.

As the country is rocked by protests drawing attention to the ongoing exploitation, harassment, and abuse of Black Americans, many companies are signaling their support for the Black Lives Matter movement and siding with the protesters. Yet most of these same companies have for years failed to create more racial diversity among the top ranks of their own organizations. This has happened in America before. In the wake of civil rights era reforms, many companies established urban affairs or community relations departments which were headed by Black managers who then found few opportunities for upward mobility within their organizations and little leverage to make comprehensive change.

This strategy didn't reduce workplace inequities, and it should not be the model companies follow in 2020. It's past time for a commitment to creating more racially diverse workplaces through actions, and not just words. The takeaway from my experience at Wash U is that companies can do that with some core factors in place: firm, explicit support and resources from leadership; an intentional focus on racial diversity in hiring and advancement; and creating a culture that recognizes and responds to the realities Black workers face.

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We Built a Diverse Academic Department in 5 Years. Here's How.

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Executive Summary Washington University in St. Louis has one of the more racially diverse sociology departments in academia today. This is no accident. It was the result of intentional, consistent efforts from multiple stakeholders to create a department that would be both racially diverse and committed to excellence.

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The Graduate School has developed a curated list of books, articles, videos, and podcasts to get faculty started on this long, personal, and continuous journey towards understanding this concept and our role as educators. This list will be updated regularly with new content.

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After graduating from Harvard, Bryan Stevenson heads to Alabama to defend those wrongly condemned or those not afforded proper representation. One of his first cases is that of Walter McMillian, who is sentenced to die in 1987 for the murder of an 18-year-old girl, despite evidence proving his innocence.

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Ed Psych Student Black Lives Matter Action List

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Ed Psych Student Black Lives Matter Action List

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This working list is compiled by Ed Psych MA and PhD students.

This Google Document was developed by MA and PhD students in the Department of Educational Psychology on actions students and others can take.

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Create a new document and edit with others at the same time -- from your computer, phone or tablet. Get stuff done with or without an internet connection. Use Docs to edit Word files. Free from Google.

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Anti-racism resources: tools for parents, articles to read, videos to watch, podcasts to subscribe to, films and TV series to watch, orgs to follow on social media, and more.

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Feb. 16: Ways to Social Change Conversation - Public Policy and Advocacy

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Feb. 16: Ways to Social Change Conversation - Public Policy and Advocacy

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6 to 7 p.m.
FREE and open to public
The UMN Center for Community-Engaged Learning is launching a new initiative focused on Ways to Social Change and how people can utilize different approaches to making a change in the world. They are hosting our first Community Partner Conversation connected to the theme of EDUCATE with HomeLine's Director of Public Policy, Michael Dahl. Michael will share insights about ways people can get involved in advocating on behalf of an issue they care about to their legislative representatives.

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Fostering a sense of belonging in classrooms

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Fostering a sense of belonging in classrooms

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This article shares the importance of mentorship and fostering a sense of belonging in classrooms during the pandemic.

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The seismic events of recent months -- both the pandemic and national protests in response to police shootings of Black Americans -- have given faculty members an unprecedented view into our students' lives. We have seen into family dining rooms and private bedrooms through our Zoom screens and supported students who have difficulty connecting to classes at all. We have listened to our students speak out passionately against anti-Black violence and systemic racial bias on our campuses. Both crises have highlighted how our students' complex identities are not abandoned at our classroom doors, but directly influence their academic development.

This shift in viewpoint has been especially stark among science faculty. In department meetings and across social media, we are discussing how to engage with our students by acknowledging the distinct backdrops of their lives. We are beginning to overcome the idea that the nature of science -- with its golden talismans, objectivity and independence -- means that our students' identities are irrelevant, and that our overwhelmingly white, male classrooms encourage all students equally.

It is urgent that we not forget the empathy of this moment. A rich body of research highlights how fostering a sense of belonging is key to allowing a diverse undergraduate population of STEM majors to flourish. As we modify our classes to accommodate our altered fall semester plans, we should use this opportunity to make belonging a vital component of course design.

In my own field of physics, just 20 percent of bachelor's degrees in the United States were awarded to women in 2017. Just 3 percent were awarded to Black students of any gender. Only 2.6 percent were awarded to Black, Hispanic or Indigenous American women. Throughout my own time as a physics student, I was frequently the only underrepresented racial or ethnic minority student, sometimes the only woman, and almost always the only Hispanic woman.

In the physics department at my university, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, which has 79 active faculty members, I am one of roughly four professors who identify as underrepresented racial or ethnic minorities, and one of only 13 women. At award luncheons, I am constantly aware when the only other brown faces in the room are the catering staff. I reflexively scan every conference hall to count the visible women.

"Belonging" gives name to the growing tightness between my shoulders as I approach campus each day, arranging my mental armor to defend my own sense of worth. Belonging recognizes how many of us readjust our clothes and our speech to negotiate the unspoken norms of our profession, where brash confidence is confused for competence and where humility, uncertainty and collective questioning are seen as failings. It recognizes what Mia Ong calls " the challenges of conducting oneself so as to be considered thoroughly ordinary."

The American Institute of Physics TEAM-UP report, which examines the root causes of the appalling underrepresentation of African American undergraduates in physics and astronomy, defines belonging as the feeling of being "a welcome and contributing member" of a community. Belonging is not merely an abstract concept, but is tied to how resources such as study groups, dialogue with instructors and scholarly reputation are allocated.

Research has shown that this feeling of cultural dissonance, not a lack of ability or interest, is what prompts students to leave undergraduate programs in STEM. In their seminal study of undergraduate science students across seven American higher education institutions, Elaine Seymour and Nancy Hewitt note that students' decisions to leave the sciences were dominated by "criticisms of the practices and attitudes which define and sustain the structure and culture of STEM majors." Specifically, students who leave fault STEM faculty teaching, advising and mentoring practices, and reject STEM faculty and graduate students as role models.

The persistent myth that underrepresented students leave science because they cannot keep up with rigorous standards reflects an unwillingness to grapple with the truth that it is we, the instructors, who must change. And once we are ready to change, we must recognize that we have tremendous power to reset the cultural norms within our classrooms and labs.

Such a change requires us to engage with experts in pedagogy, educational research and social psychology who can advise us on implementing evidence-based methods to foster belonging in classrooms. Most of us in STEM receive little to no formal guidance in teaching -- as reflected in student attrition and the 96 percent of students who leave a STEM major citing poor teaching as a motivating factor. Expert coaching can prevent us from thoughtlessly replicating the same course structures and teaching styles that pervaded our own educations but failed to produce a diverse community of scientists.

We should revise elements of our courses that reinforce the competitive, individualistic culture that is particularly harmful for students from underrepresented groups. That includes eliminating the common practice of grading on a curve, which encourages students to judge themselves based on comparison with their peers rather than objective measures of mastery. We should implement flexible assessment options that demonstrate and build mutual trust with our students. And we should provide opportunities for revision that recognize the ultimate depth of understanding, not the speed with which a skill is acquired.

Crucially, institutions must reform hiring and promotions procedures that disincentivize time spent teaching and mentoring. Fostering belonging requires focused attention to building relationships with our students, particularly in online teaching environments. Nontenured scientists cannot make the time for this work if we know that our future job security relies on research productivity above all else.

Of course, reforming undergraduate STEM classroom cultures is not sufficient to correct long-standing inequities. Higher education institutions bear a responsibility to improve recruitment of underrepresented scholars at all stages of academe -- including graduate students, researchers and instructors -- and to provide the financial and social support that allows them to thrive. In particular, institutions should recognize that the cost of creating a welcoming environment frequently falls unevenly on scholars from minoritized groups. They should compensate the faculty members engaged in this work with research resources and relief from other service duties.

This moment, although difficult, presents an opportunity to correct the long-standing practices that have excluded students from our classrooms. I have been heartened to see my own department at MIT begin tackling many of these necessary reforms.

As we enter an unprecedented academic year, each individual instructor has the power, and responsibility, to ensure belonging is a critical component of course design and pedagogy. To do otherwise not only impedes scientific progress, by excluding the talent of the majority of humanity, but also is an injustice to students who enter our classrooms trusting in the promise of education.

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Encouraging a sense of belonging among underrepresented students is key to their success in STEM fields (opinion)

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The seismic events of recent months -- both the pandemic and national protests in response to police shootings of Black Americans -- have given faculty members an unprecedented view into our students' lives. We have seen into family dining rooms and private bedrooms through our Zoom screens and supported students who have difficulty connecting to classes at all.

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Building Educational Equity Indicator Systems: A Webinar Series

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Building Educational Equity Indicator Systems: A Webinar Series

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Submitted by Geoff Maruyama
Part 1: Tuesday, October 27 at 1 p.m., Central time
FREE

Join the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine on Tuesday, October 27 for the first part of this webinar series to learn more about what is needed to monitor educational equity at the district, state, and national levels. Click in the image below for more info and to register.

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Monitoring Educational Equity

Disparities in educational attainment among population groups have characterized the United States throughout its history. Education is sometimes characterized as the "great equalizer," but to date, the country has not found ways to ...
[read more]

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Register Now: Webinar on Building Educational Equity Indicator Systems

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Monitoring Educational Equity Disparities in educational attainment among population groups have characterized the United States throughout its history. Education is sometimes characterized as the "great equalizer," but to date, the country has not found ways to ... [read more]

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The Black Experience in Higher Education

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The Black Experience in Higher Education

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Submitted by: Keisha Varma
Scholars discuss what it’s like to be a Black professor in 2020, who should be doing antiracist work on campus and why diversity interventions that attempt to “fix” Black academics for a rigged game miss the point entirely.

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Inside Higher Ed | Higher Education News, Events and Jobs

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As colleges and universities issued statement after statement this year affirming that Black lives matter, many Black faculty members remained unimpressed with mere words of support -- at once dubious and hopeful that this moment might lead to real, lasting change for themselves and their Black colleagues.

"There has never been a golden age for Black faculty in the United States," said Douglas M. Haynes, vice chancellor for equity, diversity and inclusion and professor of history and African American studies at the University of California, Irvine. "Too often people assume that there was after the Civil Rights Act, that the door was opened, that there was no more resistance. On the contrary, there has been and will likely continue to be resistance."

Richard Reddick, associate dean for equity, community engagement and outreach in the University of Texas at Austin's College of Education, said, "I'm an optimist, but I am very skeptical about permanent change."

That said, Reddick added, if an institution "fixes its mouth to state that they are committed to a diverse faculty, they'd better bring the resources, mentoring, releases, grant opportunities and senior-scholar partnering that will make these scholars viable for promotion and tenure."

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In interviews with Inside Higher Ed over the past several months, Black scholars, including some who study race, expressed dissatisfaction with diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives that Black people often are expected to lead -- without compensation, on top of their already disproportionate duties mentoring students of color -- and often without their recommendations being adopted.

Scholars said they are sick of institutions hiring Black faculty members to reach diversity goals and then ignoring issues of racial climate and social isolation when these professors arrive. And they're more than tired of the casual and structural anti-Blackness reflected in everyday conversations, resource and funding allocations, personnel decisions, and more.
'You've Already Set That Person Up for Failure'
Ayana Jordan, an assistant professor of psychiatry at Yale University, said she was once the lone Black female psychiatrist on the faculty, and that a colleague once realized that this was the case and said so out loud. To Jordan, who was always keenly aware of being the only Black woman in so many rooms, the professor's realization came off as a perverse "luxury."

"The absence of Black faculty in institutions of higher learning is a national crisis," Jordan said. And like other national crises, this one requires a national response, or at least a coordinated effort among groups of institutions and a national repository for effective practices and interventions. Yet institutions generally continue to address the problem -- as they do so many things -- individually, Jordan said.

Many institutions, especially well-resourced ones, launched faculty diversity initiatives in the wake of the student protests at the University of Missouri at Columbia in 2015. And while some institutions report subsequent gains in their number of Black faculty members, the national outlook didn't budge between 2015 and 2018, the latest year for which data were available from the National Center for Education Statistics. Now, as then, just about 5.5 percent of full-time faculty members are Black, compared to about 14 percent of their students.

The University of Pennsylvania, for instance, launched an ambitious faculty diversity plan in 2011, even before the Mizzou protests. The number of underrepresented minority faculty members at Penn has increased by 46 percent since that time. Those hires pushed the overall proportion of underrepresented minorities on Penn's faculty from 6 percent to 8 percent by 2018. Climate surveys show similar levels of faculty satisfaction in 2011 and 2016, with women, minority and LGBTQ faculty reporting somewhat lower levels of overall satisfaction with their work environment, however.

Anthea Butler, an associate professor of religion and Africana studies at Penn, said, "These individual campus diversity initiatives are not tackling the structural issues behind what happens to faculty when they get to these campuses."

Beyond climate issues, Butler said the service and mentoring demands on Black professors are extreme, disadvantaging them off the bat in tenure and promotion processes that don't value this kind of labor.

"In my own personal experience, we don't have enough people to go around to help with diversity work," Butler said. "You have an issue, you bring it to a nontenured faculty member who is a person of color, or a woman, and they have to do all the heavy lifting because they teach race or some related issue. Everyone's calling them all the time, they can't get enough work done and you've already set that person up for failure."

Butler proposed a two-year moratorium on expectations for this kind of service work for new hires on the tenure track, to protect their research and teaching time and give them a real shot at succeeding.

Jordan said that all-white promotion and tenure committees are fundamentally problematic. She advocated mandatory antiracist work for all faculty members, group hires for people of color to avoid social isolation and compensated service work around issues of diversity. No budget for this work means it's a not a priority, she said.

"I'm still not convinced, based on the actions of higher education, that there is a true commitment to making sure that there are Black faculty who are not only representative of the national population in which they serve, but who are also happy and have what they need to be successful."

A narrative within predominantly white organizations -- including universities -- is that there is will to hire more Black employees, but they simply don't exist. Haynes called this one of several "uninformed myths" about Black faculty members. Other beliefs are that they're not a "good fit," that they're "too expensive" and that they're "a risk," he said.

UC Irvine is busting these myths. This year it hired 13 Black faculty members onto the tenure track, across fields -- something that Haynes said "never happens" in U.S. academe at one campus in one year, because there's a perception that it can't or shouldn't. Haynes said thinking outside the box in terms of hiring is especially challenging in California, where the 1973 U.S. Supreme Court case Regents of the University of California v. Bakke originated.

In that case, the court upheld affirmative action, including the consideration of race in admissions. But it also came down against reserving a specific number of seats for minority candidates, or racial quotas. Haynes said Bakkereflected and contributed to a backlash against racial justice in the U.S. This has had long-term, unintended consequences for higher education, especially faculty hiring. In 1996, California voters approved Proposition 209, a state law saying that public employers many not consider race, sex, color, ethnicity or national origin in hiring.

Next month, California voters will decide whether to repeal Prop 209, in the form of Proposition 16. If passed, Prop 16 would allow public entities in California to develop affirmative action programs, including, perhaps, faculty hiring programs that consider candidates' race. Last month, in anticipation of this vote, and reflecting where the U.S. Supreme Court stands on this issue, the UC system's Board of Regents approved a policy to prohibit the use of racial quotas or caps in admissions and hiring across its campuses. At least in admissions, though, the university has reportedly said it would consider gender in admissions as part of a larger set of criteria.

UC Irvine, which seeks to become the top choice for Black California college applicants, recently announced its Black Thriving Initiative. It's a universitywide effort to establish UC Irvine "as the nation's leading destination for talented Black people to thrive," Haynes said. "It involves changing the culture, leveraging the research mission and linking UCI's future to the success of Black people."

The idea came together relatively quickly, but Irvine's success with respect to diversifying the faculty can be traced back to 2001, when it became part of the National Science Foundation's ADVANCE: Organizational Change for Gender Equity in STEM Academic Professions program. Irvine has doubled its share of female scientists, who now account for 27 percent of the science faculty.

Building on ADVANCE strategies, Haynes has led similar efforts to hire more faculty members of color.

"We've looked at the pipeline and identified each of the critical milestones and customized specific interventions that led us to this record year," Haynes said. "And this new initiative expands these efforts to build a culture where Black people thrive as undergraduates, graduate students and faculty."

Admittedly, that's the "hardest part -- changing the culture," he continued. "The responsibility rests with the entire institution."
When the Game Is Rigged
Among non-tenure-track instructors across academe, Black professors are overrepresented. They're also overrepresented in lower-paying disciplines and underrepresented in the sciences. Institutions generally consider tenure decisions private personnel matters, but there is anecdotal and empirical data suggesting that Black professors face hurdles their white colleagues don't in advancing their careers.

In one example from this year, all-white tenure committees at the University of Virginia denied tenure to two Black assistant professors who were engaged in diversity work within their respective fields. Both cases involved procedural errors on the part of evaluators. In the case of Paul Harris, a human services scholar who studies Black students and athletes, a tenure committee accused him of publishing a paper in a "self-published" journal that was actually peer reviewed. Harris also faced questions about the representativeness of his work just as he was about to go up for tenure -- what some say is code for scholars of color and their work being too centered on issues of identity.

The university eventually overturned Harris's negative bid, but the majority of cases like his never get a public airing.

A recent study of faculty "fit" found that candidates' diverse social identities transformed from competitive advantages when they applied or were courted to apply for a faculty job, to a "non-factor" during the review phase, with "many faculty members having different -- albeit still color-blind -- perspectives on considering identity." Put another way, the paper found that hiring typically privileges perceived research impact and runs on reproduction, or cloning bias, even when hiring committees are supposed to see diversity as an asset.

Another paper on "presenting while Black" found that the majority of Black faculty members interviewed reported being regularly advised by white colleagues to be "more entertaining," to "lighten up" and to "tell more jokes." Black women in particular reported having colleagues bring up their clothing choices and hairstyles and being told to suppress their "passion" and "smile more." Most interviewees reported hearing more overtly racist comments about their presentations.

Studies too numerous to list here conclude that Black professors face disproportionate challenges in the classroom, as well, in the form of student bias. One paper based on an experiment at a predominantly white research institution in the Southeast found that students rated Black professors' teaching significantly lower than that of white and other minority professors, including on survey items that influence personnel decisions (Black women face a double bind, based on additional research on students' gender biases). Professors of color report bullying and discriminatory comments on their appearance and qualifications in open-ended responses.

In another example, students have been shown to find professors of color less credible than white professors. Other researchers have found that students rated a hypothetical Black professor less favorably than a white professor, and that students trusted the Black professor more when he was pictured in formal compared to casual clothing. Meanwhile, the reverse was true for the white professor.

Some institutions have moved away from using student evaluations of teaching in promotion and tenure decisions for these reasons. Many colleges and universities continue to use student ratings of teaching in high-stakes personnel decisions, despite all the evidence of their vulnerability to bias.

Research funding is another area of concern. One study published in June, controlling for career stage and other factors, found that reviewers consistently rate Black researchers seeking Research Project Grants from the National Institutions of Health lower than white applicants. This contributes to a persistent, overall funding gap between white and Black researchers even under the NIH's Enhanced Peer-Review process, which was supposed to bring more transparency to the process: from 2014 to 2016, the award probability for black applications was 55 percent of that for white applications (10.2 percent versus 18.5 percent).

The study's authors found that topic choice, including community-based work -- such as studies that look at the disparate impact of diseases on minorities, including the coronavirus -- along with researchers' network size may explain some of the funding gap. But not all of it. The authors expressed concern that instead of mitigating bias, the first stage of enhanced peer review may "absorb" bias, or make new room for it to creep into the process.

An NSF analysis of its own data from 2009 to 2016 found that applicants and awardees from underrepresented racial minority groups were growing in number -- and that their funding rate remained "substantially lower" than that of majority applicants.

As for the salaries of researchers, a national survey of 1,160 U.S. biologists and physicists found that white scientists reported earning higher salaries than nonwhite scientists, despite no significant differences in productivity, funding or institutional status. Black respondents reported earning the lowest pay. Even in science, "a field characterized by explicit overtures of tolerance and inclusion," there is still "reproduction of a racial order," the researchers wrote.

A group of scientists -- including Tyrone B. Hayes, a professor of integrative biology at the University of California, Berkeley, who recently detailed his many experiences with racism in a letter to his colleagues -- cited some of these data in a separate Science letter on systemic racism in higher education last month.

The "false dichotomy of 'excellence or diversity' must end," Hayes and his colleagues wrote. "Diversity results in better, more impactful, and more innovative science, and it is essential to building novel solutions to challenges faced by marginalized and nonmarginalized communities." Catalyzing culture shifts in the academy, meanwhile, "will require making tenure dependent on excellence in research, teaching and service that centers on equity and inclusion."

Reddick said his own research and experience demonstrates that Black scholars are more likely to have positive experiences in their departments and programs than they are away from campus, and that institutions are "woefully neglectful of what it is like to live" in the surrounding environs.

"What is it like to buy a house in the community? How do local schools affirm Black children? Where can Black scholars find a critical mass to listen to music, appreciate the arts and otherwise build community?" Reddick asked. He recalled a professor he once met who realized there were no Black barbers in his rural university town, so he hired one from the nearest city to cut Black students' hair at his home. It became a community for those students -- what Reddick said scholar and author bell hooks would call a "homeplace."

"Something as seemingly simple as having relationships with community partners in education, services and entertainment would go a long way" toward faculty satisfaction, Reddick said. Paraphrasing what an unnamed colleague of his has wondered, Reddick said, "We sometimes have exit interviews when faculty leave institutions. Why aren't we engaged in stay interviews, and learning why our faculty choose to work here and live in our community?"
Beyond Band-Aids: Breaking Down Barriers
Akil Houston, an associate professor of cultural and media studies at Ohio University, said he had three different chairs during his pretenure period and an ever-changing list of expectations and requirements. His faculty mentor was not supportive. Now that he's got tenure, Houston tries to give out the guidance that he didn't get. But there could still "be a stronger university culture that says to Black faculty, 'We want you here, and we want to position you for success,'" he said. Some ideas: writing workshops, cohorts and grants targeted at underrepresented minority faculty members.

Kimberly Griffin, professor and associate dean of graduate studies and faculty affairs in the College of Education at the University of Maryland, College Park, recently reviewed decades of research on the challenges facing academics of color, including those that make them leave academe altogether. Among the roadblocks: a hostile climate and unwelcoming colleagues, students who challenge their authority in the classroom and question their expertise on teaching evaluations, lower levels of scholarly productivity given more intense service loads, and difficulty publishing work that may be perceived as "unconventional" for the field.

Griffin, co-principal investigator for the NSF-funded Aspire program to develop an inclusive and diverse national science, technology, engineering and math faculty, said many diversity strategies propose training, professional development and mentoring to help Black faculty look more like an "ideal" candidate and "conform to institutional expectations." All those strategies ignore "the systemic and individual racism Black faculty face," she said, "and are based on conforming to norms that privilege white cisgender men."

What's a better way to support Black faculty members? Griffin said it's not an "either-or" between offering professors professional development opportunities, resources and support, and tackling deeper structural racism. The Aspire program, for instance, pushes institutions to consider how they engage in recruitment and hiring, strategies they use to promote acceptance of offers, how they onboard and welcome new faculty to campus -- and whether and how they address departmental and campus climates.

Donathan Brown, assistant provost for diversity and inclusion at Rochester Institute of Technology in New York, also said Black faculty members face clear barriers with respect to recruitment, student evaluations and devaluation of their research interests. Search committees often begin their work with conversations about how they can't expect diverse candidate pools because they're not, say, in a given metro area, Brown continued. With respect to teaching evaluations, he said, "The scholarship already exists. We all know it yet continue to place full reliance upon student evaluations as an unadulterated indicator of teaching effectiveness."

Failing to address these aspects of institutional culture and climate means "you are inevitably placing Black faculty members in compromising positions from the very beginning."
Who's Doing the Diversity Work?
Robert Head, president emeritus and the first Black president of Rockford University in Illinois, tells a story in his new book, Playing From Behind.In 1994, when he was serving as a vice president at a Chicago-area institution, the university brought in late civil rights legend C. T. Vivian to lead discussions on campus and work with a committee on campus climate. Head was appointed chair of that committee, which he said did not surprise Vivian in the least.

"When I was first introduced to C. T., he broke out in a wide grin and said, 'I knew it! Let a race situation occur on a majority campus and they will send in a Black person to deal with it,'" Head said recently, summing up the incident -- and academe's propensity for calling on people of color to fix racist systems they didn't create.

In any case, Head said, "I find the delegation of antiracism work to Black faculty, in many cases, to be an act of minimization." The Black faculty members get all the work, with limited influence to change things, while the institution gets to say it's "doing something."

Instead of pushing antiracist and diversity work to one person, group or committee, Head advocated a shared governance approach, where many voices share in the discussion.

Meanwhile, he said, the growing reality is that antiracist work is truly everyone's concern, in that majority-white institutions have experienced significant growth in enrolling students of color, "to the point that in a few years, the enrollment of students of color will exceed the enrollment of white students on several campuses." Therein lies the "crucial business purpose for engaging in antiracism work as a system and not merely delegating it to Black faculty."

"We must attack the problem with the same commitment and resources as we would any issue that is required to sustain and grow the institution," he said.

Head also said that this service work must be counted in tenure and promotion decisions, just like other kinds of participation in universitywide committees. Cutting-edge solutions that end up as publications should be counted as scholarship, too, he said. And engagement in antiracist work beyond routine meetings should be considered for stipends or teaching load reductions.

Brown agreed with a shared governance, strategic planning-style approach, saying that institutions must publicly affirm that neither Black faculty members nor chief diversity officers are the "panacea for all anti-Black ills on campus."

At the same time, Brown said, institutions must abandon the vague idea that "everyone is responsible" for addressing antiracist work, since not everyone is held accountable for it.

Mentoring students of color and doing everyday diversity and inclusion work is often referred to as " invisible labor" and, as it falls disproportionately on some groups, "cultural taxation." Numerous studies, including a survey-based one published last year in Nature: Ecology and Evolution, have found that those academics most likely to be doing invisible labor are nonwhite and nonmale.

Terza Lima-Neves, chair of political science at Johnson C. Smith University, a historically Black institution in North Carolina, said conversations about Black faculty members must address the intersection of race and gender. Administrations at both HBCUs and predominantly white colleges and universities "seem to be out of touch with reality, with the actual amount of work Black women are doing," in particular.

Case in point: Lima-Neves was recently encouraged to join an initiative about slavery, linked to a predominantly white institution, even though that does not fall within her area of expertise, and she's juggling many other responsibilities. She said no.

Black women teaching at HBCUs often have heavy teaching loads and service and research expectations and are "expected to be mentors, advisers, therapists, et cetera" to their predominantly Black students navigating an extremely challenging time, Lima-Neves said. With women's already disproportionate caring loads at home and a pandemic thrown in, it's "ridiculous."

Yet when Black women "do say no to additional projects, we are seen as anti-team player, unwilling to be collegial," Lima-Neves said, and "when we speak up and address our concerns, we are bitter and angry." In actuality, "We are tired, emotionally and physically tired."

Lima-Neves's comments are similar to those of Lesley Lokko, dean of the Bernard and Anne Spitzer School of Architecture at City College of New York, a part of the City University of New York, who resigned publicly this month after 10 months on the job. Even previously living and working in South Africa didn't prepare Lokko, who is Scottish and Ghanaian, for being a Black woman in the U.S., she said in a public resignation letter and subsequent interview.

"The lack of respect and empathy for Black people, especially Black women, caught me off guard, although it's by no means unique to Spitzer," Lokko said. "I suppose I'd say in the end that my resignation was a profound act of self-preservation."

Lima-Neves said that because of the current racial climate, predominantly white colleges and universities are seeking grant partnerships with HBCUs. While these partnerships look virtuous, professors at HBCUs are expected to "drop their own professional goals and scholarly agendas."

From a hiring perspective, Lima-Neves also criticized predominantly white institutions for creating fellowships and term positions geared toward "diversity" candidates, instead of more tenure-track lines or long-term commitments. When institutions bring on Black professors as temporary workers only, institutions "bamboozle" students into thinking they'll have diverse mentors while avoiding giving faculty members of color a voice and a vote where it counts.

Raechele Pope, associate dean for faculty and student affairs and chief diversity officer at the State University of New York at Buffalo's Graduate School of Education, helped organize the school's teach-in for racial justice, which took place over two days in lieu of classes last month. She said that every campus "needs to re-examine and reimagine their approach to diversity work," and that until they do, "the burden will always fall on the shoulders of Black faculty and other faculty of color."

Campuses need to "examine and understand the ways in which white supremacy culture is baked into the structures and practices of the campus," Pope said. "Campuses need to prioritize the education of white faculty, administrators and staff and set aside money to bring in consultants in an ongoing way rather than relying on their own staff and faculty to do the training." If Black professors do want to engage in this work, "then they should be fairly and financially compensated" and given reduced teaching loads to make time for it.

Reddick urged Black academics to hold potential employers accountable -- "receipts" included -- for investing in Black faculty success before they invest their own "blood, sweat and tears building support for an institution that is indifferent years later." Institutions should be able to highlight success stories and opportunities, along with readily available metrics on promotion and tenure -- and good explanations for any gaps between Black professors and other groups, with concrete plans for closing them.

"I am talking about restructuring these processes and having the institutional fortitude to recognize work that hasn't been recognized in the past and note its value," Reddick said. "Institutions can't sway students and families that they are equity-minded if the Black scholars who work there are the most fatigued and least compensated."
Signs of Commitment
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the injustices facing Black communities. But it also risks diverting precious institutional attention and resources -- time and money -- away from antiracist work on campuses. Still, there are some signs that colleges and universities will put actions behind their words of support for Black lives, including those of their faculty members.

While many institutions have halted hiring for the foreseeable future, Syracuse University said that it will proceed with a planned diverse faculty hiring initiative. The Rhode Island School of Design announced that it is hiring a cluster of 10 new tenure-track or tenured professors in multiple disciplines as part of a race in art and design initiative. Stanford University announced that it is hiring up to 10 new scholars who study race in American society. The University of Chicago's English department said it's focusing this graduate admissions cycle on aspiring Black studies scholars. The University of California, San Diego, is unfreezing hiring only in a few cases, including for an interdisciplinary faculty cluster of 10 to 12 experts in racial disparities in STEM fields, with a focus on Black communities.

San Diego is providing $500,000 in one-time funding for that effort, along with $200,000 for a related plan to improve retention of underrepresented faculty members through coaching, coalition building and other activities. Makeba Jones, a professor of education at San Diego and a principal investigator for the project, said in an announcement that "at its core, this effort is much more than a cluster hire; it's a systemic effort to address racial inequities on campus for African American undergraduate and graduate students by creating a cadre of scholars who focus on the African American diaspora in the areas of medicine, health and the environment."

Faculty members will not only produce innovative research in STEM fields related to African American communities, she said, "they will also be involved in teaching undergraduates through the African American studies minor and major as well as mentoring both undergraduates and graduate students."

The University of Houston is opening a national research center to address health disparities in underserved areas. Saint Louis University is establishing a new Institute for Healing Justice and Equity. In the chaos of this semester, thousands of academics participated in the recent Scholar Strike for racial justice, co-organized by Butler, the Penn professor. These are just some examples.

Griffin, the University of Maryland professor, said she's hopeful that pandemic-based conversations about "productivity" will be an opportunity to "consider how we value and reward the unique contributions Black professors make to the academy. And we can then make changes that are substantive and enduring, rather than temporary."

Doing so will be "critical to retaining this generation and recruiting the next generation of Black scholars," she added.

Now, when there is "at least some indication to suggest an elevated state of antiracist consciousness," said Brown at the Rochester Institute of Technology, it's imperative that institutions move beyond words, to initiatives aimed at institutionwide progress.

"My hope is that our African American faculty both see and feel their worth to an institution, beyond the times where we are called upon to serve on a diversity and inclusion committee."

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Scholars talk about being Black on campus in 2020

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Scholars discuss what it's like to be a Black professor in 2020, who should be doing antiracist work on campus and why diversity interventions that attempt to "fix" Black academics for a rigged game miss the point entirely.

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Webinar Anti-Racism Work: Dismantling your Practice featuring Nicole Cardoza

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Webinar Anti-Racism Work: Dismantling your Practice featuring Nicole Cardoza

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Register for Thursday, February 18
Noon to 1:30 p.m. Central

In this interactive discussion, Nicole will outline the importance of anti-racism work to our individual and collective wellbeing. Together, we'll analyze how white supremacy and systemic oppression has influenced our perception of wellness, and emphasize tangible ways to create a practice that serves all of us.

You'll learn: The necessity of abandoning allyship for action; The difference between the wellness industry and collective wellbeing; Ways to commit to a consistent practice that elevates our capacity of wellbeing, together

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A helpful chart showing many forms of racism in our society and institutions

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The Black Lives Matter movement has again put the topic of racism into the national conversation. But modern racism is complex, and racism isn't as overt as the cross burnings or lynchings of the early 20th century.

Lawrence Brown, as assistant professor of community health and policy at Morgan State University, posted a tweet (from his @BmoreDoc Twitter account) that underscored the subtlety of modern racism and the fluid way that Americans express it while remaining "socially acceptable."
Twitter/@BmoreDoc - twitter.com
The chart, which Brown found on Facebook, made a distinction between "socially unacceptable overt white supremacy" and "socially acceptable covert white supremacy." Society condemns historic examples of racism - lynching, Naziism, swastikas - but overlooks forms of institutional racism and more subtle stereotypes and prejudices that persist.

Here are some of the chart's examples of socially acceptable racism:

Believing we are "post-racial."

"English only" initiatives.

Police brutality aimed at people of color.

Brown then asked the question: "Where do you draw the line?"

University of Southern California law professor Jody Armour told ATTN: that he considered the same question when he wrote about different forms of racism.

"This is something I've thought about for a long time when I wrote my book, 'Negrophobia and Reasonable Racism,'" Armour said. "I explored the distinction between stereotypes and prejudice."

To understand how modern racism works, we have to understand three ideas: prejudice, stereotypes, and institutional racism, Armour said.

Someone with explicit white supremacist beliefs - such as former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke - is consciously prejudiced. Other people may not consciously think that one race is better than another, but they may act and speak in racist ways without realizing it, Armour said. Armour compared the behavior to driving.

"You can drive without thinking about it," Armour said. "Those well-learned sets of associations become mental habit. That's what a stereotype is: a mental habit."

Institutional racism can exist on its own, without individual prejudices and stereotypes, Armour added. American society is set up to promote racial and class inequality.

"You could have everybody wake up tomorrow without any racism or prejudice in their minds, everybody was just another human being like it was the Rapture, and nobody looked at color." Armour said. "Black people would still have a fraction of the wealth of white people. Black people would still be stuck in neighborhoods without adequate resources or impoverished schools. And they would still be stuck in those schools. The legacy of racism is something that can operate in the absence of psychological racism."

People may find it difficult to acknowledge the existence of institutional racism because it means admitting that they've had a built-in, systemic advantage in society.

"It's uncomfortable to admit that our privilege could rest on the oppression of other people," Armour said. "That could make our dinner taste a little funny."

How is modern racism different from historic racism?

P. J. Henry, a social psychology professor at New York University, wrote about the difference between modern and "old-fashioned" racism in a 2010 paper.

"Modern racism is a form of prejudice against African-Americans that developed in the United States after the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s," Henry wrote. "It is characterized by beliefs that racism is not a continuing problem, that African-Americans should not put forth their own efforts to overcome their situation in society without special assistance, and that African-Americans are too demanding and have gotten more than they deserve."

New forms of socially acceptable racism - political suppression, mass incarceration, welfare reform - have replaced antiquated racist institutions such as slavery and segregation laws, lynching, and "whites only" drinking fountains, according to Henry's paper.

"The civil rights movement made these old-fashioned beliefs largely socially unacceptable, and although old-fashioned racism still exists in the United States, it has largely been replaced by modern racism," Henry wrote.

New forms of modern discrimination also apply to Latinos and other marginalized groups such as "women, recent immigrant groups, the obese, and gays, among others," Henry added.

"English only" initiatives are often politically motivated racist campaigns to keep the increasing Latino population at a disadvantage from the rest of society.

In an article for the American Psychological Association, a panel of "English only" legislation experts called "English only" initiatives "socially divisive" and a "threat to the human welfare."

"Today the initiatives dedicated to establishing English as the official language are orchestrated at the national level by a powerful and heavily funded political organization," researchers wrote. "Furthermore, this 'English only' movement has close connections to restrictionist, anti-immigration organizations, which suggests that the 'English only' movement has a wider, more far-reaching, and more negative agenda than simply advocating an official English language policy."

Writer Ta-nehisi Coates in an essay for The New York Times rejected the idea of modern racism as an individual's bigotry and instead described it as a broader systemic problem in American society. He described an incident at his former favorite New York City deli, where Black actor Forrest Whitaker was racially profiled and accused of stealing.

"The idea that racism lives in the heart of particularly evil individuals, as opposed to the heart of a democratic society, is reinforcing to anyone who might, from time to time, find their tongue sprinting ahead of their discretion. We can forgive Whitaker's assailant. Much harder to forgive is all that makes Whitaker stand out in the first place. New York is a city, like most in America, that bears the scars of redlining, blockbusting and urban renewal. The ghost of those policies haunts us in a wealth gap between Blacks and whites that has actually gotten worse over the past 20 years."

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Here's Where Society Draws the Line Between Racism and 'Acceptable' Racism

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The Black Lives Matter movement has again put the topic of racism into the national conversation. But modern racism is complex, and racism isn't as overt as the cross burnings or lynchings of the early 20th century.

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Measuring the Effects of Racism: Guidelines for the Assessment and Treatment of Race-Based Traumatic Stress Injury

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Measuring the Effects of Racism: Guidelines for the Assessment and Treatment of Race-Based Traumatic Stress Injury

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Shared by Sherri Turner

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Putting our best book forward

Each Great on Kindle book offers a great reading experience, at a better value than print to keep your wallet happy.

Explore your book, then jump right back to where you left off with Page Flip.

View high quality images that let you zoom in to take a closer look.

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measuring the effects of racism: guidelines for the assessment and treatment of race-based traumatic stress injury

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psychology / psychopathology / post-traumatic stress disorder (ptsd)

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social science / discrimination & race relations

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psychology / psychopathology / post-traumatic stress disorder (ptsd)

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social science / discrimination & race relations

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Measuring the Effects of Racism: Guidelines for the Assessment and Treatment of Race-Based Traumatic Stress Injury

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Measuring the Effects of Racism: Guidelines for the Assessment and Treatment of Race-Based Traumatic Stress Injury [Carter, Robert T., Pieterse, Alex L.] on Amazon.com. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Measuring the Effects of Racism: Guidelines for the Assessment and Treatment of Race-Based Traumatic Stress Injury

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Webinar:  Promoting Active Bystanders to Address Workplace Microaggressions

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Webinar:  Promoting Active Bystanders to Address Workplace Microaggressions

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Submitted by Geoff Maruyama
Learn how to enhance workplace culture and effectiveness during this free, 1-hour webinar.

Microaggressions in the workplace are harmful – they increase discomfort and reduce overall effectiveness and satisfaction. Organizations that proactively educate and empower employees to tactfully respond to microaggressions can greatly improve their workplace environments while promoting more equitable institutional norms and behaviors.

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When: December 16, 2020 from 11 a.m. - Noon
Where: Virtual session
Register for Promoting Active Bystanders - Microaggressions Learn how to enhance workplace culture and effectiveness during this free, 1-hour webinar.
Microaggressions in the workplace are harmful - they increase discomfort and reduce overall effectiveness and satisfaction. Organizations that proactively educate and empower employees to tactfully respond to microaggressions can greatly improve their workplace environments while promoting more equitable institutional norms and behaviors.

Get a Grip on an Elusive Workplace Issue

UMass Lowell's Center for Women & Work has developed a distinctive framework, Get A (Collective) GRIP® on microaggressions, that emphasizes the value of bystander action to promote more positive and inclusive organizational cultures. Register now for a free, 1-hour seminar that provides an overview of this innovative approach which provides a road map for organizations invested in developing a sense of collective responsibility for addressing harmful microaggressions in the workplace.

Understand How to Ground Bystander Approaches in Organizational Change Efforts

The most promising approaches to tackling microaggressions are those that are fully integrated into the fabric of organizational life. Indeed, research suggests that "one-off" trainings are often ineffective. Equipping respected colleagues to serve as peer trainers and role models expands the collective capacity of organizations to address microaggressions and has an empowering and preventive impact. Towards that end, this one-hour webinar will introduce participants to our Get A Collective GRIP framework by discussing strategies for embedding increasingly popular bystander trainings into broader organizational change efforts. We will outline a model of change that focuses on developing peer leaders who can tailor trainings to their organization's distinctive needs and resources, coach other employees, and reinforce organizational norms for respect and civility.

To learn more about instituting such an approach in your organization, more intensive workshops will be offered in Spring 2021. During these workshops, participants will learn how to become "Equity Champions" within their own organizations. Through interactive discussions and small group activities, participants will experience how the Get A Collective GRIP framework can be used to develop a cadre of skilled leaders capable of training and supporting peers to tactfully interrupt microaggressions in the workplace. Workshop participants will develop personal skills for interrupting microaggressions as well as the skills to train their co-workers to become active bystanders when they encounter disrespectful workplace behavior.
Webinar Learning Outcomes
By the end of the webinar, you will:

Understand the concept and importance of active bystander intervention

Recognize personal and systemic barriers to bystander action.

Gain an overview of CWW's "Get A Collective GRIP" strategic framework for bystander intervention.

Understand the importance of embedding this effort within your organization

Ideal Webinar Participants

The workshop is designed for individuals in leadership roles who have the ability to assess their organization's needs, and advocate for strategies to address subtle biases and microaggressions in the workplace. Participants may also include those with a demonstrated ability to lead co-worker trainings.

Webinar Facilitators

Meg A. Bond, Ph,D,, is a Distinguished University Professor, Director of the Center for Women & Work, and Professor of Psychology at the University of Massachusetts Lowell. Dr. Bond specializing in the dynamics of workforce diversity and sexual harassment. She served on the U.S. EEOC's Special Task Force on the Prevention of Harassment in the Workplace that released a comprehensive report in June 2016. She is also the Director of UML's NSF-funded $3.5 million ADVANCE Institutional Transformation Initiative, called Making WAVES (Women Academics Valued and Engaged in STEM). She has received career awards for mentoring ethnically and racially diverse professionals and for contributions to understanding diversity in community research and action. She has served in national leadership roles with the Society for Community Research and Action, the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, and the American Psychological Association. She holds a PhD in clinical-community psychology from the University of Oregon and a bachelor's degree in psychology from Stanford University.

Michelle C. Haynes-Baratz, Ph,D,, is an Associate Professor of Psychology at the University of Massachusetts Lowell and a Faculty Associate at the Center for Women and Work. For almost two decades, her research has focused workplace diversity issues, with a particular interest in the obstacles women and people of color experience in the work domain and strategies for overcoming them. She is a Co-PI and the Social Science Research Director for the NSF ADVANCE Institutional Transformation Project at UMass Lowell, Making WAVES - a $3.5 million grant whose goal is to disrupt interpersonal and institutional microaggressions that undermine the productivity and well-being of women STEM Faculty (Science, Technology, Engineering and Math). She regularly publishes her work in top academic journals and her research has been cited in popular press outlets including The Atlantic, The Huffington post, Harvard Business Review, The LA Times, NPR and Cosmopolitan. She holds a PhD in Social Psychology from NYU.

If you have questions, please email: Darcie_Boyer@uml.edu.

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Promoting Active Bystanders to Address Workplace Microaggressions Webinar | Women & Work

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When: December 16, 2020 from 11 a.m. - Noon Where: Virtual session Register for Promoting Active Bystanders - Microaggressions Learn how to enhance workplace culture and effectiveness during this free, 1-hour webinar. Microaggressions in the workplace are harmful - they increase discomfort and reduce overall effectiveness and satisfaction.

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Recommended by Juae Son
This book's local author has done a lot of work with the community.  Along with other publications on trauma manifesting itself in the body, it's a highly accessible and practical book and especially relevant to those who live in this area.

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MY GRANDMOTHER'S HANDS

The first self-discovery book to examine white body supremacy in America from the perspective of trauma and body-centered psychology.

"Sensitive and probing, this book from therapist Menakem delves into the complex effects of racism and white privilege."
Publishers Weekly

"Like Bill Withers, Resmaa Menakem had a wise grandmother who played a pivotal role in shaping him during the formative years of his life. For that reason, he acknowledges the debt of gratitude owed to Addie Coleman, whose tenderhearted spirit permeates his new book, 'My Grandmother's Hands.'"
Kam Williams - Harlem Dispatch

"Offers a well needed paradigm shift on how we think, dream, and strategize against white supremacy in our bodies, cultures, and institutions. A must- have for anyone interested in advancing Racial Justice and healing."
Chaka A. Mkali
Director of organizing and community building at Hope Community, and Hip Hop artist I Self Devine

"Resmaa Menakem's My Grandmother's Hands is a gripping journey through the labyrinths of trauma and its effects on modern life especially for African Americans. In this important book, Resmaa's penetrating insight into trauma is profoundly impactful but even more powerful and useful are his strategies for addressing it. For healing.

He is a brilliant thinker who is able to bring a multitude of research and experience together to guide us in understanding how trauma affects our lives. How trauma is a part of all of our lives. And how the history and progression of trauma has produced a culture in which no one is immune.

This is essential reading if we are to wrest ourselves from the grips of trauma and discover the tropes in which our bodies and our minds are free of it."

Alexs Pate
President & CEO
Innocent Technologies

"An exceptionally thought-provoking and important account that looks at race in a radical new way."
Library Journal

"...an extremely interesting approach and a much-needed paradigm shift in the treatment of racialized trauma . . ."
New York Journal of Books
"Recent exhibitions at Public Functionary and Macalester College's Law Warschaw Gallery address two sides of a question that haunts this place: how to shed the awful weight of trauma and rekindle a utopian imagination."
Trauma is a Time Machine: Art and Healing in Troubled Times

"Resmaa Menakem cuts to the heart of America's racial crisis with the precision of a surgeon in ways few have before. Addressing the intergenerational trauma of white supremacy and its effects on all of us - understanding it as a true soul wound - is the first order of business if we hope to pull out of the current morass. As this amazing work shows us, policies alone will not do it, and bold social action, though vital to achieving justice, will require those engaged in it to also take action on the injury, deep and personal, from which we all suffer."
Tim Wise
Author of White Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son and Dear White America: Letter to a New Minority

"My Grandmother's Hands invites each of us to heal the racialized trauma that lives in our bodies. As Resmaa Menakem explains, healing this trauma takes courage and a commitment to viscerally feel this racial pain. By skillfully combining therapy expertise with social criticism and practical guidance, he reveals a path forward for individual and collective healing that involves experiencing the sensations of this journey with each step. Are you willing to take the first step?"
Alex Haley
Assistant Professor at the University of Minnesota's Earl E. Bakken Center for Spirituality & Healing

"As a career peace officer I entered this noble profession to serve my community, but I had never received any instruction in the police academy or been issued a piece of equipment that prepared me to recognize or examine community trauma . . . or my own. My Grandmother's Hands gave me a profound and compelling historical map tracing law enforcement's role as sometimes unknowing contributors to community trauma."
Medaria Arradondo
Chief, Minneapolis Police Department

"My Grandmother's Hands is a revolutionary work of beauty, brilliance, compassion and ultimately, hope. With eloquence and grace, Resmaa Menakem masterfully lays out the missing piece in the puzzle of why, despite so many good intentions, we have not achieved racial justice. Yes, we need to understand white supremacy, but as Menakem so skillfully explains, white supremacy is not rational and we won't end it with our intellect alone. White supremacy is internalized deep into our bodies. We must begin to understand it as white body supremacy and go to the depth of where it is stored, within our collective bones and muscles. To this end, My Grandmother's Hands is an intimate guidebook toward racial healing, one that achieves that rare combination for its readers; it is deeply intellectually stimulating while also providing practical ways to engage in the process of repair, even as we read. I believe this book will change the direction of the movement for racial justice."
Robin DiAngelo
Racial Justice Educator and author of White Fragility

ROCK THE BOAT

Rock the Boat is an honest look at what really works to bring more intimacy and deeper trust into your relationship. Couples therapist Resmaa Manakem challenges couples not to avoid conflict-Don't be afraid to rock the boat! The emotional transformation that results can forge a greater, more mature intimacy; a deeper trust; and a stronger bond.

Rock the Boat challenges the idea that conflict between partners is unhealthy or something to avoid. Instead, it encourages both people to stand by what they need and who they are-but to do so with compassion rather than competitiveness or vengefulness. This is the purpose of an intimate relationship: to create an atmosphere where both people learn to grow up and mature in their relationship by appreciating each other's individual needs in a caring and mature way.

LIFE, LEADERSHIP & LEGACY

It happens that once in a decade or so, a powerfully written, hard-hitting book is presented that reveals knowledge and expertise on an evolving topic of national and international concern. Life, Leadership, and Legacy: 101 Tips for Emerging Justice Leaders by Resmaa Menakem is that book. It is an expertly written book of tips as to how prospective and existing Justice Leaders can advance in life while pursuing their goals and dreams; then move into high leadership positioning, while moving their desired legacy forward. Life, Leadership, and Legacy: 101 Tips for Emerging Justice Leaders is a book for emerging Justice Leaders who become stuck or disengaged while performing their services in the communities they serve. Resmaa presents 101 tips on how to efficiently move into fulfilling positioning for the emerging Justice Leader as well as promote the skill sets that aids individuals in understanding the dynamics of those they serve, thereby creating a sense of fairness and justice for all in a win-win situation.

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"Sensitive and probing, this book from therapist Menakem delves into the complex effects of racism and white privilege." Publishers Weekly "Like Bill Withers, Resmaa Menakem had a wise grandmother who played a pivotal role in shaping him during the formative years of his life.

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Recommended by Jessie Kember

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Submitted by Caroline Roberts
December 5 & 12
This is a free virtual conference opportunity aimed at educators from Innocent Classroom, an organization dedicated to anti-racist practices in the classroom.

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Now, more than ever, is the time to focus on ensuring every child can experience their innocence in our classrooms.
Join the Innocent Classroom community for this year's virtual conference focused on Connection, Collaboration, and Commitment.
The Innocent Classroom Conference is for anybody who is committed to building relationships with children, particularly children of color, that opens up their belief in what is possible. Participants will be engaged in practice-building sessions in focused groups over the course of two days, with ways to practice in between (see more information about session groups, below). No matter how learning is happening (distance learning, hybrid, in-person) or your role, you will learn new ways to create innocence for children.

Alexs Pate, founder and CEO of Innocent Classroom, will launch the conference with a keynote presentation on December 5th.

Before you register: Pick Your Practice Session Group.

For both days of the Conference, you will be advancing your practice and building connection with the same group of educators - allowing for deeper, more powerful practice. From the three groups listed, please choose one before your move to the next step of registration- the "ticket" you choose for your registration should reflect the Group you choose. For more detailed information about each group, scroll to the end of this page!
Practice Session Group 1: Innocent Classroom Foundations: Discovering and Engaging Good (December 5th - 10:15am and December 12th - 9:45am) Practice Session Group 2: Innocent Classroom Strategies: Deepening Your Practice (December 5th - 10:15am and December 12th - 9:45am) Practice Session Group 3: Innocent Classroom Application: Advanced Practice and Collaboration (December 5th - 10:15am and December 12th - 9:45am) Every participant who attends both days of the Conference will receive a copy of the new book The Innocent Classroom: Dismantling Racial Bias to Support Students of Color. You will have the opportunity on both days to build Connection, Collaboration, and Commitment to and with the greater community of Innocent Classroom educators.
Build (or re-build) your foundational understanding of Innocent Classroom concepts and practice. If it is your first introduction, or if you just want to refresh your skills, every participant in these sessions will develop their ability to build transformational relationships with children by focusing on the Process of Discovering Good.

Ready to expand the work you are already doing as an Innocent Classroom educator? Participants in these sessions will focus on developing strategies to engage individual children that are ready at any moment of engagement with a child. Additionally, we will expand our practice to thinking about how we integrate our practice as Innocent Classroom educators in every aspect of our role.

For advanced Innocent Classroom practitioners, these sessions will introduce educators to the skills of evaluating the way we can prioritize innocence for individual children both in and out of the classroom. Intended for those who consistently practice the skills of Innocent Classroom, we will look at the experience of individual children in every aspect of their education to plan for integrating innocence throughout their day.

Omaha Public Schools employees who attend both days will receive a $75 stipend, thanks to an anonymous donor.
9:00am - Keynote speaker: Alexs Pate - founder and CEO of Innocent Classroom
Connection - both days offer intentional time for participants from all different roles and all across the country to network with one another and share experiences and knowledge

Collaboration - choose a Practice Session Group that will have you working alongside other participants who can offer ideas, strategies, and feedback that is in line with the practice you want to build
11:45am - Community Close 12:00pm - End of First Day
Commitment - leverage your new connections and fresh ideas to commit to innocence in your every day work through our daily closing community times
9:00am - Keynote speaker: Mauri Melander Friestleben - Principal, North High School (Minneapolis, MN) and featured in "Love Them First" award winning documentary
December 5th, 2020 - 9:00am - 12:00pm (CDT)

9:45am - Networking Opportunities - structured networking for all participants
11:45am - Community Closing and Commitments 12:00pm - End of Conference
10:15am - Practice Session Groups - the first of two sessions with your Session Practice Group (you will choose one Group to be a part of - see descriptions above and below)

December 12th, 2020 - 9:00am - 12:00pm (CDT)

9:45am - Practice Session Groups - the second of two sessions with this Group, you will be sharing your learning and planning for committing to your practice

11:15am - Networking - structured practice for all participants
Session 1 (December 5th: 10:15am)- You will learn the foundational concepts and practice of Innocent Classroom through collaborating with colleagues on the Process of Discovering Good. You will have a plan to engage individual children through the lens of Good. Practice (between sessions) - Use your plan to interact with three identified children to discover their Good. Be prepared to share what you learn and build a plan for engaging these children through prioritizing their Good. Session 2 (December 12th: 9:45am)- You will collaborate with other participants to refine your identification of their Goods and create a plan of specific strategies to transform your relationship with these children.
Focused sessions are designed to meet any participant where they are at in their journey of developing their Innocent Classroom practice. Session facilitators will be prepared to leave you with new ideas and skills that will be solidified in the practice you will plan to do in the time between the days of the conference.

Attendees in all sessions will develop their skills and knowledge through focusing on children they interact with in their daily role, that can be applied in any learning environment . The work participants will do collaboratively will lead to a clear plan of commitment to innocence in your interactions with children, no matter what that looks like right now. You will be working with the same group of participants both days!
Session 1 (December 5th: 10:15am)- You will collaborate with other participants to expand your "toolbox" of strategies to engage the Good of individual children. You will develop a selection of strategies to put into action. Practice (between sessions) - Use your selection of strategies to create a consistent atmosphere of engaging Good in your classroom. Be prepared to share the successes and challenges of your developing practice. Session 2 (December 12th: 9:45am)- You will strategize and create a plan with other participants to prioritize your Innocent Classroom practice throughout your classroom (or other role) that you will be able to put to action following the conference.
Practice Session Group 1 - Innocent Classroom Foundations: Discovering and Engaging Good

Build (or re-build) your foundational understanding of Innocent Classroom concepts and practice. If it is your first introduction, or if you just want to refresh your skills, every participant in these sessions will develop their ability to build transformational relationships with children by focusing on the Process of Discovering Good.
Session 1 (December 5th: 10:15am)- Your existing Innocent Classroom practice and relationships with individual children will drive an exploration of how a child is experiencing all elements of their education through questioning and conversation with other participants. Practice (between sessions) - Use your exploration and action ideas to integrate innocence in another part of a child's day. Be prepared to share what works and what is challenging when we take what we practice in new ways. Session 2 (December 12th: 9:45am)- You will draft a plan for integrating innocence throughout the various interactions and expectations of individual children's days that you will be able to implement following the conference.
Practice Session Group 2 - Innocent Classroom Strategies: Deepening Your Practice

Ready to expand the work you are already doing as an Innocent Classroom educator? Participants in these sessions will focus on developing strategies to engage individual children that are ready at any moment of engagement with a child. Additionally, we will expand our practice to thinking about how we integrate our practice as Innocent Classroom educators in every aspect of our role.

Practice Session Group 3 - Innocent Classroom Application: Advanced Practice and Collaboration

For advanced Innocent Classroom practitioners, these sessions will introduce educators to the skills of evaluating the way we can prioritize innocence for individual children both in and out of the classroom. Intended for those who consistently practice the skills of Innocent Classroom, we will look at the experience of individual children in every aspect of their education to plan for integrating innocence throughout their day.

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innocent classroom conference 2020: two-day event

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innocent classroom conference 2020: two-day event tickets

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Innocent Classroom Conference 2020: Two-Day Event

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Join the Innocent Classroom community for this year's virtual conference focused on Connection, Collaboration, and Commitment. The Innocent Classroom Conference is for anybody who is committed to building relationships with children, particularly children of color, that opens up their belief in what is possible.

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Hennepin Library - Unlimited access: eBooks and audiobooks to learn about racism

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Hennepin Library - Unlimited access: eBooks and audiobooks to learn about racism

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Recommended by Eleanor Blades, special ed MEd student

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In 2016, the Historical Society published this series of essay by Native writers and writers of color in Minnesota. The eBook is freely available to anyon... In 2016, the Historical Society published this series of essay by Native writers and writers of color in Minnesota. The eBook is freely available to anyone through August 23 as the selection of One Book | One Minnesota, a statewide book club sponsored by the Friends of the St. Paul Public Library. Show more Show less

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Unlimited access: eBooks and audiobooks to learn about racism - Hennepin County Library

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In 2016, the Historical Society published this series of essay by Native writers and writers of color in Minnesota. The eBook is freely available to anyon... In 2016, the Historical Society published this series of essay by Native writers and writers of color in Minnesota.

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Shared by Bre Krzyzanowski
The Supervisory Development Program is beginning a three part series on becoming an anti-racist supervisor beginning with a webinar on September 15

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Protesters and activists across the country are calling for reform and racial justice. At the University of Minnesota, President Gabel has also taken steps to address the systems, practices, and structures that are harmful to the Black, Indigenous, and people of color on our campuses.

The Supervisory Development Program is beginning a three part series on becoming an anti-racist supervisor beginning with a webinar on September 15. This month's Leadership Insights is focused on building an anti-racist foundation.

Becoming an Anti-Racist Supervisor
Systemic racism, and how to address it, has become a national topic of conversation reignited by the murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, the shooting of Jacob Blake, and other recent acts of racially motivated violence against people of color. However, these tragedies are neither the beginning nor the extent of racism-racism occurs in a variety of smaller ways every day, including at the University of Minnesota.

As supervisors in the University community, it's vital that we use our power and influence to combat biases and norms in our workplace that might lead to racial discrimination and harm. We need to take meaningful action to make our institution more diverse, equitable, inclusive, and just.

What does recognizing whiteness have to do with anti-racism?

Here at the University of Minnesota 84% of supervisors are white as are 78% of all faculty and staff -therefore, many of the cultural norms and systems at the University were established by white people. This can make it difficult for white people to recognize that these norms and systems often perpetuate racism and bias. As supervisors, however, we have a responsibility to challenge racial norms and systems and replace them with ones in which Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) can contribute, succeed, and receive both respect and recognition for their work. Imposing implicitly biased norms and preferences can hinder the success and advancement of employees of color, even if supervisors have the best of intentions. It's important to recognize that our intentions often have very adverse impacts.

Reflect: Particularly if you're white or from a white community, think about ways that your norms that have been shaped by racism and white preference, especially in regards to your fellow faculty, staff, or potential hires.

What are your workplace norms? What is deemed "professional" and what is not (i.e., hairstyles, ways of dressing, or accents and speech patterns, assertiveness, voice level)?

In what ways do employees feel empowered to express their culture such as traditions, holidays, music, and books?

When hiring, how are you making sure you evaluate candidates on the unique skills, experiences, and perspectives they add to your team (their cultural add) rather than looking for a candidate that is a better "cultural fit"?

These are just some examples of thoughts and behaviors that keep us from creating a more inclusive work environment.

Learn about the roots of racism.

Many of the University of Minnesota campuses were built on land taken from Indigenous peoples. In the 1850s the University accepted a large endowment from William Aiken Jr. whose wealth came from the work of the enslaved people he owned. Until 1954 the University had policies that permitted racial segregation on campus. Though we as faculty and staff are not responsible for this racist past, we are collectively responsible for being aware of how racism harms those of us who are BIPOC and for ensuring that we are all treated with equity and dignity, regardless of ethnicity.

Reflect: Dedicate time to learning from a source that describes how racism has shaped today's America and the culture at the University.

Here are some places to start:

What part did slavery and racism played in the University's history?

What historical "reminders/evidence" such as building names and monuments still exist today?

Real change starts here.

The first step of any change is recognizing that the problem exists and your contributions-even if unintentional-to it. In this case it may help to suspend your thoughts and judgments that racism is bad and you are good, therefore you cannot be racist. Rather, take a look at your actions that might perpetuate or disrupt the racist systems in our community, at the University, and in your department or unit. The journey of an anti-racist is a marathon, not a sprint. There's a lot of work to do. Remember to learn from your mistakes and stay the course, especially during uncomfortable conversations or situations.

Reflect. The first step to establishing an anti-racist foundation for change begins with learning about the history and context of racism and recognizing our biases.

What campus resources can you reach out to or become part of (i.e, research, books, affinity groups) to learn more about the history of race and racism in the workplace?

We all have biases. How can you identify and acknowledge yours?

What are the impacts of what you say and do?

What norms and processes exist within the University/college/unit?

Resources for Supervisors

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Protesters and activists across the country are calling for reform and racial justice. At the University of Minnesota, President Gabel has also taken steps to address the systems, practices, and structures that are harmful to the Black, Indigenous, and people of color on our campuses.

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Recommended by Jennifer McComas

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For many of us fighting the ravages of the prison industrial complex, George Jackson is a source of inspiration and discipline. Over forty years ago, George Jackson pleaded: Settle your quarrels, come together, understand the reality of our situation, understand that fascism is already here, that people are dying who could be saved, that generations more will die or live poor butchered half-lives if you fail to act. Do what must be done, discover your humanity and your love of Revolution. Pass on the torch. Join us, give your life for the people. On August 21,1971, Jackson was assassinated by guards at San Quentin Prison during a prison rebellion.

The month of August bursts at the seams with histories of Black resistance-from the Haitian Revolution to the Nat Turner Rebellion, from the Fugitive Slave Law Convention and the foundation of the Underground Railroad to the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, from the March on Washington to the Watts Uprising, from the births of Marcus Garvey, Russell Maroon Shoatz, and Fred Hampton to the deaths of W.E.B du Bois and George Jackson's own younger brother Jonathan killed while attempting to free the Soledad Brothers from prison. We celebrate Black August, commemorating the anniversary of George Jackson's death while understanding his life as a revolutionary in a long and unbroken line of resistance and sacrifice of Black people throughout history.

Following CR ally and San Quentin Six veteran Sundiata Tate's description of Black August as a time to "embrace the principles of unity, self-sacrifice, political education, physical training and resistance," Critical Resistance's work this August moves in that spirit. We continue to join forces across California and in New Orleans to build a unified force to oppose the construction of new cages and the expansion of the numbers of people locked in cages. We persist in advocating for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to meet the demands related to the 2011 hunger strikes throughout California's prisons. The latest issue of The Abolitionist extends CR's education and communications efforts on both sides of prison walls with a new issue focused on surveillance. Through our work with Stop the Injunctions Coalition we contribute to neighborhood spaces such as community gardens in which neighbors can work together to provide the resources they need to stay physically healthy and strong.

In all our work, resistance is the core. We know that in order to eliminate the prison industrial complex our spirit of resistance must be continually regenerated and reinvigorated. Through the combined effort by our members, donors, and allies Critical Resistance hopes to honor the legacy of George Jackson and the spirit of Black August all year long.

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For many of us fighting the ravages of the prison industrial complex, George Jackson is a source of inspiration and discipline. Over forty years ago, George Jackson pleaded: Settle your quarrels, come together, understand the reality of our situation, understand that fascism is already here, that people are dying who could be saved, that generations more will die or live poor butchered half-lives if you fail to act.