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This will be where you answer the 3 questions
1) What is the most obvious/main way that this person or example demonstrates rebellion?

2) What are some smaller/less obvious ways that this person or example demonstrates rebellion?

3) Was this person or example part of a bigger movement?

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1. The most obvious way that Lil Yachty demonstrated rebellion was that he broke the stereotype that rappers have to do drugs and alcohol. Yachty stated that he never liked the way that substances made him feel.
2. A smaller, less obvious way Yachty showed rebellion in was that he was showing kids that are young that you dont have to do drugs even if the people you are around peer pressure you or ask you to do them. i think thats very powerful due to the drug and alcohol issue in the young.
3. I think he is a part of a bigger movement, the anti drug movement. He spreads a lot of awareness on peer pressure of drugs. He is someone a lot of teens look up to, so the fact that hes part of that movement is important.

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Lil Yachty has emerged as one of hip-hop's biggest stars of the moment: the 19-year-old's first album, Teenage Emotions, debuted at Number Five, after his single "1 Night" racked up more than 107 million YouTube views. But Yachty is a polarizing figure: for his casual indifference to hip-hop's traditions and history (he single-handedly exposed a genre-wide generation gap last year by calling Notorious B.I.G. "overrated" and saying he couldn't name many Tupac songs) and for the deliberately juvenile irreverence of his music (he rapped over the Rugrats theme). At the same time, he's won over Kanye West, Chance the Rapper and countless young fans. "You shouldn't expect one lane, like a hip-hop album," says Yachty, whose real name is Miles McCollum, of his new LP. "If that's what you're looking for, you're definitely at the wrong place."

How has the response to the album been?
Good, but a shit-ton of people hate it. That's life. People hate me, bro.

What's the difference between Miles McCollum and Lil Yachty?
Yachty is probably me when Miles is mad. Miles doesn't get mad. I'm calm now. But right before a show, right before the cameras turn on, I just switch into a star. It's an invisible switch.

What's the first song you loved as a kid?
Coldplay's "Speed of Sound." I must have been eight. I didn't know the difference between hip-hop and rock. I used to wake up before school when my mom was already at work. That's where I first heard a lot of music, like All Time Low, Fall Out Boy, Miley Cyrus, Linkin Park. Listening to different shit opens my variety, which makes it harder for hip-hop fans to categorize my music.

Do you like any classic rock?
I fuck with the Beatles. My favorite song of theirs is "I Am the Walrus." It's just a trippy-ass song. I don't do drugs, but I can close my eyes and see that journey. My dad used to play that Paul McCartney song "Let 'Em In." That was dope.

On the new album, you sing that you've never had a sip of beer.
That's true. I've never been drunk. I took a shot years ago. It burned my throat. I've never had beer. It smells so disgusting.

What about weed?
A bit back in high school. But I didn't like the way it made my brain feel. I used to say that if I ever became a famous rapper, I'd start smoking. Once you get famous, you get people around you that can make you do stuff. But when you're broke and you smoke, you just sit on a couch and do nothing. This is not a time to be smoking.

When were you at your most broke?
Shit. Probably in New York, when I was living out here. I got a food-stamps card. I used to do credit-card scamming.

So what did you learn from getting arrested?
I don't ever wanna be arrested again. I was in jail in a holding cell with a whole bunch of people for a couple of days. It was fucking terrible. I was scared - I'm not gonna lie. That's when I knew I needed to do something with my life.

You worked at McDonald's a few years ago. How were your Big Macs?
Fucking terrible. They were real sloppy, but it was a ghetto McDonald's. They didn't give a fuck. But they fired me when I started showing up late.

On the song "No More," you say you're afraid of women who "just want money."
That scares me. I don't like spending money on women I don't know. I did buy my mother a Range Rover and a new crib. It feels good to say that.

You've recently tried to defend yourself for the line "blow that dick like a cello" on your single "Peek a Boo."
I just make a joke out of it now. Nobody called it out when it dropped, but then the lyrics came out a month or two later, and everyone was like, "Wait a minute ..." That's when I started backing into a dark corner. It seems like there is nothing more important in the world than me confusing a cello with a woodwind instrument. It's like the world has nothing else in the world to talk about.

Miley Cyrus recently caught heat for categorizing most hip-hop as crude. How do you feel about that?
Who gives a fuck? Everyone is entitled to their own opinion, bro. If you're tired of hip-hop, just don't listen to it. I just wish there was a way you could filter all the hate off the Internet or not allow any opinions. Then again, I was once a teenager on Twitter dissing J. Cole for no reason.

You turn 20 in August. Any plans?
Not really. I don't want to be 20 yet. I dread my teenage years being over. Now, whenever I have an accomplishment, it's, like, three times bigger because I'm 19. If I was 27 and got a Sprite deal, it's like, "Yeah, OK, that's good." But when you're 19, it's totally different.

How do you picture your life at 27?
I can't. I don't want to.

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Lil Yachty on His Favorite Beatles Song, Why He's Never Been Drunk

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Lil Yachty has emerged as one of hip-hop's biggest stars of the moment: the 19-year-old's first album, Teenage Emotions, debuted at Number Five, after his single "1 Night" racked up more than 107 million YouTube views. But Yachty is a polarizing figure: for his casual indifference to hip-hop's traditions and history (he single-handedly exposed a genre-wide generation gap last year by calling Notorious B.I.G.

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1. Public Enemy was a Hip-Hop group that was radical both politically and sonically and they spoke their opinions through their songs. They protested authority mainly by singing about it, like fight the power. In the song fight the power they say that if you dont fight authority/government that there will never be true change.
2. Less obvious ways that Public Enemy rebelled was that they made beats like no other hip-hop group. They rebelled not only by singing about political issues but by changing their music to something completely new.
3. Public enemy wasn't involved in any specific movement but they did sing about African american injustice and other political issues a lot.

1. James brown was a rebel because he sang about things other people weren't willing sing about at that time. He song about civil rights, black pride, and to make the crowd enjoy the songs with very meaningful lyrics, he would dance.
2. James Brown rebelled in less obvious ways by changing his beats to be unique to him. By making unique rap beats it made his style unique and different than others.
3. James Brown was not part of a larger movement. But, James Brown did revolutionize the music industry by creating beats never heard before and now they are a basis for modern hip-hop music.
https://www.nydailynews.com/entertainment/music/hinckley-james-brown-changed-music-world-article-1.2619132

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"We needed an anthem," Spike Lee said. "When I wrote the script for Do the Right Thing, every time when the Radio Raheem character showed up, he had music blasting. I wanted Public Enemy."

The director may have asked for an anthem for his 1989 chronicle of big-city racial tensions, but what he got was a salvo. A quarter of a century has passed since Radio Raheem's boom box served as a megaphone to a generation, spreading Public Enemy's rap reveille over and over again in the movie, but "Fight the Power" has not lost an ounce of its revolutionary power or poignancy. Chuck D's lyrics praising freedom of speech and people uniting while decrying racist icons still sound just as vital as anything Pete Seeger wrote, and production team the Bomb Squad's ultra-modern collage of funk and noise for the track has never been replicated. The fact that Public Enemy made multiple versions of the tune - including the Branford Marsalis-infused, free-jazz cut for the movie and the more straight-ahead approach on their 1990 album Fear of a Black Planet - only shows the versatility of the song's message.
Public Enemy's "Fight the Power" and Rolling Stone's 500 Greatest Songs of All Time
To celebrate the legacy of the tune, and its impact both in and out of movie theaters 25 years later, Rolling Stone caught up with Lee, Marsalis and Public Enemy's Chuck D and Flavor Flav and the Bomb Squad's Hank Shocklee and found out how they made an anthem.

Where does the "Fight the Power" story begin?
Chuck D: Spike, [producer] Bill Stephney, Hank and I had a meeting, and Spike simply said, "Hey look, I've got this movie based on all this tension going on in the New York area, the clashing neighborhoods, and I'm looking for an anthem." All I remember was Spike was saying, "I'm looking for an anthem."

Hank Shocklee: Spike's original idea was to have Public Enemy do a hip-hop version of "Lift Every Voice and Sing," which is kind of like a Negro anthem or spiritual. But I was like, "No." I opened the window and asked him to stick your head outside. "Man, what sounds do you hear? You're not going to hear 'Lift Every Voice and Sing' in every car that drives by." We needed to make something that's going to resonate on the street level. After going back and forth, he said, "All right, I'll let you guys go in there and see what you guys come back with."

When did the "Fight the Power" concept come up?
Chuck D:We like to work from titles down, so we came up with "Fight the Power" first. It was inspired by the Isley Brothers' song "Fight the Power." But the challenge was, could we make something entirely different that said the same thing in another genre?

Shocklee: We lived in the suburbs and were sandwiched by nothing but white communities. It was like we were the leftovers: We got what the white communities didn't want to have, we got their spillovers. So we always had to kind of fight this adversity. We wanted to just make something that was going to say, "I'm mad as hell, I'm not gonna take it any more - I'm going to fight the system." So that song that the Isley Brothers did, "Fight the Power," resonated, but their version was a little soft. It didn't resonate as deeply as I thought it should.
"Fight the Power" and the 50 Greatest Hip-Hop Songs of All Time
Chuck, at what point did you write the lyrics?
Chuck D: I was getting ready to head out on a European run with Run-D.M.C. in the fall of 1988. I remember writing a big chunk of it on a plane as we were flying over Italy. And D.M.C. was probably in the chair next to me. So I had the aftereffect and the glow of Run, D.M.C. and Jam Master Jay to inspire me, so to speak, in the writing of some of the lyrics.

"Freedom of speech is freedom of death" is a line that has always stood out. What prompted that?
Chuck D: A lot of that stuff like that line is like Bob Marley or Frederick Douglass: "There's no progress without struggle." There are a lot of things like that that I was able to incorporate it in there.

Why did you pick out Bobby McFerrin's 1988 single "Don't Worry Be Happy" as a negative thing?
Chuck D: Because"Don't Worry Be Happy" doesn't apply to protests. If you're not worried and you're happy, you're like, why protest? Not everybody's gonna feel like that.

What inspired the line about Elvis and John Wayne being racists?
Chuck D: [Comedian]Blowfly had a record called "Blowfly's Rapp"in 1980. And there was a line in there where one of the characters in the song was a grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, and basically he had a lyric, "Well, I don't care who you are, motherfuck you and Muhammad Ali."

Why did you pick Elvis Presley and John Wayne, specifically?
Chuck D: Elvis and John Wayne were the icons of America. And they kind of got head-and-shoulder treatment over everybody else. It's not that Elvis was not a talented dude and incredible in his way, but I didn't like the way that he was talked about all the time, and the pioneers [of rock & roll], especially at that time, weren't talked about at all. When people said "rock & roll" or "the King," it was all "Elvis, Elvis, Elvis, one trillion fans can't be wrong" type of shit.

But as far as "motherfuck him and John Wayne"... yeah, fuck John Wayne to this minute [ laughs]. John Wayne is "Mr. Kill All the Indians and Everybody Else Who's Not Full-Blooded American." The lyric was assassinating their iconic status so everybody doesn't feel that way.
"Fight the Power" and the Best Summer Songs of All Time
Is that also how "most of my heroes don't appear on no stamps" came about?
Chuck D: That came from the fact that Spike also discussed how there was a wall in the movie with people we respected as heroes on it. So "Most of my heroes don't appear on no stamps," was saying, "You know what, we've got heroes on the wall, too."

Flavor, how did you end up getting the John Wayne line?
Flavor Flav: A lot of the songs that Chuck D has written, I took parts. I'd say, give me this part, give me that part. And I'm very grateful for the lines he gave me. I ain't gonna lie, because those are the most memorable parts of the record.
See Where Questlove Ranked "Fight the Power" on His Top 50 Hip-Hop Songs of All Time
Was "Fight the Power" the first song considered for Do the Right Thing?
Lee: That wasn't the first song they submitted. It was not "Fight the Power."

What was it?
Lee: Not "Fight the Power."

Shocklee: It was "Fight the Power." He got the preproduction version. It was a sparse outline of the idea of the song. Spike, with all due respect, is not a rap guy, so he's not gonna understand where it could go until it's a finished production.

Chuck D: [ Laughs] Spike misconstrued it as being a different song. It was a song in a rough stage with different elements brought up to the front. But Spike used it, because he had to present the film to a bunch of different investors. I remember checking out a screening with Hank in Brooklyn, and Spike had put in the rough draft of the song, and every time he played it, I was sinking in my seat, because I was like, "Oh shit. The song is not complete. It sounds like shit to me. And he's going to put in the movie this many times? What the fuck!" I was like, "Man, we've got to come better than that."

Hank, what was your goal when you were putting together the music for the track?
Shocklee: I wanted you to feel the concrete, the people walking by, the cars that are going by and the vrroom in the system. I wanted the city. I wanted that grittiness, the mugginess, the hot sticky, no-air vibration of the city [ laughs].

How did Branford Marsalis get involved?
Branford Marsalis: I think it was Spike's idea. I don't feel at that the time that P.E. or Hank would have been suddenly compelled to use a saxophone.

Shocklee: I wanted to have a sax in the record but I didn't want it in a smooth, melodic fashion; I wanted someone to play it almost like a weapon, and Branford was the guy. He came in the studio and he was incredibly gracious and very humble. He treated us as if we were musicians just like himself.

Marsalis: Hank did something that I'll never forget. He made me do one funky solo, one jazz solo and one just completely avant-garde, free-jazz solo. And I said, "Which one them are you going to use?" And he said, "All three of them motherfuckers," and he threw all three up. And the shit was killer. You had this Wall of Sound come in and the saxophones came in, and it was a Wall of Sound to accompany a Wall of Sound.
"Fight the Power" in 'Do the Right Thing' and the 30 Greatest Rock & Roll Movie Movements
Branford, coming from a jazz background, what was it like playing over a Bomb Squad track?
Marsalis:It was not a normal chord progression. If it was C minor then it went to A-flat 7. It has the same sensibility as a James Brown tune, which is completely where they got it from. If you listen to when they go, "Fight the Power" and you hear that voice that goes, "Aahh," that voice is not in the same key as the other shit. A musician would never do that. But it works. It unwittingly helped me expand my brain in a way.

Did you think you had a hit?
Chuck D:No, but when I heard Spike Lee put it 20 times in the movie, I was like, pssh. We realized early that film was probably going to be our outlet to deliver shit. We couldn't rely on radio.

Marsalis: They had the greatest marketing tool in the world. They had a movie that people were going to see two and three times, that was going to be all over the world and it scared white people half to death - which ensured that it was going to sell.

Flavor Flav: When "Fight the Power" was being created, all I did was just come in, lay down my lyrics and I was out. I didn't know that the record was going to be as big as it turned out to be. I just wanted to make a great record and keep it moving. And next thing you know, this phenomenal record was being played on the radio over and over and over. I'm like, wooow. This is crazy.

Chuck D: For all the talk about "Fight the Power," there was always resistance to Public Enemy. It really got no higher than 16 on the R&B/black charts, which just goes to show you how much help black radio and urban radio gave us. It didn't even crack the Top 10. It's crazy, because in hindsight when they talk about the Number One rap record that meant something, "Fight the Power" is always at the top of those charts.

The B side to the original 12 inch features a hilarious meeting between Spike and Flavor. How did that come together?
Chuck D:They're having a conversation - about what? Who the fuck knows. Flavor won't remember it [ laughs].

Flavor Flav: I don't remember the B side.

What did you think of the movie's opening credits, when Rosie Perez shadowboxes to the song?
Flavor Flav:It was just incredible, man, hearing my voice in a movie [ laughs]. It was buggin' me out. It was like the first time I ever heard "Public Enemy Number One" on the radio. It gave me that kind of feeling. Then also hearing my voice all throughout the movie - because that's the only record that they really played in that movie, [actor Bill Nunn's character] Radio Raheem would play nothing else but "Fight the Power" on his box, man. It was just an incredible feeling.

Chuck D: It was cool, because I thought I could get away with not doing a video [ laughs].

Marsalis: I dug the song. I thought it was a hit from the get. I mean, Rosie wasn't my favorite dancer necessarily, as someone who had a relationship with the arts that was rather broad. But it was cool. It was great to see. You know, Rosie was fine as hell so I didn't object to that.

Shocklee: The track intensified the story. When Radio Raheem was with the boom box playing that song, that's what was happening at that time, exactly. You could have walked out the theater and into a pizza shop, and that would have happened at that moment.

What do you remember about making the video?
Lee: All Chuck D and I wanted to do was reenact a march. So we had everybody show up. We marched from a specific space through the streets of Brooklyn and ended up on the block where we shot the film. We had to do it there. The movie is shot on one block. Stuyvesant Avenue, between Quincy and Lexington in Bed-Stuy. So we definitely wanted the destination of the march was the block where we shot the film. The stage was there. Perform.

Shocklee: That video was a really good thank-you that Spike did for us. We didn't get paid for using the song throughout the film. It was the first big production budget that we've ever had for a video. When I first got the treatment, I thought it looked very simple. It was just, "Hey, we're gonna do this march, make it seem like it's a march on Washington, but we're going to do it in Brooklyn." I got to the set around 5:30 in the morning, and people were lined up. It looked like the Million Man March.

Spike, how did you get so many people there?
Lee: We just put the word out: "Public Enemy video." People showed up. The police were scared though.

Why?
Lee: That many people? They always get scared. But there was not one incident. It was great. And the police were not a problem. As long as you're done by 6, we're all right.

Chuck D: It was like a rose really sprouted in Brooklyn. It was seriously a black movement of just being able to stand up and demand that the systems and the powers that be don't roll you over. And this was a threat to America and it was a threat to the record companies at the time. That video was really powerful.

Chuck, what inspired the video's intro, where you talk about the Civil Rights March on Washington from 1963?
Chuck D:I remember coming on in the video saying that the whole concept of the march in Washington wasn't complete, but my words weren't as sharp as I would like them to be, so I ended up saying, "That's some nonsense." And the way it was cut, I sound like I'm out of my damn mind [ laughs].

Flavor Flav: That was one of the most craziest days of my life. But it was so amazing. It was my first time ever really doing a video shoot. And with that many people at my video shoot, it was crazy. Not only that but we had Jesse Jackson there, Al Sharpton was there, Tawana Brawley was in the video, too, as well. And the whole of Bedford-Stuyvesant. We had a good time that day, man. I would give anything to live that day one more time, that day was so amazing.

Flavor, who is the little girl you're holding at the end of the video?
Flavor Flav:That was my daughter Shanique. She was three years old at the time. Now she's 28 [ laughs].

Lee: Chuck and Flavor just had so much fun. It was a great day. VH1 named it the Number One hip-hop video of all time. Well deserved. Rightfully so.
See Where Public Enemy's 'Fear of a Black Planet' Ranks Among the 500 Greatest Albums of All Time
The version of "Fight the Power" on Fear of a Black Planet stripped away Marsalis' solo and remixed the Elvis line. Why make different versions?
Chuck D:"Fight the Power" came out on Motown first, because of the soundtrack, but we were with Sony. We had to pull some structural things in order have "Fight the Power" on Motown as a single but also our own video on Sony and then being on Fear of a Black Planet the following year as the final track.

Shocklee: Putting on the Public Enemy album, it just didn't make sense to have the same exact version. And I'm a big fan of each. Each record, to me, should live in its own space.

Finally, now that 25 years have passed, how do you feel the song holds up?
Chuck D: I feel like Pete Seeger singing "We Shall Overcome." "Fight the Power" points to the legacy of the strengths of standing up in music. Spike really made that record what it is. Because who puts a song in a movie that many times? Who does that?

Flavor Flav: I think it's one of the most amazing things that Chuck has ever written. I've always looked at Chuck as one of the most amazing writers and lyricists ever. And a lot of the stuff that Chuck wrote was all accurate information. Chuck has been right a lot of times and that's why I always backed up my partner.

Marsalis: Come on, that shit is anthemic. And for all of the people that love popular culture, there are a handful of songs that are actually anthemic in hip-hop or otherwise. And that one is one of them.

Shocklee: I think it was Public Enemy's and Spike Lee's defining moment because what it had done was it had awoken the black community to a revolution that was akin to the Sixties revolution, where you had Martin Luther King or Malcolm X. It created such an energy surge throughout the community that it became the template for every artist, every filmmaker, every rapper, singer, and it also sparked community leaders and teachers to understand the power of hip hop. And it made the entire hip-hop community recognize its power. Then the real revolution began.

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Lights, Camera, Revolution: How Public Enemy Made 'Fight the Power'

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"We needed an anthem," Spike Lee said. "When I wrote the script for Do the Right Thing , every time when the Radio Raheem character showed up, he had music blasting. I wanted Public Enemy." The director may have asked for an anthem for his 1989 chronicle of big-city racial tensions, but what he got was a salvo.

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1) Jackie Robinson fought for equality for all African Americans. He was arrested a couple times standing up to racism and even went to court for "disturbing the peace."
2)Jackie Robinson achieved so much in his career and showed everyone that he is equal and that all colored are equal.
3)Jackie Robinson was the first colored man in sports to stand up against racism and his words inspired many other people to stand up. In 2017 Colin Kaepernick quoted Jackie's words "I cannot stand and sing the anthem. I cannot salute the flag; I know that I am a black man in a white world."

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Jackie Robinson became the first African American to play in the Major Leagues on April 15, 1947, when he took the field in the top of the first inning against the Boston Braves. When Robinson took his spot at first base, he broke baseball's six-decade-long color barrier, which not only made him an icon to those fighting for racial equality but also a target for those who sought to fight against it. Jackie's poise and strength-both on and off the field-are why we still honor him today.

Jackie Robinson took on racial discrimination all his life.

Robinson's narrative doesn't begin and end with that one April afternoon in Boston. His legacy was built as both an athlete and an activist over the course of his entire life.

In 1938, at Pasadena Junior College, he wasn't just breaking records on the field (including the school record in the broad jump, which was previously held by his 1936 Olympic medal-winning brother, Mack). He was also standing up for the rights of his friends, as evidenced by his January 1938 arrest after speaking out when he felt the police were unlawfully holding an African American friend of his.

After Pasadena, he enrolled at the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA), where he became the first athlete in school history to letter in four sports (track and field, football, basketball and baseball). Jackie left UCLA after the 1940 football season, just shy of graduation. After a couple of seasons playing semi-pro football-the NFL wouldn't be integrated until 1946, when Jackie's UCLA teammate, Kenny Washington, signed with the Los Angeles Rams -Jackie was drafted into the United States Army.

With his college education, and high marks in marksmanship and character, Jackie seemed a shoo-in for Officers' Candidate School, but his application, along with those of several other Black applicants, was rejected. Jackie turned to his friend, and fellow resident at Fort Riley in Kansas, heavyweight boxing champion Joe Louis. Although Louis wasn't an officer, he wielded some power at Fort Riley, and within a few weeks, Jackie and the other applicants were accepted into the OCS.

Robinson's commitment to fighting inequality nearly got him court-martialed. In 1944, he was riding in a U.S. Army bus with the wife of a fellow Black officer. The driver, believing the light-skinned woman to be white, ordered Robinson to the back of the bus. Robinson, noting the fact that U.S. Army buses were not segregated, refused. The driver backed down but called Military Police after the ride. Robinson was taken into custody and eventually charged with insubordination, disturbing the peace and drunkenness (although he neither drank nor smoked). He fought back and, despite false witness statements stacking the deck against him, he was eventually found not guilty.

Jackie was discharged later that year, and by 1945 had returned to baseball, signing with the Kansas City Monarchs of the Negro American League. Word of his play soon reached Dodgers' owner Branch Rickey, who decided the speedy infielder who could out-hit most of the players in the league would be the one to break the color barrier.

While becoming the first African American player in the majors could have been his legacy on its own, Robinson made sure that he wasn't just a name in a box score that one time in 1947. He starred for the Dodgers, winning the 1947 Rookie of the Year Award, and helping Brooklyn reach the World Series (they lost to the New York Yankees). That year, as per an agreement with Rickey, he also learned how to fight back without fighting. Rather than react to the constant racial abuse from fans and other teams alike, Jackie used unfathomable restraint and poise, turning the other cheek so as not to give his detractors any reason to end Rickey's "experiment."

In 1949, and with Rickey's restrictions on fighting back lifted, Jackie won the National League Most Valuable Player Award and led the Dodgers to another World Series. Robinson would also help the Dodgers to another World Series, and another loss to the Yankees. In 1955, with two more World Series losses to the Yankees sprinkled in along the way, Robinson finally helped the Dodgers beat the Yankees in the Fall Classic, adding World Champion to his list of many accomplishments. He retired in 1956 (after another World Series loss to the cross-town rivals in the Bronx), and was elected to the Major League Baseball Hall of Fame in 1962, becoming the first African American Hall-of-Famer.

His accomplishments didn't end there. His post-career achievements included becoming the first-ever African American to serve as VP of a major American corporation (Chock full o'Nuts from 1957-1964), becoming the first African American commentator for Major League Baseball (1972) and he was on the board of the NAACP, where he continued his fight for Civil Rights and equality.

Robinson's words continue to influence today's activist athletes, too. In his 1972 autobiography, he said: "I cannot stand and sing the anthem. I cannot salute the flag; I know that I am a black man in a white world." These are words that professional athletes like Colin Kaepernick used as inspiration for their own controversial anthem protests during NFL games in 2017.

Jackie Robinson wasn't just a Hall of Fame baseball player, he truly was a Hall of Fame person.

How does Major League Baseball celebrate Jackie Robinson's legacy?

In June of 1972, just a few months prior to his death, the Dodgers retired Jackie's number 42. In 1997-the 50th anniversary of Jackie's first game-his number was retired by Major League Baseball, meaning it would no longer be issued to any new players. Those who were already using the number were allowed to keep it (the last player to wear it was the Yankees' Mariano Rivera, who retired in 2013).

Starting in 2004, MLB officially began recognizing April 15 as Jackie Robinson Day, taking time to honor Robinson's life and legacy on the field prior to every game. In 2007, Ken Griffey, Jr.-one of the biggest stars in baseball at the time-asked the Commissioner's office for special permission to wear 42 on Jackie Robinson Day, to honor Robinson further. Commissioner Bud Selig loved the idea so much, other teams were encouraged to allow players to don the number as well. In 2009, every player, coach and even the umpires, wore 42 to honor Jackie, which is still the case today.

Starting in 2018, teams also began wearing a commemorative patch on their caps and sleeves, and socks with the number 42 on them on Jackie Robinson Day. All proceeds from merchandise sold go to the Jackie Robinson Foundation.

HISTORY Vault: America the Story of Us

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Jackie Robinson's Battles for Equality On and Off the Baseball Field | HISTORY

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Although he's best known for breaking Major League Baseball's color barrier, Robinson's poise and strength in the face of adversity, both on and off the field, are why we still honor him today.

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1) Through their lyrics
2)switching up their music genre
3)Taylor Swift was not part of a movement

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1. drake you can say he was rebellious when he had controversy when another rapper died and he said something in his song that made it seem like he was the killer
2. drake changed the mindset of a rapper because once they where a rapper the expectation was they stay a rapper, but drake did a lot of music like rnb pop and makes him rebellious you can say.

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https://www.songfacts.com/facts/system-of-a-down/boom

1) What is the most obvious/main way that this person or example demonstrates rebellion?

In their songs where they sing about problems in the world

2) What are some smaller/less obvious ways that this person or example demonstrates rebellion?

There aren't any smaller/less obvious way

3) Was this person or example part of a bigger movement?

Took part in February 15, 2003 anti-war protest

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1. The most obvious way that Ruth Bader Ginsburg shows rebellion is that she is the first American to fight for equality under the law. She argued a lot of unequal rights in court.
2. Some smaller ways Ruth Bader Ginsburg showed rebellion is that in the movie On The Basis of sex she always thought of wanting to make a change and it took her years to actually work her way up to court and protest the female discrimination in America.
3. Ruth Bader Ginsburg is one of the largest reasons women are able to have certain jobs, be in the military, and many many more things. Without her brave actions women would still be treated unfairly, she's impacted women's rights a lot.

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The Supreme Court justice, who died at 87, "inspired women to believe in themselves," says the Smithsonian's Kim Sajet

smithsonianmag.com

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the second woman to serve on the Supreme Court and an iconic advocate for gender equality, died Friday at her Washington, D.C. home. She was 87. The cause was complications of metastatic pancreatic cancer.

"Our Nation has lost a jurist of historic stature," said Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr. in a Supreme Court statement. "We at the Supreme Court have lost a cherished colleague. Today we mourn, but with confidence that future generations will remember Ruth Bader Ginsburg as we knew her-a tireless and resolute champion of justice."

Ginsburg served 27 years on the nation's highest court, becoming its most prominent member. Her death will have "profound consequences" for the future of the U.S. legal system and the nation, writes Nina Totenberg for NPR, as politicians will fight to determine her successor under the spotlight of the upcoming presidential election.

"Ruth Bader Ginsburg did not just create history, she embodied the true origins of the word's original meaning by acquiring knowledge through years of inquiry and research and adding her own opinions," says the Smithsonian's Kim Sajet, the director of the National Portrait Gallery. "Armed with a fierce intelligence and a love of analytical reasoning, she fought passionately for all Americans to have equal representation under the law and inspired women in particular, to believe in themselves to make positive change."

Born in a working-class Brooklyn home in 1933, Ginsburg faced discrimination on the basis of sex at every step along her path to the Court.

After her admission to Cornell University, on a full scholarship at age 17, she met her husband, Martin D. Ginsburg, a lawyer who supported her career. Together they had two children and were married for 56 years, until Martin died of cancer in 2010. "He was the first boy I knew who cared that I had a brain," Ginsburg would often joke. After graduating top in her class from Columbia Law School, Ginsburg struggled to find a New York City law firm that would hire her. "I was Jewish, a woman, and a mother. The first raised one eyebrow; the second, two; the third made me indubitably inadmissible," she recalled in 1993.

From 1963, Ginsburg taught law on Rutgers Law School's Newark campus. In 1972, Ginsburg became the first woman named a full professor at Columbia Law School and co-founded the ACLU's fledgling Women's Rights Project.

With the ACLU, Ginsburg began in earnest the work that would define her career: the fight for gender equality in the law. From 1973 to 1978, Ginsburg argued six cases about gender discrimination in front of the Supreme Court. She won five.

Ginsburg's feminist beliefs were strongly influenced by Swedish feminism, which she researched extensively after graduating from Columbia. She had also read Simone de Beauvoir's The Second Sex, a cornerstone feminist text, which shaped her burgeoning feminism in the 1960s, reported Smithsonian magazine's Lila Thulin.

Ginsburg was appointed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit in 1980. In 1993, President Bill Clinton nominated Ginsburg for the Supreme Court, saying that he believed she would be a " a force for consensus-building." Indeed, Ginsburg was known for forging close companionships with members of the court. She bonded with the late conservative Justice Antonin Scalia over their shared love of opera. (Their friendship even inspired an operetta in their honor.)

In 1993, Ginsburg wrote the majority opinion for United States v. Virginia, where the Court voted 7 to 1 to strike down the male-only admissions policy at Virginia Military Institute. The state had argued that women would not be able to meet the physical demands of the Institute. Ginsburg agreed that many women would not; however, she argued that those who could meet the physical qualifications should be allowed entry to the prestigious institution.

In the opinion-what the LindaGreenhouse calls the "most important of her tenure"-Ginsburg argued that in barring women from attending the Institute, the state was violating the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause. "Generalizations about 'the way women are,' estimates of what is appropriate for most women, no longer justify denying opportunity to women whose talent and capacity place them outside the average description," she wrote.

With the decision, the Court effectively struck down any law that "denies to women, simply because they are women, full citizenship stature-equal opportunity to aspire, achieve, participate in and contribute to society based on their individual talents and capacities," as Ginsburg wrote.

Some of Ginsburg's most memorable opinions were her withering dissents, as Marty Steinberg notes for CNBC. In Gonzales v. Carhart, the Court voted to uphold Congress' Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003, which outlawed the procedure. Ginsburg, in her dissent, wrote that the ruling "tolerates, indeed applauds" federal intervention into a procedure that some doctors deemed necessary and proper in certain cases.

"The court deprives women of the right to make an autonomous choice, even at the expense of their safety," she wrote. "This way of thinking reflects ancient notions about women's place in the family and under the Constitution-ideas that have long since been discredited."

As historian Jill Lepore writes in the , Ginsburg's legal track record fundamentally altered the landscape of American civil rights. "Born the year Eleanor Roosevelt became First Lady, Ginsburg bore witness to, argued for, and helped to constitutionalize the most hard-fought and least-appreciated revolution in modern American history: the emancipation of women," Lepore writes.

Lepore adds: "Aside from Thurgood Marshall, no single American has so wholly advanced the cause of equality under the law."

By the time Ginsburg had reached her 80s, she had also become a pop culture icon. Her life story served as the basis for books, a documentary, and more. In 2018, a story about one of her first gender-discrimination cases, Moritz v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue, was made into a Hollywood biopic starring Felicity Jones, On the Basis of Sex.

In 2013, a law student named Shana Knizhnik dubbed Ginsburg the " Notorious R.B.G." as a riff on the name of the Brooklyn-born rapper, The Notorious B.I.G. The nickname-and R.B.G. herself-went viral. Ginsburg's trademark glasses, piercing stare and decorative collar appeared in tattoos, bumper stickers, tote bags, coffee mugs, Halloween costumes and music videos.

At five feet tall, and weighing about 100 pounds, Ginsburg's frail appearance could be deceptive. She was strong, as her longtime personal trainer would attest, and her rigorous workout routine inspired parodies and instruction manuals.

For years, the Justice dealt with seemingly endless health scares in the public eye. She had surgery for early-stage colon cancer in 1999, just six years after her appointment to the Supreme Court. In subsequent years, she underwent surgeries and rounds of chemotherapy to fend off pancreatic cancer, lung cancer, a return of pancreatic cancer and liver lesions.

During President Obama's second term, as Ginsburg turned 80, she dismissed calls to retire so that a Democratic president could put forth her replacement. "She had planned, in fact, to retire and be replaced by a nominee of the first woman president because she really thought Hillary Clinton would be elected," NPR's Totenberg told CNN anchor Anderson Cooper on Friday.

Ginsburg announced in July that her cancer had returned and that she was undergoing chemotherapy. "I have often said I would remain a member of the Court as long as I can do the job full steam," Ginsburg said in a statement. "I remain fully able to do that."

On Friday evening, scores of people gathered for a candlelit vigil on the steps of the Supreme Court, bearing flowers and signs, reports Jacy Fortin for the New York Times. As NPR's Scott Simon observed, Ginsburg died on Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year and on the marble steps of before the massive pillars of the Court building, some gathered to sing "Amazing Grace," and others recited the Kaddish, the Jewish prayer for the dead.

"Ginsburg's Jewish heritage taught her that each successive generation must not just build upon the legacy of those who had come before them but fight to maintain and expand their civil rights into the future," says Sajet.

"Young people should appreciate the values on which our nation is based, and how precious they are," Ginsburg noted in 2017, because "if they don't become part of the crowd that seeks to uphold them. . . no court is capable of restoring it."

Read the "In Memoriam" tribute to the life of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, featuring The Four Justices portrait by Nelson Shanks, from Smithsonian's National Portrait Gallery.

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Nation Mourns Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Who Broke Barriers and Became a Feminist Icon

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smithsonianmag.com Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the second woman to serve on the Supreme Court and an iconic advocate for gender equality, died Friday at her Washington, D.C. home. She was 87. The cause was complications of metastatic pancreatic cancer. "Our Nation has lost a jurist of historic stature," said Chief Justice John G.

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1. colin Kaepernick was a civil rights activist and mainly expressed rebellion to every one who watched him play football. during the national anthem he started to kneel to protest social injustice and police brutality.
2. Colin Kaepernick's protest of social injustice and police brutality was a turning point for todays athletes. it started to stir debate throughout the league and the country that is divided on social and political issues in todays society.
3. Colin Kaepernick was a spark to start the BLM movement that is a big deal today.

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1) What is the most obvious/main way that this person or example demonstrates rebellion?
The most obvious way El Chapo rebelled is because "He fought the law, and he won. He beat what many Mexicans see as a corrupt and feckless governing class. And Mexico, just like America, loves an outlaw." “El Chapo is more of a president than Peña Nieto,”
2) What are some smaller/less obvious ways that this person or example demonstrates rebellion?
He sold drugs.
3) Was this person or example part of a bigger movement?
There are about 9 other major drug cartels in Mexico. I don't know if they help like El Chapo but they go against the government.

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A shrine in Sinaloa State dedicated to Jesús Malverde, who was known as a bandit who stole from the rich to give to the poor and is popular with drug cartels. Credit... Brett Gundlock for The New York Times

CULIACÁN, Mexico - When José Antonio Sevilla and his three brothers learned that the notorious drug trafficker known as El Chapo had escaped from prison, they jumped out of their chairs and shouted with glee.

"El Chapo got out! He's the greatest of them all," said Mr. Sevilla, 19, a self-professed fan of the drug kingpin, whose full name is Joaquín Guzmán Loera. "He was famous before, but now he's even more famous."

Mr. Sevilla, an auto mechanic, was so excited that he attended a march through the streets of Culiacán, the capital of Mr. Guzmán's home state, this week to celebrate. He carried a sign that a woman gave him, which read, "El Chapo is more of a president than Peña Nieto," a reference to Mexico 's president, Enrique Peña Nieto.

Here in Sinaloa State, where Mr. Guzmán was born, and even in other parts of Mexico, the drug trafficker's stunning escape through a hidden tunnel under what was supposed to be the country's most secure prison has enhanced his status as an outlaw folk hero.

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People gathered on Thursday in Culiacán, Mexico, in anticipation of a rally on behalf of the escaped drug kingpin Joaquín Guzmán Loera, known as El Chapo.

Credit... Brett Gundlock for The New York Times

There are few illusions about the damage Mr. Guzmán has done. American officials accuse him of contributing to "the death and destruction of millions of lives across the globe through drug addiction, violence and corruption."

Yet for many Mexicans, he is an unusual combination of Robin Hood and billionaire, a source of mirth, grudging respect and even outright reverence because of his repeated ability to outfox the country's deeply unpopular government.

He fought the law, and he won. He beat what many Mexicans see as a corrupt and feckless governing class. And Mexico, just like America, loves an outlaw.

"Why do people admire him?" said Adrián Cabrera, a blogger in Culiacán wearing a black T-shirt with a picture of El Chapo. "Because he's a living legend. He's like Al Capone. He's like Lucky Luciano. Like Tony Soprano. Like Scarface. He's like a character on a television show, except that he's alive, he's real."

Mr. Guzmán headed the Sinaloa drug cartel, named for his home state. Above, a view of Culiacán, the capital of Sinaloa. Credit... Brett Gundlock for The New York Times

In the cultural center in Badiraguato, the main town in the municipality where Mr. Guzmán grew up, there is a list of the "notable people" born in the area, including a general in the Mexican Revolution, a journalist, a lawyer and a congressman.

There is no mention of its most famous son, Mr. Guzmán, but the center's director of events argues that El Chapo deserves to be on the list, too.

"He has never had any problems with people here," said the events director, Guadalupe Olivas. "He was poor, and now he has lots of money and lots of power."

Mr. Guzmán was born in the 1950s in a remote hamlet in the lumpy green mountains that are the backdrop to the state capital, in an area known as the Golden Triangle, which today is Mexico's prime marijuana growing region.

Over the years, Mr. Guzmán rose through the ranks of Mexican drug gangs until he came to head the largest of them all, the Sinaloa cartel, named for the state where he continued to spend a good deal of time even as a wanted man. When he was arrested last year, the authorities found him at the Sinaloan beach resort of Mazatlán.

Mr. Guzmán operates a vast international organization. Forbes magazine has included him in its list of the world's richest people, with an estimated net worth of more than $1 billion.

He escaped from prison once before, by some accounts hiding in a laundry cart, and his most recent breakout was highly elaborate: He passed through a sophisticated tunnel about a mile long, one equipped with lights, ventilation and even a motorcycle on rails to excavate the dirt.

"It took a lot of intelligence to do that," said Erica Lara, who sells shaved ice in the plaza of Badiraguato. "There are powerful people who have to serve their entire sentences. But he escaped two times."

A man walked through Jardines Del Humaya in Culiacán, home to various large mausoleums. Dead cartel members are buried here, giving the location some notoriety. Credit... Brett Gundlock for The New York Times

Many here said that Mr. Guzmán helped residents, often in small ways. A family with a sick member might receive a visitor delivering money for treatment, they said, although none could point to a specific example.

While Sinaloa is Mexico's tomato-growing capital, the area around Badiraguato has the distinction of being the cradle of the Mexican drug trade. Besides Mr. Guzmán, several other major traffickers were born here or in the nearby hills. Many here say that the streets were paved using money from traffickers.

While buying a shaved ice in the Badiraguato plaza, Amairany Avilez, 20, called Mr. Guzmán "my hero."

She said that the economy in the region depended on Mr. Guzmán, and that people might now get work on land he owns or could grow more marijuana to sell to his organization. "When they arrested him, people around here had to go back to growing corn," Ms. Avilez said. "Now the corn will turn into marijuana."

Experts say that drug production does not depend much on whether a single trafficker, no matter how influential, is in or out of jail.

Beyond that, Sinaloa last year ranked second in the government's measure of intentional homicides per capita, at a level more than two and a half times the national average. Yet many people here said that their state was relatively calm thanks to Mr. Guzmán's influence.

Scarlett López, 22, who works at a finance company in Culiacán, said that while she disapproved of Mr. Guzmán's drug trafficking, she was glad he was out of prison because it meant that even worse drug gangs - the Zetas, for instance, known for cutting off people's heads and other acts of graphic violence - would be less likely to try to encroach on the state.

"I feel better because we're protected," she said. "There are people who are a lot worse."

Near a government office building here in the state capital is an elaborate shrine dedicated to a folk saint known as Jesús Malverde. He is often called the narco-saint because he is worshiped by many drug traffickers. Malverde is supposedly based on a local man who lived from 1870 to 1909, and was known as a bandit who stole from the rich to give to the poor. He is also worshiped by poor people, farmers, fishermen and others.

Mr. Guzman is something of a folk hero in his home state. Credit... Brett Gundlock for The New York Times

This week, a stream of devotees visited the shrine, some lighting candles, some kneeling to pray before a plaster bust of Malverde, portrayed with black hair and mustache, a white western-style shirt and black neckerchief. There were flowers on either side, and the air was dense with the smell of hot wax. A statue of the Virgin of Guadalupe stood by the entrance. The walls were covered in plaques left by devotees, thanking Malverde for favors or miracles.

The government has offered a reward of about $3.8 million for information leading to Mr. Guzmán's capture, but people visiting the shrine said they would not lend the government a hand.

"The drug dealers do more for the people than the government does," said Eric Reyes, 33, a systems engineer from Mexico City, who stopped by the shrine out of curiosity while on vacation. "If you live in a dealer's territory he treats you well. The government won't do anything for you. It's all bureaucracy and red tape."

Such sentiment appears to prevail through much of the country and across social strata, including in the more upscale districts of Mexico City, where many people displayed a grudging admiration for Mr. Guzmán.

Driving the private enjoyment of his escape is a deep cynicism about the government, which has such low credibility among Mexicans that many refuse to believe the official story about how El Chapo got away. Many assume that he could not have escaped without help from within the prison, and others question whether the tunnel was not simply an elaborate ruse to hide corruption that extends to the highest levels.

Conspiracy theories are rife. The fact that the breakout occurred as the president was starting a trip to France is seen as indicative of higher-level collusion. The fact that a picture released by the authorities shows Mr. Guzmán with a shaved head, while video of his escape shows that he had a full head of hair, is also cause for suspicion.

The escape and the humiliation it has heaped on the government have set off a kind of national catharsis. And the fact that Mr. Peña Nieto did not cut short his lengthy visit to France, where he has gone to Napoleon's tomb and received medals, only confirmed to many how out of touch the government is.

"The government is Chapo's," said Genero Reyes Martínez, 30, in Mexico City. "I bet he walked straight out of the main gate. That tunnel was an illusion."

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Public Enemy? At Home in Mexico, 'El Chapo' Is Folk Hero No. 1 (Published 2015)

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CULIACÁN, Mexico - When José Antonio Sevilla and his three brothers learned that the notorious drug trafficker known as El Chapo had escaped from prison, they jumped out of their chairs and shouted with glee. "El Chapo got out!

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1.The most obvious way that the show American Horror Story demonstrated rebellion is in the way that the show is. its very dark and twisted and it consists of a lot of issues that people are not very open to talking or discussing about.
2. A smaller less obvious way that the show is being rebellious is that younger people are watching it therefore opening their minds up to all sorts of different issues which then spark a conversation up between them and their friends or peers.
3. I think the show is part of a bigger movement, that being, being more open minded about what we see on TV and what shows are allowed to talk about, or be about.

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American Horror Story wouldn't be American Horror Story if it shied away from tackling controversial topics, but the hit FX show has been known to go to lengths that even its staunchest defenders can't deny are a tad extreme. We're now eight seasons into Ryan Murphy and Brad Falchuk's horror anthology series, and in that time we've seen our fair share of sex, violence and murder - quite often all at the same time. There have been countless moments that would have been seen as controversial in other shows, but when it comes to American Horror Story, something has to be pretty messed up to stand out from the week-to-week madness fans have become accustomed to.

Murphy and Falchuk have hit us with a handful of these truly WTF moments over the years, scenes that shocked even the most seasoned gorehounds and made some die-hard fans of the show turn their backs on it for good. From the mirroring of real-life violence to the rape culture that has seemingly become a part of the show's fabric, these are the most controversial American Horror Story moments yet. Be advised that even discussing these scenes can get a little intense.

Murder House's school shooting

Season One of American Horror Story (which was retroactively titled Murder House) was full of the all twisted violence that the show would go on to become infamous for, but there's one moment in the debut season that has always stood out as being particularly shocking. In the episode "Piggy Piggy," we see Tate Langdon (played by AHS stalwart Evan Peters) carrying out a school shooting, gunning down 15 of his fellow students. The on-screen massacre gave many viewers flashbacks to the horrific one that took place at Columbine High School years before.

"It's more than a little tasteless in a 'Hey, this, y'know, actually happened' kind of way," The Atlantic's Richard Lawson said at the time. "Obviously everything on the show if done in real life is insanely terrible, but this particular set piece seemed so deliberately exact. There was a particular event, or events, that they were trying to directly evoke and that's just cruel." There have been several shootings at U.S. high schools since that episode aired. Looking back at "Piggy Piggy" now, does it still have the same impact?

If anything, it's become even more controversial. When Decider's Kayla Cobb looked back at the episode in 2018, she said it was "difficult to deal with as a viewer, particularly when re-watching the episode this year." The fact that Tate's ghost was essentially given a happy ending when he briefly popped up in Apocalypse only added fuel to the flames.

Asylum's retelling of Anne Frank's story

Set in the 1960s, the second season of American Horror Story transported us to the fictional mental institution of Briarcliff Manor. Asylum followed the staff and occupants of Briarcliff, though one occupant in particular had many viewers outraged. In the episode "I Am Anne Frank - Part 1," a woman claiming to be Anne Frank showed up at Briarcliff, which rubbed Rolling Stone writer Halle Kiefer up the wrong way.

"Next time we see her, the woman is writing in her journal in the Briarcliff common room, because she's Anne Frank," Kiefer said after seeing the controversial episode. "Her journal is even named Kitty. Oh lord, Anne Frank was a real person. It just isn't done! Am I being too delicate about this?" Those defending the show argued that this wasn't really Anne Frank, just an ill lady who thought otherwise. This was the angle that Ryan Murphy took when quizzed about the inclusion.

"The Anne Frank thing was always interesting to me because after the war...there were many women who came forward after that diary and said, 'Well I'm the real Anne Frank,' and they were struck down," Murphy told Entertainment Weekly. "Many of them were found to be mentally ill and suffering from schizophrenia." But if this woman wasn't actually Anne Frank, how did she know that Dr. Arden was a Nazi war criminal? The viewer is supposed to leave never really knowing if she was actually Anne Frank.

Coven's rape scene

Rape is a taboo topic in television for obvious reasons, but Murphy and Falchuk have used it as a plot device in American Horror Story on several occasions, the most infamous of which remains the deeply disturbing gang rape that takes place in season 3, Coven. The victim is Madison Montgomery (a Lindsay Lohan sendup played by Emma Roberts), who is attacked by a group of frat boys at a party. The actress revealed that she didn't know a thing about the controversial scene until her script showed up.

"I was like, 'Oh my God, I'm so excited to be on this show, but geez this is heavy right out of the gate,'" Roberts told GQ. "I used to be so terrified of having to do scenes like that. I came onto this show thinking, 'You know what? There's going to be stuff that's twisted. I know there's going to be sex, but I'm just going to go for it because I have to get over it someday.'"

Of all the upsetting scenes in AHS history, this one was particularly difficult to watch because it showed the ordeal from the victim's point of view. It was a controversial moment in itself, but things got worse when it inspired real-life harassment of Roberts online. "It became clear that only harm can come from certain fans enjoying the sinister show when groups of them began cheering on the rape of Madison Montgomery," Bustle reported.

Coven's bestiality

Most seasons of A HS contain more than one controversial moment, but Coven really outdid itself. After the aforementioned rape of Madison Montgomery (who takes revenge by using her powers to flip the bus the frat boys are escaping in), the moment that stands out the most has to be the scene in which Montgomery's fellow witch Queenie (Gabourey Sidibe) has a gross sexual encounter of her own, though she does so of her own accord.

A scene involving a Minotaur sent to exact revenge on racist killer Madame LaLaurie (Kathy Bates) caused much disgust and outrage. The inclusion of Delphine LaLaurie (a real life New Orleans socialite who tortured and murdered her slaves) was a controversy in itself, but the question of whether or not the showrunners were right to use her was put to one side the moment the Minotaur meets Queenie. In an unexpected (even for American Horror Story) twist, she takes pity on the beast and decides to get down and dirty with it.

"Is this the most horrific episode of American Horror Story yet?" the Daily Mail asked. The British tabloid claimed that fans of the show had been "left shocked" by this moment of bestiality, but the one person that was totally cool with it was Sidibe herself. "I knew to say yes and to step out with faith and trust in Ryan and his entire production team," she told Parade. "I took the Minotaur by the horns."

Freak Show's freak show

Not everyone is repulsed by the so-called human oddities that ringmaster Elsa Mars (Jessica Lange) brings to small-town Florida in Freak Show (just ask the housewives paying good money for an " appointment" with Jimmy 'Lobster Boy' Darling), but most people are. Jimmy defends his fellow performers from the bigots they encounter on the show, but they weren't the issue - it was the treatment of the "freaks" by the showrunners that upset many disabled viewers.

In a piece he penned for The Guardian, journalist Howard Sherman asked readers if we should be scared of people who are different. "Some people in show business want you to be: the deeply unsettling ads for American Horror Story: Freak Show are determined to make you associate 'freaks' with something scary and strange," he said. Sherman expressed concern about the word "freak" making a comeback because of shows like AHS.

It could be argued that Freak Show paints an accurate picture of discrimination in the 1950s, but that argument doesn't hold up for Inverse's Caitlin Busch. "The history of 'freak shows' and the mistreatment of the physically disabled and the physically 'different' shouldn't be ignored as it often is, but it also shouldn't be sexualized, wrapped up in a pretty dress, and cranked up to 11 for the amusement of the masses," she said. "That's what Freak Show did to its characters, and it is, to my knowledge, some of the worst ableism on television in the 21st century."

Hotel's Addiction Demon

When Cosmopolitan's Danielle Henderson shared her thoughts on American Horror Story: Hotel, she warned her readers that the fifth season of the show took things to a whole new level. "I rarely do trigger warnings, but since Ryan Murphy insists on jamming his shows full of rape scenes, I have to let you know that the one in AHS: Hotel is more violent than ever before," she said. It wasn't the first AHS rape scene to cause controversy, but it was the most bizarre and brutal one yet.

Henderson took particular issue with a scene in the season premiere in which a heroin user named Gabriel checks into the Hotel Cortez to shoot up and is sodomized by the Addiction Demon, a monstrous entity who owns the world's deadliest sex toy. "To say this scene was disturbing is an understatement-Gabriel goes to this hotel to get high and ends up on his stomach being raped by something wearing a sharp, metal, drill bit-like device."

The Parents Television Council attacked the episode for what it described (via The Hollywood Reporter) as an "unbelievably explicit combination of sex and violence." In a letter to subscribers, president Tim Winter called what he'd seen in the season 5 opener the "most vile and shocking content I've ever seen on TV. Ever. Most Americans have no idea this is primetime fare on advertiser-supported basic cable."

Cult's mass shooting

Murphy and Falchuk got political AHS-style during season 7, parodying the events of the 2016 presidential election in typically brutal fashion. American Horror Story: Cult follows Kai Anderson (Evan Peters), a mentally unstable man who forces his way onto the political landscape using a potent mixture of scare mongering and murderous clowns. The violent cult leader stages a shooting at his own rally to sway public opinion in his favor, a sensitive scene to film at the best of times, but even more so considering it was right after a real-life shooting.

On the night of October 1, 2017, the deadliest mass shooting in modern U.S. history took place in Las Vegas. On October 10, the episode "Mid-Western Assassin" aired, which included the aforementioned killing spree at Anderson's rally. The version of the episode that was shown by FX that night was cut down out of respect, but no matter how many dead people they replaced with shots of the American flag waving in the wind, it was still a highly controversial moment of television, given the timing.

"The need to edit out a moment of violence that now feels all too real is all the more chilling when you consider Cult is acting as a giant metaphor (and some could say, as a giant mirror held up to) the post-election era," AV Club's Molly Horan wrote the same night the controversial episode dropped.

Cult's Lena Dunham performance

Another much-talked-about season 7 moment came by way of Lena Dunham, who is no stranger to controversy. Dunham became the new darling of the indie scene in 2010 when she wrote, directed and starred in Tiny Furniture,and two years later she came to the attention of wider audiences via her HBO show, Girls. She was hailed as a new voice for Millennials, but in recent years people have started to turn against her brash brand of humor. "What was once sold as quirky and individualistic is now attacked as tone-deaf and pampered, a by-product of cushy white privilege," Vanity Fair's James Wolcott said in 2018.

There are only so many times you can say inflammatory things and get away with it, and by the time Dunham appeared on Cult she was already on thin ice. She portrayed Valerie Solanas (the radical feminist who attempted to kill Andy Warhol in 1968) on the show, delivering a line that had her haters up in arms. Solanas claims that women do not rape their daughters, which led numerous Twitter users to point out that Dunham had essentially admitted to sexually assaulting her younger sister.

"Basically, anything a sexual predator might do to woo a small suburban girl, I was trying," she revealed in her memoir (via The Guardian). Dunham admitted to touching her sibling in private places out of curiosity, but she was "dismayed" to learn that critics had been interpreting her actions as abuse.

Apocalypse's Satanic panic

You'd think the coming of the Antichrist would be heralded as good news by the Church of Satan, but the organization isn't at all happy about the most recent season of American Horror Story. Previous seasons collide in Apocalypse, with characters from Murder House and Coven featuring prominently. We are reintroduced to Michael Langdon (Cody Fern), a harbinger of the End of Days fathered by the ghost of high school shooter Tate Langdon back in season one. It's not Michael that the Satanists have a problem with, however - it's the show's portrayal of their church's late founder.

Known to his followers as the Black Pope, Anton LaVey created the Church of Satan in the swinging '60s, using the sexual liberation of the day to his advantage. He attracted celebrities like Jayne Mansfield, Sammy Davis Jr., and even Liberace to his masses. Conspiracy theorists claim that the devil had a hand in Mansfield's fatal car crash in 1967, but there's no evidence to suggest that LaVey (real name Howard Levey) ever killed anyone.

In the show, however, LaVey (played by modern-day doppelganger Carlo Rota) commits a human sacrifice for Langdon. This is just one of the many inaccuracies relating to the Church of Satan, according to its official Twitter account. "Anton LaVey didn't believe in Christ or an Anti-Christ and sacrifice plays no role in Satanism. Lazy writers appropriated his name and image for their Devil worship drivel [which] is unimpressive and boring."

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The Most Controversial American Horror Story Moments

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American Horror Story wouldn't be American Horror Story if it shied away from tackling controversial topics, but the hit FX show has been known to go to lengths that even its staunchest defenders can't deny are a tad extreme. These are the most controversial American Horror Story moments yet.

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1-Georgia O'Keith showed rebellion by painting deserts as signs of life rather than death.
2- another way she showed rebellion was by having a painting sold for $44,405,000, which was more than any other female painter at the time.
3- i do not think she was apart of a bigger movement.

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1. The most obvious way Lin Manuel Miranda demonstrated  rebellion was through his famous play Hamilton and how it explains/shows America being built and put together. After the play, the vice-president of Trump pence was called out by one of the actors of Hamilton and in a respectful way he said how their new administration doesn't protect nor support their "inalienable rights".
2. In less obvious way for showing rebellion is the play itself because he is helping bring people together to see the BIGGER picture.
3. In a way, yes because Lin Manual Miranda has been active for other rebellions as well.

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Mr. Pence made no comment and was photographed smiling as he left the theater. But Mr. Trump, amid meetings on Saturday with possible candidates for White House and cabinet positions, inserted himself into the story with two Twitter posts before 9 a.m.

Our wonderful future V.P. Mike Pence was harassed last night at the theater by the cast of Hamilton, cameras blazing.This should not happen!
- Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) Nov. 19, 2016

The Theater must always be a safe and special place.The cast of Hamilton was very rude last night to a very good man, Mike Pence. Apologize!
- Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) Nov. 19, 2016

Mr. Dixon, who read the statement after playing the nation's third vice president in the show, quickly replied with a post of his own: "@realDonaldTrump conversation is not harassment sir. And I appreciate @mike_pence for stopping to listen."

Mr. Pence had been seated in the center orchestra section, prominently visible to audience members. He appeared engaged throughout the show and applauded after most of its numbers, audience members near him said.

When Mr. Pence entered the Richard Rodgers Theater in Manhattan, he was greeted with a mix of clapping and booing, according to theatergoers who posted on Twitter.

Here's Pence getting booed as he gets to his seats at Hamilton pic.twitter.com/IRQG68x1sB
- David K (@dkipke12) Nov. 19, 2016

I thought LeBron Game 6 in Boston was the most emotionally charged performance until this Hamilton performance with Mike Pence in audience
- Noah Coslov (@NoahCoslov) Nov. 19, 2016

The audience gave a standing ovation during the play at the line, "Immigrants, we get the job done," one theatergoer, Christy Colburn, wrote on Twitter.

She added: "Crowd went NUTS at King George's lines 'when people say they hate you' & 'do you know how hard it is to lead?' He had to stop the song."

The statement that Mr. Dixon read was written by the show's creator, Lin-Manuel Miranda; its director, Thomas Kail; and the lead producer, Jeffrey Seller, with input from cast members, Mr. Seller said.

"We had to ask ourselves, how do we cope with this?" Mr. Seller said. "Our cast could barely go on stage the day after the election. The election was painful and crushing to all of us here. We all struggled with what was the appropriate and respectful and proper response. We are honored that Mr. Pence attended the show, and we had to use this opportunity to express our feelings."

Mr. Seller said that there was some discussion about whether it was appropriate to inject a political statement into the night, and that those involved decided to wait until the end of the performance. He said no cast members had skipped the performance to protest Mr. Pence's appearance.

Mr. Trump has not seen "Hamilton" or inquired about tickets, Mr. Seller said, adding that the president-elect is "welcome to attend."

The show's politics - particularly its celebration of diversity and of the critical role immigrants played in the American Revolution and the early republic - stand in sharp contrast to some of the harsh language about immigrants that Mr. Trump used during the campaign and his focus on appealing to white men with statements about returning America to "the good old days."

His first appointments to his cabinet and other major positions have been dominated by older white conservative men, with relatively few women or minorities under consideration for top-ranking positions at this point.

One of the most acclaimed Broadway musicals in years, "Hamilton" has been especially celebrated by liberals for its resonant, provocative portrayal of America as a nation of immigrants - particularly with its casting of Hispanic or black actors in the roles of Alexander Hamilton, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and other founding fathers.

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'Hamilton' Had Some Unscripted Lines for Pence. Trump Wasn't Happy.

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Mr. Pence made no comment and was photographed smiling as he left the theater. But Mr. Trump, amid meetings on Saturday with possible candidates for White House and cabinet positions, inserted himself into the story with two Twitter posts before 9 a.m.

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1. The most obvious way that Jackie Robinson showed rebellion is because his actions, before Rosa Parks he refused to move seats on a bus until someone escorted him, he also faced discrimination pursuing his dreams playing baseball and created a large protest movement.
2. Less ways that Jackie Robinson showed rebellion is that he refused to follow segregation laws  despite the outcomes.
3. Jackie Robinson was a huge part of the beginning of  the civil rights movement, he is one of the many reasons there is equality in America today.

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Before there was Rosa Parks, there was Jackie Robinson. On July 6, 1944, Robinson-a 25-year army lieutenant-boarded a military bus at Fort Hood, Texas with the light-skinned wife of another black officer and sat down next to her in the middle of the vehicle. "Hey you, sittin' beside that woman," the driver yelled. "Get to the back of the bus." Robinson refused, knowing that buses had been officially desegregated on military bases. When the driver threatened to have him arrested, Robinson shook his finger in the driver's face and told him, "quit fucking with me." Two military policemen soon arrived and escorted Robinson away.

He faced trumped-up charges of insubordination, disturbing the peace, drunkenness, conduct unbecoming an officer, insulting a civilian woman, and refusing to obey the lawful orders of a superior officer. Unlike the routine mistreatment of many black soldiers in the Jim Crow military, Robinson's court-martial trial, on August 2, 1944, triggered news stories in the Negro press and protests by the NAACP. Voting by secret ballot, the nine military judges found Robinson not guilty. By November, he was honorably discharged from the Army.

Describing the ordeal, Robinson later wrote, "It was a small victory, for I had learned that I was in two wars, one against the foreign enemy, the other against prejudice at home."

Had Robinson lost his case and been dishonorably discharged, Brooklyn Dodgers general manager Branch Rickey would not have picked him to break major league baseball's color line. And America would have been deprived of one of its greatest pioneers for racial justice. Indeed, whenever someone is identified as the first person to break a barrier, that individual is typically called that group's Jackie Robinson.

Robinson had a hot temper and little tolerance for bigotry. The grandson of a slave and the son of a sharecropper, Robinson was 14 months old in 1920 when his mother moved her five children from Cairo, Georgia, to Pasadena, a wealthy, conservative Los Angeles suburb. During Robinson's youth, black residents, who represented a small portion of the city's population, were treated as second-class citizens. Blacks were allowed to swim in the municipal pool only on Wednesdays (the day the water was changed) and could use the YMCA only one day a week. Robinson learned at an early age that athletic success did not guarantee social or political acceptance. When his older brother Mack returned from the 1936 Olympics in Berlin with a silver medal in track, he got no hero's welcome. The only job the college-educated Mack would find was as a street sweeper and ditch digger.

Robinson probably avoided a conviction at his court-martial trial because he was already a celebrity. He'd been a star athlete at Pasadena Junior College before enrolling at UCLA, where he became its first four-sport athlete (football, basketball, track, and baseball), twice led basketball's Pacific Coast League in scoring, won the NCAA broad jump championship, and became an All-American football player.

The story of the dismantling of baseball's apartheid system, as portrayed in most films and books, is typically told as a tale of two trailblazers-Robinson, the combative athlete, and Branch Rickey, the shrewd strategist-who battled baseball's, and society's, bigotry. It is true that Rickey had long wanted to hire black players, both for moral reasons and because he believed it would boost ticket sales among the growing number of African Americans who lived in big cities. But Rickey's plan came after more than a decade of efforts by black and left-wing journalists and activists to desegregate the national pastime.

Beginning in the 1930s, the Negro press, civil rights groups, the Communist Party, progressive white activists, left-wing unions, and radical politicians waged a sustained campaign to integrate baseball. They published open letters to baseball owners, polled white managers and players (most of whom said that they had no objections to playing with African Americans), brought black players to unscheduled tryouts at spring training camps, picketed at baseball stadiums in New York and Chicago, gathered signatures on petitions, and kept the issue before the public. Several white journalists for mainstream papers joined the chorus for baseball integration. In 1945, the New York State legislature passed the Quinn-Ives Act, which banned discrimination in hiring, and soon formed a committee to investigate discriminatory hiring practices, including one that focused on baseball. In short order, New York Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia established a Committee on Baseball to push the Yankees, Giants, and Dodgers to sign black players. Left-wing Congressman Vito Marcantonio, who represented Harlem, called for an investigation of baseball's racist practices.

This protest movement-part of a broader postwar movement for civil rights-set the stage for Robinson's entrance into the major leagues in 1947. At the time, America was a deeply segregated nation. The previous year, at least six African-Americans had been lynched in the South. Restrictive covenants were still legal, barring blacks (and Jews) from buying homes in many neighborhoods, not just in the South. Only a handful of blacks were enrolled in the nation's predominantly white colleges and universities. There were only two blacks in Congress. No big city had a black mayor.

Rickey's scouts identified Robinson, who was playing for the Kansas City Monarchs in the Negro Leagues, as a potential barrier breaker. Rickey could have chosen other Negro League players with more talent, experience, or name recognition, such as Satchel Paige or Josh Gibson, but he wanted someone who could be, in today's terms, a role model. He knew that if the experiment failed, it would set back the cause integration for years.

Robinson was young, articulate, and well educated. Although Pasadena was rigidly segregated, Robinson had formed friendships with his white neighbors and classmates in high school and college. Rickey knew Robinson had a hot temper and strong political views, but he believed the young player could handle the emotional pressure and help the Dodgers on the field. Robinson promised Rickey that, for at least his rookie year, he would not respond to the verbal barbs and physical abuse he would face on a daily basis. After his initial year establishing himself, though, Robinson unleashed his temper. He fought constantly with umpires and opposing players.

Robinson spent his major league career (1947 to 1956) with the Brooklyn Dodgers. He was chosen Rookie of the Year in 1947 and Most Valuable Player in 1949. An outstanding base runner, with a .311 lifetime batting average, he led the Dodgers to six pennants and was elected to the Hall of Fame in 1962.

Off the field, he was outspoken-in speeches, interviews, and his regular newspaper column-against racial injustice. He viewed his sports celebrity as a platform from which to challenge American racism. During his playing career, he was constantly criticized for being so frank about race relations in baseball and in society. Many sportswriters and most other players-including some of his fellow black players, content simply to be playing in the majors-considered Robinson too angry and vocal.

His success on the baseball diamond was a symbol of the promise of a racially integrated society. It is difficult today to summon the excitement and fervor that greeted Robinson's achievement. He did more than change the way baseball is played and who plays it. His actions on and off the diamond helped pave the way for America to confront its racial hypocrisy. The dignity with which Robinson handled his encounters with racism among fellow players and fans-and in hotels, restaurants, trains, and other public places-drew public attention to the issue, stirred the consciences of many white Americans, and gave black Americans a tremendous boost of pride and self-confidence. Martin Luther King Jr. once told Dodgers pitcher Don Newcombe, "You'll never know what you and Jackie and Roy [Campanella] did to make it possible to do my job."

Robinson's political views reflected the tensions of Cold War liberalism. In 1949 Rickey orchestrated Robinson's appearance before the House Un-American Activities Committee so that he could publicly criticize Paul Robeson, who had stirred controversy by stating in a Paris speech that American blacks would not fight in a war with Russia. As expected, Robinson challenged Robeson's patriotism. "I and other Americans of many races and faiths have too much invested in our country's welfare for any of us to throw it away for a siren song sung in bass," Robinson said.

But Robinson also seized the opportunity, a decade before the heyday of civil rights activism, to make an impassioned demand for social justice and racial integration. "I'm not fooled because I've had a chance open to very few Negro Americans," Robinson said to Congress. The press focused on Robinson's criticism of Robeson and virtually ignored his denunciation of American racism.

Years later, Robinson said he regretted his remarks about Robeson. "I have grown wiser and closer to the painful truth about America's destructiveness," he acknowledged. "And I do have an increased respect for Paul Robeson, who sacrificed himself, his career, and the wealth and comfort he once enjoyed because, I believe, he was sincerely trying to help his people."

After he retired from baseball, Robinson lent his name and prestige to several business ventures, including a construction company and a black-owned bank in Harlem. He got involved in these business activities primarily to help address the shortage of affordable housing and the persistent redlining (lending discrimination against racial minorities) by white-owned banks. Both the construction company and the Harlem bank later fell on hard times and may have dimmed Robinson's confidence in black capitalism as a strategy for racial advancement and integration.

Nevertheless, Robinson's views led him into several controversial political alliances. In 1960 he initially supported Senator Hubert H. Humphrey's campaign for president, but when John F. Kennedy won the Democratic Party nomination, Robinson shocked his black and liberal fans by endorsing and campaigning for Richard Nixon. He came to regret that support. He later worked as an aide to New York's Governor Nelson Rockefeller, the last of the high-ranking liberal Republicans who supported activist government and civil rights.

Robinson was a constant presence on picket lines and at rallies on behalf of civil rights. He was one of the NAACP's best fundraisers, but he resigned from the organization in 1967, criticizing it for its failure to involve "younger, more progressive voices." In 1968, Robinson publicly supported American track stars John Carlos and Tommie Smith who, standing on their victory stand during the Mexico City Olympic Games, raised their fists during the national anthem to protest U.S. racism.

As he grew older, Robinson became more impatient with the slow progress against racism in sports and society.

In 1952, five years after he had broken baseball's color barrier, only six of major league baseball's 16 teams had a black player. It was not until 1959 that the last holdout, the Boston Red Sox, brought an African American onto its roster.

In the 16 years he lived after his retirement in 1956, Robinson pushed baseball to hire blacks as managers and executives. He refused to participate in a 1969 Old Timers game because he did not yet see "genuine interest in breaking the barriers that deny access to managerial and front office positions." At his final public appearance, throwing the ceremonial first pitch before Game 2 of the 1972 World Series, shortly before he died, Robinson accepted a plaque honoring the 25th anniversary of his MLB debut, then observed: "I'm going to be tremendously more pleased and more proud when I look at that third base coaching line one day and see a black face managing in baseball."

The black players who followed Robinson shattered the stereotype-once widespread among many team owners, sportswriters and white fans-that there weren't many African Americans "qualified" to play at the major-league level. Between 1949 and 1960, black players won eight out of 12 Rookie of the Year awards, and nine out of 12 Most Valuable Player awards in the National League, which was much more integrated than the American League. Many former Negro League players were perennial All-Stars.

But academic studies conducted from the 1960s through the 1990s uncovered persistent discrimination in baseball. They found that teams were likely to favor a weak-hitting white player over a weak-hitting black player as a utility man. And even the best black players had fewer and less lucrative commercial endorsements than their white counterparts.

No major league team had a black manager until Frank Robinson was hired by the Cleveland Indians in 1975. The majors' first black general manager-the Atlanta Braves' Bill Lucas-wasn't hired until 1977. In 2009, 10 of MLB's 30 managers were black or Latino. Last season, that number had dwindled to four. But two of them-Alex Cora of the Red Sox and Dave Roberts of the Dodgers-led their teams into the World Series. Today, only four people of color serve as general managers of baseball's 30 major league teams, accordingto the latest report by The Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sports (TIDES) at the University of Central Florida. Among teams' management-level positions, 22 percent are held by people of color. Arturo Moreno, a Latino who has owned the Los Angeles Angels since 2003, is the only person of color who is the majority owner of an MLB team. Two African Americans-Derek Jeter and Earvin "Magic" Johnson-are part owners of the Miami Marlins and Los Angeles Dodgers, respectively.

According to the TIDES report, in 2017 players of color represented 42.5 percentof Major League rosters. Black athletes represented only 7.7 percentof Major League players-a dramatic decline from the peak of 27 percentin 1975, and less than half the 19percent in1995. Their shrinking proportion is due primarily to the growing number of Latino (31.9 percent) and Asian (1.9 percent) players, including the many foreign-born athletes (29.8 percent)now populating Major League rosters.

There are also sociological and economic reasons for the decline of black ball players. The semi-pro, sandlot and industrial teams that once thrived in black communities, serving as feeders to the Negro Leagues and then the Major Leagues, have disappeared. Basketball and football have replaced baseball as the most popular sports in black communities, where funding for public school baseball teams and neighborhood playgrounds with baseball fields has declined. Major League teams more actively recruit young players from Latin America, who are typically cheaper to hire than black Americans, as Adrian Burgos, in Playing America's Game: Baseball, Latinos, and the Color Line (2007) and Rob Ruck, in Raceball: How the Major Leagues Colonized the Black and Latin Game (2012) document.

In 1997, the 50th anniversary of Robinson's rookie season, Major League Baseball retired his number-42-for all teams. Now, every player on every team wears that number once a year-on April 15, the anniversary of Robinson's first game with the Dodgers. This year MLB, in partnership with the Jackie Robinson Foundation, will sponsor a year-long schedule of activities to honor Robinson, including traveling exhibits, support for youth baseball in inner city neighborhoods, and fundraising efforts to expand the foundation's college scholarship program. The Jackie Robinson Museum is scheduled to open in Manhattan in December.

These commemorations of Robinson's life are needed, especially for younger generations. But these celebrations should also remind us that Robinson did not think that his own success was evidence that America has achieved racial equality.

"I cannot possibly believe," Robinson wrote in his autobiography, I Never Had It Made, published shortly before he died of a heart attack at age 53 in 1972, "that I have it made while so many black brothers and sisters are hungry, inadequately housed, insufficiently clothed, denied their dignity as they live in slums or barely exist on welfare."

Although professional baseball players have generally been conservative and cautious, some MLB athletes-including Curt Flood, Bill Lee, Jim Bouton, Carlos Delgado, and Roberto Clemente-have followed Robinson's example of speaking out on political and social issues. When Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated on April 4, 1968, Clemente and his Pittsburgh Pirates teammates voted to sit out the opening game after Commissioner William Eckert left it to teams to decide whether to play or cancel games scheduled for the day of King's funeral five days later. "We are doing this because we white and black players respect what Dr. King has done for mankind," players said in statement. After players on other teams followed the Pirates' lead, Eckert announced that the season openers would be held the day after King's funeral.

President Donald Trump has inspired a new wave of protest by MLB players. Pitcher Sean Doolittle, outfielder Dexter Fowler, and catcher Bruce Maxwell have spoken out against Trump's hostile rhetoric toward immigrants, African Americans, and Muslims. Houston Astro players Carlos Beltrán and Carlos Correa, both natives of Puerto Rico, skipped the team's visit to the White House last year to celebrate their World Series victory to express their dismay with Trump's recovery efforts after the hurricane devastated the island. Red Sox slugger Mookie Betts, the American League MVP, and Sox third baseman Rafael Devers recently announced that they won't go to the White House with the team in May to celebrate its World Series victory.

Basketball and football players have been much more likely to raise their voices in social protest, perhaps because both sports have much higher proportions of African American players. As yet there are no contemporary baseball counterparts to former NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick, who helped spark a national movement among athletes by refusing to stand for the National Anthem to protest racial injustice, as well as outspoken athletes like NFL defensive end Michael Bennett and NBA stars LeBron James and Stephen Curry. Last year, a large group of NFL Super Bowl champion Philadelphia Eagles players-including most of its black players-said they were skipping the White House victory ceremony with Trump. Trump, in response, withdrew his invitation. In the past two years, the NBA champion Golden State Warrior also refused to join Trump for a White House photo-op. Earlier this month, the Warriors traveled to Washington, D.C., but met with former President Barack Obama instead of Trump.

Robinson would be heartened by the upsurge of activism among professional athletes. His legacy reminds us of the unfinished agenda of the civil rights revolution and of the important role that protest movements play in moving the country closer to its ideals.

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Before there was Rosa Parks, there was Jackie Robinson. On July 6, 1944, Robinson-a 25-year army lieutenant-boarded a military bus at Fort Hood, Texas with the light-skinned wife of another black officer and sat down next to her in the middle of the vehicle. "Hey you, sittin' beside that woman," the driver yelled.

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1.The most obvious way Billie Jean King demonstrated rebellion was when she began to intensely  protest for equal prize money in the men's and women's games.
2. A smaller/less obvious way Billie Jean Demonstrated rebellion, I guess was joining with Gladys Heldman and signing the $1 contract to compete in a series of events organized by Heldman tired of unequal pay and unequal treatment from the sports.
3.Billie Jean king was part of the Women's Equal rights and the LGBTQ community, racial equality and justice.

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Billie Jean King first encountered gender inequality at the age of 12, while participating in a tournament at the Los Angeles Tennis Club.

It was 1955, and Billie Jean was barred from a group photo of junior tennis players because she had decided to wear tennis shorts that day, rather than the tennis skirt traditionally worn by female athletes.

She soon learned that the unequal treatment that female athletes experienced wasn't only relegated to dress code.

A Need for Parity

In the 1960s and 1970s, the tournament payouts for women tennis players were significantly lower than those received by the male players. In 1971, Billie Jean became the first woman athlete to earn over $100,000 in prize money. Yet when she won the U.S. Open in 1972, she received $15,000 less than the men's champion, Ilie Năstase.

Needless to say, this didn't sit well with the young progressive.

Demanding Change

Billie Jean's ascension in the ranks of her sport corresponded with the early years of the women's movement, and the rising star soon learned she could leverage her success and influence to demand change. She said, "Unless I was number 1, I wouldn't be listened to."

She began to campaign relentlessly for equal prize money in the men's and women's games.

Joining eight other women tennis players, Billie Jean signed a $1 contract and joined the Virginia Slims Circuit founded by Gladys Heldman in 1970 to protest against the inequity in prize money. This group of brave women, known as the "Original 9," backed Billie Jean as she formed the Women's Tennis Association and became its first president. Once the tour took off, King worked tirelessly to promote it.

Equal Prize Money at the U.S. Open

In 1973, she lobbied for equal prize money for men and women at the U.S. Open, and as a result of her efforts, a sponsor was found to level the playing field.

As a result of her advocacy, the U.S. Open became the first major tournament to offer equal prize money to both sexes. All four Grand Slams now offer equal prize money to women and men.

Later that same year, the campaign for pay equality gained international attention. Former number 1 ranked tennis player and self-proclaimed chauvinist Bobby Riggs claimed the women's game was inferior to the men's and boasted that he could beat then-29-year-old Billie Jean, even as a 55-year-old man who was 26 years older than she. He challenged Billie Jean to a match and she accepted.

"UNLESS I WAS NUMBER 1, I WOULDN'T BE LISTENED TO."

Billie Jean King

Battle of the Sexes

She felt tremendous pressure to win the match. Title IX, which prohibits sex discrimination in educational institutions that receive federal funding, had passed the previous year, with Billie Jean testifying on Capitol Hill on its behalf, and the women's movement was gaining even more momentum. She trained relentlessly on behalf of all women fighting for equality.

Promoters named it the "Battle of the Sexes" and 90 million people worldwide tuned in on September 20, 1973 to watch Billie Jean defeated Riggs 6-4, 6-3, 6-3.

Her fight for parity didn't stop there.
More on the match

Taking The Lead

She co-founded World TeamTennis, the only professional, co-ed team sports league, in 1974.

In 1974, she co-founded womenSports magazine and started the Women's Sports Foundation, dedicated to creating leaders by providing girls access to sports and to defending Title IX in lawsuits.

In 2014, she founded the Billie Jean King Leadership Initiative, a non-profit dedicated to addressing the critical issues required to achieve diverse, inclusive leadership in the workforce.

In 2024, the BJK Leadership Initiative was renamed to the Billie Jean King Foundation to reflect all of the work accomplished outside of its original focus. The Foundation focuses on the transformative power of sports, education, and activism.

A National Honor

The Presidential Medal of Freedom

President Barack Obama, who had watched the Battle of the Sexes as a 12-year-old, awarded Billie Jean the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the United States' highest civilian honor, on August 12, 2009, for her advocacy work on behalf of women and the LGBTQ community.

She is also the recipient of the 1999 Arthur Ashe Courage Award. Arthur was Billie Jean's dear friend, and both worked tirelessly for gender and racial equality, in support of each other. Billie Jean even sported an afro in her 1975 Wimbledon singles win, to show her allegiance with Arthur in the fight for racial justice.

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Women's Equal Rights in Sports | Billie Jean King

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Billie Jean King has spent her lifetime fighting tirelessly for women's equal rights in sports, parity and inclusive leadership in the workforce, and LGBTQ rights.

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1. The most obvious way Harvey Milk demonstrated rebellion was when he became involved in local politics and ran for public office to fight for sexual equality and the expansion of civil liberties for gays and lesbians because of the discrimination the gay community was going through.
2. A smaller/less obvious way Harvey Milk demonstrated rebellion using his incredible oratory skills to call out people who were against gays and lesbians arguing for equal rights, he was a strong believer in nonviolence, which played heavily into his messaging strategy.
3.Harvey Milk was part of the Gay Rights movement, civil liberties for gays and lesbians.

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In 1977, San Francisco politics was taken by storm when gay rights activist Harvey Milk was elected to the Board of Supervisors. As the first openly gay man elected to public office in the United States, Milk's election was a triumph over anti-gay stereotypes. Milk's ability to mobilize gays and straights alike resulted in the defeat of a statewide proposition to severely limit gays' employment rights. Though Milk was assassinated 11 months after he was elected to office, his legacy of fighting for gay rights has inspired a new generation of civic activists across the United States, fighting for sexual equality and the expansion of civil liberties for gays and lesbians.
Vision and Motivation
In the mid-twentieth century, homosexuals were legally and socially discriminated against in the United States. However, in 1969 during a police raid on a gay bar in New York City, instead of running from the authorities, gays chose to protest their right to visit gay bars. The riots that followed the raid, which became known as the Stonewall Riots, led to the public exposure of police brutality, sparking the first gay rights organization in the U.S., the Gay Liberation Front, which took on a decidedly anti-war, pro-civil rights, anti-establishment identity. It was during this time that America's gays moved to the west coast en masse, and in particular, to San Francisco.

Harvey Milk was an early migrant to San Francisco's tolerant Castro District, where he moved to live openly with his partner. However, even in this "tolerant" area, the gay community faced discrimination from local businesses, as both consumers and employees. Milk became involved in local politics and ran for public office to encourage equality and enhance the lives of working-class San Franciscans and minorities.
Goals and Objectives
From the history of other minority groups in America, Milk knew that the only way to truly achieve equality would be for a gay person to be elected to public office. According to Milk, "There is a major difference - and it remains a vital difference - between a friend and a gay person, a friend in office and a gay person in office...It's not enough anymore just to have friends represent us. No matter how good that friend may be."

After losing his first three campaigns, Milk was elected Supervisor of the city of San Francisco in 1977, and as the first openly gay man elected to public office in the United States, Harvey Milk had already reached a milestone in the fight for gay rights. However, for Milk, winning the election, while monumental, was just the first step in his plan to promote gay rights and equality. Milk sought not only to change the stereotypes that existed about gays, but to also promote a legal framework that supports gays, including the passage of a gay rights bill, and speaking out against a barrage of legislation which would restrict gays' civil and political liberties.
Leadership
Before pioneering the fight for gay rights, Milk led a dual life like most gay men: hiding his sexual identity during the day, then going home to his domestic partner. Once Milk was swept up in the counter-culture of the 1960s and the gay rights liberation movement in 1972, he was surprised that despite the large gay population in San Francisco, immense inequalities still existed. As a small business owner, he aspired to boycott businesses which were discriminatory toward gays. Milk was able to unite the gay community in San Francisco through his charisma and civic mobilization skills. One supporter noted that "Harvey could galvanize people. He was like a lightning rod - he had the electricity in him."

Milk used his incredible oratory skills to call out his opponents, all the while arguing for equal rights. Perhaps the best example of this came during a speech Milk made at the June 1978 Gay Freedom Day Parade, where he declared, "On the Statue of Liberty it says: 'Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to be free...' In the Declaration of Independence, it is written: 'All men are created equal and they are endowed with certain inalienable rights...' And in our National Anthem, it says: 'Oh, say does that Star-Spangled Banner yet wave over the land of the free.' For Mr. Briggs and Mrs. Bryant and all the bigots out there: that's what America is. No matter how hard you try, you cannot erase those words from the Declaration of Independence. No matter how hard you try, you cannot chip those words off the base of the Statue of Liberty and no matter how hard you try, you cannot sing the Star-Spangled Banner without those words. That's what America is. Love it or leave it."

Milk was particularly inspired by gay youth who reached out to him after his election. Milk's campaign for public office gave hope to disenchanted and alienated gay youth, which was a significant motivator to continue fighting for equality. To highlight his underlying drive for equal opportunity, Milk would often reference two gay teenagers who contacted him from Richmond, Minnesota and Altoona, Pennsylvania: "The only thing they have to look forward to is hope. And you have to give them hope. Hope for a better world, hope for a better tomorrow, hope for a better place to come to if the pressures at home are too great...you have to give people hope."
Civic Environment
Throughout the 1950s and '60s, the FBI and local police departments kept files on known gay activists, while the U.S. Postal Service kept track of addresses that received materials pertaining to homosexuality. State and local governments passed laws that shut down bars catering to homosexuals and performed "sweeps" to rid neighborhoods and local hangouts of gay men and women.

Following the Stonewall Riots of 1969, the United States was swept up in a public debate about gay rights. Even though Jimmy Carter had become president in 1976 on a platform that supported human rights, and many states had in place laws that protected gays and lesbians from discrimination, a conservative opposition began to reinforce anti-gay stereotypes. By 1977, an initiative led by celebrity Anita Bryant to repeal a law in Dade County, Florida, prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, passed with an overwhelming majority. The gay rights movement faced similar blows in cities in Minnesota, Kansas and Oregon.
Message and Audience
The only way to end the discrimination against gays in America, for Harvey Milk, was to break the mold and enter local politics. Thus, the gay rights movement launched a grassroots effort to elect Milk to San Francisco's Board of Supervisors; while his first attempts were unsuccessful, Milk gradually began growing a base of support. Reporter John Cloud explained, "Milk had a powerful idea: he would reach downward, not upward, for support. He convinced the growing gay masses of 'Sodom by the Sea' that they could have a role in city leadership, and they turned out to form 'human billboards' for him along major thoroughfares. In doing so, they outed themselves in a way once unthinkable. It was invigorating." Milk reached out to anyone in his district who would listen by canvassing neighborhoods, turning his camera store into an official voter registration post while leading multiple rallies for gay rights.

In November 1978, after Milk took office, he was confronted with a piece of anti-gay legislation known as the Briggs Initiative, or Proposition 6, which would bar gays from teaching in schools. Because the initiative covered the whole state of California, Milk understood that the only way to convince Californians that gays should not be fired simply because of their sexual orientation was for closeted gays to come out. Milk urged gays all over the United States to come out of the closet, even declaring, "If a bullet should enter my brain, let that bullet destroy every closet door." Proposition 6 was defeated by over one million votes on November 7, 1978, with the support of both Ronald Reagan and President Jimmy Carter, heralding a new tolerance for gays nationwide.

Milk was also a strong believer in nonviolence, which played heavily into his messaging strategy. As his nephew Stuart Milk said, his "commitment to nonviolence was at his very core." Milk would use his soap-box and bullhorn, rallying the gay community with the slogan "My name is Harvey Milk and I'm here to recruit you" to march in thousands through the city of San Francisco, but he never let his supporters get out of control. Once elected, Milk left the task of street organization to his grassroots team, who would lead marches to City Hall, where Milk would emerge to calm down the crowd.

While protest rallies and grassroots movements were key tactics in Milk's campaign, at the core of his strategy was improving the lives of his constituents, even if that meant solving the basic problems of urban dwellers. For example, Milk openly acknowledged that "whoever can solve the dogshit problem [in the city] can be elected mayor of San Francisco, even president of the United States." Milk followed his own advice, sponsoring a bill which made dog owners pick up after their pets, and organized a press conference in which he purposely stepped in dog waste to make a point. This simple publicity stunt came to define Milk's career as a politician, not only because he knew how to garner media attention for his cause, but because it represented his desire to solve every day San Franciscans' problems.
Outreach Activities
Milk quickly discovered that his fight for equality was supported by not only gays, but also straight working-class, elderly and minority voters, who represented a significant chunk of the voting population in San Francisco. According to the gay community magazine Advocate, "[Milk] molded the gay community into a united voting bloc, and his populist agenda-which attracted straight families, working-class voters, and senior citizens-gave him a powerful base."

From the start of his political career, Milk sought alliances with local businesses outside the gay community. For example, local workers' unions had attempted to boycott the Coors beer company for years because of it non-union status, while the gay community faced employment discrimination by the company. With Milk's ability to bring the two communities together, a unique coalition successfully removed Coors products from all bars in the Castro district of San Francisco. It was this kind of cooperation that led to Milk's and the gay community's successes; according to gay activist Cleve Jones, a close friend of Milk's, "In each community, he found a handful of people who were willing to invite us into their living rooms and churches to talk. Harvey's reaching out has had an enormous long-term effect on progressive politics and the gay and lesbian community itself. If you look at the photographs of the early days of the gay marches, it's almost entirely white, long-haired youth. Today, the diversity is extraordinary to me."

Unfortunately, Harvey Milk's political career came to a tragic end on November 27, 1978, when he and San Francisco mayor George Moscone were assassinated by Dan White, a disgruntled ex-city supervisor who had demanded his job back after resigning weeks earlier. Despite Milk's passing, his progressive coalition in San Franciscan politics created a legacy of gay tolerance in San Francisco and a model for gay rights advocacy nationwide. The work he did to promote tolerance and equality earned him a posthumous Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009, led Time magazine to name him as one of the most influential people of the 20th century, and led the state of California to name a holiday after him on his birthday, May 22.

In 2008, Milk, a Hollywood film of Milk's life, was released, bringing Milk's voice to the present-day gay movement in the United States. The film was nominated for eight Oscars, winning two for Best Actor and Best Original Screenplay. In his Oscar acceptance speech, screenwriter Dustin Lance Black recounted his own experience with Milk's story: "I heard the story of Harvey Milk, and it gave me hope. It gave me the hope to live my life. It gave me the hope that one day I could live my life openly as who I am..." Despite his tragic death in 1978, Harvey Milk's legacy lives on through the Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy, an alternative school in the Castro district of San Francisco with a strong emphasis on teaching nonviolence and tolerance.

Source: Tavaana

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1. The most obvious way that Megan Oldham demonstrates rebellion is by representing girls in freestyle skiing. The main reason that this is unique is because not a lot of girls are ballsie enough to try freestyle.  Her advanced skills has lead her to placing 2nd in Canadian Cup.
2. She demonstrates a less obvious way of rebellion by trying a left cork 900 tail grab in her ladies slope-style competition. The reason this is a greater example of rebellion is because not a lot of girls try tricks to this extent of difficulty.
3. The bigger movement that she has demonstrated is showing that women can do anything in their desire as long as they put their full effort into achieving their goal and being courage's and confident when entering these types of competitions.
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1) the most obvious way that Sacha Baron Cohen shows rebellion is with his movies where he goes into character and goes up to unsuspecting people to mess with them and to help show peoples true colors which have caused him many lawsuits.
2) his reasons for going undercover like this is to show the world through his movies that people are messed up and goes to show the extremes that exist.
3) with his most recent movie he thinks that he may have influenced more people to go out and vote during the previous election and he wants to prove how messed up people can be.

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1) the most obvious way i think Freddie mercury rebelled was in the "i want to break free" music video where he cross dressed which wasn't widely accepted at the time it was put out.
2)Freddie mercury repeatedly broke gender norms and rebelled against what was socially accepted at the time.
3) i think that him doing this could have influenced others to break out of their shell and try new things and he could've lead the way to accepting new things and things that aren't the "norm".

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1)Damien Hirst a famous artist was a rebellion by his painting of dead animals and trying to show the beauty of that animal.
2) the smaller way could be in the simpler art he did and not to extreme with the huge projects he did.
3)He was a bigger movement by inspiring more and more artist to make new things and admire the beauty of nature in its pure form.

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Damien Steven Hirst (; né Brennan; born 7 June 1965) is an English artist and art collector. He is one of the Young British Artists (YBAs) who dominated the art scene in the UK during the 1990s. He is reportedly the United Kingdom's richest living artist, with his wealth estimated at US$384 million in the 2020 Sunday Times Rich List. During the 1990s his career was closely linked with the collector Charles Saatchi, but increasing frictions came to a head in 2003 and the relationship ended.

Death is a central theme in Hirst's works. He became famous for a series of artworks in which dead animals (including a shark, a sheep, and a cow) are preserved, sometimes having been dissected, in formaldehyde. The best-known of these was The Physical Impossibility of Death in the Mind of Someone Living, a 14-foot (4.3 m) tiger shark immersed in formaldehyde in a clear display case. He has also made "spin paintings", created on a spinning circular surface, and "spot paintings", which are rows of randomly coloured circles created by his assistants.

In September 2008, Hirst made an unprecedented move for a living artist by selling a complete show, Beautiful Inside My Head Forever, at Sotheby's by auction and bypassing his long-standing galleries. The auction raised £111 million ($198 million), breaking the record for a one-artist auction as well as Hirst's own record with £10.3 million for The Golden Calf, an animal with 18-carat gold horns and hooves, preserved in formaldehyde.

Since 1999, Hirst's works have been challenged and contested as plagiarised 16 times. In one instance, after his sculpture Hymn was found to be closely based on a child's toy, legal proceedings led to an out-of-court settlement.

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Artist page for Damien Hirst (born 1965)