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Video on the Brafferton Indian School at William & Mary

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Video on the Brafferton Indian School at William & Mary

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The Brafferton Indian School: Indigenous Agency Past, Present, and Future

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Edpuzzle video lesson. Make any video your lesson. Take a video and crop it, add your voice or embed questions at any point.

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America the Story of Us: Life in Jamestown | History

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"A good house and apartments for the Indian master and his scholars."

Completed in 1723, the Brafferton building, a Georgian structure that originally housed Indigenous grammar school students and their teacher or "master," remains a key structure on William & Mary's historic campus. Beyond its architectural grandeur the building is a testament to an eighteenth-century history of Indigenous and British colonial interactions on a contested colonial landscape. The building's prominence speaks to the importance of developing and maintaining ties to the vibrant Native communities which were so vital to European colonial powers.

The establishment of an "Indian School" was interwoven into the text of the college's founding document. The 1693 Royal Charter for the College of William & Mary points to the close ties between the Church of England and civic structures, "that the Christian faith may be propagated amongst the Western Indians, to the glory of Almighty God..." The 1727 Statutes of William & Mary reaffirmed the College's commitment to Native education, to "teach the Indian boys to read, and write, and vulgar Arithmetick ... to teach them thoroughly the Catechism and the Principles of the Christian Religion." All Native and non-Native boys adhered to this curriculum.

The Indian School at William & Mary took its name from the Brafferton Estate, an agricultural manor in Yorkshire, England. Purchased by the executors of the scientist Robert Boyle, rents from the leased farmlands of the Brafferton Estate were used to support the Native students at William & Mary's Brafferton Indian School. An additional £90 were sent annually to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England (SPGNE), a British missionary organization. For several decades in the eighteenth-century rents from the Brafferton Estate were shared among Harvard Indian College, William & Mary, and later, Dartmouth College under the auspices of the SPGNE.

Prior to 1723, Native students both studied and lodged in the main college building, now known as the Wren Building, another of the prominent structures on William & Mary's historic campus. A major fire devastated the Wren in 1705, and as a result during the next decade all students, Native and non-Native, were taught and housed in auxiliary facilities within the town of Williamsburg. The college building was rebuilt and reopened to students in 1716. While there may have been separate rooms for Indian and White residential quarters, the combined student body was served the same table fare, suggesting that dining may have been integrated. Students' provisions included bread, "Butcher meat," butter, cheese, "flower," "Hops & Fish," molasses, oysters, pork, sugar, venison, vinegar, wheat, and wine. Indian and White students were, at times, educated in the same classroom space. One schoolmaster requested a moveable partition "to separate the sd English children from the Indians" during differing classroom instruction.

Professor of Mathematics Hugh Jones offered in 1724 that the newly constructed Brafferton building was "a good House and Apartments for the Indian Master and his Scholars." Architectural research on the Brafferton building indicates the new structure had two main floors divided by a wide center hall. To the west, there was a single large room, likely used as a classroom. To the east, were two smaller rooms providing an apartment for the "Indian Master," or Instructor of the Indian students. The young scholars slept in dormitories on the second floor and took meals with the rest of William & Mary in the great hall of the Wren Building.

When builder Henry Cary, Jr. constructed the President's House in 1732, the Brafferton Building received a renovation using the "considerable sum in [the] bank" from the "Revenue of the College settled by Mr. Boyle." Some Indigenous students' living spaces were moved to the third floor, which received plastering and the addition of dormers. Half of the second floor was outfitted with wood paneling and bookshelves and thereafter acted as a school-wide library, used by all students and members of the faculty. A portrait of the Honorable Robert Boyle may have hung in this refined space, donated to the College in 1732 by the sitter's nephew, Richard Boyle, the Third Earl of Burlington. Living quarters were maintained on the second floor, in the double-room eastern portion of the building. The use of this apartment may have changed over time, such as lodging for guests or older Native students, or as a drawing room. Researchers have suggested that former governor Alexander Spotswood likely resided on the second floor in 1740. That same year, Spotswood donated books to the adjacent "well-varied library," as well as drafted and signed his will at the "Brafferton house," a legal act that probably took place in the more formal library space. John Blair, nephew of Reverend James Blair, wrote in 1751 that he enjoyed "a Fine Entertt of music at the Braffertn," which also may have taken place in the drawing room or library.

During the American Revolution, the monies from the Brafferton Estate in Yorkshire, England were withheld and the Brafferton Indian School, like the college itself, shut down. In 1790, the university brought a lawsuit to reinstate the rental funds from the Brafferton Estate. The London court ruled against the William & Mary and the Indian School was permanently closed, ending what was arguably the most impactful Native school in British colonial America.

With the closure of the Indian School the building was repurposed multiple times as a dining hall, faculty residence, dormitory, and classroom building. During the 1950s and '60s, the Alumni Society offices and activities were located in the building and at times special guests visiting campus were provided guest rooms in the storied structure.

At present the offices of the president and Provost of the university are located within the Brafferton's stately edifice. Despite changes in function, the Brafferton building stands as a reminder of its original purpose to educate Native youth in Virginia. In 2023, the university will commemorate the three hundredth anniversary of the opening of the Brafferton building on its historic campus. With the approaching anniversary, the university has embarked upon a reengagement with the Indian School's deep history, and the colonial school's role in the complex trans-Atlantic World of the eighteenth-century. Embracing a commitment to building sustainable and ongoing relations with the Brafferton-linked tribal communities, and beyond, numerous civically engaged partnerships are underway involving cross-disciplinary scholarship and applied research.

Further Reading

Chappell, Edward A. "The Brafferton Indian School in its Physical and Imperial Contexts." In Building the Brafferton : the Founding, Funding, and Legacy of America's Indian School, edited by Danielle Moretti-Langholtz and Buck Woodard, 151-160. Williamsburg, Va: Muscarelle Museum of Art, 2019.

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"A good house and apartments for the Indian master and his scholars." Completed in 1723, the Brafferton building, a Georgian structure that originally housed Indigenous grammar school students and their teacher or "master," remains a key structure on William & Mary's historic campus.

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The fur trade was a thriving industry in North America from the 16th through 19th centuries. When Europeans first settled in North America, they traded with Indigenous peoples (known in different places as First Nations, Native Americans, or American Indians). The Indigenous people often gave the settlers animal furs in exchange for weapons, metal goods, and other supplies. The settlers then sold many of the furs back to Europe, where they were worth a fortune. For centuries wealthy European men and women had worn beaver, fox, mink, and other types of furs made up into costly robes, coats, and hats and as trimming on other garments.

All the early settlers in America, whether they came to seek fortune, religious freedom, escape from the law, or mere adventure, had soon come to depend upon fur garments as protection against the cold winters of the New World. They also had learned much from Indigenous people about dressing the various furs. It was not the farmers of New England who originated the great fur trade but the woodsmen of New France ( see colonization of the Americas).

As New France spread westward from Quebec to the Great Lakes, adventure-loving Frenchmen, quick to learn and adopt Indigenous ways, pushed out more and more boldly into the wilderness in search of skins. In New France furs were the chief export and the only product worth taxing. The French king saw his opportunity for gathering revenue and forbade anyone to trap without a license, though many did so and bought immunity with their wealth. The trapper also had to pay the value of one fourth his furs as crown tax to the king.

Some 40 years after Henry Hudson was betrayed by mutineers in icy, unknown Hudson Bay, there lived in the town of Three Rivers in New France a boy named Pierre Esprit de Radisson. He went out to hunt one May night in 1652 when he was 15 or 16 years old. Some Mohawk crept up and killed his three companions, among them his sister's husband. Taken captive, the boy remained with them for two years.

At last Radisson escaped. He fled to the Dutch settlement at the present site of Albany, N. Y., and then returned home. By then, he had learned Indigenous ways and speech and Indigenous skills of how to live in the dangers and privations of the wilderness. His early adventures had trained him for the remarkable role he was to play in the unknown New World.

On his return to Three Rivers, he found his widowed sister had married Médart Chouart, sieur de Groseilliers, a man as clever in woodcraft as Radisson himself. In April 1659 some Algonquin were about to return home from Ottawa with 30 Frenchmen and two Jesuits who wished to explore the unknown land of the forests. Radisson and Groseilliers applied to the French governor at Quebec for a license to trap in the Pays d'en Haut, the Up Country, as all the land west of the Great Lakes was vaguely called.

Their request was refused. The merchants of Three Rivers, however, knew that these two young men could speak the language of the Huron, Algonquin, and Erie peoples. They secretly supplied the pair of adventurers with goods for trade. The two set out with the party of Algonquin and whites and were attacked by Iroquois. All the white men but Radisson and Groseilliers were frightened and turned back. These two pushed onward. They hired Indigenous guides. With guns and bullets and finery they bought furs and more furs from Indigenous people. While Radisson explored, Groseilliers stayed in their camp and traded for furs.

Talk among Indigenous people of a great river aroused Radisson's curiosity. On he went across Wisconsin to Minnesota, where he reached the Mississippi. He was the first white man to see its northern part and to meet the Sioux, Illinois, and Missouri peoples. Not only did Radisson make this enormously difficult journey to the Mississippi, but he also went overland, through woods and over prairies, from Lake Superior to Hudson Bay. On James Bay, at the southern end of Hudson Bay, he found "old forts all battered with bullets," which may have been the forts set up there by Henry Hudson during the bitter winter that caused his crew to mutiny.

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Morris K. Jesup Fund, 1933, (33.61), www.metmuseum.org

After all this wandering in the wilds, where most Europeans would not have dared to venture, Radisson and Groseilliers came back to Three Rivers with the largest flotilla of Indigenous canoes ever seen on the St. Lawrence. The canoes held a fabulous fortune in furs, worth some $115,000.

It was a great sum in those days. New France was on the verge of bankruptcy. The two explorers had the sanction of neither church nor governor in their expedition. Using this as an excuse, the monopolists of Quebec seized the furs and deprived the pair of most of their wealth. Only $20,000 was left to Radisson and Groseilliers.

After vain appeals to the French court, they tried to recover their fortunes in various ways and shortly involved themselves in a lawsuit in Boston over the loss of a hired vessel. In Boston, however, they met Sir George Carteret (Cartwright), one of the English commissioners sent to take over the Dutch colonies for England. Possessing a keenness for business, he quickly saw the riches to be gained through these explorers. He invited them to go back to England with him and tell their tale to King Charles II. While at sea they were taken prisoners by the Dutch. The two adventurers dropped all Radisson's precious notes of his travels into the sea. When they reached England, they could offer King Charles only a word-of-mouth, unprovable, wild story of the opportunities beyond the sea.

The fascinating, almost incredible tale of the two Frenchmen, however, appealed to King Charles and to his cousin Prince Rupert, duke of Bavaria, who had shared Charles's exile in France. Both could talk in French with the two adventurers, and they honored them at court festivals. The explorers became known to the English as Mr. Radisson and Mr. Gooseberry, since the name "Groseilliers" in French means gooseberry bushes.

Although Charles and Prince Rupert were short of funds, their courtiers were delighted with the adventure of fur trading. They organized "The Governor and Company of Adventurers of England, trading into Hudson's Bay." One of the "adventurers" was Lady Margaret Drax. The buying of goods to be used in bartering for furs now began. By 1668, though the two Frenchmen had been in London nearly three years, the king had obtained only two rickety ships, the Eaglet and the Nonsuch, for the trip to Hudson Bay. Radisson's ship, the Eaglet, was driven back, but Groseilliers's returned to the "old forts all battered with bullets." There he set up a Fort Charles for trade on a stream he called the Rupert River.

When Groseilliers returned in the autumn of 1669, his ship was loaded with soft, deep, silky furs. The Gentlemen Adventurers celebrated his arrival with toasts to Mr. Gooseberry and a feast of "roasted pullets" at the Tun Tavern, their favorite rendezvous. The furs meant huge profits for the company. English royalty gloried in ermine for their robes. Rich men desired lynx skins for their bedcovering and beaver for their hats. No elegant costume was considered complete without a beaver hat.

Taking advantage of their great success, the Gentlemen Adventurers at once applied for a royal charter of exclusive monopoly covering the regions draining into Hudson Bay. The charter was granted them in May 1670. The company had power to govern, to exclude or admit settlers, and to make war.

As the fur trade grew, the beaver skin became the unit of measure. A beaver skin was "coin of the realm" until as late as 1820. For one beaver skin the trapper could buy a half pound of beads, a kettle, 1 pound of shot, 5 pounds of sugar, 1 pound of tobacco, two awls, 12 buttons, or 20 fishhooks. For six skins he could get a blanket. For 12 skins he received a gun, and for four skins a pistol.

On the thrones of France and England in these early years were two of the wiliest, shiftiest monarchs in history, Louis XIV and Charles II. Openly friendly, the two nations were secretly trying to outwit each other, particularly in the New World. The unfortunate Radisson, honest and upright himself, was buffeted between these scheming kings. Sometimes he went over to the French in rage at English deceits. At other times he patched up his differences with the English in the hope that the owners of the Hudson's Bay Company would give him justice.

Much conniving went on between the French and English fur traders while France and England kept up the war for mastery in America. The fur struggle and the land struggle continued between the two nations until 1763, when France ceded Canada to England. With Canada in English hands, the troubles of the Hudson's Bay Company might have been over. Yet the most bitter and bloody fighting of its history lay ahead as new rivals appeared on the scene.

Roving the wild Up Country were some 2,000 coureurs de bois and voyageurs of the old French fur trade. The coureurs de bois, meaning "wood runners," were men who had learned Indigenous ways and trails and set out with canoes full of goods to trade for furs. The voyageurs, meaning "travelers," were experts in knowledge of waterways, in shooting the rapids, and in portaging heavy loads. They hired out to merchants or to anyone traveling in the wilderness. In later years the two terms were used almost interchangeably, as the coureurs ceased to trade on their own and served chiefly as voyageurs. These men knew every stick and stone from Quebec to the Rockies. They were left at loose ends when Canada came under British rule. As they drifted back to Quebec and Montreal, they found canny Scottish merchants, ready with fur-trading proposals and goods.

These merchants were now unhampered by the necessity of getting a license from a French governor. There were the McGillivrays, McTavishes, Mackenzies, MacLeods, and MacGregors, small merchants or peddlers who in 20 years had built up vast fortunes. The Scots pooled their interests. In 1783 they organized the North West Company ("the Nor'westers"). Many were unscrupulous and cruel.

Among the intrepid leaders of the Nor'westers were such men as Sir Alexander Mackenzie, the discoverer of the Mackenzie River; Simon Fraser, the discoverer of the Fraser River; and David Thompson, who found the way down the Columbia south of what is now the Canadian border. The Nor'westers paralleled every fort built by the Hudson's Bay Company.

Then followed a period of lawlessness in the fur trade of North America. It lasted from about 1789 to 1821. It was in a no man's land beyond the reach of law. Trappers and traders swarmed over the whole Northwest, and in vain did the Hudson's Bay Company claim that it had sole rights in its domain. The company was powerless.

All the traders played a game of enticing the Indigenous trappers from each other. At the same time the people of the United States, pouring into the West, began to take more active interest in the fur trade. A shrewd German-American named John Jacob Astor, who had begun as a peddler dealing in trinkets to barter for furs, saw that the Hudson's Bay Company and the Nor'westers were undergoing heavy losses in their strife. He had organized the American Fur Company and amassed a fortune. He went up to Montreal shortly before the War of 1812. There he sought to ally the Nor'westers with his company and end the rivalry with the Hudson's Bay Company. The Nor'westers laughed at him. There were, however, a number of dissatisfied Nor'westers whom he engaged for his new Pacific Fur Company. This organization planned to send ships around Cape Horn and up to Alaska. It hoped to establish a powerful fort, Astoria, at the mouth of the Columbia, in defiance of all rivals.

Not lack of pluck but lack of luck brought disaster to Astor's enterprises, as in the tragic voyage of the Tonquin, made famous by Washington Irving. The Tonquin set out from New York in September 1810. Its captain, Jonathan Thorn, loathed his passengers. He entered the mouth of the Columbia in March 1811 and landed the most troublesome of the Nor'westers, who proceeded to squabble about the building of the new Fort Astoria. Thorn then sailed on. He became more and more nettled by the rough Nor'westers. Contrary to their advice, he allowed several canoes of Nootka people to come aboard off the west coast of Vancouver Island. The Nootka traded their furs for knives and guns. Then an armed struggle broke out, and the vessel was blown up.

This was only the first of the mishaps to Astor's plans. Meanwhile other American companies had been springing up. Manuel Lisa, a New Orleans Spaniard, began to trade for furs with the Osage people around St. Louis. It was he who organized the Missouri Fur Company and so began the leadership of St. Louis in the fur trade. His men traded in the country of the Blackfeet, near the Three Forks of the Missouri. When Lisa died, in 1820, his men flocked to another organization, later known as "the Rocky Mountain Men." It was noted for treachery.

During the War of 1812, between the United States and Great Britain, a British gunboat easily captured Fort Astoria. The ex-Nor'westers, who were in charge of the fort, had no heart in a fight against the British. Astor continued to finance American companies from St. Louis. These companies later split up into American brigades that gave the Hudson's Bay brigades many losing seasons in the Rockies.

In 1816, with the War of 1812 over and a peace treaty signed, the United States Congress ordered all foreign traders off American soil. The Nor'westers' posts in the United States fell to Astor's American Fur Company. The Nor'westers had previously received another blow from the Hudson's Bay Company. Thomas Douglas, Lord Selkirk, who had large holdings in Hudson's Bay, had established a colony of Scottish settlers on the Red River to buy crops for inland company forts. The Nor'westers resented the settlers. When their rangers caught the Hudson's Bay governor of Fort Douglas (now in Winnipeg), they massacred him and his company.

Selkirk distrusted the Canadian courts. He therefore marched a company of Swiss soldiers up to the Nor'westers' stronghold, Fort William, on Lake Superior, and captured it. He then sent more Swiss back to Fort Douglas and recaptured it. Such proceedings were too much like a civil war for the British government to ignore. The government of Canada, through a hint from Great Britain, notified the Nor'westers and the Hudson's Bay Company that unless they settled their differences they might have their charters rescinded. So the two great rivals became the united Hudson's Bay Company.

In the United States the stream of settlers and trappers pouring into the West had become a flood by 1831. Astor placed Kenneth MacKenzie, an old Nor'wester who resented the union with Hudson's Bay, in charge of Fort Union at the mouth of the Yellowstone. Gradually the country became too tame for the great fur trade of the past. Fort Union passed into the hands of federal troops, and the trappers of the Rocky Mountain regions grew fewer and fewer. The trade did not disappear from the West for some decades, but the main focus of it shifted far to the northwest after the purchase of Alaska in 1867.

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The fur trade was a thriving industry in North America from the 16th through 19th centuries. When Europeans first settled in North America, they traded with Indigenous...

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Hands-on History #7: Beaver Pelts and the Fur Trade