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This portfolio is going to take a look at five different ethnics in Malaysia which differs in terms of cultural background. For such, this study is going to focus more on the subject of religion - which is the biggest factor in influencing their customs and traditions.

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The Kristang are a creole Eurasian ethnic group of people - mixed Portuguese and Malaccan descent based in Malaysia and Singapore.

Many people of this ethnicity also have Chinese, Indian and other Asian heritage due to intermarriage

The creole group arose in Malacca after the Portugese came to Malaysia in 1511 and made Malacca their base.

Today the government classifies them as Portuguese Eurasians or "Serani" (Malay).

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Just to start off my Blog, I would like to give a brief introduction about the Kristang History, especially in Malaysia.

The Kristang are a creole Eurasian ethnic group of people of mixed Portuguese and Malaccan descent based in Malaysia and Singapore. Many people of this ethnicity also have Chinese, Indian and other Asian heritage due to intermarriage, which was common among the Kristang. The creole group arose in Malacca (Malaysia) after the Portugese came to Malaysia in 1511 and made Malacca their base. Some descendants speak a distinctive Kristang language, a creole based on Portuguese. Today the government classifies them as Portuguese Eurasians or "Serani" (Malay).

Papiá Kristang ("Christian language"), or just Kristang, is the creole language that is spoken by the Kristang people. The language is also called Cristão or Cristan ("Christian"), Português de Malacca ("Malacca Portuguese"), or simply Papiá. The language still has a few thousand (approximately 5,000) speakers in Malacca and a few hundred (400) in Singapore. About 80% of the older Kristang in Malacca regularly speak it, where the "Portugese Settlement" (in Ujong Pasir, Malacca) is situated. Due to migration by the younger generation of Kristang, many have moved to the other states in Malaysia.

Kristang is also spoken by some immigrants and their descendants in the United Kingdom, where some settled after independence, and also in Australia. In particular the city of Perth, Western Australia, which is a popular destination for retirees from this community.

The Kristang language had a substantial influence on Macanese. Macau Creole is a creole language derived mainly from Malay, Sinhalese, Cantonese, and Portuguese, which was originally spoken by the Macanese community of the Portuguese colony of Macau, due to substantial migration from Malacca after its takeover by the Dutch

Even after Portugal lost Malacca and almost all contact in 1641, the Kristang community largely preserved its language. The language is not taught at school, although there are still some Church services in Portuguese, made up of elements of Portugese & Malay. Furthermore, the Malay language, or Bahasa Malaysia, as it is now called in Malaysia, has changed to incorporate many Kristang words. For example, garfu is Kristang for "fork" and almari is Kristang for "cupboard"; the Malay language incorporated these Kristang words whole.

The Kristang language originated after the conquest of Malacca (Malaysia) in 1511 by the Portuguese. Thus, scholars believe the Kristang community originated in part from liaisons and marriages between Portuguese men (sailors, soldiers, traders, etc.) and local native women. The men came to Malacca during the age of Portuguese explorations, and in the early colonial years, Portuguese women did not settle in the colony. Portuguese men married mostly women of Malay ethnicity, but also those of Chinese or Indian descent. Today intermarriage occurs more frequently between Kristang and people of Chinese and Indian ethnicity rather than Malay because of endogamous religious laws. These require non-Muslims intending to marry Malay Muslims or Indian Muslims first to convert to Islam. Eurasians are not always willing to alter their religious and cultural identity in this way. In earlier centuries, Portuguese and local Malays were able to marry without such conversions, because such religious laws did not exist.

It is wrong to use the name "Kristang" for other people of mixed European and Asian descent presently living in Malaysia and Singapore (this is a common mistake). This includes people of Portuguese descent who were not part of the historical Kristang community, and people with other European ancestry, such as Dutch or British, who also colonized southeast Asia at one time (after the Portugese came).

The name comes from the Portuguese creole kristang (Christian), derived from the Portuguese cristão. A derogatory term for the Portuguese-Malaccan community is Gragok (slang term for Portuguese geragau or shrimp, referring to the fact that the Portuguese Malaccans were traditionally shrimp fishermen). The community historically called themselves gente Kristang (Christian people).

This article is licenced under the GNU Free DocumentationLicence. It uses material from the Wikipedia article Kristang people.

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The Amazing Kristang People - a short history

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Just to start off my Blog, I would like to give a brief introduction about the Kristang History, especially in Malaysia. The Kristang are a creole Eurasian ethnic group of people of mixed Portuguese and Malaccan descent based in Malaysia and Singapore.

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This video captures the ethnic's community in Malacca

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This video briefs about the ethnic's language, traditions and customs through interview with the locals.

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Melaka Kristang, aside from the popular culture

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In general the Kristang practice Roman Catholicism, since Kristang people originated from Europe country where the Christianity was the major religion at that time.

However, after some time, more people started to convert to other religion (for example, Islam) because of the intermarriage with local people.

A research shows that about 10% of the Kristang people practice Islam today while the other 90% stays with their old initial religion.

Below is the research that was found:

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KRISTANG'S CELEBRATIONS RELATION TO RELIGION

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KRISTANG'S CELEBRATIONS RELATION TO RELIGION

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Like many other Portuguese-speaking Catholic communities around the world, the Kristang also celebrate the same festivals as them.
~Christmas is the most festive occasion of the year, when many Kristang families get together to celebrate by eating seasonal dishes, singing carols and branyok, and revelling in saudadi
( thinking back on situations of privation due to the absence of someone or something)
~a string of major Saints' days at the end of June, beginning with St. John (San Juang) on 24 June and closing with St. Peter (San Pedro), the fishermen's patron saint, on 29 June.
~The June festival of St. John's village is a major tourist attraction of Malacca.
Tourists come to observe the festivities, which are religiously based.

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The San Pedro festival that is related to Christianity

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>The term Peranakan generally refers to people of mixed Chinese and Malay/Indonesian heritage.
Baba is an honorific term for a Peranakan male. Nyonya is term given to a Peranakan female.

>Many Peranakans trace their origins to 15th-century in Malacca where their ancestors were thought to be Chinese traders who married local women.

>However, as the exact origin is hard to pin down, some folklores propose that Peranakan roots in Malaya began through a marriage between a princess from China and a local prince - who was believed to be Ming Princess Hang Li Po and Sultan Mansur Shah.

>The beginnings of the Peranakan-Chinese in South East Asia date back to the 12th Century where there were a lot of migration and travel going on way back then. The Southern Chinese merchants had actively engaged in trade more than 2000 years ago, but the first permanent settlements in cities on the isle of Java and the Malay Peninsula were not established until the 13th Century.

>Nevertheless, not all Peranakans are of Chinese ancestry. ⁵ In the Straits Settlements, there was a small but significant community of Peranakan Indians known as Chitty Melaka. The origins of the Peranakan Indians were said to have evolved around the same time as the Peranakan Chinese when Tamil merchants began marrying local women. The Jawi Peranakan community was another notable Peranakan group of non-Chinese descent comprising Straits-born Muslims of mixed Indian (especially Tamil) and Malay parentage.

>But, today, the term 'Peranakan' is often referred to the Chinese group rather than the others - which is more popular as 'Baba and Nyonya'.

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From as early as the 16th Century, when migrants travelled from their home country to Malaya, some began to adopt the local culture and inter-married with the locals. Indeed, there are many tales that attempt to trace the origins and identity of this unique hybrid culture termed Peranakan.

Some folklores suggest that Peranakan roots in Malaya began with a princess from China who married a local prince. Historically however the term Peranakan was used to refer to a number of different ethnic and cultural groups in Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore. The root word for Peranakan comes from the Malay and Indonesian word 'anak', or child, referring to locally born descendants.

Besides the Straits Chinese Peranakans, there are also the Peranakan Jawi, Peranakan Dutch, Peranakan Serani and Peranakan Chitty.

The beginnings of the Peranakan-Chinese in South East Asia date back to the 12th Century. Many Southern Chinese merchants had actively engaged in trade more than 2000 years ago, but the first permanent settlements in cities on the isle of Java and the Malay Peninsula were not established until the 13th Century.

This identity within the Chinese community began to form when Chinese traders intermarried with local women and adopted South East Asian social practices and the local language. The Peranakan Chinese have picked up many nicknames over the years: from being honored as 'the Kings Chinese' during colonial times, to more recent times being called orang cina bukan cina (Chinese people who are not Chinese), they have indeed garnered quite a reputation!

The term Baba is an honorific term for a Peranakan male. Strictly speaking a Peranakan-Chinese Baba is a descendant of a Chinese who has had long residence in the Straits, as opposed to the local-born children of nineteenth century Chinese immigrants. Nyonya is term given to a Peranakan female.

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Peranakans - Baba & Nyonya Heritage Museum

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From as early as the 16th Century, when migrants travelled from their home country to Malaya, some began to adopt the local culture and inter-married with the locals. Indeed, there are many tales that attempt to trace the origins and identity of this unique hybrid culture termed Peranakan.

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What are the correlations between religions and customs? How do one's faith can affect their traditions and daily practice?

We have to admit that religion is actually a big influence to us. It determines our identity and behavior, as well as develops our customs and traditions.

Using five particular ethnics from all around Malaysia, I will show you how a religion can allow them to display their unique and peculiar identities.

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Through this video, I discovered that the Peranakan Chinese started as a group of traders who travel to Melaka due to its popularity as the international trading port.

They were ought to stay there for six months - BUT were not allowed to bring their wives or family. As it was hard to run a business by themselves, they sought help from local people as assistants. Eventually, they married the local women and lots more of intermarriage happened from there.

I also learn that after a long time staying in Malaysia, the process of assimilation took place between Baba & Nyonya and the Malay, for example in:
*Language
*Food
*Clothing
*Customs, and more.

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0:00 / 26:07•Watch full video

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Peranakans generally subscribed to the Chinese beliefs system such as Taoism, Confucianism, Buddhism and ancestor worship.

This ethnic's people, especially the older generation, observe traditional Chinese religious beliefs and rituals. They worship ancestors and pray to Chinese deities. In general, their religious beliefs and practices are similar to other Malaysian Chinese, although there are relatively more Baba who worship at the graves of Muslim saints called Keramat.

But, there are small group of this ethnic that converted to Christianity due to the interactions with British during the British colonization.

FUN-FACT!
Baba & Nyonya in Penang and Melaka adhere ancestral worship while in Singapore, most of them are Christians.

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Just like other Chinese who practices Chinese beliefs, they celebrate Chinese festivals like the Lunar Chinese New Year and Moon Cake festival on a large scale.

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The Moon Cake Festival celebrated by Baba and Nyonya community.

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Iban. The largest of Sarawak's ethnic group.

The Iban community can be found mostly in Sarawak, some in Sabah and another few in west Malaysia. These ethnic was believed to be feared by others as they were known for their headhunting skills and barbaric colonization.

Also, the Ibanese were also formerly known as Sea Dayaks during British colonial era as they expanded their territory throughout the coast by fighting with other tribes.

According to this article, there are limited information about how the Iban people before the middle of 19th century - the British colonial era - but it is believed that they were originated from Indonesia.

Even the emergence of the name of Iban is also a mystery. Still, there are theories floating around. One of them suggested that the word Iban was an ancient original Iban word for people or man. The modern-day Iban word for people or man is mensia, a slightly modified Malay loan word of the same meaning (manusia).

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The traditional religion of the Iban was primarily animism but in recent years most have converted to Christianity and some convert to Islam. There are still a number who adhere to old religious belief system. For the most part, the traditional Iban religion revolves around the worship of their ancestors the maintenance of cosmic order through the proper observance of rituals and taboos.

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Iban's animism practice, though is unique and interesting, it can be very complicated for one to learn. Even many of the young Ibanese nowadays admit that it is hard to keep up with the teachings from the elderly about their old religion.

Through a blog that I found, the writer explained further about how the Iban people are supposedly carried out the practice as an animist. But let me warn you - it is long and complicated.

From what I understand, this tribe, at the beginning, have no specific from of worship or temple whatsoever. But they do have their own pagan religion that they committed to.

Their gods are believed to be in the form of spirits and animals around them. And each of them have their own authorities in specific aspects in life.

Their Gods (PETARA):
+ Sengalang Burong -  The highest position in honour and dignity and is the ruler of the spirit world.  The god of war, and the guardian spirit of brave men.
+ Sempulang Gana -  He is tutelary deity of the soil and presides over the rice farming. He should be offered offerings to have a good supply of paddy.
+  Sempandai -  The maker of men who hammers them into shape out of clay and forms the bodies of children to be born into the world.

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In this post I'm going to share all readers about the Iban also known as the most popular Dayak community in Sarawak for their bravery as the headhunters in Borneo during the ruled of the White Rajah Sir James Brooke in the past 200 years ago, whose are still having their pagan religion and most of them are staying in the longhouse upriver far away from the town and need to be reach for many hours either by boat or by the land transport. It can't be reach by plane as there have no air field in the nearby area.

The Iban have no special form of worship, nor do they build any temples in honour of their gods, and yet they certainly have a religion of their own. They believe in certain gods and spirits, who are supposed to rule over different departments of their life, and they have certain religious observances which may be classed as follows :

1. The killing and eating of fowls and pig offered in sacrifice, of which a portion is set aside for their gods.

2. The propitiation of gods and spirits by offering of food.

3. The use of special omens and augury.

4. The singing of long incantations called "Mengap", "Renong", "Pelian", "Besudi", "Bebayoh", "Sabak Bebuah", "Bebiau", to communicate with the gods and the spirits on certain occasions.

The Iban have only one word to name their god that is "Petara", to denote the deity, and there is no literature to appeal to in order to explain in detail about this word. The readers have to depend upon what the Iban can tell us themselves, and also upon what the readers can gather from the different "Pengap" that is a long incantations from "Mengap" made on such semi-sacred occasions as the offering of sacrifices at feasts. These "Mengap" are handed down from generation to generation by word of mouth and never been written alphabetically as its too long and only the "Lemambang" themselves can remember the long incantations to communicate with the god. Some Iban have a very good memories especially the "Lemambang" and the "Manang" which is their witch doctor and are able to learn and repeat the long incantations for about two days without any mistakes according to what they learned without any modern technology.

The general idea is that there are many "Petara", but the whole subject is one upon which the Iban have very hazy ideas. They cannot give a connected and kucid account of their belief. They all admit, however that the "Petara" are supernatural beings, who are invisible and have superior powers.

But Their conception of gods is a very low one, and this is not to be wondered at because as it is well known the grosser the nature of a people, the grosser will be their conception of a denty or of deities. We can hardly expect a high and spiritual conception of gods from the Iban in their present intellectual condition. Their "Petara" are most human-like beings. They are represented as delighting in a "feast of rice, and pork, and venison, cakes and the rice wine," just as the Iban themselves do, and yet they are the beings who can bestow the highest blessings the Iban can desire.

Although the conception of "Petara" is not an exalted one, yet he is a good being, and no evil is attributed to him. He is always on the side of justice and right. The ordeal of diving is an appeal to "Petara" to help the innocent and overthrow the guilty. He is supposed to be angry at acts of wickedness, and I have often heard an Iban say that he dare not commit some particular crime because he fears the displeasure and punishment of "Petara". He may be able to hide his wickedness from the eyes of man, but not from the "Petara".

There are a large number of gods mentioned by name in the Iban incantations but the following are the most important deities :

"Sengalang Burong" takes the highest position in honour and dignity and is thev ruler of the spirit world. He stands at the head of the Iban pedigree, and they trace their descent from him, for he is believed to have once lived on earth as a man. It is doubtful what the word "Sengalang Burong" means "the bird chief" . The Iban are great observers of omens as is noticed in their religion. And among their omens the cries and fight of certain birds are most important. All these birds are supposed to be manifestations of the spirit son-in-law of "Sengalang Burong" who is himself manifested in the white and brown hawk which is known by his name.

"Sengalang Burong" is also the god of war, and the guardian spirit of brave men. He delights in fighting, and the head taking is his glory. When the Iban have obtained a human head, they make a great feast in his honour and invoke his presence. He is the only god ever represented by the Iban in a material form. It is a carved, highly coloured bird of grotesque shape. This figure is erected on the top of a pole thirty feet or more in height, with its beak pointing in the direction of the enemy's country, so that he may "peck at the eyes of the enemy."

Next in importance to "Sengalang Burong" is "Sempulang Gana". He is tutelary deity of the soil and presides over the rice farming. He is an important power in the Dayak Iban belief, and to him offering are made and incantations are sung at during the "Gawai Batu" which meant the "Stone Feast", which take places before the farming operations of their paddy field in May begin, and also at during the "Gawai Benih", the "Festival of the Seed", just before the planting of the paddy. Upon his good-will, according to the Iban belief is supposed to depend their supply of the staff of life. His history is given in a myth handed down from ancient times according to the Iban legends history.

"Sempandai" is the maker of men. He hammers them into shape out of clay and forms the bodies of children to be born into the world. There is an insect which makes at night the curious noise "kink-a-clink, kink-a-klink". When they hear this, they say it is "Sempandai" at his work. The story goes that he was commanded by the gods to make a man. And he made one of the stone but it could not speak, and so was rejected. He set to work again and made one of the iron, but neither could that speak, so the god refused it. Then the third time he made one of the clay, and this had the power of speech. The gods, "Petara" were pleased and said to him "The man you have made will do well. Let him be the ancestor of the human race and you must make others like him."

And "Sempandai" began forming human beings, and is forming them now at his anvil, using his tools in unseen regions. There he hammers them out, and when each child is formed it is brought to the "Petara" who asks : "What would you like to handle and use ?" If it answer, "A sword," the gods pronounced it a male; but if it answer, "Cotton and the spinning-wheel", it is pronounced a female. Thus they are born as boys or girls, according to their own wishes. "And the Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground". In this respect Iban tradition corresponds with the Biblical account.

There is a word which is often used by the Iban called " Mali" which means "Taboo". It is difficult to find an exact English equivalent to the word. We may say it means "Sacred" or "Forbidden", but none of these seems to be the right word to convey the full force of the word " Mali". To the Iban mind, to do anything " Mali" is to incur the displeasure of the gods and spirits, and that means not only misfortune in this world but for all time. Even the children seem to dread the word and the little boy who is willful and disobedient will at once drop what he has in his head if he is told it is " Mali" for him to touch it or doing it. There are many things which they say it is " Mali " to do. Often they can give no reason for it except that it has always been so from ages past.

Most races of mankind believe in the existence of a class of beings intermediate between deity and humanity. The Iban is no exception, and he believes that innumerable spirits, or "Antu" which mean "Ghost" or "any bad spirit of an evil" inhabit the forest, the rivers, the earth, and the heavens: but whereas among other races the spirit seem to act as mediators between the gods and mankind, this is not the case among them, because they believe that their gods are actually present in answer to invocations and sacrifices, and that they visit those human regions and partake of the food given them. With them the distinction between spirits - antu - and gods - Petara - is very vague. There are both good and evil spirits. The former assist man, the latter do him injury. Of the gods no evil id predicated, and so it comes to pass that the good spirits are closely identified with their gods.

Any unusual noise or motion in the jungle, anything which suggest to the mind some invisible operation, is at once attributed by them to the presence of some spirit, unseen by human eyes, but full of the mighty power. Though generally invisible, these spirits sometimes vouch-safe to mankind a revelation of themselves. The form they assume in these manifestations is not anything very supernatural, but either a commonplace human form, or else some animal - a bird, or a monkey - such as is often seen in the forest. There is, however the chief of evil spirits named "Antu Gerasi" who, when been seen takes the form of a giant about ten times the size of a man, is covered with rough shaggy hair, and has eyes as big as a saucers, and huge glittering teeth.

There are innumerable stories told by the Iban of their meeting with the spirit of the jungle and sometimes it speaking to them. Such stories generally relate how the man who sees the spirit rushes to catch him by the leg - he cannot reach higher - in order to get some charms from him, but he is generally foiled in his attempt, as the spirit suddenly vanishes. But some men, it is believed, do obtain these much coveted gifts. If they gets a good harvest of paddy, it is attributed to some magic charm he has received from some kindly spirit. Also if he be successful on the warpath, he is credited by his fellows with the succour of some mysterious being from the spirit-world.

The spirit rove about the jungle and hunt for wild beasts, as the Iban do themselves. "Antu Gerasi" already mentioned is specially addicted to the chase, and is often to be met with hunting in the forest, and when seen assumes which roam about in pecks in the jungle, and are called by the Iban as "Pasun" which means a little dog used by the evil spirit "Antu Gerasi" to hunt for the human being. These are supposed to be the dogs that accompany the spirits when they are out hunting, and they attack those whom the spirits wish to be kill. Only seldom man ever seen one of these animals, but to judge from the description of them, they seem to be kind of small jackal. It's the same size as a squirrel but the hair have many colours. It move in group, and they will follow and bark at men, and from their supposed connection with the evil spirit "Antu Gerasi" are greatly feared by the Iban, who generally run away from them as fast as they can.

There a story that some Iban in Banting, Lingga, Sri Aman solemly told that one day when he was out hunting, he met the spirit in human form sitting upon a fallen tree. Nothing daunted, he went up and sat upon the same tree, and entered into conversation with him, and asked him for some charm. The spirit gave him some magic medicine which would give his dogs pluck to attack any wild pig or deer so long as he retained possession of it. Having given him this, the spirit advised the man to return quickly, for his dogs, he said, would be back soon, and might do him harm. This advice he willingly followed, and hurried away as fast as he could.

There are some more wonderful stories related about meeting the demon "Antu Gerasi". It is said that a man once saw this terrible spirit returning from the hunt, carrying on his back a captured the man whom he recognized. Strange to relate, the man died the same day on which he was seen carried by the evil spirit.

The spirit are said to build their invisible habitations in trees, and many trees are considered sacred as being the abode of one or more spirits, and to cut down one of these trees would provoke the spirits vengeance. The wild fig-tree also known as "Kayu Kara" is often supposed to be inhabited by spirits. It is said that one way of testing whether the "Kayu Kara" is the abode of spirits or not is to strike an axe into it at the sunset direction, and leave it fixed in the trunk of the tree during the whole night. If the axe be found on the next morning in the same position that meant there no spirit in there, but if the axe was found has fallen to the ground that meant the evil spirit is there and has displaced the axe.

The tops of the hills are favourite haunts for spirits. When they fell the jungle of the larger hills, they always leave a clump of trees at the summit as a refuge for the spirits. To leave them quite homeless would be to court certain disaster from them. According to their belief the evil spirits far out number the good ones. There are many strange customs connected with the Iban belief in spirits. As all illnesses are caused by the spirit, it is necessary that these be propitiated. When there is any great epidemic in the country - when cholera or smallpox is killing its hundreds on all side - one often notices little offering of food hung on the walls and from the ceiling, animals killed in sacrifice, and blood splashed on the post of the houses. When one asks why all this is done, they say they do it in the hope that when the evil spirit, who is thirsting for human lives, comes along and sees the offering they have made and the animals killed in sacrifice, he will be satisfied with this things, and not take the live of any of the people living in their longhouses or villages.

As a matter of fact, this offering of sacrifices to the evil spirits is a frequently recurring feature in their life. The gods are good, and will not injure them, and so they worship them at their own convenience, when they wish to obtain any special favour from them. But the evil spirits are always ready to do them harm, and to take the lives of victims, and therefore sacrifices must constantly be made to the spirits, who will accept sacrificial food as a substitute for the lives of human beings.

From what has been said it will be seen that the spirits are to them not more apparitions which come and go without any special object, but have definite power, and can either bestow favours or cause sickness and death. Therefore they rule the conduct of the Iban, and receive religious homage. They are indeed a constituent and important part of their religion.

The sacrifices offered by the Iban are known as two kinds called the "Piring" and "Genselan". The "Piring" is an offering composed of sticky rice cooked in bamboos, cakes, eggs, sweet potatoes, plantains, or other fruit, and sometimes a small live chickens. If the offering be made in the house these things are put on a brass dish called "Tabak". If the occasion of the sacrifice requires that it be offered elsewhere, a little platform is constructed, consisting of pieces of wood tied together with cane, and fixed on four sticks struck in the ground. This platform is known as "Para Piring" or the "altar of sacrifice", and the offering is laid on it. It is covered with a rough roof of palm leaf, and looks like a miniature native house, and is decorated with white flags. It is the most flimsy thing imaginable, and soon tumbles to pieces. The god or spirit is supposed to come and eat the good things provided, and go away contented. It is no use arguing with them that he can see for himself that his offering is eaten up by fowls, or pigs, or boys, who are full mischief, and have no fear of spirits. They says the spirit eat the soul or spirit of the food; what is left on the altar is only its outer husk, not its true essence.

In one occasion done at Temudok, Saratok where the Iban put up a little shed, with offerings of food, at the landing place on the river bank. There was an epidemic of cholera at that time, and the spirits of disease were supposed to eat these offering and go away contented. Among the offering was a little live chicken, that was tied to the "Para Piring" but which managed to get loose. Some of the school boys stand behind me asked if they might catch the chicken which was running about in the grass and rear it. I did not like to allow them to do this, because I though they would resent the boys interfering with their sacrifice. But my friend a catechist told me that they had done their duty in making the offering and what happened afterwards to the things offered did not matter. So the boys caught the chicken and reared it. I spoke to them about it afterwards, and they did not seem to mind their "altar of sacrifice" being disturbed and robbed of its offering.

In the "Genselan" occasion there is always some animal slain, and the blood of the victim is used. The person on whose behalf the offering is made is sprinkled or touched with the blood to atone for any wrong he may have done, and the house or farm upon which the blessing of the gods is desired is also sprinkled with the blood. This kind of sacrifice is very often offered on behalf of their farms, and they think their paddy field will come to maturity without some application of blood. The fowl is waved in the air over the farm, then it is killed, and the blood sprinkled over the growing paddy. When there is an epidemic, the "Genselan" is often offered to the spirits of disease, and blood is sprinkled on the post of the house and on the ladder leading up to it.

On most occasion the victim of the sacrifice be it pig or fowl, it is afterward eaten. But if the sacrifice be to given for the "Sempulang Gana" at the commencement of the farming, the pig and other offering are conveyed with the beating of gongs to the land prepared for receiving the seed. The pig is killed, its liver and gall examined for divination, the body and other offering put in the ground, and some "Tuak" the local Iban rice wine was poured upon them, a long invocation is then made to the "Sempulang Gana" the god of the land. If a fowl to be sacrifice for adultery, its body is thrown away in the jungle. For all ordinary sacrifices a fowl suffices, but on great occasions a pig being the largest animal the Iban domesticates is killed.

Anyone may offer these sacrifices. There does not seem to be among the Iban any priestly order whose duty is to officiate at religious ceremonies. Any man who has been fortunate in life, or known the form of address to be used to the deities on these occasions, may perform the sacrificial function. All that the Iban hopes to get by his religious ceremonies is material benefits - good crops of paddy, the heads of his enemies, skill in craft, health, and prosperity. Even when there is some idea of the propitiation for sin, as in the slaying of a victim after an act of adultery, the idea of the Iban is not so much the cleansing of the offender as the appeasing of the anger of the gods, because in their anger the gods may destroy their crops or otherwise give them trouble. There is no idea of seeking for pardon for the offenders. It is merely a compensation for wrong done, and a bargain with the gods to protect their material interest.

The longing to communicate with the supernatural is common to all races of mankind. The Iban has a special means of bringing this about; they has the custom which is called "Nampok". To "Nampok" is to have a sleep on the top of some mountain, or other lonely place, in the hope of meeting some good helpful spirit frpm the unseen world. A cementery is a favourite place for them to do the "Nampok", because they think there is great probability of meeting spirits in such places. The undertaking requires considerable pluck. The man must be quite alone, and he must let no one know of his where abouts. The spirit he meets may take any form ; he may come in human form and treat him kindly, or he may assume a hideous form and attack him.

The Iban man are doing the "Nampok" for one or two reasons. Either he is fired with great ambition to shine in deeds of strength and bravery, and to attain the positon of a chief, and hopes to receive some charm that they called "Pengaroh" from the spirits, or he is suffering from some obstimate disease, and hope to be told by kindly spirit what he must do in order to be cured. It can easily be understood how the desire would in many cases bring about its own fulfillment. The unusual surrounding, the expected arrival of some supernatural being, the earnest wish acting upon a credulous and superstitious imagination in the solemn solitude of the jungle - all would help to make the man dream of some spirit or mythical hero.

The Iban has no temple erected in honour of some god to which, like the ancients of the Western World, he can make a pilgrimage. He has no altar before which he can spend the night in order to receive revelations in dreams, but he goes instead to the lonely mountain top, or the cementery where so many heroes of the past have been buried, and makes his offering and lies to rest beside it. The circumstances are different, but the spirit and the object in both cases are the same. The story often told of a miraculous cure is also similar in each case.

There are certain rocks in different parts of Borneo which are called by the Iban as "Batu Kudi" by means "The stones caused by the wrath of the gods". A story is related in connection with each. The following are some of those mythical stories :

In the bed of the , next to Kabong town in the Kalaka District there is a rock which is only visible at the lowest of the ebb-tide. It is called the "Batu Kudi Sabar". The story goes that in olden days the inmates of the Iban house tied to a dog's tail a piece of wood, which they set alight. They all laughed at the sight as the dog ran off in fright, dragging after him the burning torch. Suddenly there was darkness, and a great storm came on. There was thunder and lightning, and torrents of rain, and the house and its inmates were turned into this large rock. A family consisting of three person managed to escape. They did not join in the laughter at the dog, but ran out of the house and hid in a clump of bamboo. They saw all that happened, and told the tale.

On the bank of the in Saratok, the Kalaka District just above the Temudok longhouse is a large rock called "Batu Kudi Siap". It is said that the people in an Iban longhouse held a feast to which many invited guests came. An old woman who was living alone in a farm hut, and had not been asked to the feast, dressed up a cat in finery, "like a young damsel going to afesat," tied a piece of wood to her tail, and placing her before the people said : "Here is a girl come to you to ask for a light." The people laughed at the cat. Instantly there were darkness and a terrible storm, and the house and all the inmates were turned to stone. A similar tale is told of "The Batu Kudi" at Selanjan.

There are "Batu Kudi" in the , in Saratok, the Kalaka District, as well as in the Undup and Batang Ai Rivers , in the Lubok Antu District, of which the following tale is told : Two girls were standing in the water catching fish with a fishing basket that they called "Pemansai". A small fish that they called "Empelasi" has jumped out of the basket, and hit the breast of one of the girls. She laughed, and said : "Even my lover would not dare to touch my breast as you do." Her companion also laughed at the fish. There was a storm accompanied by lightning and thunder, and both girls were turned into rocks.

In the in the Betong District, there is a "Batu Kudi", of which the following tale is told : Some men and boys were watching a monkey crossing the river on a creeper which hung low down over the water. The tail of the monkey touched the water, and one of them laughed, and said : "The end of his waist cloth that they called "Sirat" is wet; why was he so foolish as not to tie it round his waist ?" At this remark all of them laughed, and a terrible storm came on, and they were turned to stone.

There is a similarity about all these stories. In each some animal is made fun of and laughed at by human beings. This incurs the displeasure of the gods, whom anger is shown in the same way - a terrible storm, thunder and lightning, and the turning of the offenders into stone.

There are, however, other "Batu Kudi" of which different stories are told, but these are not so common. For instance, in the Skrang River there are two large black boulders which are said to be a brother and sister who were guilty of the crime of incest : and in the Sebuyau River there is a collection of rocks said to be the inhabitants of a whole village, who were guilty of a serious breach of the law of hospitality, and refused to give food and shelter to some travellers. The moral of these mythical tales is good. All sin is displeasing to the gods, and will meet with deserved punishment, but specially are they angry when they see human beings ill treat and ridicule dumb animals. These "Batu Kudi" are not worshipped. Offering of food are sometimes seen hanging near them, but these are not made to the "Stone os Wrath", but to the gods of whose displeasure they are the testimony.

The Iban belief in a future life was mentioned in the Burial Rites. But it is no gloomy Tartarus, nor in a happy Elysium, that lies before him. It is simply a prolongation of the present state of things in a new sphere. The dead are supposed to build houses, make paddy farms, and go through all the drudgery of a labouring life in that other world. This future life does not, in the mind of the Iban, mean immortality. Death is still the final and inevitable destiny of a man. He may live many lives in different spheres - he may die as often as seven times - but in the end he becomes annihilated, and absorbed into air, or earth, or certain jungle plants.

To sum up, the Iban worships his gods. There are good spirits ready to help him, and evil spirits eager to harm him. He has omens and divination and dreams to encourage or warn him. The traditions of his ancestors, handed down by word of mouth from generation to generation, are his authority for his beliefs. He makes sacrifices to the gods and spirits, and invokes their help in long incantations. He believes he has a soul which after death will live in another world a future life differing little from his existence in the flesh.

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In this post I'm going to share all readers about the Iban also known as the most popular Dayak community in Sarawak for their bravery as the headhunters in Borneo during the ruled of the White Rajah Sir James Brooke in the past 200 years ago, whose are still having their pagan religion and most of them are staying in the longhouse upriver far away from the town and need to be reach for many hours either by boat or by the land transport.

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A video showcasing how one of the families belonged to this community still celebrates Chinese New Year within its tradition.

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Baba Nyonya family keeps CNY tradition alive

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The Funeral:
In Buddhism, they are ought to burn the dead body as one of the rituals. Historically, since Buddha's death, many Buddhists have chosen cremation to free the soul from the body.  Also, if the body is buried, they will burn goods such as money or anything that the deceased loved, to be use in the 'other world'. Therefore, following the practice, Baba and Nyonya are accustomed to this until today.

The Marriage:
The wedding ceremony of the Peranakan is largely based on Chinese tradition. The traditional Peranakan wedding is a 12-day affair which is usually carried out in the bride's house, where ceremonies like the Lap Chai (exchange of gifts) and Cheo Thau (coming of age) are carried out.
And if you notice, Baba & Nyonya's wedding clothing are similar to the Chinese traditional wedding wear.

The Beliefs:
Many of Baba & Nyonya's beliefs are caused by the assimilation of Malay culture and Chinese beliefs. For example, they still believe in shaman, especially the elderly. They believe that a shaman can fight any evil spirits around them.

The Architecture:
If you ever visited a Peranakan's house, you'd be amazed by how beautiful and unique the design. First thing that you might notice is how most of the buildings are influenced by the Chinese culture, as well as Malay's. But in most part inside the house, if the owner practicing the Chinese religion, the interior will be filled with its prayer altars, buddha statues and more.

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The Ibanese's belief as an animist is so strong that it influenced most of their daily customs.

The offerings:
They believe that to stay safe and be prosperous, they would have to offer some offerings for the gods and the spirits.The offerings can be in plantations or small animals.

The worship practice:
The Iban has no temple in honour of some god to which, like the ancients of the Western World, he can make a mends. He has no altar before which he can spend the night in order to receive revelations in dreams, but he goes instead to the lonely mountain top, or the cementery where so many heroes of the past have been buried, and makes his offering and lies to rest beside it. The circumstances are different, but the spirit and the object in both cases are the same.

The life after death:

The people believed in life after death - but not in the sense of immortality.  Death is still the final and inevitable destiny of a man. He may live many lives in different spheres – he may die as often as seven times – but in the end he becomes annihilated, and absorbed into air, or earth, or certain jungle plants.

The tattoo:
The Ibans believe that their tattoos have protective powers in the form of charms that are given by antu (spirits) through dreams, when one is asleep.  Ibans without tattoos are said to be virtually invisible to gods, as the spirits attached to these tattoos allow the men to be seen by their gods.

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A brief explanation about how the tattoos are made. Though the modern world nearly wipes out this one traditional custom of Iban, luckily there are still younger generation to continue the tradition.

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Also known as Malay Urang Padang (“People of the Plains”), it is the largest ethnic group on the island of Sumatra, Indonesia, whose traditional homeland is the west-central highlands.

Some Minangkabau migrated to Malaya in the late 19th century and formed a confederation of small states that came to be known as Negeri Sembilan. This migration happened because at that time, trading activity is popular in the Strait of Malacca.

Not long after that, the tin mining expanded in 1850 - and most of the workers are belonged to the Minangkabau's.

By the beginning of the 20th century, however, capital-intensive mining displaced Minangkabau miners, who then shifted to agricultural pursuits in interior river valleys. Land was plentiful, and the Minangkabau frequently gained title to land by clearing, planting, and living on it.

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This article was most recently revised and updated by

Minangkabau, Malay Urang Padang ("People of the Plains"), largest ethnic group on the island of Sumatra, Indonesia, whose traditional homeland is the west-central highlands. The Minangkabau have extensive terraced fields and garden plots in which they raise irrigated rice, tobacco, and cinnamon, as well as fruits and vegetables. Their crafts include wood carving, metalworking, and weaving. Their language, closely resembling Malay, belongs to the Austronesian language family. In the early 21st century they numbered approximately eight million. Although Muslim, the Minangkabau are matrilineal, tracing descent and inheritance through the female line. Traditionally, a married couple stayed in the house of the wife's maternal relatives; the husband, however, was considered a guest who visited his wife at night.

The domestic unit was traditionally the rumah gadang ("big house"; community house), which was under the control of a head woman, her sisters, their daughters, and their female children. Boys lived in the house until they were circumcized, after which they resided in the local mosque until they were married. The community house was a large rectangular structure, raised high above the ground, with a saddle-shaped roof. A main room occupied much of the structure. Adjoining it were the living compartments, each occupied by a woman, her children, and her husband.

Members of several community houses made up the suku (clan), which was an exogamous entity; that is, marriage between clan members was not allowed. Several clans made up the negari, the largest unit of government, roughly equivalent in size to a village, which was administered by a council. Since World War II the traditional kinship structure has declined in importance, and many nuclear families have left the village to establish their own households. Some of the kin-group land has become the personal property of these households.

Some Minangkabau migrated to Malaya (now Peninsular Malaysia) in the late 19th century and formed a confederation of small states that came to be known as Negri Sembilan (Nine States). Minangkabau tribesmen, who closely resembled the peninsular Malay, left Sumatra to seek greater economic opportunity across the Strait of Malacca. Rapid expansion of Malayan tin mining after 1850 lured increasing numbers of Minangkabau as miners or as petty merchants. The immigrants secured transit to Malaya by selling property or receiving assisted passage in return for contract mine labour. By the beginning of the 20th century, however, capital-intensive mining displaced Minangkabau miners, who then shifted to agricultural pursuits in interior river valleys. Land was plentiful, and the Minangkabau frequently gained title to land by clearing, planting, and living on it. Malay sultans raised no objections to these linguistically Malay immigrants, who partially offset the influx of Chinese labourers. Minangkabau immigrants became successful smallholder farmers, and they ultimately came to control much of the retail trade in the Malay Peninsula.

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Virginia Gorlinski, Associate Editor.

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Minangkabau, largest ethnic group on the island of Sumatra, Indonesia, whose traditional homeland is the west-central highlands. The Minangkabau have extensive terraced fields and garden plots in which they raise irrigated rice, tobacco, and cinnamon, as well as fruits and vegetables. Their crafts

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This is a video that depicts the life of a Minangkabau community back in the time of 1930s. Although it is located in Sumatera, I still attached it because I think there is no much of difference of how the ethnic lived between the two countries back in the days.

I found it is scenic and classic, and a good approach to see how it was back when they still followed the traditions strictly.

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The Minangkabau People of Sumatra in 1939

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Minangkabau people, used to be the orthodox Muslims.  There is even a Minangkabau saying, "To be Minangkabau is to be Muslim".

But today, although they are still Islam, it is not as conventional as before. Their practices become lenient and not too strict.

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Minangkabau is actually the world's largest matrilineal society?

Matrilineal society, also called matriliny, group adhering to a kinship system in which ancestral descent is traced through maternal instead of paternal lines.

Simply put,  they give the ownership of a family’s property—their homes, rice paddies and the like—pass from mother to daughter for generations.

I found it rather amusing seeing that Islam always put men first, especially in terms of authority.

This is because In Negeri Sembilan, there is this law that they applied which is Adat Perpatih.

Adat Perpatih is known to give the priority to women or the female members in most of the family matters, such as ancestral properties.

Below is the video where it briefly explained about the law that they abide.

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The Minangkabau : the world’s largest matrilineal society

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Through an article that I found, it shows how Adat Perpatih, that favors women, can influence a family.

The writer believed  while Minangkabau women’s roles may seem conventional, their sense of equality with men and their shared power is not.  When couples marry, husbands move into their wives’ homes, nearly all decisions require consensus between men and women, and, significantly, girls are treasured.

The writer said that seeing a community as unique as this, this is maybe one might call, a feminist interpretation of Islam.

But when it is argued, the people explained that; what seems key between Minangkabau men and women is that power and authority is shared, just not in ways that are immediately obvious.

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In an obscure Muslim society in Indonesia, women are revered-and own key property.

Nursyirwan Effendi is not wealthy-not in terms of money, that is. Still, in his community many people see him as blessed with good fortune. Why? "I have four daughters," he said, beaming, on a recent summer morning. "People say I am a rich man."

Effendi, a senior lecturer in anthropology at Andalas University in Padang, the regional capital of West Sumatra, hails from one of Indonesia's many distinct ethnic groups, the Minangkabau. A devoutly Muslim community, their ancestral homelands are centered in West Sumatra's lush highlands and stretch as far as the roaring seashore.

Although Islam may be known for its tendency to favor men and boys, the Minangkabau are prized among anthropologists because ownership of a family's property-their homes, rice paddies and the like-pass from mother to daughter for generations. They are the world's largest matrilineal society.

More remarkable, this matrilineal inheritance is cherished among the Minangkabau, who are well known within Indonesia but obscure to most westerners. And while Minangkabau women's roles may seem conventional, their sense of equality with men and their shared power is not. When couples marry, husbands move into their wives' homes, nearly all decisions require consensus between men and women, and, significantly, girls are treasured. On a recent trip to Indonesia, I had the opportunity to immerse myself among the Minangkabau and observe what one might even call a feminist interpretation of Islam.

" Women are the connection between the present and the past," said Taufik Abdullah, a retired professor living in Jakarta, who is now the chairman of the Social Science Commission of the Indonesian Academy of Sciences. "If you are a Minangkabau woman and pregnant, people really hope for a girl for the first child."

Still, the Minangkabau, who make up about 3 percent of Indonesia's roughly 245 million people, are conservative, Abdullah said. In daily life women and men occupy roles that to Western eyes smack of inequality-women rule the domestic roost while men hold all positions of political and religious leadership. Yet both genders say that they value those roles, and each other, equally.

"Even though it seems to be that men have more functions than women, we are still the same," said Widya Indah Lestari, a bright and articulate 16-year-old who covers her head, prays five times daily and plans to become a doctor.

Lestari and her family live in Pandai Sikek, a quiet hamlet in the highlands close to the tourist enclave of Bukittinggi. Here, the breeze is cool and crops like rice, cabbage, beans and the all-important chilies grow in abundance. (The Minangnese are known for their spicy, sumptuous cuisine.) The landscape is lushly green and hilly, with Mt. Merapi, Sumatra's most active volcano, towering at almost 9,500 feet just to the east.

"Our tradition is based on the holy Koran," said Lestari. "The Koran says men will be the leaders. But women are not under the pressure of men. Even though men lead women, it doesn't mean that women are less important."

What seems key between Minangkabau men and women is that power and authority is shared, just not in ways that are immediately obvious.

"One of the reasons I went there was to study a system where men don't have the kind of power we are used to in the West," said Evelyn Blackwood, an anthropology professor at Purdue University. She published a book about the Minangkabau in 2000 called Webs of Power: Women, Kin and Community in a Sumatran Village. "Yes, men have public power. But think of them as front men, representing the community to the state or to the mosque."

Within the clan (or extended family), the power that belongs to senior men, especially those with titles like datuk (or chief), is no more significant than that of senior women, Blackwood said. Women's ownership of land assures their power and position alongside men.

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Puti Reno Raudha Thaib, a professor of agriculture at Andalas University in Padang, said that one result of this balanced system is that there is little competition between women and men. Thaib is the female head of her clan, known as the bundo kanduang. "Women and men are like two sides of a coin," she said.

This partnership may be most obvious in the Minangkabau's formal decision-making process, which can take place in the village hall or someone's home. Though the datuk leads the discussion-which usually involves disputes over property, or major ceremonies-with other men, and women are seated behind them during conversation, women can and do participate. Importantly, men can't take action without consensus from their female peers. In informal discussion-over day-to-day decisions involving household management, budgeting, and children's education-women can lead.

In a small village called Ampek Ankek, roughly 7 km outside of Bukittinggi, an older Minangkabau couple, Rismal, 61, and his wife, Zamiarni, 58, also pondered the question of equality. Like many Indonesians, they use just one name.

They sat on mats at breakfast in their rumah gadang, or "big house," a traditional Minangkabau home intended to hold the extended family. Made of local Surian wood, it has an arched, buffalo-horn shaped roof and walls woven of bamboo, icons of the Minangkabau building style. With its long hall-like main room, it is used not only as a residence, but also sometimes for meetings and ceremonies.

At one point, Zamiarni said that Islam puts men in a position "above" women. At that, her husband quibbled. "I don't agree that men are above women," he said. "It's just the family needs a leader, so man is the leader. But in daily life, men and women are the same."

Yet Zamiarni's comment highlights one of the more interesting aspects of life among the Minangkabau: how they make sense of their strong Islamic religious ties-upon which they say their culture is based-and their long-held customs, or adat, as they are known.

Adat derives in part from the ancient animist and Hindu belief system of the Minangkabau, which existed before the arrival of Islam to Sumatra. When precisely the religion spread across the island and was adopted by the Minangkabau is unclear, though it probably arrived in West Sumatra around the 16 th century.

It is adat that guides matrilineal inheritance, and though it seems that such a tradition might conflict with the precepts of Islam, the Minangnese insist that it does not. To accommodate both, the Minangkabau make a distinction between high and low inheritance. "High inheritance" is the property, including the home and land, which passes among women. "Low inheritance" is what a father passes to his children out of his professional earnings. This latter inheritance follows Islamic law, a complex system which dictates, in part, that sons get twice as much as daughters.

Zainuddin Husin, a former lecturer in English at Padang State University and the datuk of his clan, said that Islam does not preclude women from inheriting. "If it was forbidden, we'd change [our custom]," he said.

Admira Salim, a professional Minangkabau woman who grew up and continues to live in Jakarta, said that the Minangnese know they are unique among Indonesia's Muslim communities. She is proud of the difference, especially, she said, "that I do have a say in my own community."

Although Minangkabau men and women do have a unique concept of equality, like anywhere, it is not a perfect society. Tensions can and do exist, and violence, though remarkably rare, sometimes flares.

Rezki Khainidar, 49, who describes herself as a housewife, studied medicine in university and is an activist on issues of nutrition, reproductive health and violence against women. As a volunteer with a local women's organization in Padang, where she lives, she has learned of a few cases of verbal and physical abuse. Both the fact that women may be reluctant to report violence and that the violence is uncommon could account for the small number of cases, she said. "Everyone wants her family to look good," said Khainidar. "It's shameful to have a husband like that."

Some also say they see changes afoot among the Minangkabau that may be weakening the adat system. Particularly in urban areas, they see senior male clan leaders losing authority to fathers/husbands, as nuclear families become more important than extended clans. They worry that "low inheritance" is becoming more significant than high.

Urbanization and the economy are also, they said, luring more and more young people away from rural areas, and perhaps, their traditional lives. Minangkabau young people, especially boys, have always left their village homes to gain experience and find opportunities abroad - the Minangkabau are well known as entrepreneurs as a result. Now, however, both the young men and women who leave are increasingly staying in the cities, said Abdullah of the Social Science Commission.

Yet in the highlands where the Minangkabau culture remains strongest, change seems further off.

Yulida Husni, 40, and her husband, Azwar, 37, are from Sangai Tarab, a village just outside of Batusangkar, near the former seat of the ancient Minangkabau kingdom. They live with Yulida's mother in her home, a traditional rumah gadang painted the color of cantaloupe. Over tea and sweet bananas, they agreed that in their community Minangkabau customs are cherished.

"The tradition is still used," Husni said. "Everyday it is used." Azwar added that the difference really is between the city and the country. "The city has more influences," he said, "but they still celebrate important moments according to Minangkabau."

In doing so, women remain central. As Husin, the datuk, put it, "We devote everything to women."
Susan Schulman contributed reporting.

Nursyirwan Effendi is not wealthy-not in terms of money, that is. Still, in his community many people see him as blessed with good fortune. Why? "I have four daughters," he said, beaming, on a recent summer morning. "People say I am a rich man."

Effendi, a senior lecturer in anthropology at Andalas University in Padang, the regional capital of West Sumatra, hails from one of Indonesia's many distinct ethnic groups, the Minangkabau. A devoutly Muslim community, their ancestral homelands are centered in West Sumatra's lush highlands and stretch as far as the roaring seashore.

Although Islam may be known for its tendency to favor men and boys, the Minangkabau are prized among anthropologists because ownership of a family's property-their homes, rice paddies and the like-pass from mother to daughter for generations. They are the world's largest matrilineal society.

More remarkable, this matrilineal inheritance is cherished among the Minangkabau, who are well known within Indonesia but obscure to most westerners. And while Minangkabau women's roles may seem conventional, their sense of equality with men and their shared power is not. When couples marry, husbands move into their wives' homes, nearly all decisions require consensus between men and women, and, significantly, girls are treasured. On a recent trip to Indonesia, I had the opportunity to immerse myself among the Minangkabau and observe what one might even call a feminist interpretation of Islam.

" Women are the connection between the present and the past," said Taufik Abdullah, a retired professor living in Jakarta, who is now the chairman of the Social Science Commission of the Indonesian Academy of Sciences. "If you are a Minangkabau woman and pregnant, people really hope for a girl for the first child."

Still, the Minangkabau, who make up about 3 percent of Indonesia's roughly 245 million people, are conservative, Abdullah said. In daily life women and men occupy roles that to Western eyes smack of inequality-women rule the domestic roost while men hold all positions of political and religious leadership. Yet both genders say that they value those roles, and each other, equally.

"Even though it seems to be that men have more functions than women, we are still the same," said Widya Indah Lestari, a bright and articulate 16-year-old who covers her head, prays five times daily and plans to become a doctor.

Lestari and her family live in Pandai Sikek, a quiet hamlet in the highlands close to the tourist enclave of Bukittinggi. Here, the breeze is cool and crops like rice, cabbage, beans and the all-important chilies grow in abundance. (The Minangnese are known for their spicy, sumptuous cuisine.) The landscape is lushly green and hilly, with Mt. Merapi, Sumatra's most active volcano, towering at almost 9,500 feet just to the east.

"Our tradition is based on the holy Koran," said Lestari. "The Koran says men will be the leaders. But women are not under the pressure of men. Even though men lead women, it doesn't mean that women are less important."

What seems key between Minangkabau men and women is that power and authority is shared, just not in ways that are immediately obvious.

"One of the reasons I went there was to study a system where men don't have the kind of power we are used to in the West," said Evelyn Blackwood, an anthropology professor at Purdue University. She published a book about the Minangkabau in 2000 called Webs of Power: Women, Kin and Community in a Sumatran Village. "Yes, men have public power. But think of them as front men, representing the community to the state or to the mosque."

Within the clan (or extended family), the power that belongs to senior men, especially those with titles like datuk (or chief), is no more significant than that of senior women, Blackwood said. Women's ownership of land assures their power and position alongside men.

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Puti Reno Raudha Thaib, a professor of agriculture at Andalas University in Padang, said that one result of this balanced system is that there is little competition between women and men. Thaib is the female head of her clan, known as the bundo kanduang. "Women and men are like two sides of a coin," she said.

This partnership may be most obvious in the Minangkabau's formal decision-making process, which can take place in the village hall or someone's home. Though the datuk leads the discussion-which usually involves disputes over property, or major ceremonies-with other men, and women are seated behind them during conversation, women can and do participate. Importantly, men can't take action without consensus from their female peers. In informal discussion-over day-to-day decisions involving household management, budgeting, and children's education-women can lead.

In a small village called Ampek Ankek, roughly 7 km outside of Bukittinggi, an older Minangkabau couple, Rismal, 61, and his wife, Zamiarni, 58, also pondered the question of equality. Like many Indonesians, they use just one name.

They sat on mats at breakfast in their rumah gadang, or "big house," a traditional Minangkabau home intended to hold the extended family. Made of local Surian wood, it has an arched, buffalo-horn shaped roof and walls woven of bamboo, icons of the Minangkabau building style. With its long hall-like main room, it is used not only as a residence, but also sometimes for meetings and ceremonies.

At one point, Zamiarni said that Islam puts men in a position "above" women. At that, her husband quibbled. "I don't agree that men are above women," he said. "It's just the family needs a leader, so man is the leader. But in daily life, men and women are the same."

Yet Zamiarni's comment highlights one of the more interesting aspects of life among the Minangkabau: how they make sense of their strong Islamic religious ties-upon which they say their culture is based-and their long-held customs, or adat, as they are known.

Adat derives in part from the ancient animist and Hindu belief system of the Minangkabau, which existed before the arrival of Islam to Sumatra. When precisely the religion spread across the island and was adopted by the Minangkabau is unclear, though it probably arrived in West Sumatra around the 16 th century.

It is adat that guides matrilineal inheritance, and though it seems that such a tradition might conflict with the precepts of Islam, the Minangnese insist that it does not. To accommodate both, the Minangkabau make a distinction between high and low inheritance. "High inheritance" is the property, including the home and land, which passes among women. "Low inheritance" is what a father passes to his children out of his professional earnings. This latter inheritance follows Islamic law, a complex system which dictates, in part, that sons get twice as much as daughters.

Zainuddin Husin, a former lecturer in English at Padang State University and the datuk of his clan, said that Islam does not preclude women from inheriting. "If it was forbidden, we'd change [our custom]," he said.

Admira Salim, a professional Minangkabau woman who grew up and continues to live in Jakarta, said that the Minangnese know they are unique among Indonesia's Muslim communities. She is proud of the difference, especially, she said, "that I do have a say in my own community."

Although Minangkabau men and women do have a unique concept of equality, like anywhere, it is not a perfect society. Tensions can and do exist, and violence, though remarkably rare, sometimes flares.

Rezki Khainidar, 49, who describes herself as a housewife, studied medicine in university and is an activist on issues of nutrition, reproductive health and violence against women. As a volunteer with a local women's organization in Padang, where she lives, she has learned of a few cases of verbal and physical abuse. Both the fact that women may be reluctant to report violence and that the violence is uncommon could account for the small number of cases, she said. "Everyone wants her family to look good," said Khainidar. "It's shameful to have a husband like that."

Some also say they see changes afoot among the Minangkabau that may be weakening the adat system. Particularly in urban areas, they see senior male clan leaders losing authority to fathers/husbands, as nuclear families become more important than extended clans. They worry that "low inheritance" is becoming more significant than high.

Urbanization and the economy are also, they said, luring more and more young people away from rural areas, and perhaps, their traditional lives. Minangkabau young people, especially boys, have always left their village homes to gain experience and find opportunities abroad - the Minangkabau are well known as entrepreneurs as a result. Now, however, both the young men and women who leave are increasingly staying in the cities, said Abdullah of the Social Science Commission.

Yet in the highlands where the Minangkabau culture remains strongest, change seems further off.

Yulida Husni, 40, and her husband, Azwar, 37, are from Sangai Tarab, a village just outside of Batusangkar, near the former seat of the ancient Minangkabau kingdom. They live with Yulida's mother in her home, a traditional rumah gadang painted the color of cantaloupe. Over tea and sweet bananas, they agreed that in their community Minangkabau customs are cherished.

"The tradition is still used," Husni said. "Everyday it is used." Azwar added that the difference really is between the city and the country. "The city has more influences," he said, "but they still celebrate important moments according to Minangkabau."

In doing so, women remain central. As Husin, the datuk, put it, "We devote everything to women."
Susan Schulman contributed reporting.

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Indonesia's Minangkabau: The World's Largest Matrilineal Society

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Nursyirwan Effendi is not wealthy-not in terms of money, that is. Still, in his community many people see him as blessed with good fortune. Why? "I have four daughters," he said, beaming, on a recent summer morning. "People say I am a rich man."

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THE PRIORITIES OF WOMEN IN ADAT PERPATIH

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THE PRIORITIES OF WOMEN IN ADAT PERPATIH

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Ancestral properties such as land , lineage , inheritance and election of members of YDP and lembaga are assigned to female members.

Female members owns the rights to hold the property in trust behalf of the family respectively.

Female members can only inherited in equal shares of property according to the Will.

Land or any properties is entitled under female members who is forming the permanents members for their customary law.

All female member will associate with a piece of land based on the custom.

The properties that the female members holds will passes through all the ancestry female members of Adat Perpatih customary law.

To this day, although not many, it seems that there are still a minority group of Minangkabau people who still practice the matrilineal law.

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Adat

Malay community in Peninsular Malaysia have to undergo adat and islamic law other than general law which is applicable to other communities in Malaysia.

Adat has play a major role in Malay community for many centuries as "adat" has reflected the importances of their lives.

The "adat" term in Malaysia refer as Customary Law.

Adat Perpatih

Adat perpatih is applicable in Negeri Sembilan and Naning in Melaka only.

This adat is wholly relates to democratic matrilineal adat / customary law.

Female members priorities in Adat Perpatih ;

Ancestral properties such as land , lineage , inheritance and election of members of YDP and lembaga are assigned to female members.

Female members owns the rights to hold the property in trust behalf of the family respectively.

Female members can only inherited in equal shares of property according to the Will.

Land or any properties is entitled under female members who is forming the permanents members for their customary law.

All female member will associate with a piece of land based on the custom.

The properties that the female members holds will passes through all the ancestry female members of Adat Perpatih customary law.

Source: http://itslaw.blogspot.com/2010/09/adat.html

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Customary Law in Malaysia : Adat Perpatih

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Adat Malay community in Peninsular Malaysia have to undergo adat and islamic law other than general law which is applicable to other communities in Malaysia. Adat has play a major role in Malay community for many centuries as "adat" has reflected the importances of their lives.

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The name Punjabi is used to describe both those who speak Punjabi and those who inhabit the Punjab region in India and Pakistan.

They first came to Malaysia in the 19th century as British political prisoners. A second wave was brought in by the British to serve as policemen for the British Straits Settlement communities and as night watchmen for industries.

Punjabi are a small minority among the approximately two million Indians in Malaysia. They have preserved a distinct Punjabi/Sikh identity within Malaysian society that sets them apart from the Tamil and other Indian communities that are Hindu.

The Misconception -  Most people in Malaysia view the terms 'Punjabi' and 'Sikh' as synonymous. In reality, significant minorities of Punjabi people are Muslim and even smaller minorities are Hindu.

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In this article, it explains the difference between punjabis and bengalis through sets of interview with the local people.

One of them is, and I quote, “Most Punjabis in Malaysia are Sikhs and could be differentiated from the five Kakars which are their uncut hair (kesh), a comb called kanga worn in their hair, a kirpan (a traditional Sikh sword) which they carry, the iron bracelet (kara) worn on their wrists and the traditional Sikh drawers (kacha) which they wear."

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ARE Punjabis and Bengalis the same people? They share very few similarities but many Malaysians mistakenly think they are the same.

A street poll by The Star found that very few Malaysians could differentiate between Punjabis and Bengalis.

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Punjabis or Bengalis? Few know the difference - Community | The Star Online

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ARE Punjabis and Bengalis the same people? They share very few similarities but many Malaysians mistakenly think they are the same. A street poll by The Star found that very few Malaysians could differentiate between Punjabis and Bengalis.

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Punjabi are predominantly followers of the Sikh religion, though there are significant minorities of Muslim and Hindu among them.

Sikhism is a monotheistic religion that was founded in northern India during the 16th century. Its teachings have combined elements of both Hinduism and Islam in an attempt to find one god who transcends all religious distinctions.

Sikhism stresses the importance of devotion, intense faith in the guru (teacher), the repetition of their god's name as a means of salvation or moksha (release into god's love), opposition to the worship of idols, the brotherhood of all men, and rejection of caste (pattern of social classes in Hinduism) system.

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In Sikhism, there are a few philosophies to know:
*There is only One God. He is the same God for all people of all religions.

*The soul goes through cycles of births and deaths before it reaches the human form. The goal of our life is to lead an exemplary existence so that one may merge with God. Sikhs should remember God at all times and practice living a virtuous and truthful life while maintaining a balance between their spiritual obligations and temporal obligations.

*The true path to achieving salvation and merging with God does not require renunciation of the world or celibacy, but living the life of a householder, earning a honest living and avoiding worldly temptations and sins.

*Sikhism condemns blind rituals such as fasting, visiting places of pilgrimage, superstitions, worship of the dead, idol worship etc.

*Sikhism preaches that people of different races, religions, or sex are all equal in the eyes of God. It teaches the full equality of men and women. Women can participate in any religious function or perform any Sikh ceremony or lead the congregation in prayer.

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Sikhism introduction | World History | Khan Academy

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The Turbans:
Around Malaysia, do you notice the people who wear covers on their heads? Oh, and it is not woman.

The punjabi males are ought to wear a turban to cover their heads. Many of the males are characterized by their long beards and neatly wound turbans. Many of the younger generation, however, can be found without beards or turbans.

This is because the Sikhism code of conduct states unequivocally that all Sikhs are to keep every hair intact from birth. Baptized, or initiated Sikhs who cut or otherwise dishonor hair must confess and accept penance be reinstated.

The Meat:
Eating meat verses a vegetarian diet is a controversial issue in Sikhism for some. Traditionally all meals served from the gurus free kitchen in Sikh places of worship have always been vegetarian.

All Sikhs agree that meat of an animal slaughtered slowly with ritual prayers is to be avoided as stipulated in the code of conduct, however some Sikhs interpret the code to say that nothing killed is permitted for food.

The shunning and excommunication practice:
Grounds for barring, boycott, excommunication, or shunning are based guidance of the Sikhism code of conduct and include:

Abortion and honour killing.

Dishonest or un-honorable earning.

Anti-gurmat activities and practices.

Willful and repeated departure from the Sikhism code of conduct mandates.

Excommunication and reinstatement of an offender takes place in front of a Panj Pyare council of five Sikhs of unquestionable standing.

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Sikhism is a faith having both spiritual and secular components. The Sikh religion began with Guru Nanak who rejected idolatry and caste in favor of equality based on the belief that the creator is present in all of creation without regard to rank, gender, or color. Sikhism practices are based on the teachings developed by a succession of ten gurus which are recorded in the scripture of Guru Granth and in the Sikhism code of conduct document. Sikh traditions, beliefs and practices have been continually maintained and observed in historic spiritual centers where the ten gurus held court. The Golden Temple and Akal Takhat are regarded as the most sacred of Sikh holdings and residence of the highest authority in Sikhism.

The Sikh faith, beliefs and tenets outline a method to overcome ego and achieve humility in order to realize the divine within and merge with the creator and creation as one.

Grounds for barring, boycott, excommunication, or shunning are based guidance of the Sikhism code of conduct and include:

Abortion and honour killing.

Dishonest or un-honorable earning.

Anti-gurmat activities and practices.

Willful and repeated departure from the Sikhism code of conduct mandates.

Excommunication and reinstatement of an offender takes place in front of a Panj Pyare council of five Sikhs of unquestionable standing.

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Sikhism is a faith having both spiritual and secular components. The Sikh religion began with Guru Nanak who rejected idolatry and caste in favor of equality based on the belief that the creator is present in all of creation without regard to rank, gender, or color.

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Well, this video is rather for fun because the turban is one of the distinct features of a Punjabi - so why not get to know it?

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Reflections on the Difference Religion in Malaysia