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I think that White Privilege is a very sensitive subject, and this article does a good job simplifying the term into less polarizing terms. The author explains how people misinterpret white privilege as being racist. This is a fundamental concept that must be explained to people before discussing white privilege. The article is written in a way that isn't mean to be on the offensive, instead it is very educational and non accusing. This is important because when it comes to issues involving subjects like race people become very defensive and not much can actually be conveyed. This article spreads important information in a way that will retain readers.

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Get access to files anywhere through secure cloud storage and file backup for your photos, videos, files and more with Google Drive.

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I think that Maya Angelou wrote this poem with the intentions of showing how much freedom people take for granted. The free bird quietly flies around doing as it pleases, never noticing the screaming bird in the cage.  This can be applied to modern society where white people tend to be oblivious to their small freedoms and judgement that they are not subjected to whereas people of color have to struggle daily for the same things.

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Maya Angelou, "Caged Bird" from Shaker, Why Don't You Sing? Copyright © 1983 by Maya Angelou. Used by permission of Random House, an imprint and division of Penguin Random House LLC. All rights reserved.

Source: The Complete Collected Poems of Maya Angelou (Random House Inc., 1994)

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Caged Bird by Maya Angelou | Poetry Foundation

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This article was very shocking to me.  It showed how people looked down on African American communities on a very public and large scale stage.  I don't understand how stories like that could be published without concrete evidence, and I think that that is almost as big a problem as the subject matter itself.  This story relates to the Hurricane in Their Eyes Were Watching God, in which the white people showed no care for the black people, living or dead.  Instead of helping right away like they should have, they justified their lack of aid based on fabricated stories of racist stereotypes. This is an example of the system not caring about minorities as much as it should.

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Ten years ago today, the presidency of George W. Bush took a fatal hit. Yes, the bog-down in Iraq hurt, but the most devastating single photo of his administration showed him looking out the window as his plane flew over Katrina-flooded New Orleans as he returned to Washington after vacationing at his ranch in Texas. Bush should have been on the ground, as he was in New York City soon after Sept. 11, 2001.

Left-wing mediacrats made that photo their poster for rich people not caring about poor people, or whites not caring about blacks. At a congressional hearing later in 2005, many New Orleans residents charged that racism caused delays in Katrina relief and rescue. They were right, but they misidentified the culprit.

Delays came partly because some politicians and journalists painted a portrait of impoverished, overwhelmingly African-American masses of flood victims resorting to utter depravity, randomly attacking each other as well as police and rescue workers dispatched to protect and save them. Black politicians denigrated black residents: New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin spoke of "hundreds of armed gang members killing and raping people" inside the Superdome and said many of his constituents were in an "almost animalistic state." Police Chief Eddie Compass spoke of "little babies getting raped." Political organizer Randall Robinson said the "thousands of blacks in New Orleans ... have begun eating corpses to survive."

Even those who see cannibalism as benign don't think it happens after four days. It didn't take that long for media hysteria to spread. CNN's Paula Zahn spoke of "literally, people walking around in feces" and "bands of rapists going block to block." Her colleague, Chris Lawrence, raved about "mothers with their babies literally living in raw sewage ... helicopters are literally just completely surrounded the city ... people are literally dying at the Convention Center. ... There have literally been groups of young men roaming the city, shooting at people."

These stories, at best metaphorical but largely mendacious, literally led to good ratings. Facts had a hard time catching up. Orleans Parish District Attorney Eddie Jordan later said four murders had occurred in the entire city during the week after Katrina hit, which made it an average week, but from press reports he thought "at least 40 or 50 murders had occurred." New Orleans Times-Picayune editor Jim Amoss later complained about "classic urban myth" and said that if media had been speculating about the behavior of "middle-class white people its hard to believe that these kinds of myths would have sprung up so readily."

When Wolf Blitzer on CNN at the end of Katrina week said, "Had this happened in a predominantly white community, the federal government would have responded much more quickly," he was probably right. Had politicians and reporters not made racist, false assumptions about black behavior, rescuers would not have thought their operations demanded military precaution rather than humanitarian speed. Had commanders not seen the need to arrive at the Convention Center with overwhelming force, in the media-driven expectation that residents would shoot at them, they would have been able to evacuate people from there a day earlier.

The New York Times was one of the exaggerators, but at least on Sept. 29, 2005, it reported that "the most alarming stories that coursed through the city appear to be little more than figments of frightened imaginations." Hype was not a victimless crime. It slowed down rescue work. Two patients died while waiting for evacuation helicopters grounded for a day by false reports of sniper fire. And yet, instead of emphasizing the need for accurate reporting, NBC's Brian Williams told his national audience that the hurricane would "necessitate a national discussion on race, oil, politics, class, infrastructure, the environment, and more."

George W. Bush came to New Orleans this past weekend. He's said that he could have done better a decade ago. Many reporters have not been so honest. If you're interested in more on this subject, you can read a book of mine that Thomas Nelson published a year after the hurricane hit: The Politics of Disaster: Katrina, Big Government, and a New Strategy for Future Crisis.

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The real racism exposed by Hurricane Katrina

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Ten years ago today, the presidency of George W. Bush took a fatal hit. Yes, the bog-down in Iraq hurt, but the most devastating single photo of his administration showed him looking out the window as his plane flew over Katrina-flooded New Orleans as he returned to Washington after vacationing at his ranch in Texas.

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This TED talk was very enlightening to me. It made a lot of sense, and I think that it could be very important to Americans. The idea of people viewing groups of others from a single, narrow, perspective must have something to do with the bias that is apparent between races. This bias, which seems to be spread through the media in stories such as those about Hurricane Katrina, portray people of color as criminals and uncivilized. This is not the case at all and has extremely negative effects. I believe it to be one of the main contributors to our unknown biases.

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Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie: The danger of a single story

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Our lives, our cultures, are composed of many overlapping stories. Novelist Chimamanda Adichie tells the story of how she found her authentic cultural voice -- and warns that if we hear only a single story about another person or country, we risk a critical misunderstanding.

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Darryl Davis must have a lot of courage to do what he does.  As a black man, entering one of the most prominent hate groups against your race must be very intimidating.  Davis does this with the intentions of trying to understand. There is no good explanation as to why the KKK exists or believes what they believe. However, Davis's ideologies should be applied to everyday life. If people tried to understand other groups and cultures, they wouldn't be afraid of them and would probably be much more understanding. I think that Davis has done this less to change KKK members's perspectives but to show that it is possible to interact with those as opposite as can be. He sets a great example.

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Why I, as a black man, attend KKK rallies. | Daryl Davis | TEDxNaperville

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This article examines the cycles that contribute to inner city poverty, both economic and social. The main points of the article are that the problems inner cites face are not because of race and the people that live in them, but because of the lack of opportunities that they are face with. The author states that the longer that no opportunities arise, the more likely people are to exhibit the stereotypical traits that cause issues, such as breaking the law.  This makes sense, because people far too often blame these type of problems on the people themselves, and those ideas are usually racist. Instead, greater factors need to be considered, such as how over time as conditions deteriorate businesses will leave and there will be even less opportunity for legal employment.  In Their Eyes Were Watching God this can be seen when in the Everglades where people don't make a lot of money things like gambling are praised, whereas in a place like Eatonville where people make money it is frowned upon. In neither case are the people different or better, it is their surroundings that influence their behaviors and that should be considered in modern society before making assumptions about someones character.

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Through reading this article I found out about a few of the unintentional barriers in place hindering minorities and the poor from receiving dental care. These barriers don't necessarily stand out and for the majority of citizens don't garner a second glance. They tend to be innocent, but exemplify how the system is set up against minorities favor. An example is how many dentists in higher income states don't accept public insurance because it doesn't pay as well as private clients. They are just trying to make a better living and aren't doing anything with malicious intent. However, the underprivileged minority child that now can't receive proper dental care or education will live their life a mark below others. This article mainly brought to light a perfect example of a situation like white privilege, however this one has less to do with race and more to do with social class.

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This article goes into a lot of statistical detail about political division and how race and class affect it. The simple answer? It's complicated. What is apparent to me is that race plays a bigger role in affecting political decisions than class does. This correlate's with the idea that there is racial division in America. This isn't saying that any group is particularly racist, it just shows that groups definitely think differently on issues.  I think that an important part of accepting people is realizing that no one country will have a truly united mind.  This data just proves that.  I think that people should stop viewing these gaps in opinions as a negative division but as a positive factor that in theory should make our country unique.  However, this division creates rifts among groups and provides reasons to not like other groups. Recognizing the essential differences between groups will be the first step in uniting them on the greater front.

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Is race or class the more politically significant division in the United States? Donald Trump's rise has gotten the nation talking again about both in American politics. Some observers have examined Trump's support among white working class voters, focusing on how economic conditions can explain his candidacy. Others have pointed to his followers' enthusiasm for his comments about race, even suggesting that racial attitudes make up the " central dividing line " in American politics.

[Can Trump win black votes? Here's what we know from 5 decades of black voting data]

Here's what fewer people haver tried to untangle: How do race and class intersect to shape Americans' political views? Are political differences between whites and ethnic or racial minorities consistent at every income level, or do political attitudes change with income - and if so, how is that influenced by race?

Our new analysis reveals that race and class intersect in interesting ways in structuring political attitudes. On all major political issues, the gap between African-Americans and whites is generally wide and remains so even at the highest levels of income. On the measures we examined, both low-income and affluent African-Americans are significantly more liberal than their white counterparts.

That changes when we look at Latinos. At lower income levels, Latinos are to the left of whites, and are both more liberal and more likely to be Democrats. But that changes with affluence: wealthier Latinos are politically similar to wealthier whites. In other words, race and class aren't entirely separate; they interact in shaping attitudes.
Here's how we did our research
We drew these conclusions by examining responses to the 2012 and 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES) surveys, which include samples that allow us to examine white, black and Latino respondents at various levels of income. In all, our data set has 13,724 black respondents and 11,258 Latino respondents, including individuals at the highest income levels. These large samples allow us to investigate the intersection of race and class in a way that little previous research has been able to do.

[This book helps explain the rise of Donald Trump]

Attitudes toward Obamacare. To gauge policy attitudes, we first examined respondents' support for the Affordable Care Act (ACA), with black and white respondents presented in the left-hand panel of the graph below. The large divide in support is not surprising.

As the chart shows, class has little to do with the divisions between whites and African Americans. Wealthy African American respondents support the ACA just as firmly as African Americans in the lowest income bracket, with about 75 percent in support. Similarly, whites of all income levels are equally divided about "Obamacare," with around half at every income level saying they support the ACA.

That's different for Latinos. In the right-hand graph below, you can see that the Latino-white gap gets smaller and almost completely closes at higher income levels. While lower- and middle-income Latinos support the ACA more than do whites at those income levels, the wealthiest Latinos are just as likely to oppose the ACA as the wealthiest whites.

Attitudes toward the federal budget. Respondents were asked how they would reduce the deficit and given the options of a) cutting defense spending, b) cutting domestic spending, or c) increasing taxes. The graph below shows the percent who say they would cut domestic spending. (There's no need to graph them all; the patterns were about the same for cutting defense spending or raising taxes).

[New state laws discourage registering immigrants. How will that affect the Latino vote?]

Low-income voters - whether white, black or Latino - all overwhelmingly reject budget cuts to domestic social programs. But attitudes diverge as income increases. Among households with an income of about $100,000/year and above, about half of whites say they would cut domestic spending - while upper-income African Americans actually reject domestic spending cuts more emphatically.

Once again, Latinos' attitudes are different. Lower-income Latinos reject domestic spending cuts even more strongly than lower-income whites. But that changes for those who have about $125,000 in household income. After that, about an equal percentage of whites and Latinos - roughly half - start to say they would cut domestic programs.

Democrat or Republican? In the graph below, we can see that at every income level, roughly the same percentage of whites identify with the Democratic Party. What you can't see is that that's different for Republicans: the higher the income, the more whites switch from identifying as independent to Republican.

Nor is there very much difference by income level among African Americans. About 80 percent of working-class African Americans identify as Democrats, falling to about 70 percent among the wealthiest. But even the wealthiest African Americans are about 20 percentage points more likely to be Democrats than the wealthiest whites.

Once again, there's a bigger difference between lower-income and higher-income Latinos - and less difference from whites among the wealthy. Nearly 60 percent of working-class Latinos are Democrats, compared with about half of those earning $250,000 a year. The white-Latino gap goes from 20 percentage points at the lowest income level to essentially zero at the highest.

In other words, African Americans and whites are widely divided, ideologically and in political party, at every level of prosperity.

That's not so among Latinos, the wealthier of whom are more conservative and more Republican than those at lower incomes. High-income Latinos have views similar to high-income whites, and could therefore be valuable Republican constituency.

Whether that opportunity will exist after a Republican presidential nominee who is openly hostile toward Latinos is another question altogether.
Sean McElwee is a policy analyst at Demos. Find him on Twitter @SeanMcElwee. Jesse Rhodes is associate professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts in Amherst. Find him on Twitter @JesseRhodesPS. Brian Schaffner is professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts in Amherst. Find him on Twitter @b_schaffner.

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Is America more divided by race or class?

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Is race or class the more politically significant division in the United States? Donald Trump's rise has gotten the nation talking again about both in American politics. Some observers have examined Trump's support among white working class voters, focusing on how economic conditions can explain his candidacy.

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This article is a combination of personal memoirs and the authors views on the structure of America.  The author describes her naive upbringing in Mississippi and how it contrasted her life in Los Angeles.  I understand the points she makes in her writing, but I feel like this article fails to pin race or class to the authors struggles in LA.  If the author had put more reasoning behind why she couldn't find work, I would be able to understand her perspective easier. But just saying that she couldn't find work in a new place doesn't really do much in my eyes to explain how race is to blame. She also doesn't explain anything about her economic status except for implying that she was well off as a child. Therefore, she actually came off as somewhat entitled and I believe that the authors message is flawed. I'm in no way saying that America isn't flawed, however this article could be much better with more evidence and facts. In its current state I'm not sure what the author was trying to say.

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Race and class are intertwined in America. We must work to change that | Kirsten West Savali

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The US economy is built on the backs of exploited black laborers. This is a reality we will continue to work against

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The speaker in this TED talk was from a poor Ohio town, and that contributed to his firsthand accounts of poverty. Americans commonly overlook the poor white working class. This helps contribute to their anger and possibly racism. I'm not saying that they are inherently racist, what I'm saying is that when they see inner cities receiving all the attention and effort to fix them while their local communities suffer they feel resentment towards those who live there. They feel overlooked and like the government doesn't care about them. This TED talk did a good job showing how a group that is commonly overlooked feels and gives insight as to why they feel the way that they do.

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J.D. Vance: America's forgotten working class

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J.D. Vance grew up in a small, poor city in the Rust Belt of southern Ohio, where he had a front-row seat to many of the social ills plaguing America: a heroin epidemic, failing schools, families torn apart by divorce and sometimes violence.