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In Egypt, filing a sexual harassment complaint can land a woman in jail.  In 2018, May El Shamy was the first woman in Egypt to file a sexual harassment complaint against her boss.  They can sometimes be deemed as terrorists or as extremists.  A terrorist group targeted Shamy after the complaint. It is believed that 99% of women have experienced have experienced sexual harassment. Until now, they have been silent.

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October 25, 2018
May El Shamy could have kept silent, but she didn't. So when the 28-year-old fashion editor goes to work these days, she feels proud. She's done what few Egyptian women have done: filed a sexual harassment complaint against one of her bosses.

"At the same time, I am a little scared," she said. Her boss, who denies the allegation, remains in his job and in charge of her fate.

A growing number of Egyptian women, many influenced by the #MeToo movement, are coming forward to expose sexual harassment, women's rights activists and lawyers say.

Even as Egyptian women are starting to call it out, they are facing a perhaps unique obstacle, a repressive government that often considers such complaints to be a form of unacceptable criticism. In some recent cases, government authorities have taken legal action against women.

In other instances, like Shamy's, the women are subjected to a vicious backlash that brands them as terrorists or extremists. These campaigns against the women seem to be modeled on the tactics used by the government to target political opponents and critics.

Shamy is believed to be the first Egyptian woman to file a police report against her superior, a man who works for an influential newspaper aligned with the government. After she filed the report, she was targeted by an online smear campaign, which included accusations that she is a member of the banned Muslim Brotherhood, considered by the government to be a terrorist organization.

"May broke the barrier of fear and this will encourage more women to speak out against sexual harassment," said Intsar El Saeed, her lawyer. "But the challenge we are facing now is to not allow them to politicize the case and drag it away from the sexual harassment issues."

Restrictions on speaking out

In July, Egypt's parliament passed a law granting the government sweeping powers to regulate social and traditional media, permitting President Abdel Fatah al-Sissi's widening security clampdown on free speech and dissent to deepen.

Then, last month, the government handed human rights activist Amal Fathy a two-year jail sentence for posting a 12-minute Facebook video detailing her allegations of sexual harassment at a bank and decrying the government's failure to protect women.

Authorities said Fathy "was spreading false news" to undermine the country's image and suspended her sentence only after she paid a hefty fine. But she is now facing a separate trial after the government accused her of being a member of a banned "outlaw group."

The watchdog group Amnesty International blasted the verdict as an "outrageous case of injustice," adding that Fathy's case "highlighted the vital issue of women's safety in Egypt." Najia Bounaim, Amnesty's North Africa campaigns director, said Fathy was "not a criminal and should not be punished for her bravery."

This summer, a Lebanese tourist was sentenced to eight years in prison after she described in a Facebook video the sexual harassment she endured while on vacation in Egypt. A Cairo court found her guilty of spreading false rumors harmful to society, among other charges. Only after an international uproar threatened Egypt's tourism industry was the woman's sentence cut short last month and she was allowed to leave Egypt after paying a heavy fine.

Sexual harassment has long been a problem in Egypt. A United Nations survey in 2013 found that 99 percent of Egyptian women reported having experienced it. And last year, a Thomson Reuters Foundation survey found Cairo to be the world's most dangerous megacity for women.

The abuses continue despite a law adopted in 2014 criminalizing sexual harassment. Sissi himself vowed to take a stand against sexual violence and protect women's rights.

Since then, however, lawyers and activists say they are seeing more women report sexual assaults, whether on social media or in local media. Police and prosecutors are more willing in some cases to investigate their claims in a timely manner, said activists and lawyers.

The #MeToo movement in the United States, they added, has prompted more public discussion. Last month, a woman posted a video on Facebook showing a man pestering her to have a cup of coffee with her, sparking a discussion on social media on what constitutes sexual harassment.

"What's happening in Egypt is that people are becoming more and more aware of sexual harassment and how much of an epidemic it is here," said Shamy's lawyer, Saeed. But she added that while there "has been a lot of progress in the last few years, there is still a lot more to accomplish on this front."

Harassment at work

Shamy had worked for seven years for Youm 7, a privately owned newspaper and website. Over the summer, she said, one of her bosses, Dandarawy el Hawary, started to make comments that made her uncomfortable.

"I was verbally harassed multiple times," said Shamy, tall and soft-spoken. "And when it turned into physical harassment I decided to speak out against it."

Shamy, on her lawyer's advice, declined to specify the nature of the assault until after the investigation. Shamy said she was not raped.

"He's not supposed to touch me in anyway," said Shamy, who is married.

Hawary, in an interview, denied the allegations, saying there is "not a single evidence against me, not even a weak one."

"How can you criminalize one man and support an alleged victim?" he added. "I agree with you we all should support the victims of sexual harassment, but you have to have proof they are victims."

Shamy initially filed an internal complaint, but she said it became clear the newspaper was "very passive" in dealing with her allegations. Shamy then filed the police complaint, which triggered an investigation by Egyptian prosecutors.

Since the news of her complaint leaked online, she's been under attack. Some on social media have claimed she's having marital problems; others have sought to portray her as mentally unstable to destroy her credibility, Saeed said.

Activists are concerned that the backlash could stop other sexually assaulted women from coming forward.

"All of these are tools that make it harder for victims to seek justice," said Mona Ezzat, director of the work and women's program at the New Woman Foundation in Cairo.

Today, as Shamy awaits the findings of the prosecutor's investigation, she makes every effort, she said, to avoid her accuser who still writes for the paper.

"We don't talk," she said.

Read more
A year after it began, has #MeToo become a global movement? American limo driver tortured and raped in Egyptian prison, rights group says Egypt's powerful president is facing unusual dissent over rapidly rising prices Today's coverage from Post correspondents around the world Like Washington Post World on Facebook and stay updated on foreign news

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In Egypt, a #MeToo complaint can land a woman in jail

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October 25, 2018 May El Shamy could have kept silent, but she didn't. So when the 28-year-old fashion editor goes to work these days, she feels proud. She's done what few Egyptian women have done: filed a sexual harassment complaint against one of her bosses.

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Reacting to Homophobia in Madrid, Spain (2015)

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Reacting to Homophobia in Madrid, Spain (2015)

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Hey guys! I found this awesome experiment that was done in Madrid a couple years ago to exemplify the reactions of random people to homophobia. I think it really shows the social environment towards the LGBT community in at least this part of the country, while also including a bit of legal things that i will talk about in class! Check it out!

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gay couple social experiment. Reactions to homophobia

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Liberation for the LGBT Community in Liberia???

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Liberation for the LGBT Community in Liberia???

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In Liberia, an article from 2012 stated that being gay or lesbian openly means that you "have to be willing to risk your life"(Horton). Since 2012, there have been increasing amounts of hate crimes and violence against people in the LGBT community.

Gender Equality has also been a battle in Liberia since the 2 civil wars ravaged in their country from 1989-1996, and 1999-2003, in which “sexual- and gender-based violence was used as a weapon of war.”(Golakeh).
https://globalpressjournal.com/africa/liberia/liberia-becoming-leader-in-eradicating-sexual-and-gender-based-violence/

https://africanarguments.org/2012/01/31/illegal-and-invisible-sexuality-identity-and-lgbt-rights-in-liberia-by-stephanie-c-horton/

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Hi everyone! I found this awesome article on how trans people are now allowed to change their gender identification on legal documents of theirs. One of the most eye opening parts of the article is that they admit that it took them until 2007 to allow divorce to happen and took until 2017 to allow people to get abortions under specific circumstances. THIS IS WILD

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SANTIAGO - Trans people in Chile can now change their gender on official documents after a landmark law for human rights came into effect in the staunchly conservative country yesterday.

Chilean president Sebastian Piñera signed the transgender rights bill into law on Wednesday (November 28), which allows trans people above the age of 14 to update their name and gender on official records.

"We promulgate #LeyDeIdentidadDeGénero (Law of Gender Identity) with a firm belief that we are all born equal in dignity, rights and duties, and deserve to be architects of our lives and live them with freedom. So we move towards a society of human values, love and respect for the diversity," Piñera wrote on Twitter (in Spanish).

El Pdte. @sebastianpinera promulgó hoy la #LeyDeIdentidadDeGénero que permite el cambio de sexo registral para personas mayores de 18 años, y de entre 14 y 18 años con autorización de sus padres o tutor legal. pic.twitter.com/Z31yWBWfXf

- Gobierno de Chile (@GobiernodeChile) November 28, 2018

The bill was first introduced by center-left President Michelle Bachelet, then faced fierce lobbying by conservative and religious groups until its eventual passage by lawmakers in September, nearly five years later.

The law marks a progressive shift in Chile, which is strongly Roman Catholic and became one of the last countries in the world to legalize divorce in 2004. And the country's ban on abortion, one of the strictest in the world, was lifted in 2017, though for special circumstances only.

Chile passes law allowing transgender teens to change their sex, name

Human rights groups praised the passing of the "historic" trans rights law in the traditionalist country, where abortion remains illegal except for under special circumstances.

"Today we're taking a historic leap that will improve the quality of life for the trans population," said Rolando Jimenez, leader of the Integration and Homosexual Liberation Movement (Movilh). "A basic right, that of identity, is being recognized. It's a right that most of us have from birth but which is taken from the trans population at birth."

However, Jimenez believes the law should go further to include children younger than 14, adding that it's an "obvious violation of human rights that we hope will be corrected."

The Human Rights Campaign lauded the new law as a landmark moment for trans rights in the country.

"This historic decision marks a milestone for LGBTQ rights in Chile and in South America," said Ty Cobb, global director at Human Rights Campaign.

HISTORIC: Chile has enacted a law allowing transgender people over the age of 14 to update their names on legal documents and guarantee their right to be officially addressed according to their true gender. 🇨🇱 https://t.co/WmGziK2p60

- Human Rights Campaign (@HRC) November 28, 2018

"We commend the efforts of all the LGBTQ advocates involved, including our Chilean partners at Fundación Iguales, who worked tirelessly for five years to achieve this victory.

"While this legislation removes roadblocks for many trans people, there is still important progress to be made - especially for transgender youth."

The transgender bill signed into law on Wednesday defines gender identity as a personal conviction of whether a person sees himself or herself as male or female, irrespective of their physical state or the gender or name assigned to them in the country's civic register.

India's supreme court legalizes gay sex

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Chile enacts landmark gender identity law

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SANTIAGO - Trans people in Chile can now change their gender on official documents after a landmark law for human rights came into effect in the staunchly conservative country yesterday. Chilean president Sebastian Piñera signed the transgender rights bill into law on Wednesday (November 28), which allows trans people above the age of 14 to update their name and gender on official records.

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Poland is a country whose government is run based upon religious Roman Catholic beliefs. The newly elected Law and Justice Party (2015) has been targeting women's rights to abortion and proper sexual education. Many women's organizations have been targeted with raids, defunding of programs, and threatening of jobs. A march in 2017 for women's rights sparked the revolution for change that is still underway in Poland. I hope you enjoy this article and follow the hastag #StrajkKobiet to follow the women's march in Poland.

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(Brussels) - The Polish government is targeting women's rights activists and organizations, putting women's rights and safety at risk, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. More than two years after the first mass protests against efforts to further restrict abortion access, the ruling Law and Justice ( Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party is attacking women's rights activism through raids on groups' offices, denial of funding, public smear campaigns, and disciplinary action.

The 75-page report, "' The Breath of the Government on My Back ': Attacks on Women's Rights in Poland," documents how, since coming to power in 2015, the Law and Justice government has targeted women's rights groups through raids and defunding, often with little warning and no clear rationale. Human Rights Watch found that government agencies have dragged employees who support women's rights protests or collaborate with women's rights groups before disciplinary hearings and threatened their jobs. The government has failed to counter - and sometimes appeared to support - public smear campaigns by ruling party and other politicians and church-backed groups that mischaracterize women's rights organizations and their work as dangerous to families and so-called "traditional values."

"Using scare tactics to cripple these groups is just another attempt by the Polish government to roll back women's rights," said Hillary Margolis, a women's rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. "Activists have targets on their backs simply for helping survivors of abuse or for supporting basic rights to reproductive health and peaceful protest."

Human Rights Watch interviewed 30 activists, representatives of nongovernmental organizations, and participants in or supporters of women's rights issues and protests across Poland, as well as government officials.

Inaccessibility of government funding has led organizations to cut staff, diminish geographic coverage, and reduce essential services for survivors of domestic and other gender-based violence, leaving significant gaps in shelter, counseling, and legal support, Human Rights Watch found. Groups conducting workshops on gender-based violence, non-discrimination, and sexual and reproductive health education have also been forced to cut back activities. Specialized services for women and girl survivors of violence and sexual and reproductive health education and information remain woefully inadequate, and well below international and regional standards.

The Women's Rights Center in Łódź, which provides support for women survivors of violence, was raided by police immediately following a women's rights protest in October 2017 and faced withdrawal of significant government funding. Anna Głogowska-Balcerzak, the center's coordinator, said they had to cut service provision drastically outside the city. "We had clients from all over the region," she said. "Now we have only one support group in one small town." She emphasized the impact on women facing abuse: "Some women stay with their abusive partners because they have nowhere else to go."

Against a backdrop of historic reluctance in Poland to grant women and girls full reproductive rights, and with one of the most restrictive abortion laws in Europe, the government has worked to further curb reproductive freedom, including through retrogressive action on emergency contraception and support of bills that would virtually ban abortion. The government has blocked provision of comprehensive sexual and reproductive health education. High-level party leaders and civil servants have also publicly discouraged efforts to combat violence against women.

Such actions have met with widespread protest, including through mass demonstrations beginning in October 2016 that became known as #CzarnyProtest (Black Protest) and #StrajkKobiet (Women's Strike).

The government's open disdain for women's rights and failure to counter misinformation campaigns has fostered a climate of fear among women's human rights defenders. Activists said it also deters women and girls from seeking help, including survivors of violence.

Agata Teutsch, director of Autonomia Foundation, which conducts workshops in schools to counter gender-based violence and discrimination, said personal smears by conservative politicians and in the press have put her and the organization's work at risk. "There were articles that mentioned me by name, that said I'm a dangerous person for kids," she said. "For some communities or some people, [now] I'm someone not to cooperate with, I'm not someone you can trust."

Some people interviewed experienced intimidation or retaliation due to their support for women's rights, including participation in peaceful protests or cooperation with groups working on women's rights. Five women said their public employment came under threat, including three teachers and one school headmistress who were subjected to disciplinary proceedings, though no grounds for disciplinary action were found.

© 2018 Beata Zawrzel/NurPhoto via Getty Images

The Polish government should immediately cease attacks on women's rights defenders and organizations, and investigate and condemn abusive tactics used against them, Human Rights Watch said. It should halt attempts at retrogressive law and policy on women's rights, including policies on sexual and reproductive health services and information, and stop undermining efforts to address violence against women.

The European Union (EU) and its member states should hold Poland to account for failing to implement EU policy on equality, women's rights, and violence against women, including the Victims' Rights Directive, Human Rights Watch said. They should also ensure access to funding for Polish women's rights organizations.

"The Polish government is punishing not only the activists and organizations it targets, but the women who rely on them for lifesaving help," Margolis said. "Allowing this to happen sends a dangerous message that women can't count on the EU's commitment to protect them."

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Poland: Women's Rights Activists Targeted

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The Polish government is targeting women's rights activists and organizations, putting women's rights and safety at risk. Activists have targets on their backs simply for helping survivors of abuse or for supporting basic rights to reproductive health and peaceful protest.

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https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/malaysia-lesbians-caning-illegal-sex-car-homosexuality-law-sharia-court-lashes-a8520751.html
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/apr/18/malaysia-islamic-authorities-investigate-women-activists-who-discussed-their-dehijabbing
On March 9, 2019 several hundred people of Malaysia marched to mark International Women’s Day. The march, organized by activist groups and local nongovernmental organizations, demanded greater women’s rights and called for a ban on child marriage, an end to gender discrimination and a monthly minimum wage. LGBT activists marched for an end to gender-based violence and discrimination against LGBT, where same-sex relationships are outlawed both by civil and Islamic law.

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KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia (RNS) - In solidarity with women around the world, several hundred people marched in Malaysia's capital on Saturday (March 9) to mark International Women's Day. The march, organized by activist groups and local nongovernmental organizations, demanded greater women's rights and called for a ban on child marriage, an end to gender discrimination and a monthly minimum wage of 1800 RM ($650).

But the focus on women's issues was often overshadowed by a backlash against LGBT activists who marched for an end to gender-based violence and discrimination against LGBT in Malaysia, where same-sex relationships are outlawed both by civil and Islamic law.

Mujahid Yusof Rawa, the Malaysian Islamic affairs minister, deemed the event "a misuse of democratic space." "I am shocked by the actions of a handful of people today who abuse the democratic space to defend practices that are against Islamic teachings," the minister wrote in a Facebook post after the rally.

The minister's comment was backed by similar comments from representatives of PAS, a conservative Islamic political party in Malaysia, and United Malays National Organization, the party that ruled Malaysia for six decades until last year. Several Islamic NGOs and student groups also filed a police report against the march organizers.

Organizers of the march called for "reason, restraint, openness and respect by all parties who are currently launching a campaign of hate and aggression," in a statement released to the press. "A healthy democracy relies on full and equal participation by all levels of society. We remind the government that it is their duty to defend this basic principle, in particular for those who are marginalized in society."

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Malaysia women's march meets disapproval from religious, political authorities - Religion News Service

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KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia (RNS) - Several hundred people marched in Malaysia's capital on Saturday (March 9) to mark International Women's Day in an event organized by activist groups and local NGOs and criticized by politicians and religious groups for its inclusion of LGBT activists.

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Rising in the polls, Pete Buttigieg officially enters 2020 race

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Rising in the polls, Pete Buttigieg officially enters 2020 race

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So recently I have been seeing this guy Pete Buttigieg everywhere on social media, however I had no idea that he is now one of the first openly gay candidates in a major political party to run for president in this upcoming 2020 election. I find it amazing that more and more diverse people (women, different races, and now gays) are running for president, it makes me feel like we are on the right path as a country. to becoming more accepting of people.

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Rising in polls and name recognition among Democratic voters, South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg officially entered the 2020 race for president Sunday, hopeful he can achieve a feat that has proved elusive to many: pave a successful path from a city hall to the White House.

Buttigieg, a 37-year-old progressive small-town mayor in deep-red Indiana with a difficult-to-pronounce last name, unexpectedly raised $7 million in donations in the first quarter, and has surged to third place in recent polls in Iowa and New Hampshire. A veteran of the war in Afghanistan, Buttigieg is also one of the first openly gay candidates to vie for a major party's presidential nomination.

"It's time to walk away from the politics of the past, and toward something totally different. And so, that is why I'm here today," Buttigieg told a raucous group of more than 4,500 supporters at a rally in South Bend. "My name is Pete Buttigieg. They call me Mayor Pete. I am a proud son of South Bend, Indiana. And I am running for President of the United States."

Speaking inside a former automobile manufacturing plant turned tech-incubator, the millennial mayor crafted a not-so-thinly-veiled rebuke of President Trump and Republicans. Buttigieg denounced conservative politicians for offering Midwestern communities like his hometown an "impossible promise" based on resentment and nostalgia "to stop the clock" and halt the tectonic shifts reshaping the American economy and its workforce.

"The problem is, they're telling us to look for greatness in all the wrong places. Because if there is one thing the city of South Bend has shown, it's that there is no such thing as an honest politics that revolves around the word 'again,'" he added, referring to the president's signature slogan, "Make America Great Again."

Despite the torrential downpour outside the venue, the enthusiasm among the rally's attendees was palpable. Kyle Witzgiman, a volunteer for the mayor's presidential campaign, told CBS News he drove 13 hours from Arkansas to attend the South Bend rally.

Buttigieg's campaign recently announced 64 percent of his total donations came from contributions of $200 or less. His husband Chasten, who has become a breakout Twitter sensation of the 2020 race, tweeted his thanks to donors, writing, "Thank you friends, we're just getting started." The small-town mayor acknowledged that while other candidates in the field may have outraised him this quarter, his number is a big deal for the "underdog project."

"We are not part of the national political machine. We started with just about 20,000 people on our email list, and not many people even knew who I was. But as more and more people around the country begin to hear our bold vision for the future, more and more people are investing in this effort," Buttigieg said in a statement.

Buttigieg has also garnered media attention for his feud with Vice President Mike Pence, the former governor of Indiana who pursued anti-LGBT policies while he was in office. Buttigieg has criticized Pence for his opposition to gay marriage and gay rights, which Pence has said is informed by his Christian faith.

"I don't have a problem with religion, I'm religious too. I have a problem with religion being used as a justification to harm people," Buttigieg said on "Ellen" last week.

Meanwhile, Pence accused Buttigieg of attacking his faith. "I hope that Pete will offer more to the American people than attacks on my Christian faith or attacks on the president as he seeks the highest office in the land," Pence said.
Nicole Sganga, Emily Tillett and Ed O'Keefe contributed to this report.

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2020 democratic party presidential primaries

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Rising in the polls, Pete Buttigieg officially enters 2020 race

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Rising in polls and name recognition among Democratic voters, South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg officially entered the 2020 race for president Sunday, hopeful he can achieve a feat that has proved elusive to many: pave a successful path from a city hall to the White House.

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Gender Inequality in the workplace in Australia 

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Gender Inequality in the workplace in Australia 

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Hello everyone! My country is Australia and I found this article that included interesting statistics about gender inequality in the workplace and the discrimination that women in Australia face on a daily basis. One of the most surprising and distressing statistics that I saw was that on average Australian women have to work an extra 56 days a year to earn the same pay as men for doing the same work. Another statistic was that even though Australian women make up about 47% of the workforce they take home on average $251.20 less than men each week.

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Back to main Face the Facts page
In recent decades, women in Australia have made significant strides towards equality with men. At universities, in workplaces, in boardrooms and in government, a growing number of women have taken on leadership roles, forging pathways for other women and girls to follow.

In 1984, the Sex Discrimination Act came into force, making sex discrimination and sexual harassment across various parts of public life against the law.

The Act, which gives effect to Australia's international human rights obligations, has played an important role in changing community attitudes and helping advance gender equality in this country.

Despite this progress, women and girls continue to experience inequality and discrimination in many important parts of their lives, which can limit the choices and opportunities available to them.

About gender equality in Australia

Women and girls make up just over half (50.7 per cent) of the Australian population.

While women comprise roughly 47 per cent of all employees in Australia, they take home on average $251.20 less than men each week (full-time adult ordinary earnings).. The national gender "pay gap" is 15.3 per cent and it has remained stuck between 15 per cent and 19 per cent for the past two decades.

Australian women account for 68% of primary carers for older people and people with disability.

95% of primary parental leave (outside of the public-sector) is taken by women and women spend almost three times as much time taking care of children each day, compared to men.

In 2017, Australia was ranked 35th on a global index measuring gender equality, slipping from a high point of 15th in 2006. While Australia scores very highly in the area of educational attainment, there is still a lot of progress to be made in the areas of economic participation and opportunity and political empowerment.

Barriers to gender equality

The Australian workforce is highly segregated by gender and female-dominated industries - such as aged care, child care and health and community services - have been historically undervalued. Australian women are over-represented as part-time workers in low-paid industries and in insecure work and continue to be underrepresented in leadership roles in the private and public sectors.

More than half of women aged 18 or older have experienced sexual harassment in their lifetime.

On average, women spend 64 per cent of their working week performing unpaid care work. They spend almost twice as many hours performing such work each week compared to men.

In 2015-2016 the average Australian woman was reaching retirement with an average of $113,660 less superannuation than the average male. As a result, women are more likely to experience poverty in their retirement years and be far more reliant on the Age Pension.. [14]

More than one in three Australian women has experienced physical or sexual violence in her lifetime and one in two experiences sexual harassment.

It is estimated that violence against women and their children cost the Australian economy $22 billion in 2015-16.

Positive developments

The number of women on the Boards of ASX-listed companies grew from 8.3 per cent in 2009 to 26.2 per cent in 2017 due in part to a diversity policy implemented by the ASX Corporate Governance Council in 2010. Increasing the number of women in corporate leadership positions is likely to significantly increase financial returns.

Australian men and women overwhelmingly believe (90 per cent) that men should be as involved in parenting as women. However, while a significant number of fathers, and in particular young fathers, would like to be able to access better workplace flexibility arrangements, men are much more likely than women to have such requests denied.

As of 2016, over one million Australian workers are able to take leave and enjoy other protections because of domestic violence clauses in their workplace agreement or award conditions.

Did you know?

On average, Australian women have to work an extra 56 days a year to earn the same pay as men for doing the same work.

Our role

The Commission helps people resolve complaints of unfair treatment under the Sex Discrimination Act, including discrimination on the basis of sex, marital (or relationship) status and pregnancy and potential pregnancy. The Act also protects workers with family responsibilities and makes sexual harassment against the law.

The Sex Discrimination Commissioner works in partnership with a broad range of groups to promote gender equality and counter discrimination, sexual harassment, violence against women and other barriers to gender equality. She also undertakes major research projects and provides policy advice to government and others to bring about positive change.

Find out more about our work in this area.

Find out more

Australian Bureau of Statistics, Caring in the Community, 2012 (updated June 2014)

Australian Bureau of Statistics, Gender Indicators, Australia (latest update 2017)

Australian Human Rights Commission, Working without fear: Results of the Sexual Harassment National Telephone Survey (2012)

Australian Human Rights Commission, Unleashing Gender Equality (2017)

Australian Human Rights Commission, Supporting Working Parents: Pregnancy and Return to Work National Review - Report (2014)

Our Watch, Change the Story: A shared framework for the primary prevention of violence (2015)

Australia's National Research Organisation for Women's Safety, Publications.

Workplace Gender Equality Agency, Gender pay gap statistics (February 2018)

Workplace Gender Equality Agency, Gender workplace statistics at a glance (February 2018)

World Economic Forum, Global Gender Gap Report 2017 (2017)

Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2071.0 - Census of Population and Housing: Reflecting Australia - Stories from the Census, 2016, Snapshot of Australia (June, 2017).
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 6202.0 - Labour Force, Australia, Table 01: Labour force status by sex (December 2017).
Workplace Gender Equality Agency, Gender pay gap statistics (February 2018) p 1.
Workplace Gender Equality Agency, Gender pay gap statistics (February 2018) p 3.
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 4430.0 - Disability, ageing and carers, Australia: Summary of Findings, 2015 (October 2016).
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 4125.0 - Gender Indicators, Australia, Table 10.1: Total number of hours and minutes per day spent on work (employment related and unpaid) (September 2017).
[7] World Economic Forum, Global Gender Gap Report 2017 (2017) p 10.
Australian Human Rights Commission, Women in male-dominated industries: A toolkit of strategies (2013), p 3.
9 For example: approximately 45 per cent of women in the workforce are employed part-time compared with around 16 per cent of men. See: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 4125.0 - Gender Indicators, Summary - Economic Security (September 2017); women make up only 5 percent of CEOs and only 20 per cent of executive management in ASX 200 companies (see: Chief Executive Women, Senior Executive Census 2017) and, despite making up almost 60 per cent of all Commonwealth public servants, they comprise only 43 per cent of the Senior Executive Service (see: Australian Public Service Statistical Bulletin, Tables 8 and 12 (31 December 2016).
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 4906.0 - Personal Safety, Australia, 2016, Experience of Sexual Harassment (2017).
Workplace Gender Equality Agency, Unpaid care work and the labour market (November 2016) p 4.
Workplace Gender Equality Agency, Unpaid care work and the labour market (November 2016) p 4.
Association of Superannuation Funds of Australia Ltd., Superannuation account balances by age and gender (October 2017) p 5.
R Tanton, Y Vidyattama, J McNamara, Q Ngu Vu & A Harding, Old Single and Poor: Using Microsimulation and Microdata to Analyse Poverty and the Impact of Policy Change Among Older Australians (2008) p 15.
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 4906.0 - Personal Safety, Australia - Key findings (2016).
KPMG, The Cost of Violence against Women and their Children in Australia (May 2016) p 4.
Australian Institute of Company Directors, Appointments to ASX 200 Boards (updated online resource).
Deloitte Access Economics, Toward Gender Parity: Women On Boards Initiative (Research Report) (October 2016).
A Evans and E Gray, 'What makes an Australian family?' in S Wilson, G Meagher, R Gibson, D Denemark & M Western (eds), Australian Social Attitudes: The first report (2005), pp 12-29, p 27.
Workplace Gender Equality Agency, Engaging men in flexible workplace arrangements (August 2013) p 2.
L McFerran, Domestic violence is a workplace issue; Australian developments 2009-2016 (June 2016).
Equal Pay Day marks the additional number of days that the average woman must work in a year to receive the same amount of pay as the average man. Equal Pay Day is calculated using the following formula: 365 days x gender gap estimate ÷ 100. Workplace Gender Equality Agency, Gender pay gap statistics (March 2014) p 4; Workplace Gender Equality Agency, Gender pay gap statistics (February 2018) p 3.

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Back to main Face the Facts page In recent decades, women in Australia have made significant strides towards equality with men. At universities, in workplaces, in boardrooms and in government, a growing number of women have taken on leadership roles, forging pathways for other women and girls to follow.

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Feminism in Ireland, getting women into public office

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Feminism in Ireland, getting women into public office

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Last year in Dublin, a strict abortion ban was repealed. The feminist movement is strong in Ireland, but women still don't hold much power in politics, comprising only about a fifth of all government levels. Elections are coming up in May, so the women of Ireland are focusing their attention on rallying women and getting everyone to vote. According to this article, making abortion legal in 2018 and gay marriage legal in 2015 have been huge turning points for Irish women and this voting go around might be another one, as women are determined to stake their claim in office.

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DUBLIN - Feminism is the force of the moment in Irish politics. So where are all the women?

The repeal of a strict abortion ban by overwhelming popular mandate last year was a major leap forward for women's rights in the country - and largely driven by women-led grassroots activists. Yet women are severely under-represented in public office. Just a fifth of national lawmakers and local councilors are women.

That's why some activists have fixed their sights on May European and local elections. By recruiting and coaching a new roster of female candidates, they hope to leverage grassroots activism into concrete representation by Irish women.

"Certainly, from what we're seeing, we're at a huge turning point," said Ciairín de Buis, CEO of Women for Election, a non-profit organization that runs how-to bootcamps on campaigning. "What's very telling is that there's a lot of women coming to sessions who are new to political life."

There has never been a woman leader of either of the biggest parties.

The landmark referendums of 2018 and 2015 - to legalize abortion and gay marriage respectively - are cited by de Buis and others as game changers in Irish politics. The plebiscites served as a crash-course in campaigning for many women, galvanizing thousands to take part in canvassing and voter registration efforts.

"They haven't been involved in a particular political party for years," de Buis said of the women coming forward as potential candidates. "They are fresh to politics, having been engaged by a referendum campaign, and now they want to continue some level of involvement."

Vocal pressure from female activists has put issues that affect women - from a scandal over a cervical cancer screening program to street protests about consent in response to a divisive rape trial in Belfast - on the political center stage.

The next test: whether female activists can translate their surge of support into votes at the ballot box.

Long road

Women played a prominent role in the initial creation of the Irish state - the country's first legislature in 1919 had a woman minister, Constance Markievicz - but women were marginalized in the following decades. The second woman minister took office only in 1979.

There has never been a woman leader of either of the biggest parties, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil. Nor has Ireland had a woman prime minister, or a woman minister of finance, foreign affairs or defense.

Martina Fitzgerald, former political correspondent with national broadcaster RTÉ, interviewed all surviving 17 of the 19 women who have served as Irish ministers and two former presidents for her book " Madam Politician."

She found that "the unrelenting focus on appearance, various levels of sexism, and also the tug of war of balancing a career and also family life" are the most frequently-cited barriers to life in politics.

Of the seven female lawmakers who sat in parliament from the 1930s to the 1950s, five were widows of deceased parliamentarians - a route into politics that was known as the " widow's mandate." In the last three years, this culture has begun to disappear.

"Since 2016, the vast majority, the overwhelming majority [of women lawmakers] have no connection to a former office-holder," Fitzgerald said.

Prior to Ireland's general election that year, just 16 percent of lawmakers were women. That vote marked the first in which gender quotas came into force, compelling parties to nominate women as 30 percent of general election candidates or face cuts to state funding - a measure that is credited with helping to raise the number of women lawmakers by 8 points.

One in five deputies in the Irish lower house is female, a record high for Ireland.

For women, the barriers to entering politics are high - and not always visible

"We still have a lot of work to do, but we're getting there," Mary McAuliffe, assistant professor in gender studies at University College Dublin, said at FemFest, a February conference organized by the National Women's Council of Ireland for women and girls aged 16 to 25. "Transformation of culture is always much more difficult than actually changing the laws."

Since 2012, Women for Election has trained hundreds of women a year, and its efforts appear to be paying off. Half of the female local councillors elected in a 2014 ballot, and 40 percent of lawmakers elected in a 2016 vote, were trained by the activist group.

Among them are women now reaching senior positions across the spectrum of Irish politics: Josepha Madigan, a Fine Gael lawmaker appointed culture minister in 2017; Lisa Chambers, Brexit spokesperson for the rival Fianna Fáil party; and Liadh Ní Riada, who was the Sinn Féin candidate for president last year.

Rosarii Griffin attended Women for Election training after a friend urged her to consider politics. She is now running for local elections in Cork, in the southeast of the country.

"When it comes to political priorities, women and children are always at the bottom," Griffin told POLITICO. "If women aren't elected we're never going to have a place at the table."

Trailblazers

Ireland's female activists have also made diversity a priority.

The local elections of May 24, for example, are likely to see a number of trailblazers. Among the women running for seats on councils are Malawian asylum seeker Ellie Kisyombe, who has lived in Ireland's controversial "Direct Provision" refugee processing system for eight years.

Another is Julia O'Reilly, an Irish Traveller whose political ambitions were given urgency when discrimination against the ethnic minority became a theme in Ireland's 2018 presidential election.

"I always had the interest to do it, but that was the push that I needed," O'Reilly told POLITICO. "I know what it is to need and want, and that's what's lacking in politics right now."

Hazel Chu is not fazed at being a "first." The child of migrants from Hong Kong, Chu was the first in her family to complete high school and university and the first Irish-Chinese person to qualify as a barrister. If elected, she will become the first Irish-Chinese woman to hold political office in Ireland.

"I thought at 17 by the time I was 25 the world would be equal ..." - Mairead McGuinness

"There is an inherent barrier there. There's a barrier for women, there's a barrier for migrants ... having to juggle different positions between home life and work life, having the know-how as well of running," Chu told POLITICO.

She cited the campaigns to legalize gay marriage and abortion as having helped draw her into politics.

"I ended up building that know-how myself by running a campaign and getting involved, and also getting involved with campaigns like the marriage referendum and repeal," Chu said.

MEP and European Parliament Vice President Mairead McGuinness told POLITICO she noticed women often declining to appear in group photographs, and encouraged them to do so, stressing the importance of visibility.

"We need a mix of age and gender and all sorts of people with different backgrounds to get involved in politics," said McGuiness. She is considering a second run for European Parliament president, following a failed run in 2016, noting nearly two decades have passed since a woman last held the position.

Not all women of influence are deciding to run, however. Vicky Phelan, who was propelled into public life when her investigation into a missed cancer diagnosis revealed a nationwide scandal over a cervical screening program, has been repeatedly asked to become a candidate, including for president. Phelan has declined, citing the need to spend time with and provide stability for her children.

"I certainly would never have seen myself as a leader, but what I'm doing obviously is leadership to a certain extent because I'm effecting change within the health system," she told POLITICO.

"I have proven that one person can make a different in this country," she added. "I had never been involved in any activism. I think some people assume that in order to do this you have to have debated at college or have been involved in a political party. Look, I've done none of that, and I'm still able to do it."

For women, the barriers to entering politics are high - and not always visible, said McGuiness, who added that in addition to problems within the political system, women are often not as confident "as we need to be."

"I thought at 17 by the time I was 25 the world would be equal. It's not," said McGuinness.
Naomi O'Leary is a journalist who hosts "The Irish Passport" Podcast. Cristina Gonzalez and Eline Schaart contributed reporting.

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DUBLIN - Feminism is the force of the moment in Irish politics. So where are all the women? The repeal of a strict abortion ban by overwhelming popular mandate last year was a major leap forward for women's rights in the country - and largely driven by women-led grassroots activists.

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This article discusses the role that women have played in parliament. It also includes some ideas that other countries have tried to help alleviate the gender stereotypes that are placed on women. Towards the end of the article there are a couple Twitter Tweets from women in politics.

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The resignation of Kelly O'Dwyer, Federal Minister for Women, Jobs and Industrial Relations, tells us what we have known for some time: Australia's parliament is a hostile workplace for women and working mothers.

O'Dwyer's desire for a bigger family and more quality time with her young children reflects, in some respects, the challenges ordinary working mothers in Australia face everyday. It also highlights yet another example of the difficulties faced by women in politics.

As Liberal senator Linda Reynolds wrote in an opinion piece: O'Dwyer's resignation " ...is not simply a gender issue. It is a parent issue".

But for every Tim Hammond (the federal Labor Member for Perth who quit politics last year for family reasons) there is a Kelly O'Dwyer or a Kate Ellis .

Women by and large are still the primary caregivers in this country regardless of whether they are an MP or senator.

Read more: The Liberal Party is failing women miserably compared to other democracies, and needs quotas

Institutionally, Australia's parliament has made significant progress over the past decade to accommodate parents. Parliament House now has childcare services and a breastfeeding room off to the side of both chambers for new mothers.

Breastfeeding mothers can vote by proxy in the House of Representations. And in 2017, former Greens Senator Larissa Waters became the first federal MP to breastfeed in parliament.

But there is still progress to be made. Parliament remains family-unfriendly. Sitting hours often extend well beyond childcare hours and sitting weeks are often scheduled during school holidays.

Fewer options than other working women

These issues affect all working parents but must surely impact heavily on parliamentarians who have to travel from their electorates to Canberra. Ordinary working mothers often opt for part-time work to manage the demands of work and family. This is because we haven't quite figured out how to help women and families best manage their competing workloads.

An MP or senator does not have the option of working part-time. While women politicians do take maternity leave, a part-time MP or senator might not meet community expectations about politicians and service. We also know women in part-time work often end up feeling more stressed as they take on more domestic work or end up working outside of their set part-time hours.

But the idea of job sharing seems less remote. Historically, job sharing, which involves two people sharing what is normally a full-time role, has been seen as an alternative way for women to stay in the workforce. Some preliminary research in the UK suggests that might be a viable option for politicians. And evidence shows it works at the highest level of business, so this is perhaps one way parliaments can learn from the business community.

However, like all flexible working arrangements, job sharing cannot be seen as a solution or alternative for women alone - swapping the political sphere for the private. Male politicians with children would need to be encouraged to adopt these arrangements should they ever eventuate. And getting men to take up flexible working arrangements is not always successful as evidenced by policymakers' attempts to get new dads to take up parental leave.

Read more: Time pressure may be a better way to measure work-life balance

As we enter the next decade, politicians, political parties and the parliament should consider how best to support working mothers (and fathers).

This must begin with a shift in culture. In her resignation speech, former Liberal now Independent, Julia Banks, stated:

equal representation of men and women in this parliament is an urgent imperative which will create a culture change.

Advances towards equal representation are lopsided in the parliament. While Labor is on track to reach equal representation with almost half of its parliamentarians women, the Coalition's ratio is only one in five. It's expected with O'Dwyer's resignation along with recent announcements by other women, female representation in the Liberal and National parties will be proportionally lower than when John Howard left office in 2007.

Regardless of political persuasion, fewer female MPs can only slow progress towards gender equality.

Tim Hammond's experience is an example of the toll experienced by fathers in federal parliament, but this is still the exception rather than the rule. Greater female representation will help shift cultural ideas about women and working mothers.

But shifts in ideas about working fathers in parliament are needed too. Images of male politicians working with their children at their side is a rarity saved only for election campaigns.

Like ordinary working women, female politicians need not only supportive workplaces but supportive families. Former Queensland premier Anna Bligh relied on her partner and mother for support during her time in office. However, not every female politician has a Greg Withers or a Clarke Gayford, partner of New Zealand prime minster Jacinda Arden, to care for their children while their partner gives a speech to the United Nations.

Ideas from other nations

Jacinda Arden provides one example of greater flexibility for mothers who are parliamentarians. She has broken up her schedule into three-hour slots so she can breastfeed. But not every woman in parliament has as much control over her schedule as a prime minister.

New Zealand is perhaps leading the pack in making parliaments work for parents. Recently, the Speaker of the New Zealand parliament has sought to make it even more family-friendly with a raft of measures, including the installation of highchairs in the cafe and a playground.

Read more: It's only a baby, right? Prime ministers, women and parenthood

In Europe, things are also progressive with women politicians in the European Parliament - including most famously Italian MEP Licia Ronzulli - taking their children to parliamentary debates and meetings.

In the US, the number of mothers in congress has doubled following the mid-term elections in 2018, which saw a record number of women run for office. Last year, Tammy Duckworth of Illinois became the first senator to have a baby in office, which necessitated changes to allow a baby on the senate floor.

Only ten women have given birth while in Congress and of those, six in the last 11 years.

The presence of children, especially mothers breastfeeding in parliamentary chambers, continues to be worldwide news, suggesting it's still a novelty. Japanese local government member, Yuka Ogata, has a number of times been forced to leave the assembly as irritation grows around her demanding more family-friendly policies.

At the press conference announcing O'Dwyer's resignation, the prime minister said he supported:

[...] all women's choices. I want women to have more choices and all the independence that comes with that.

But choices are always made in the context of individuals' lives. This is especially true for women who are working mothers. To ensure they make the choice to enter and stay in parliament we must ensure these issues are addressed.

It's important parliament be made up of working mothers so policies and laws that affect families and in particular working women are informed by those who experience these challenges.

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Australia can do more to attract and keep women in parliament - here are some ideas

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The resignation of Kelly O'Dwyer, Federal Minister for Women, Jobs and Industrial Relations, tells us what we have known for some time: Australia's parliament is a hostile workplace for women and working mothers. O'Dwyer's desire for a bigger family and more quality time with her young children reflects, in some respects, the challenges ordinary working mothers in Australia face everyday.

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In this article it discusses the large strides Mexico is making with female representation in the government. According to the article, Mexico now comes in fourth place in representation of women in legislature. The election of women in Congress was done by reforms that compelled women to be nominated. We should learn a thing or two from Mexico.

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July 11, 2018
While observers discuss leftist Andrés Manuel López Obrador's victory in Mexico's presidential election, complete with majorities in both chambers of congress and control of nearly half the governorships and state legislatures up for election, another historic earthquake has been overlooked: gender parity in congress.

When the new Mexican congress sits on Dec. 1, women will make up 49 percent of the lower house and 51 percent of the senate. Mexico will rank fourth in the world for women's legislative representation. And it will be the only country with an elected senate that is majority female.

Across the board, Mexican women won big in the July 1 elections. The second most important political position in the country (mayor of Mexico City) also went to a woman. At the subnational level, women will make up 50 percent of most state legislatures.
[What's next for Mexico? Here are 5 things you need to know.]
But the forces bringing AMLO - as López Obrador is widely known - and women into office are different. AMLO's election speaks to Mexicans' desire for change. Women's wins are the result of 15 years of electoral reforms, in which Mexico incrementally refined the affirmative action rules that compel political parties to nominate women.

How did Mexico do it? And will women help AMLO transform Mexico?
Gender quotas for legislatures are a global trend
More than 75 countries have some form of gender quota for the legislature. Most commonly, gender quotas are imposed via candidate quotas - requirements that political parties nominate certain percentages of women. All Latin American countries except Guatemala and Venezuela have such laws.

Gender quotas work because parties control access to the ballot. Unlike in the United States, candidates in most parts of the world cannot simply run on their own initiative. Rather, parties select and register their candidates. Quota laws essentially regulate parties' candidate selection processes.

Not all gender quotas work equally well. Brazil has a 30 percent candidate quota for women, but fewer than 15 percent of those actually elected are women. It is tempting to blame voters because Brazil has a system in which voters pick their preferred candidates off the party's electoral slate. But as research shows, the real problem is that parties run women in losing districts, give women fewer resources for their campaigns and generally fail to support female candidates.

Mexico, by contrast, imposed strict rules on how parties could fill the quota.
Getting to parity in Mexico
Mexico started with a mandatory 30 percent quota for female candidates in the 2003 elections and raised the threshold to 40 percent for the 2009 elections. But parties found many workarounds. They ran women in losing districts and forged deals so that women would resign once elected, yielding their seats to male alternates. A loophole exempted parties that held primaries from having to fill the quota - so parties called almost any internal selection process a "primary."

But these maneuvers resulted in huge scandals. By 2009, prominent female politicians from the left and right pushed back, forming a cross-party coalition and pressing officials of the National Electoral Institute to rewrite the quota rules.

They also took the parties to court. In 2011, women won a landmark case requiring parties to respect the quota at all costs. The court struck down both the primary exemption and parties' ability to pair candidates with alternates of the other sex.

In 2014, Mexico amended its constitution to require gender parity for candidacies for the federal and state legislatures. The new electoral code stipulated that parties could not send female candidates exclusively to losing districts. And so we come to 2018's results.

Before Mexico's mandatory 30 percent quota, women held just 17 percent of seats in the lower house - a proportion not far from the 20 percent of seats women hold today in the U.S. House of Representatives. Now Mexico leaves the United States - and most of Latin America - far behind on women's representation.
[The PRI's enormous loss will transform Mexican politically. Here's how.] Busting misconceptions about gender quotas
Critics argue that quotas compromise candidate quality; are incompatible with districts in which voters have only one representative, as opposed to districts in which voters elect a slate of representatives; and are unnecessary because parties will promote women on their own.

But that has not proved accurate. Research shows that women elected under quotas have the same credentials as men or are better qualified. Once in congress, they are as productive as men and have fewer absences.

Second, quotas can work in districts represented by single members. Mexico elects its lower house via a mixed system, with 300 seats allocated in single-member districts. Parity requires that parties nominate women to 150 districts. The National Electoral Institute looks for parity not just across districts, but across district type: Are nominations distributed 50-50 across winning, swing and losing districts?

Third, neither party ideology nor parties' goodwill explains when parties nominate women. Our research shows no variation across left and right parties in nominating women, no matter the quota rules in place.

Mexico illustrates all this. In 2015, parties on the left and right fell short of parity by district type. Parties nominated women and men to winning districts at a ratio of 45 percent to 55 percent - but to losing districts at a ratio of 54 percent to 46 percent. The National Electoral Institute publicized these differences. Chastised, the parties did better in 2018, and women won 30 more single-member districts.
Will women bring change?
Our research shows that women in the Mexican congress care more than men about rights, equality and social issues. Women from parties on the right are more progressive than men from those parties. And women are just as effective as men at passing legislation. These trends matter as AMLO looks to demilitarize the drug war and to confront widespread poverty and inequality.

AMLO also announced a gender parity cabinet, with women in top posts: energy, labor and social welfare, and the economy. He has picked a woman to be minister of government - the most influential position in the administration.

Women's input will shape Mexico's future. And that's what gender parity aims to achieve.
Magda Hinojosa is an associate professor of political science at Arizona State University. Jennifer M. Piscopo (@Jennpiscopo) is an assistant professor of politics at Occidental College.

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Analysis | Women won big in Mexico's elections - taking nearly half the legislature's seats. Here's why.

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July 11, 2018 While observers discuss leftist Andrés Manuel López Obrador's victory in Mexico's presidential election, complete with majorities in both chambers of congress and control of nearly half the governorships and state legislatures up for election, another historic earthquake has been overlooked: gender parity in congress.

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How Music Is Empowering Women In Afghanistan

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How Music Is Empowering Women In Afghanistan

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In this article, it discusses how music has changed in Afghanistan since the beginning of the Taliban. Now, music is being used to empower women by giving them an outlet to express themselves. However, this is still very difficult because music is still very frowned upon by some people in Afghanistan.

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We Won't Be Silenced, Afghan Female Musicians Tell Taliban

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Afghanistan's first female conductor is convinced music can help deliver peace to her war-torn country.

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In Brunnen, Switzerland, a pedestrian caught a video of a small group of individuals dressed in white cloaks with white pointed hats and KKK on their chests. The group was carrying torches while walking down the street. According to lawyer and racism expert Daniel Kettiger, “it is unclear if the group has broken any Swiss laws. It would be difficult to establish if the members are guilty of racial discrimination in the current case because they weren’t targeting a specific ethnicity or race.” In addition, it took place during the carnival celebrations where there is a relatively high tolerance for satire. However, if the group had been walking in front of an asylum home where most of the residents were black, the police could have done something.

UPDATE I:
After a wave of deadly terrorist attacks across Europe in 2017, the EU is facing changes to weapon laws. These laws ban certain types of semi-automatic gun capable of firing a large number of bullets in a short span of time. If the Swiss voters back these new rules, there will me new, more restrictive rules on gun ownership. A group called the Swiss Shooting Interest Group launched a popular initiative for Swiss voters to reject the EU's new rules. They voting will take place on March 20th, 2019.
https://www.thelocal.ch/20190513/what-you-need-to-know-about-switzerlands-gun-control-referendum

UPDATE II:
In 2017, the first paternity leave proposal launched. The original asked for time was four weeks partially-paid time for new dads, but then it went down to two weeks. Switzerland had a gender pay gap of 19.6% in 2016. The Swiss government rejected both campaigns last night. So now, fathers in Switzerland will only get one day off when their partner gives birth.

https://qz.com/work/1629025/the-swiss-government-will-not-give-new-fathers-paternity-leave/

UPDATE III:
Rape laws in Switzerland are outdated and dangerous. Swiss law does not define rape on the basis of lack of consent. Instead, it uses a definition based on whether physical violence, threat or coercion is involved. This survey was done as "wake-up call" for the Swiss authorities. There most important finding is one in five women is a victim of sexual violence.

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/05/switzerland-one-in-five-women-is-a-victim-of-sexual-violence/

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Police in Switzerland have launched an investigation into a group seen wearing white hooded costumes resembling traditional Ku Klux Klan ( KKK) outfits to a carnival.

Video captured by a witness in Brunnen shows around dozen cloaked figures carrying burning torches as they marched through the town.

The footage, shared on the Swiss website 20 Minuten, also showed the letters "KKK" emblazoned across the front of the white robes.

One passer-by said: "That is definitely taking it too far... there have to be limits."

The police are reportedly examining the video footage and photos of the group seen at the town's annual celebrations.

It is the second racism row at a European carnival in the space of a week, after a parade in Belgium provoked condemnation for featuring Jewish caricatures standing on piles of money.

The float in the city of Aalst's annual feast on Sunday showed two giant male figures with large sideburns, crooked noses and shtreimels - a fur hat worn by some Orthodox Jews. One had a rat on his shoulder.

European Commission spokesperson Margaritis Schinas compared it to Nazi propaganda and urged the Belgian authorities to take action.

He said: "It should be obvious to all that portraying such representations in the streets of Europe is absolutely unthinkable, 74 years after the Holocaust.

"It is the responsibility of the national authorities to take the appropriate measures on the basis of the applicable law."

The float was created by the Vismooil'n group. Belgium's Forum of Jewish Organisations and the Coordinating Committee of Jewish Organisations in Belgium both condemned the antisemitic imagery.

Lawyer Daniel Kettiger told 20 Minuten said the white cloaks seen in Swiss town were a "faithful imitation" of the US Ku Klux Klan - an organisation which had a history of "racism against blacks".

But he also said it would be difficult to establish criminal cases against members of the group under Switzerland's existing anti-racism laws, because no specific race or ethnicity had necessarily been targeted by the group.

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KKK costumes spotted at carnival in Switzerland prompt investigation

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Police in Switzerland have launched an investigation into a group seen wearing white hooded costumes resembling traditional Ku Klux Klan (KKK) outfits to a carnival. Video captured by a witness in Brunnen shows around dozen cloaked figures carrying burning torches as they marched through the town.

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Honor Killings is a practice that is not as rare as it should be in Pakistan. Women are very often killed by male family members because they have "brought shame to the family." This article touches on different stories and different instances.

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For anyone following the news from Pakistan, the past few weeks have made for grim reading when it comes to violence against women.

Recently, a 21-year old woman in Punjab was found raped and strangled to death by the man she had trusted to save her from an "honor" killing by her family.

In early June, Saba Maqsood miraculously survived being shot by her relatives and dumped into a canal in Hafizabad town in Pakistan's Punjab province for trying to marry the man of her choosing against family wishes.

[pullquote text="Honor crimes fester in the dark privacy of the home. It is time to expose these abuses to the light of public scrutiny and the law."]A week earlier in Lahore, Farzana Iqbal was brutally beaten to death with bricks by up to two dozen relatives, including her father, for marrying the man she loved. Sadly, hundreds of women and girls are subject to "honor" killings in Pakistan every year.

For many communities in Pakistan, women and girls are seen to embody family honor. A woman's identity and her family's sense of social respect and worth is measured by her acquiescence to family demands, such as marrying the man they choose for her.

What made Iqbal's death unique was the fact that the perpetrators chose to kill her so brazenly, outside one of the most respected state institutions: the Lahore High Court, in the second largest city in Pakistan and arguably its cultural capital. By all accounts, instead of protecting Iqbal and saving her life, the police stood by and watched the crime unfold.

Most cases like this, however, receive scant attention by the public and the police, as they often happen in small villages or behind closed doors. In February, for example, Ayat Bibi was bludgeoned to death in a north Balochistan village on the orders of a local cleric after being accused by a male relative of having relations with a man named Daraz Khan, who was also killed. Ayat and Daraz's final resting places are both unmarked graves. Those responsible for the killings have not been brought to justice.

Farzana Iqbal's killing, and the publicity that followed, shamed Pakistan's prime minister and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court into demanding investigations into the incident. Most of the key culprits were soon in jail, and the murder trial is expected to begin shortly. Some politicians and religious leaders have condemned the killing, a welcome move in a country where all too often violence against women is ignored or even justified based on religious or cultural values.

But what would have been the response if this crime had not been perpetrated in such a public and symbolic space and drawn global attention? As the spotlight fades away from this case, and Iqbal's battered body settles in the ground like hundreds of others, are the authorities likely to lose interest in ensuring her killers are brought to justice and that the police are held to account for their failure to protect her?

Seeking justice is extremely problematic in Pakistan, as a wide legal loophole currently exists that allows perpetrators of "honor" killings to escape any punishment. Under Pakistani law in cases of murder, the victim's family is allowed to pardon the perpetrators. The culprits are then free from prosecution and sentencing.

So-called honor killings are ubiquitous in several parts of South Asia and other corners of the world. It is difficult to determine exactly how many women fall victim to killings justified as the defense of family "honor," but the number runs into the thousands worldwide.

Often, the most severe punishments for transgressions of "honor" or for bringing "shame" on a family are decreed by councils of tribal elders - in which women have no place. In Pakistan, the statistics vary from around 900 to just over 1,000 each year. But these figures represent only instances documented by human rights groups based on reports from the media or law enforcement authorities.

Addressing these issues, whether in Pakistan, or anywhere else in the world, is challenging because the causes are complex. But like so many other social problems, positive change must start at home. Too often, the home is where the use of violence becomes normalized. It is where the citizen gets conditioned to believe that violence is an acceptable, particularly to excuse violence that is carried out to protect perceived social standing, national honor, or religious sentiments.

Honor crimes fester in the dark privacy of the home. It is time to expose these abuses to the light of public scrutiny and the law. A number of states have outlawed honor killings and other forms of gender-based violence. But those laws require effective implementation, police and other law enforcement professionals must be trained on gender-based violence. And victims must be confident in the ability of the police and other authorities to assist them.

The education system is also a key battleground, because it is one of the rare public spaces where young minds can be empowered to challenge gender stereotypes and made aware that violence in the home is unacceptable. Public figures, and especially men, must openly speak out: not only to condemn honor killings, but to acknowledge that these abuses are not random or sporadic incidents but a much wider problem.

Empirical research in this area is limited, but there is ample anecdotal evidence that public exposure is the most effective way to address the issue, because it forces society to confront the reality that there is no honor in killing women and girls for choosing to live life on their own terms.

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SHOCKING: Surge of Honor Killings in Pakistan

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For anyone following the news from Pakistan, the past few weeks have made for grim reading when it comes to violence against women. Recently, a 21-year old woman in Punjab was found raped and strangled to death by the man she had trusted to save her from an "honor" killing by her family.

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Hidden Brain: America's Changing Attitudes Toward Gay People

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Hidden Brain: America's Changing Attitudes Toward Gay People

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For much of this nation's history, of course, the majority of people disapproved of homosexuality so strongly that anyone who came out was guaranteed to face difficulty and even risked danger, this article explores some of the factors that have led to this change in attitudes.

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STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:

We have a deeper look this morning at one of the most profound shifts in public attitudes ever recorded - it's the public view of people who are gay and lesbian.

For much of this nation's history, of course, the vast majority of people disapproved of homosexuality so strongly that anyone who came out was guaranteed to face difficulty and even risked danger. NPR's social science correspondent Shankar Vedantam explores how that has changed so quickly.

SHANKAR VEDANTAM, BYLINE: In 2003, when William Cox was 18, he came out to his parents as gay. They weren't happy about it.

WILLIAM COX: It became just a big argument. It was kind of incoherent because it was a big yelling, crying sort of affair.

VEDANTAM: One day, Cox and his dad were in the car.

COX: And my dad said, you just love stabbing us in the heart, don't you? - something like that. And I said to him, don't be so dramatic. And then he pulled over the car, took my backpack out of the backseat and tossed it in the ditch on the side of the road and said, that's dramatic.

VEDANTAM: Cox got out of the car. He says his father drove off, leaving him clutching his backpack by the side of the road. He didn't go home. In the weeks and months that followed, he slept on friends' couches, stayed in school, made a life for himself. Today, he's a social psychologist at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. It's been more than 15 years since that incident. Cox says both he and his dad have moved forward.

COX: After this kind of emotional period right after I came out, he started drawing parallels to what LGBT people are going through to the Civil Rights Movement. And I think his overarching principles of fairness really kind of started shining through with relation to this.

(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)

VEDANTAM: The arc of Cox's personal story mirrors a dramatic change across the United States.

MICHAEL ROSENFELD: There's more and more rapid change in attitudes towards gay rights in the past 30 years in the United States than there ever has been in recorded attitudes in the United States on any issue.

VEDANTAM: Stanford sociologist Michael Rosenfeld measures changes in public opinions using data from a long-running survey of American attitudes.

ROSENFELD: In 1988, when the General Social Survey first asked the question about same-sex marriage, only 11.6 percent of respondents said that they thought same-sex couples should have the right to marry.

VEDANTAM: But by 2018, the number of Americans who said same-sex couples should have the right to marry? Sixty-eight percent.

ROSENFELD: That's a really dramatic change. It's rare for public opinion on contested issues to change that much.

VEDANTAM: Harvard psychologist Mahzarin Banaji has tracked decades of data about people's implicit or hidden biases. She has seen similar results.

MAHZARIN BANAJI: So the most surprising result comes from the sexuality test. We see a 33 percent drop in anti-gay bias. This is huge.

VEDANTAM: What caused this shift? Rosenfeld says one factor is that gay people are far more visible today than they were before.

ROSENFELD: It's in the period when gay and lesbian people come out of the closet that straight Americans' attitudes about gay rights really start to shift.

(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)

VEDANTAM: A surge of people came out during the '80s and '90s in response to a health crisis that was claiming the lives of tens of thousands of Americans.

EVAN WOLFSON: AIDS broke the silence about who gay people are.

VEDANTAM: This is gay rights activist Evan Wolfson.

WOLFSON: It changed our movement from being a movement about wanting to be, basically, let alone - don't harass us, don't attack us, don't persecute us - into a movement about being let in. We want to be part of. We want to participate. We want to share.

VEDANTAM: The epidemic also galvanized organizing efforts.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

UNIDENTIFIED CROWD: (Chanting) Act up. Fight back. Fight AIDs. Act up. Fight back. Fight AIDs.

(Chanting) History will recall Reagan and Bush did nothing at all. History will recall Reagan and Bush did nothing at all.

VEDANTAM: By the 1990s, protests began to translate into more visibility in pop culture.

(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE ELLEN DEGENERES SHOW")

ELLEN DEGENERES: I'm so afraid to tell people. I mean, I just - Susan, I'm gay.

(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "ROSEANNE")

LAURIE METCALF: (As Jackie) Tell us about the guy.

ROSEANNE BARR: (As Roseanne) Yeah. Come on, why don't you tell us?

METCALF: (As Jackie) What's his name?

SANDRA BERNHARD: (As Nancy) All right. Her name is Marla. I'm seeing a woman.

(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)

VEDANTAM: Stories are powerful in changing people's attitudes. Evan Wolfson took this idea and ran with it. His strategy was to sell the story of equality through marriage.

WOLFSON: If we could claim the language of marriage, a vocabulary of shared values - love, commitment, family, inclusion, dignity, respect - that would help non-gay people better understand who gay people really are and allow us to share equally not only in marriage, but in everything.

VEDANTAM: Wolfson thought marriage equality could win over straight people who were needed as allies.

WOLFSON: The vast majority of judges who are going to rule on the question, the vast majority of legislators who have to take action, the vast majority of voters are, of course, not gay. We can't just write them all off.

VEDANTAM: Sociologist Michael Rosenfeld says that strategy has translated into victories beyond marriage.

ROSENFELD: Attitudes towards every kind of gay rights has increased in a similar way - not quite as fast, but in a similar way to marriage equality. And then, what little data we have on trans rights also suggests that there's been a sharp increase in appreciation for the rights of trans people.

And I think one of the things that has been shown by the Marriage Equality Movement is that if you're a gay or lesbian, you have more rights than you used to have. And that's - those rights are important. They have ramifications for everybody, whether they want to marry or not.

VEDANTAM: Wolfson says the work is not done for gay rights and for other movements for change.

(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)

VEDANTAM: He says sometimes it's easy to feel like your efforts aren't making any difference.

WOLFSON: Imagine this, you know, temple or fortress resting on these pillars. And you go in there, and you're shaking the pillars. And you're shaking and shaking and shaking, but you're - you haven't yet brought it down. And so it feels like nothing's happening.

And then you finally are able to engage one and maybe two and maybe three of these pillars. And you shake them, and you bring it down. And the whole edifice collapses. Suddenly, it's - the whole thing you've been banging your head against, struggling with, now is gone.

VEDANTAM: Sometimes, progress can come in fits and starts. And your efforts may be more powerful than you think. Shankar Vedantam, NPR News.

INSKEEP: Shankar hosts Hidden Brain, which is a podcast and radio show.

Copyright © 2019 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR's programming is the audio record.

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Hidden Brain: America's Changing Attitudes Toward Gay People

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STEVE INSKEEP, HOST: We have a deeper look this morning at one of the most profound shifts in public attitudes ever recorded - it's the public view of people who are gay and lesbian. For much of this nation's history, of course, the vast majority of people disapproved of homosexuality so strongly that anyone who came out was guaranteed to face difficulty and even risked danger.

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The topic of honor killings in Pakistani in rural tribes and villages is a very hush hush topic. Talking about it or expressing distaste about honor killings equates to disrespecting "respectable" male figures and could possibly get you killed. This is exactly what happened to Afzal, who tried to fight against the injustice. On March 7th of this year, he was gunned down and killed.

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I met Afzal Kohistani late one night in the winter of 2016 in a cheap restaurant in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. He was 26 then, well-dressed and polite, but his eyes had the intense look of a driven man who knew he was taking on implacable forces and racing against time. He did not touch his tea.

Instead, he told a story, the same story he had told many officials before, from police and magistrates in his remote mountainous district in northwestern Pakistan all the way up to the Supreme Court. It was an almost unbelievable tale of village "honor killing," a horror story long buried under the northern snows until one young man had the courage to dig it up.

As he talked, periodically glancing toward the restaurant door, Kohistani said several times that he expected he might one day be killed for exposing what had happened in his ancestral village in 2012. As he described it, five girls were murdered for bringing shame on their tribe, after someone posted a video of them singing and clapping at a wedding.

The entire community conspired to cover up the murders, he said, and several young men from his family, who had appeared in the video dancing at the wedding, were hunted down and killed.

"This has destroyed my family. The girls are dead, my brothers have been killed, and nothing has been done to bring justice or protect us," he told me. "I know I will probably be killed, too, but it doesn't matter. What happened is wrong, and it has to change."

On Wednesday night, Kohistani was gunned down by unknown assailants in Abbotabad, Pakistan, police officials said. News reports described him as a "whistleblower" who was killed for bringing attention to the notorious case.

The reports said he had told officials of receiving "constant death threats" from tribal vigilantes since last July, when four men were arrested and later convicted of killing several of the girls. He had asked for police protection, but none was provided, the reports said.

As I read those brief accounts Thursday, our grim, late-night conversation over his untouched tea came flooding back. I had been incredulous at first, because even in Pakistan, where honor killings continue to take hundreds of lives every year, this story seemed too grotesque to be true:

A village council, headed by a Muslim cleric, ordering that young women be killed for dancing and clapping. Their own relatives burning them with hot coals and burying their corpses in the mountains.

A plot by local elders to replace them with other, related girls, who were ordered to claim that they were the murdered girls if police or others came asking questions. A local legal system that rejected Kohistani's petitions for an investigation, telling him he was dishonoring sacred tradition by challenging tribal decisions.

"No one in my district or my province has ever spoken against honor killing," he said, leaning forward intently and speaking in a low, rapid voice. "They tell me I have defamed my culture, my religion, my tribe. Everybody knows what happened, but no one is ready to come forward. This is an illegal, unconstitutional and un-Islamic tradition, but people don't even consider it a crime."

I was impressed by Kohistani's sincerity and determination, but it wasn't until later, when I spoke with others, that the story seemed plausible. A judge's report contained a chilling detail: One girl, who was presented to investigators as proof that no murders had taken place, could not be identified because her thumb prints had been allegedly burned off in a kitchen fire.

I had written about honor crimes before in Pakistan, notably the gruesome case of a woman whose jealous husband had carved off her nose and gouged out her eyes. I had met her, silent and disfigured, sitting on a bed. I had met her husband, a burly prisoner in chains outside a courtroom, who told me through an interpreter that he had no regrets because he had avenged his honor.

I had thought a lot about the word "honor," how it could become conflated and confused with male pride, with control over the lives and choices of women, with tribal traditions trying to survive in a rapidly modernizing world.

I had met many people in Pakistan who were working to change these customs, but most were female professionals or activists. Afzal Kohistani was a young man with no expertise or influence, but he had a clear, unshakable notion of what honor should mean.

When we met, he had come to Islamabad, about 14 miles from Rawalpindi, for a hearing at the Supreme Court, which would take up his case and start the chain of events that led to the arrest and prosecution of some of the suspects in the killings. He said he was worried about being followed and attacked, but he was poised and resolute.

At one point, Kohistani came out of the Supreme Court building holding the arm of another man who was shy and poorly dressed. The man was carrying photographs of a young boy whose face had been horribly burned, allegedly by a wealthy neighbor in a dispute over a property line.

Kohistani explained that the man was the boy's father and had come to court seeking justice but had no idea what to do. Kohistani looked at the photos of the burned boy and smiled reassuringly at the father.

"I thought," he said, "that maybe I could help."

Read more:
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Perspective | A Pakistani man told me he feared he'd be killed for exposing 'honor killings.' His worst fear just came true.

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I met Afzal Kohistani late one night in the winter of 2016 in a cheap restaurant in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. He was 26 then, well-dressed and polite, but his eyes had the intense look of a driven man who knew he was taking on implacable forces and racing against time.

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Passing legislation in hopes of ending the act of honor killings, and closing the loophole that allows murderers of women to be set free, does not seem to be enough to reform Pakistan. Many tribes and "religious" groups condemn the legislation and say it breaks the country's family tradition and lets "women divorce men." What options does this leave for the Pakistani government?

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Nearly 1,100 women were killed in Pakistan last year by relatives who believed they had dishonoured their families, the country's independent Human Rights Commission says.

In its annual report the commission said 900 more women suffered sexual violence and nearly 800 took, or tried to take, their own lives.

In 2014 about 1,000 women died in honour-related attacks and 869 in 2013.

Correspondents say a large number of such crimes go unreported in Pakistan.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has said there is no place in Islam for killing in the name of family honour.

"The predominant causes of these killings in 2015 were domestic disputes, alleged illicit relations and exercising the right of choice in marriage," the report said.

Most of the 1,096 victims were shot, the report said, but attacks with acid were also common.

Among the cases highlighted in the report are a man who shot dead his two sisters in Sargodha, Punjab, because he believed they had "bad character" and three teenage girls killed by their male cousin for "dishonouring" their family in Pakpattan, Punjab.

The report said that 88 men were also the victims of honour killings last year.

In February, Punjab, the country's largest province, passed a landmark law criminalising all forms of violence against women.

However, more than 30 religious groups, including all the mainstream Islamic political parties, have threatened to launch protests if the law is not repealed.

Religious groups have equated women's rights campaigns with promotion of obscenity. They say the new Punjab law will increase the divorce rate and destroy the country's traditional family system.

Among the most infamous cases of honour killing in Pakistan was the stoning to death of Farzana Parveen in 2014 outside the High Court in Lahore. She had married against her family's wishes.

Her father, brother, cousin and former fiance were all found guilty of murder. Another brother received a 10-year jail sentence.

The issue of honour killings in Pakistan inspired a documentary film, A Girl in the River - The Price of Forgiveness, which won its creator, Sharmeen Obaid Chinoy, an Oscar at this year's Academy Awards.

In her acceptance speech, she said it was after seeing the film that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had vowed to change the law on honour killings.

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Nearly 1,100 women were killed in Pakistan last year by relatives who believed they had dishonoured their families, the country's independent Human Rights Commission says. In its annual report the commission said 900 more women suffered sexual violence and nearly 800 took, or tried to take, their own lives.

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Androgynous Australian model: Dylan Peck 

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Androgynous Australian model: Dylan Peck 

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As Peck grew up he was bullied a lot at school for looking feminine. Ten years ago he started to model and has become very famous over the years for embracing his looks. He also commented on how the Australian model industry has shifted to be more accepting of the LGBTQIA community in recent times.

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Updated April 17, 2019 14:25:40

There was a time when age, weight, height, body type, disability, race or sexuality were characteristics that could make or break someone's chances of becoming a model.

Nowadays the rules have changed, and what may once have sunk a potential career could be the very thing that sends it soaring.

The diversity movement has both influenced and redefined the worldwide beauty and fashion industry over the past decade - and for Latrobe Valley-based model, Dylan Peck, the shift was perfect.

"I've always had an eye for models and fashion, but it all really came about when the androgyny, gender-fluid thing started to come about some time ago," Mr Peck said.

"At school and growing up I unfortunately got bullied a lot for looking very feminine and naturally like a girl, and then when there was a market for it I thought, 'Well, why not put my looks and natural beauty to use?'

"And I've made a career out of it."

'He's got the face'

Since he started modelling 10 years ago, Mr Peck's beguiling feminine features and chameleon characteristics have graced the pages of fashion magazines including Vogue and Harper's Bazaar.

He has appeared in more than 30 publications - including on three covers - and inspired fashion designers and photographers from Australia and abroad.

"He's got the face and capacity to not be recognised in different photos," photographer Reza Zamani said.

Mr Zamani was inspired to capture the confusion that Dylan Peck's photos create in a recent shoot for the Australian Professional Photography Awards.

"A lot of social media, like Instagram, have a lot of male characters that transform themselves to females, and more and more people are interested in it," makeup artist Lucie Stauff said.

"It's become trendy."

Androgyny through the ages

Although androgyny is a regular fixture of Asian pop culture, with everything from Thai lady boys to J-pop boy bands, in the West it is perhaps most synonymous with the glam rock, punk and new romantic era of the 1970s and 80s.

Gender-bending pop icons such as David Bowie, Grace Jones, Boy George, Prince and Madonna influenced mainstream fashion with their ambiguous depictions of sexuality, using flamboyant outfits and theatrical makeup.

Mr Peck believes the millennial interpretation of the androgynous look has more of an emphasis on natural beauty, neutral makeup, unique features, and even the imperfections of the individual.

"Natural beauty is becoming a lot more of a thing," Mr Peck said.

"Instead of trying to be something else or trying to look like someone you're not, society is becoming a lot more comfortable with diversity."

He has noticed a 'freeing up' of the traditional modelling standards as the industry becomes more inclusive.

"People are just a lot more carefree and really don't care about what other people are thinking, especially in the LGBTQI community," Mr Peck said.

"People are really starting to find true beauty within themselves, becoming free-spirited in what they're wearing, and showcasing their uniqueness and just using it to their advantage."

Topics: fashion, arts-and-entertainment, gender-roles, lgbt, traralgon-3844

First posted April 17, 2019 11:44:53

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Once bullied at school, androgynous model now a rising star of gender-fluid fashion

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Updated April 17, 2019 14:25:40 There was a time when age, weight, height, body type, disability, race or sexuality were characteristics that could make or break someone's chances of becoming a model. Nowadays the rules have changed, and what may once have sunk a potential career could be the very thing that sends it soaring.

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New Iowa law bans Planned Parenthood from sex ed in public schools

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New Iowa law bans Planned Parenthood from sex ed in public schools

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By signing this cruel legislation into law, Gov. Reynolds has told every transgender individual in Iowa that they are second-hand citizens and unwelcome in our state.

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DES MOINES - Gov. Kim Reynolds gave her approval late this week to two emotionally charged measures that surfaced only in the final hours of this year's legislative session - one exempting Medicaid from covering transgender medical procedures and another banishing Planned Parenthood from being involved in state sex education programs in public schools.

Those provisions are included in a sweeping nearly $2 billion budget that funds state departments covering health care, public health, veterans affairs and aging Iowans in fiscal 2020.

When lawmakers debated that budget, most disagreement was not over funding amounts but rather over the hot-button policies also included in House File 766.

One such provision states that state and local governments are not required to cover gender reassignment surgery under the Iowa Civil Rights Act.

Republican lawmakers previously passed legislation banning the use of public funds for gender reassignment surgery sought by transgender individuals. But that was struck down by Iowa courts, which cited the state's Civil Rights Act that includes transgender individuals as a protected class.

The new measure puts into state law that the Civil Rights Act does not require government bodies to cover the surgery.

"This narrow provision simply clarifies that Iowa's Civil Rights Act does not require taxpayer dollars to pay for sex reassignment and other similar surgeries. This returns us to what had been the state's position for years," Reynolds' spokesman Pat Garrett said in a statement.

The new law, however, likely also will be challenged in court.

Daniel Hoffman-Zinnel, executive director of One Iowa Action, in a statement described the provision as "cruel and outdated language that enshrines discrimination in Iowa law."

One Iowa Action is a nonprofit organization that advocates for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender Iowans.

"By signing this cruel legislation into law, Gov. Reynolds has told every transgender Iowan that they are second-hand citizens and unwelcome in our state," Hoffman-Zinnel said. "Make no mistake, this law threatens people's lives. It also won't stand up to legal muster, and will stick taxpayers with the bill for ensuing lawsuits. Today is a shameful day to be an Iowan."

The budget bill Reynolds signed into law also contains a provision barring Planned Parenthood and other abortion providers from being state contractors for the personal responsibility and sexual risk avoidance grant programs.

Statehouse Republicans in previous years stripped other funding to Planned Parenthood over their objections that the women's reproductive health care provider performs abortions.

Statehouse Democrats, during debate of the budget bill, decried the lack of a funding boost or new policies to address continued issues with the private management of the state's $5 billion Medicaid program.

They said the Planned Parenthood restriction would actually lead to more unplanned pregnancies, and Senate Minority Leader Janet Petersen of Des Moines appealed to Reynolds to veto those two items.

"Senate Democrats remain committed to expanding civil rights for Iowans, supporting policies that will result in fewer unplanned pregnancies and abortion, and making Medicaid accountable, affordable and sustainable again," the caucus said in a statement Friday.

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New Iowa law bans Planned Parenthood from sex ed in public schools

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DES MOINES - Gov. Kim Reynolds gave her approval late this week to two emotionally charged measures that surfaced only in the final hours of this year's legislative session - one exempting Medicaid from covering transgender medical procedures and another banishing Planned Parenthood from being involved in state sex education programs in public schools.

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Breaking Workplace Gender Boundaries in Saudi Arabia

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Breaking Workplace Gender Boundaries in Saudi Arabia

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Maria Al-Zahrani is an inspiration for those who want to change the world for the better, especially for those who want to promote gender equity in the workplace. As I said in my presentation, the rights of Saudi women are very limited compared to that of men, causing women to flee Saudi Arabia in the hopes that they will live a better life. Al-Zahrani, on the other hand, had the courage and determination to return to Saudi Arabia and work as the head of investor relations in the male-dominated world of finance. I feel bad for Saudi women who feel the need to flee the country. All countries, including Saudi Arabia, should make sure that everyone in the country feels welcomed and that everyone has a place in society. Maria Al-Zahrani is fighting for this cause, and that is why I admire her.

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Almarai's head of investor relations breaking workplace gender boundaries in Saudi Arabia

Finance in the Kingdom might still be a man's world, but this pioneering head of investor relations is ready to change that

RIYADH: For Maria Al-Zahrani, living and working in Saudi Arabia is not only a career opportunity, but also a "mission."
The daughter of a Saudi father and an American mother, she felt the pull of the Kingdom from an early age, and after her father's death when she was a young girl, she always felt that her future lay in the country.
"From my 8-year-old viewpoint, there was a lot of unfinished business, so it was my mission to come back to Saudi Arabia," she said.
The route took her from her native Washington state to New York - where she was a victim of the crash of Lehman Brothers in 2008 - and on to London, Libya, Dubai and, ultimately, Riyadh, where she is now head of investor relations (IR) for Almarai, the leading foods group in the Kingdom.
"My father was very patriotic and it was important to him I come back to the country and get to know my culture and my community, so that's what I did," she said in the capital during the recent Financial Sector Conference.
Al-Zahrani lays claim to the title of the only female head of IR in the country, and sits on the board of the Middle East Investor Relations Society, the professional body for executives in the fast growing subsector of the financial services industry.
She is one of a small but growing number of women in what is largely a man's world, but the momentum is with her and other women as the Kingdom seeks to transform itself, and the financial sector opens up to gender equality.

"I knew it was only a matter of time before women could be actively integrated into the workforce. Now what you see with women is the moment that everyone's been waiting for. It's a tremendously exciting time to be a woman working in the country," she said.
Al-Zahrani is a pioneer in two senses - as a woman in the male-dominated world of finance, and as a practitioner of IR, which is relatively new to the Kingdom's corporate world.

In a nutshell, IR is where marketing, communications and shareholder value meet. The profession aims to help maximize a company's share value by communicating with investors about the forces driving the financial performance - and delivering capital and dividend growth to shareholders.
As more Saudi companies join the Tadawul, and the Kingdom opens up to foreign investment, the job becomes especially important. Investors - actual and potential - are on a learning curve not only about Almarai, but also about the economic, social and cultural environment in which it exists.
Al-Zahrani said the financial establishment's view of IR is changing. "Sometimes they look at IR professionals as maybe part of government relations, as people who engage with the regulators and fill out paperwork. The IR function was seen as virtually a kind of public relations officer job, and there is a role for that. I have people on my team who deal with that kind of work," she said.
But as the role as evolved in the more sophisticated investment scene in Europe and North America, it has become more than just regulator liaison.
"There are Internal reporting and monitoring functions - looking at how our shares are trading on a daily basis, and notifying executives of any events taking place in the markets.
"Then there is the regulatory compliance aspect, which is more the PRO-type function, engaging with Tadawul and the regulator Capital Markets Authority, with whatever they need to fulfil their requirements.
"Lastly, there are the investor engagement aspects, where I am actively involved. A lot of that has to do with engaging international institutional investors. What's interesting about that part of the job is that a lot of our conversation is not just around facts and figures - a lot of what we discuss is more intangible," she said.
Al-Zahrani often finds herself dealing with issues that go way beyond the corporate details of Almarai, or even the wider food industry in which it operates. "Investors have questions like: What it's like to be a woman in Saudi Arabia, what do I think about women driving, what do I think of the geopolitical environment, is their capital going to be at risk because of wars in neighboring countries?" she said.
"Fundamentally, they want to understand, is this a company I can respect? Can I put my money here and feel comfortable?"
Since Al-Zahrani joined Almarai in 2017, there have been occasions when investors were in need of urgent answers to these questions. Last year, a difficult economic backdrop, the introduction of value added tax, and rising costs associated with the government policy of Saudization added up to increased pressure on profits for the multibillion-riyal company. How does she explain these issues to investors without being seen to blame government policy?
"I don't necessarily make a criticism. These are exogenous factors to the company. They are not a reflection of our business, but they certainly have impacted our business," she said.
Rather than handing out blame, Al-Zahrani got down to the practical job of explaining Almarai's long-term strategy for dealing with the profit downturn - a focus on bigger "industrial" customers at home, and expansion into different areas in the Middle East, such as Egypt and ("selectively") Iraq, for future growth.
What about trickier areas, such as Qatar, previously a big trading partner but hit when the Kingdom and its allies imposed sanctions against business there?
"I just explain to shareholders that we are no longer active in that market. It was 5 percent of the top line from a revenue perspective, so we're looking at other ways to grow the business from a top line perspective," she said. These include leveraging up from straight consumer business at home - selling more to industrial caterers and restaurant chains - to the international growth strategy.
Most of all, how did she explain to international investors the circumstances surrounding the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi last year, an event that led to fears that foreign investment would stay away from the Kingdom in protest? Was her phone ringing hot?
"Not so much, but we do get questions about that, and my general response is that it is really out of the scope of my work - I'm focused on private sector activities, on business and that is more of a political dialogue that does not have much to do with my day to day job, or the company for that matter," she said.
Those kinds of critical moments aside, the IR role seems destined to assume greater prominence in Saudi Arabia. For one thing, the upgrade to MSCI emerging market status has already led to greater foreign participation in the Kingdom's domestic markets. Almarai was included in a recent list of "top picks" for foreign investors in Saudi Arabia by US investment bank Goldman Sachs, she pointed out.
Many studies have proved the strong connection between good cooperate governance - of which IR is an integral part - with financial and share price performance, and this is a theme Al-Zahrani will continue to push, along with the benefits of transparency and social responsibility.
One thing she feels is desperately overdue is to have a formal IR function made mandatory for all Tadawul companies in the Kingdom. "It's tremendously important. Listed companies need somebody in their organizations who is going to clearly articulate the business model and message to external parties.
I think historically there has been a bit of a hesitancy to be transparent and open, and they need that," she said.
"It's a very traditional view and a very Saudi view. They have to fight the tendency to be reserved. If you're not there telling the world what the message is, they're going to make up their own story," she added.
It is a lesson for the financial world, but also for the rest of the Kingdom, Al-Zahrani believes. "It's not just a perception management problem for the company, it's for the whole country. People make these really horrendous allegations about the country and nobody stands up and says, 'no, this is not correct.' They let the lies continue and the stories get twisted. I don't understand why they don't directly face it," she said.

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hajj،عرب نيوز

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Almarai's head of investor relations breaking workplace gender boundaries in Saudi Arabia

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RIYADH: For Maria Al-Zahrani, living and working in Saudi Arabia is not only a career opportunity, but also a "mission." The daughter of a Saudi father and an American mother, she felt the pull of the Kingdom from an early age, and after her father's death when she was a young girl, she always felt that her future lay in the country.

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Hey everyone!

Just last week LGBT in Japan participated in their 25th Pride march! Participants say that the recent events with the government being sued (what we talked about in my presentation) has pushed more and more people to show their support!

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Hi Guys!

I came across a great article on the Netherlands approach to sexuality and education pertaining to it in young kids. The author has a great voice in her writing and it really gives a new perspective to how other developed countries are approaching this topic with a super open philosophy. They speak a lot about limiting the shame we place on kids growing up on the topic of sexuality, I hope our country could maybe work to adopted some more of these ideas. Give it a read its definitely worth it!

https://www.thecut.com/2018/08/what-sex-education-is-like-in-the-netherlands.html

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This was the article from my discussino leader presentation. I find the idea of gender-neutral language to be interesting and it should definitely be explored more. Language can be messy and complicated, but if people feel excluded from their own language, then something should be done.

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Germany has several dictionary publishers, but no body like the Académie Française in France to rule officially on language questions. Credit Credit Adam Berry/Getty Images

BERLIN - A simmering linguistic controversy has flared up in Germany, with a group of more than 70 influential figures publishing an appeal against the use of gender-neutral terms.

The group issued the letter on Wednesday. On an accompanying petition, they said they were responding in part to a recent decision by the city of Hanover to officially adopt language practices including the so-called gender star - an asterisk that invites readers to choose between gendered spellings.

"The so-called gender-neutral language is first based on a general error; second, produces a wealth of ridiculous linguistic structures; and third, cannot be sustained consistently," the signatories, who include writers, lawyers, journalists, teachers, linguists and a former head of Germany's domestic intelligence agency, assert.

"This whole contortion of the language leads to something that is illegible - and hard to understand," said Oliver Baer, the managing director of Verein Deutsche Sprache, an organization that describes itself as dedicated to promoting the use of German, claims about 34,000 members and helped to write and distribute the letter.

The 74 original signatories include Hans-Georg Maassen, a former head of the domestic intelligence service who was accused of being too close to the right-wing populist party Alternative for Germany; Werner Patzelt, one of the leading experts on Germany's populist right; and Didi Hallervorden, a well-known comedian.

They may find themselves fighting a losing battle, however. The letter initially went relatively unnoticed, despite the prominence of some of its signatories. One reason may be that much of the country's news media has long made use of workarounds like the gender star, as have many other parts of German society.

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Among the 74 signers is Hans-Georg Maassen, a former intelligence chief who was accused of being too close to the right-wing Alternative for Germany party. Credit Odd Andersen/Agence France-Presse - Getty Images

"Of course everyone can bring up whatever issue they want, but this question of gender neutrality is an old hat - I remember when we discussed it in the 1980s," said Annette Trabold, who works for the Institute for the German Language, a state-funded body that studies contemporary usage of German.

Even Hanover's decision, announced in January, merely codified something it had been doing since 2003, according to the city spokeswoman, Annika Schach.

"We are not rewriting the dictionary or saying what is correct and what isn't - this is about style," she said in an interview.

Still, she added: "It was quite controversial and led to a lot of debate. We are still working through the emails - the good and the bad - that we received."

Unlike France, where Académie Française officially adjudicates on the language, Germany doesn't have a national linguistic arbiter, though a council for orthography - which has its offices in the Institute for the German Language - sets spelling rules in schools and official bodies.

There are several nongovernmental associations that deal with the German language - and often politics are involved. Last year, the Society for the German Language, another association, voted to crown the German for "alternative facts" as the ugliest word in the language.

"Its funny what people get upset at these days; of course there are conservative forces in our society and I'm sure they are not happy about how language evolves - but there's nothing you can do about it," Ms. Trabold said.

On the occasion of International Women's Day last year, the equal-opportunities officer for Germany's Family Ministry stirred outrage by suggesting gender-neutral lyrics to the national anthem.

Follow Christopher F. Schuetze on Twitter: @CFSchuetze.

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'Gender Star' Stirs Linguistic Conservatives to Battle in Germany

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BERLIN - A simmering linguistic controversy has flared up in Germany, with a group of more than 70 influential figures publishing an appeal against the use of gender-neutral terms. The group issued the letter on Wednesday.

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Censorship of Homosexuality in Chinese Media

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Censorship of Homosexuality in Chinese Media

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Under the Communist Party, censorship in China is a frequent facet of life. Although homosexual relations were legalized in 1997 and homosexuality was declassified as a mental illness in 2001, homosexuality remains a taboo in China and same sex marriage is currently illegal.

Because of China's oppression of homosexuality, censorship of same sex interactions are frequent. A prime case study of this is homosexuality in cinema. The suppression of Queen's lead singer Freddie Mercury's life as a gay man and his struggle with aids in the recent biopic "Bohemian Rhapsody" represents China's current stance with public expressions of homosexuality.

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Bohemian Rhapsody has been censored in China, much to the annoyance of some Chinese theatergoers. According to The New York Times, the Queen biopic hit theaters in the country last weekend, but it was an altered version that omitted references to lead singer Freddie Mercury's sexuality. Per the Times, those references include the scene where Mercury, who was bisexual, discusses his sexuality with his fiancée, and the scene that introduces Mercury's future partner, Jim Hutton. In addition, a scene where Queen performs in women's clothing has been omitted. All in all, the Chinese version of the film is about three minutes shorter than the original release.

Other tweaks were made, the Times notes. In the scene where Mercury reveals he has AIDS to his bandmates, the dialogue was silenced and no subtitles were provided. Mercury later died of bronchopneumonia resulting from AIDS. A spokesman for Twentieth Century Fox, the studio behind the film, told the Times the company had no comment on the censored release of Bohemian Rhapsody in China.

Censorship of Hollywood films is fairly common in China. The most extreme recent example was the country banning the Winnie the Pooh film Christopher Robin, likely because Pooh has been used as a symbol of the resistance by Chinese activists. Still, the Chinese theatergoing audience is a lucrative one for Hollywood, so studios typically yield to the censors.

Bohemian Rhapsody was a massive box-office hit, starring Rami Malek as the band's late, great lead singer. Malek went on to win a best-actor Oscar for his performance. He dedicated his speech largely to Mercury, saying, "We made a film about a gay man, an immigrant, who lived his life just unapologetically himself." That, apparently, was too much for Chinese censors; the massive media platform Mango TV replaced "gay man" with "special group" in subtitles, the Times notes.

While the censorship is causing frustration among Chinese viewers, Bohemian Rhapsody was criticized upon its stateside release for failing to respectfully explore and celebrate Mercury's sexuality. The biopic also drastically minimized the superstar singer's relationship with Hutton, who was his partner for seven years, until Mercury's death in 1991.

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Bohemian Rhapsody: All Three Minutes of the Film's Gay Scenes Censored in China

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Bohemian Rhapsody has been censored in China, much to the annoyance of some Chinese theatergoers. According to The New York Times, the Queen biopic hit theaters in the country last weekend, but it was an altered version that omitted references to lead singer Freddie Mercury's sexuality.

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Four Saudi women activists freed pending trial, say campaigners

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Four Saudi women activists freed pending trial, say campaigners

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Luckily, four Saudi women, who protested for women to be able to legally drive cars, were recently released from prison. However, all of them are pending trial, and three of these four women were granted only temporary release from prison. Western governments have pressured the capital of Saudi Arabia, Riyadh, to release these women, especially since the ban on female motorists was lifted in June 2018. Understand that many of these female activists were arrested just before this ban was lifted, yet they were not released from prison until recent weeks or months in 2019, which makes no sense and is very disappointing. Two other upsetting things have happened in Saudi Arabia. For one, many of these women activists were sexually harassed and tortured in detention and were told to not speak a word about it. Secondly, "authorities arrested at least nine writers and academics, including two US citizens, in an apparent crackdown on supporters of the female activists on trial" (AFP News Agency).

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Saudi Arabia has released at least four more detained female activists pending trial, campaigners said, bringing the total number of women provisionally freed to seven.

"Hatoon al-Fassi, Amal al-Harbi, Maysaa al-Manea, and Abeer Namankani were temporarily released," London-based rights group ALQST said on Twitter on Thursday, adding there were unconfirmed reports about the release of a fifth activist.

Another campaigner close to the families of 11 women on trial told the AFP news agency that five women had been temporarily released.

BREAKING: Hatoon Al-Fassi, Amal Al-Harbi, Maysaa al-Manea, and Abeer Namankani were temporarily released, and unconfirmed reports about the release of Shadan al-Anezi. pic.twitter.com/YncLAoUBLw
- القسط ALQST (@ALQST_ORG) May 2, 2019

There was no immediate comment from Saudi authorities.

The activists, some of whom have accused interrogators of sexual abuse and torture during nearly a year in custody, face charges that include contact with foreign media, diplomats and human rights groups.

Three of them - activist Aziza al-Yousef, blogger Eman al-Nafjan and preacher Rokaya al-Mohareb - were granted temporary release in late March.

Riyadh has faced pressure from Western governments to release the women, most of whom were detained last summer in a wide-ranging crackdown against activists just before the historic lifting of a decades-long ban on female motorists.

Renewed crackdown

But last month, Saudi Arabia mounted a fresh crackdown that sent shock waves through the kingdom.

Authorities arrested at least nine writers and academics, including two US citizens, in an apparent crackdown on supporters of the female activists on trial, campaigners said.

It marked the first major crackdown since the brutal murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul last October, which sparked unprecedented international scrutiny of the kingdom's human rights record.

The siblings of activist Loujain al-Hathloul - one of the prominent detainees who was not among those freed on Thursday - have said they were being pressured by people close to the Saudi state to stay silent over her treatment in detention.

Hathloul was among the women who claimed to be tortured and sexually harassed in detention.

Saudi prosecutors have roundly rejected the accusation in the ongoing trial.

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Four Saudi women activists freed pending trial, say campaigners

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Saudi Arabia has released at least four more detained female activists pending trial, campaigners said, bringing the total number of women provisionally freed to seven. "Hatoon al-Fassi, Amal al-Harbi, Maysaa al-Manea, and Abeer Namankani were temporarily released," London-based rights group ALQST said on Twitter on Thursday, adding there were unconfirmed reports about the release of a fifth activist.

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Up until 2018, prisoners in Chile did not have human rights to clean water, mattresses, clothing etc. There were also reports on overcrowding in more than fifty prisons throughout Chile. This is a problem because this dehumanizes criminals and hardens the bias that criminals are not human or deserving of basic human rights. Similarly to the United States, prisoners do not have a direct say in their own well being when it comes to voting. The supreme court in Chile voted in favor that the basic human rights of prisoners needs to be in place. So hopefully from here on out they will have access to basic necessities.

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Confronting Past Abuses

Chilean courts continue to prosecute former police and military officers responsible for human rights abuses during Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship from 1973 to 1990.

Notable convictions in 2018 include three former agents of the Chilean secret police (DINA) for the murder of the leader of the Revolutionary Left Movement, Miguel Enríquez Espinosa, on October 5, 1974; eight ex-military officers for the kidnapping, torture, and murders of pop singer Víctor Jara and former prison director Littré Quiroga Carvajal, during the coup in September 1973; and 24 former DINA agents for their participation in the enforced disappearances of 119 leftist collaborators between 1974 and 1975, known as "Operation Colombo."

In November 2018, Juan Emilio Cheyre, an officer under Pinochet and the commander-in-chief of the Chilean army from 2002-2006, was convicted for his role in the murder of 15 people following the 1973 coup. Juan Emilio Cheyre is the most senior official to be held accountable for human rights abuses during the Pinochet years.

Chile continues to maintain a 50-year veil of secrecy over victim's testimony given to the National Commission on Political Prison and Torture from November 2003 to May 2004. The testimony revealed places of detention and torture methods used by the dictatorship, and identified former political prisoners and torture victims. The Bachelet administration submitted a bill to lift the secrecy order in 2017, which generated heated debate between those who believe revealing the testimony would violate victims' rights to privacy, and those who believe revealing it is necessary to fully punish the guilty and bring justice to victims.

In a controversial decision in July 2018, the Supreme Court granted conditional release to seven former police and military officers who had been serving sentences for human rights abuses committed during the Pinochet dictatorship. Members of opposition parties attempted to remove the three Supreme Court judges responsible for the decision, but Chile's congress rejected the attempt.

Women's Sexual and Reproductive Rights

Chile's 28-year ban on abortion came to an end in 2017 when the Constitutional Court upheld a new law decriminalizing abortion in three circumstances: when the pregnancy is the result of rape, the life of the mother is at risk, or the fetus is unviable. Although passage of the law signaled progress for reproductive rights in Chile, significant barriers to access remain even for legally permissible abortions.

The law in its current form allows doctors, as well as private institutions, to refuse to provide abortions on moral grounds. Chilean research organizations and the Ministry of Health have recently reported that high percentages of providers in Chile are "conscientious objectors" in one or more of the three circumstances. Nearly 50 percent of all medical providers in Chile object to providing abortions after rape, and some public hospitals lack a single provider willing to perform an abortion in that circumstance.

In March 2018, a new threat to women's access to abortion arose when the Piñera administration eliminated the requirement that hospitals give a reason for refusing to provide abortions. Under Piñera's regulatory change, hospitals could simply tell the Health Ministry that their doctors would not perform abortions. Likewise, doctors who were conscientious objectors no longer had to register as such in advance, which meant that clinics and hospitals could no longer ensure that they would always have a doctor available to provide an abortion. In May, Chile's comptroller general abrogated the new regulations, restoring prior rules requiring doctors and institutions raising conscientious objections to opt out in writing in advance.

Indigenous Rights

Chilean courts continue to prosecute Mapuche land-rights activists under the country's counterterrorism law for violence and destruction of property during protests. The law has faced criticism for its overly broad definition of terrorism and insufficient due process guarantees. Both the Bachelet and Piñera administrations proposed modifications to update the law and clarify its scope, but the changes remained pending at time of writing.

In May 2018, three Mapuche land-rights activists were found guilty of arson under the counterterrorism law in connection with the deaths of prominent landowners, Werner Luchsinger and Vivianne Mackay, in May 2013. Two of the three were sentenced to life in prison. The activists had been acquitted for lack of evidence in an initial trial in October 2017 that was subsequently annulled.

The Piñera administration announced an ambitious plan to boost development and promote peace in the predominantly indigenous region of La Araucanía. The plan proposes US$24 billion in public and private investments between 2018 and 2026 for development projects, increased dialogue between indigenous communities and the state, and a constitutional reform recognizing and protecting the history, identity, culture, languages, institutions, and traditions of the indigenous population.

In November 2018, Camilo Catrillanca, a 24-year-old Mapuche activist, was shot and killed by agents of the Carabineros (Chile's national police force). The killing was met with widespread outrage. Prosecutors determined that the Carabineros had destroyed video evidence of the killing. As a result, four agents directly involved in the incident were dismissed from the police force and two high-ranking officials submitted their resignation. The four agents were facing criminal prosecution for murder, attempted murder, and obstruction of justice at time of writing.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity

In September 2018, Chile's congress voted to allow transgender individuals over 14 years of age to legally change their name and gender in the civil registry, with no requirement for surgery or change in physical appearance. The passage of the bill, which has been before Congress since 2013, marks an important step forward for the transgender community in Chile. The bill was pending final approval from President Piñera at time of writing.

The Bachelet administration's bill to legalize same-sex marriage and allow same-sex couples the right to adoption or other reproductive options, submitted in August 2017, remains pending in the Senate.

Migrants' Rights

In April 2018, the Piñera administration introduced amendments to the 2013 immigration bill. The changes, still pending at time of writing, aim to further regulate and systematize the immigration process to address the growing migrant population. Immigration laws have not been updated since 1975.

The amendments were accompanied by a series of administrative measures, including reforms to temporary residence permits and visas and the initiation of an "extraordinary regularization" process. The extraordinary regularization process allows anyone with an irregular immigration status who entered Chile before April 8, 2018, to remain in the country legally until their immigration status is resolved, provided they do not have a criminal background. As of June, 140,000 migrants, primarily from Haiti, Venezuela, and Peru, had registered for the regularization process.

While the regularization process helps and protects many migrants, Haitian and Venezuelan migrants who did not enter Chile before the April 8 deadline may face significant barriers to entry under the new rules. Haitian and Venezuelan migrants must now obtain visas from the Chilean consulates in their respective countries to be granted access.

Children's Rights

In March 2018, President Piñera introduced a bill establishing new child protection and youth reintegration services and eliminating the National Service for Minors (SENAME). SENAME had been the subject of scrutiny for several years due to reports of abuse, ill-treatment, and death in its centers throughout the country.

Prison Conditions

Chile's National Human Rights Institute (INDH) has filed dozens of lawsuits on behalf of inmates living in undignified and unhealthy conditions. The Santiago Court of Appeals ruled in favor of INDH in two such lawsuits in 2018 regarding Penal Colony I and II, establishing that it is unacceptable for prisoners to live in environments that do not provide clean water, mattresses, clothing, and proper sanitation. The court also ordered Chile's national prison service to take steps to ensure prisoners' rights to health and hygiene.

The Supreme Court released a report in February 2018 analyzing 53 prisons in Chile and documenting a serious problem with overcrowding, with some prisons at 140 percent capacity or more.

Key International Actors

As a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), Chile supported UN efforts in 2018 to put human rights violations in Venezuela, Myanmar, North Korea, Belarus, Eritrea, Syria, Iran, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and South Sudan under scrutiny.

Chile was one of six governments to make the unprecedented request that the International Criminal Court open an investigation into the situation in Venezuela.

Chile has supported resolutions condemning abuses in Venezuela and Nicaragua before the Organization of American States.

The UN Committee Against Torture released a report in August urging Chile to lift the 50-year veil of secrecy on victims' testimony, update the counterterrorism law, thoroughly investigate all abuses reported at SENAME centers, and take necessary steps to reduce overcrowding and improve conditions in prisons.

The UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women released a report in March recommending that Chile decriminalize abortion in all circumstances and apply strict justification requirements for conscientious objection.

In August 2018, former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet was appointed UN high commissioner for human rights.

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World Report 2019: Rights Trends in Chile

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Chilean courts continue to prosecute former police and military officers responsible for human rights abuses during Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship from 1973 to 1990.

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In the last few year women in South Korea have really been pushing towards equality between the sexes. Many protest have been taking place all throughout the country. in the article it covers one of south Koreas largest protest held by women. This protest was about the use of tiny spy camera that were being used to invade the privacy of many women by looking in on them in private's elocutions or looking up there clothing.

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© 2018 Courage to be Uncomfortable

On June 9, about 22,000 South Korean women marched through the streets of Seoul. The protest - reportedly the largest by women in South Korean history - focused on the proliferation of so-called "spy cams," tiny cameras used to invade women's privacy, filming them in toilets and up skirts, with images often posted online. Activists say the government is not taking the issue seriously - except in the rare case where a man is the victim.

Spy cam use is one of many rights violations women face in South Korea. The World Economic Forum recently ranked the country an abysmal 116 out of 144 countries in gender equality. In a survey of 2,000 South Korean men by the Korean Institute of Criminology, nearly 80 percent said they had physically or psychologically abused a girlfriend. A 2015 survey of 500 people by the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family found more than 78 percent of sexual harassment victims in the workplace did not seek recourse but "put up with it," often believing they would not get help if they complained.

Abortion is legal only in cases of rape or incest, risks to the mother's health, or if the parents cannot marry legally or have specific hereditary disorders or communicable diseases. Even so, married women need their spouses' permission for an abortion, and illegal abortion is punishable by up to one year in prison or fines up to 2 million won (US$1,820). Healthcare workers providing abortions face up to two years in prison.

The recent protest was the latest of a growing number of demands for change. In April 2018, more than 200,000 people signed a petition demanding a ban in sales of hidden cameras and stronger punishments for hidden camera crimes. In October 2017, more than 235,000 people signed a petition demanding legalization of abortion. A lawsuit on this issue is moving forward in the courts. The #MeToo movement took hold last year, with women demanding government action on sexual harassment.

President Moon Jae-in promised a cabinet with at least 30 percent women - and kept that promise. He pledged to strengthen the law on workplace sexual harassment, but has yet to do so. On abortion, the government kicked the issue down the road, saying they will study the issue and follow the ruling of an ongoing constitutional court case.

Saturday's protest was a clear message. South Korean women see inequality all around them, they have had enough, and are demanding action by the government. Let's hope their government heard the message.

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South Korean Women are Fed Up with Inequality

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On June 9, about 22,000 South Korean women marched through the streets of Seoul. The protest - reportedly the largest by women in South Korean history - focused on the proliferation of so-called "spy cams," tiny cameras used to invade women's privacy, filming them in toilets and up skirts, with images often posted online.

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Women in South Korea have been struggling find jobs. This is due to outdated views of a women place within society. Women are thought to be best fit to stay at home and take care of the home. Several employers state that a corporate lifestyle is not a life for a woman. Many employers are only looking for men to work within their companies. This leads to women finding it extremely hard to become financially stable by themselves.

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South Korea's glass ceiling- the women struggling to get hired by companies that only want men - CNN

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Sunday's referendum is to decide whether the country should tighten its gun laws by adopting the European Union's revised Firearms Directive. Here's what it all means.

What do the new EU rules mean for Swiss gun owners?

In 2017, after a wave of deadly terrorist attacks across Europe, the European Council and Parliament approved changes to EU weapons laws. These changes include a ban on certain types of semi-automatic pistols, revolvers and rifles capable of firing a large number of bullets in a short space of time.

If Swiss voters back the updated EU rules at a referendum on Sunday, the country will not be required to ban all weapons with high-capacity magazines. But it will need to roll out new, more restrictive rules on their ownership (more on that below).

The updated EU directive also calls for all essential weapon components to be clearly labelled and registered electronically to help police establish where weapons are coming from.

As part of the Schengen Area - a group of European countries without border controls - Switzerland is legally obliged to adopt the new EU rules on gun ownership. In fact, the Swiss government and the Swiss parliament have already given their backing to the revised EU Firearms Directive.

So why is Switzerland voting on the issue?

The referendum on the issue is being held because the Swiss Shooting Interest Group, supported by the conservative Swiss People's Party (SVP) launched a popular initiative calling for Swiss voters to reject the EU Firearms Directive.

The committee behind the initiative collected the necessary number of signatures to trigger a referendum under Switzerland's unique system of direct democracy.

Why do Swiss gun enthusiasts oppose the EU changes?

The planned changes have touched an nerve among gun owners in Switzerland. The country has a strong tradition of marksmanship and its compulsory military service means many people are comfortable around weapons.

The organization Swiss Shooting, for example, boasts over 130,000 members and offers air gun courses for children aged eight and up.

Many Swiss people are comfortable around guns. Photo: AFP

Meanwhile, there are estimated 2,300,000 weapons in civilian possession in Switzerland or just over one gun for every four residents, according to Geneva-based organization Small Arms Survey (although the actual number is, however, notoriously difficult to establish, as many weapons are not registered).

Indeed, buying a weapon is not particularly difficult in Switzerland, and police report that there has been a surge in demand for gun permits across the country.

In this context, the committee that launched the May 19th referendum initiative has described the revised Firearms Directive as an "EU disarmament diktat", arguing it is an attack on gun owners' rights.

Opponents of the revised EU rules also say they would do nothing to combat terrorism or criminality. They state that the changes would spell the end of the country's strong tradition of target shooting by making it harder for people to obtain weapons.

In addition, there are huge concerns over Article 17 of the EU Firearms directive which outlines a mechanism for a reassessment of European gun laws every five years. Gun enthusiasts in Switzerland fear they could gradually see their rights eroded through the automatic application of this article in the future.

What is at stake?

A lot. In the run-up to the referendum, the Swiss government has highlighted the fact that, under the terms of the EU-Swiss Schengen agreement, Switzerland could, in theory, be bundled out of the Schengen family if it fails to adopt the new gun rules.

The government says this could cost the Swiss economy billions of francs a year while the Swiss Federal Office of Police warns that Switzerland would be deprived of key security and crime information accessible via the Schengen Information System.

Losing Schengen status would also have a knock-on effect on immigration because, as a non-Schengen country, Switzerland would cease to be covered by the so-called Dublin Regulation. Under the Dublin rules, asylum seekers can only apply to one EU member state for protection. If Switzerland were no longer covered by these rules, there could be a spike in asylum requests because failed asylum seekers from other EU countries would then be able to apply to Switzerland as a next port of call.

Complicating the picture is the fact that Swiss relations with the EU are already strained because of protracted and often bad-natured negotiations over the future of bilateral relations between Bern and Brussels. Switzerland's bargaining power is unlikely to be given a boost if the country's voters reject the EU's new gun rules.

But how does the Swiss government respond to the concerns of gun owners?

The says that Switzerland's shooting culture is not threatened by adoption of the EU directive and notes that the county has already been granted a number of key concessions by the EU.

These concessions, outlined in Article 6 of the EU Firearms Directive, mean that Swiss soldiers can continue to take home their service weapons, which have high magazine capacity, at the end of military service.

In addition, anyone in Switzerland who currently owns these types of weapons (specifically the SIG SG 510 and SIG SG 550 assault rifles) can keep hold of them, although they will be required to register the guns with cantonal authorities within three years.

People who want to buy weapons with high magazine capacity for target shooting purposes will also be able to do so in future, although they will need to get an "exemption permit" to use what is essentially a banned weapon in the EU.

To obtain such a permit, owners of these guns will need to prove that they are members of a shooting club or that they are regular sports shooters (with 'regular' in this case meaning they have gone target shooting at least five times in the previous five years).

However, shooting enthusiasts say that the new rules are much more restrictive. They will lead to a red-tape nightmare and a decline in the number of sports shooters in Switzerland.

What groups oppose the tougher EU gun control rules?

Apart from the Swiss Shooting Interest Group and the SVP, the referendum is also supported by the Swiss Society of Officers (SOG), the Swiss Non-commissioned Officers Society (SUOV), the hunting association Hunting Switzerland, the pro-gun group Pro Tell and the Swiss Rifle Makers and Sellers Group (SBV).

Who supports Switzerland's adoption of the Firearm Directive?

The Swiss government, parliament, police and army are all in favour of Switzerland adopting the new EU gun regulations as are all of the major political parties in Switzerland except for the SVP. Major business and industry groups including unions and tourism and hospitality organisations also want Switzerland to adopt the new regulations.

How are people likely to vote?

All indications are that Swiss voters will back the revised EU gun rules.

Close to two thirds of voters (65 percent) say they are "definitely in favour" or "generally in favour" of Switzerland's adoption of tougher gun laws, according to a survey run by Gfs Bern at the end of April. That is just one percentage point lower than an earlier poll carried out at the end of March.

According to Gfs, the main arguments put forward by people survey are that the rule changes will not have a serious impact on Switzerland's shooting culture and that a failure to do could endanger the country's position in the Schengen/Dublin group.

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What you need to know about Switzerland's crucial gun control referendum

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On Sunday, Switzerland is holding a referendum to decide whether the country should tighten its gun laws. Here we answer the key questions about the vote - and look at why the referendum is as much about Swiss relations with the European Union as it is about gun control.

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Sunday's referendum is to decide whether the country should tighten its gun laws by adopting the European Union's revised Firearms Directive. Here's what it all means.

What do the new EU rules mean for Swiss gun owners?

In 2017, after a wave of deadly terrorist attacks across Europe, the European Council and Parliament approved changes to EU weapons laws. These changes include a ban on certain types of semi-automatic pistols, revolvers and rifles capable of firing a large number of bullets in a short space of time.

If Swiss voters back the updated EU rules at a referendum on Sunday, the country will not be required to ban all weapons with high-capacity magazines. But it will need to roll out new, more restrictive rules on their ownership (more on that below).

The updated EU directive also calls for all essential weapon components to be clearly labelled and registered electronically to help police establish where weapons are coming from.

As part of the Schengen Area - a group of European countries without border controls - Switzerland is legally obliged to adopt the new EU rules on gun ownership. In fact, the Swiss government and the Swiss parliament have already given their backing to the revised EU Firearms Directive.

So why is Switzerland voting on the issue?

The referendum on the issue is being held because the Swiss Shooting Interest Group, supported by the conservative Swiss People's Party (SVP) launched a popular initiative calling for Swiss voters to reject the EU Firearms Directive.

The committee behind the initiative collected the necessary number of signatures to trigger a referendum under Switzerland's unique system of direct democracy.

Why do Swiss gun enthusiasts oppose the EU changes?

The planned changes have touched an nerve among gun owners in Switzerland. The country has a strong tradition of marksmanship and its compulsory military service means many people are comfortable around weapons.

The organization Swiss Shooting, for example, boasts over 130,000 members and offers air gun courses for children aged eight and up.

Many Swiss people are comfortable around guns. Photo: AFP

Meanwhile, there are estimated 2,300,000 weapons in civilian possession in Switzerland or just over one gun for every four residents, according to Geneva-based organization Small Arms Survey (although the actual number is, however, notoriously difficult to establish, as many weapons are not registered).

Indeed, buying a weapon is not particularly difficult in Switzerland, and police report that there has been a surge in demand for gun permits across the country.

In this context, the committee that launched the May 19th referendum initiative has described the revised Firearms Directive as an "EU disarmament diktat", arguing it is an attack on gun owners' rights.

Opponents of the revised EU rules also say they would do nothing to combat terrorism or criminality. They state that the changes would spell the end of the country's strong tradition of target shooting by making it harder for people to obtain weapons.

In addition, there are huge concerns over Article 17 of the EU Firearms directive which outlines a mechanism for a reassessment of European gun laws every five years. Gun enthusiasts in Switzerland fear they could gradually see their rights eroded through the automatic application of this article in the future.

What is at stake?

A lot. In the run-up to the referendum, the Swiss government has highlighted the fact that, under the terms of the EU-Swiss Schengen agreement, Switzerland could, in theory, be bundled out of the Schengen family if it fails to adopt the new gun rules.

The government says this could cost the Swiss economy billions of francs a year while the Swiss Federal Office of Police warns that Switzerland would be deprived of key security and crime information accessible via the Schengen Information System.

Losing Schengen status would also have a knock-on effect on immigration because, as a non-Schengen country, Switzerland would cease to be covered by the so-called Dublin Regulation. Under the Dublin rules, asylum seekers can only apply to one EU member state for protection. If Switzerland were no longer covered by these rules, there could be a spike in asylum requests because failed asylum seekers from other EU countries would then be able to apply to Switzerland as a next port of call.

Complicating the picture is the fact that Swiss relations with the EU are already strained because of protracted and often bad-natured negotiations over the future of bilateral relations between Bern and Brussels. Switzerland's bargaining power is unlikely to be given a boost if the country's voters reject the EU's new gun rules.

But how does the Swiss government respond to the concerns of gun owners?

The says that Switzerland's shooting culture is not threatened by adoption of the EU directive and notes that the county has already been granted a number of key concessions by the EU.

These concessions, outlined in Article 6 of the EU Firearms Directive, mean that Swiss soldiers can continue to take home their service weapons, which have high magazine capacity, at the end of military service.

In addition, anyone in Switzerland who currently owns these types of weapons (specifically the SIG SG 510 and SIG SG 550 assault rifles) can keep hold of them, although they will be required to register the guns with cantonal authorities within three years.

People who want to buy weapons with high magazine capacity for target shooting purposes will also be able to do so in future, although they will need to get an "exemption permit" to use what is essentially a banned weapon in the EU.

To obtain such a permit, owners of these guns will need to prove that they are members of a shooting club or that they are regular sports shooters (with 'regular' in this case meaning they have gone target shooting at least five times in the previous five years).

However, shooting enthusiasts say that the new rules are much more restrictive. They will lead to a red-tape nightmare and a decline in the number of sports shooters in Switzerland.

What groups oppose the tougher EU gun control rules?

Apart from the Swiss Shooting Interest Group and the SVP, the referendum is also supported by the Swiss Society of Officers (SOG), the Swiss Non-commissioned Officers Society (SUOV), the hunting association Hunting Switzerland, the pro-gun group Pro Tell and the Swiss Rifle Makers and Sellers Group (SBV).

Who supports Switzerland's adoption of the Firearm Directive?

The Swiss government, parliament, police and army are all in favour of Switzerland adopting the new EU gun regulations as are all of the major political parties in Switzerland except for the SVP. Major business and industry groups including unions and tourism and hospitality organisations also want Switzerland to adopt the new regulations.

How are people likely to vote?

All indications are that Swiss voters will back the revised EU gun rules.

Close to two thirds of voters (65 percent) say they are "definitely in favour" or "generally in favour" of Switzerland's adoption of tougher gun laws, according to a survey run by Gfs Bern at the end of April. That is just one percentage point lower than an earlier poll carried out at the end of March.

According to Gfs, the main arguments put forward by people survey are that the rule changes will not have a serious impact on Switzerland's shooting culture and that a failure to do could endanger the country's position in the Schengen/Dublin group.

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What you need to know about Switzerland's crucial gun control referendum

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On Sunday, Switzerland is holding a referendum to decide whether the country should tighten its gun laws. Here we answer the key questions about the vote - and look at why the referendum is as much about Swiss relations with the European Union as it is about gun control.

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The LGBT community is getting more and more acknowledgment all across Japan! In the first five months of 2019 alone, the number of Japanese municipalities with a “partnership system” recognizing same-sex relationships has doubled. While Japan’s national government has been very passive when it comes to tackling issues faced by its LGBT population, more and more municipal governments are making an effort to help improve the daily lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender citizens.

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In the first five months of 2019 alone, the number of Japanese municipalities with a "partnership system" recognizing same-sex relationships has doubled. While Japan's national government has been very passive when it comes to tackling issues faced by its LGBT population, more and more municipal governments are making an effort to help improve the daily lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender citizens.

The lack of legal recognition for marriage or any other form of officially recognized partnership for same-sex couples in Japan has meant that many people have been denied access to relationship-based privileges and rights - an exclusion that does not only apply to those who are attracted to people of the same sex. Changing your legal gender is a burdensome challenge in Japan, demanding costly and very personal sacrifices that place it out of reach for many transgender people. As a result, many are left without legal recognition of their status. Consequently straight, pre-legal transition trans people and their partners are also impacted by the lack of recognition of same-sex relationships.

In February 2015, Tokyo's Shibuya Ward revealed its plan for a special partnership system. The system's purpose is to officially recognize the relationships of same-sex couples in order to solve some of the issues they have to face in their daily lives. Such issues include, but are not limited to, the right to move into public housing facilities as a couple, hospital visitation rights, the right to make medical decisions for an unconscious partner and access to special partnership benefits given by employers.

Shibuya's partnership certificate is recognized by official institutions within the municipality and private companies are encouraged to recognize the couple's relationship status just the same as they do with straight, married couples.

It took time for the partnership system to gain momentum, but the pace of adoption has grown tremendously

The idea of the system sparked brief debates regarding its constitutionality and sent a rippling effect through Japan's municipal assemblies. Assembly members who had previously brought up the topic in the neighboring Setagaya Ward demanded that their mayor take similar actions before the ward lost its reputation for leading the vanguard of progressive policies. Their arguments worked; in July the mayor announced that Setagaya would join Shibuya and both municipalities began distributing their partnership certificates on November 5th of the same year.

Within days of Shibuya revealing its planned system, an assembly member in Okinawa's capital, Naha City, raised the topic. The city's chief of general affairs agreed that it would be good idea to watch how other municipalities handled the subject and to proactively attempt to solve the issues of LGBT+ people. While LGBT-related issues had rarely been mentioned in Naha's assembly prior to this, they have since become a regular topic. Naha became the fifth municipality in Japan to adopt the system; the city has also adopted various other LGBT-friendly policies.

While it took some time for the spread of the system to really gain momentum, the pace at which it is being adopted has grown tremendously over time. Within the first half of 2019, the total number of municipalities with a partnership system has grown from 9 to 20 so far, with the number set to grow to 22 with the planned start of systems in Miyazaki City and Kanuma City in June.

Skeptics point to the relatively low number of couples who have applied for partnership documents - but these numbers require context

With the exception of Shibuya Ward and Toshima Ward, both of which enacted ordinances, all other municipalities have so far adopted their partnership systems in the form of an "administrative guideline", known in Japanese as a '要綱' ( yōkō). One of the main differences between ordinances and guidelines is the way in which they are adopted. While an ordinance needs to be voted on by assembly members, a guideline can be issued by individual mayors and doesn't necessarily need the approval of the assembly.

This is not to say that mayors can just adopt guidelines whenever they please. In January, Hida City's mayor announced on Facebook that the city would be among the many municipalities that would start partnership systems on April 1st of 2019. His assembly members, however, responded to this surprise move by their mayor by arguing that more time was needed before a partnership system could be implemented, and submitting a resolution that successfully postponed the start of the system. Nonetheless, successfully adopting an ordinance is a lot more difficult in political terms than issuing a guideline, making it all the more impressive that Toshima Ward's ordinance was adopted unanimously on the 22nd of March 2019.

According to Nijiiro Diversity's latest research, the number of couples who have acquired a partnership document stood at 426 as of April 17th. Skeptics might call this a low number and criticism has been leveled at the lack of actual legal power offered by the partnership documents; private companies are not obliged to co-operate, and the documents are generally only recognized within their municipality. It's important, however, to contextualize these numbers. A lot of partnership systems demand that both partners already live within the municipality, potentially creating a Catch-22 situation as many people apply for the partnership certificates precisely because they want to be able to rent an apartment together. To solve this issue, local governments are now making it so that people can apply more easily even if they don't live within the municipality yet, as long as they make a promise that they will move there. Another hurdle that's a bit more difficult to solve is that obtaining a certificate and actually using it might mean that an individual has to come out to friends, family or coworkers - no problem for some couples, but a sacrifice others might not be willing or able to make.

It is likely only a matter of time until the partnership policy is elevated from municipalities to a prefectural level

Ultimately, the policy's effectiveness cannot be measured only by looking at the number of people actively applying for certificates. By adopting the policy, municipalities show their LGBT+ citizens that they care about them. It stirs up much-needed discussion and creates awareness among both politicians and their constituents. Surveys of recipients of the certificate have shown that it helped them in the process of coming out to friends and family as well as helping them in other aspects of their daily lives. Most important of all, however, is the fact that many of the people pushing for the policy are members of the LGBT+ community themselves - making this an important political win for a marginalized minority.

LGBT+ organizations have produced petitions and campaigned for the introduction of the policy in various places across Japan. One such organization, Rainbow Saitama, is planning to deliver its petition to the administrations of all 63 villages, towns and cities within Saitama Prefecture as well as the prefecture's governor. Japan's unified local elections in April also saw various candidates campaigning on the promise of working towards the adoption of a partnership system. One such politician is Fuchigami Ayako, a transgender woman elected to Hokkaido Prefecture's assembly on April 7th, who campaigns for prefecture-wide adoption of a partnership system. With the governor of Ibaraki Prefecture also having expressed his support, it is likely to be only a matter of time until the partnership policy takes its next step and gets elevated to the prefectural level.

Within its short existence, the partnership system has already helped many Japanese LGBT people - and the future prospects for the system look bright.As adoption and support for the partnership system rises beyond local assemblies, it will become increasingly difficult for the national government to keep marriage equality and LGBT rights off the political agenda.

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LGBT Partnership Systems Spread Across Japan - Tokyo Review

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In the first five months of 2019 alone, the number of Japanese municipalities with a "partnership system" recognizing same-sex relationships has doubled. While Japan's national government has been very passive when it comes to tackling issues faced by its LGBT population, more and more municipal governments are making an effort to help improve the daily lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender citizens.

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This is a video from my country, Iceland, showing how women protested years ago by taking the streets to show that they were needed in everyone's lives.

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In Argentina there is a huge wage gap between men and women. Recent statistics reveal that women earned less than 23.3 percent less than males in the same occupation. The article continues on to state a few reasons for the wage gap. The main reason is that the men economically sustain the home and the women earn additional money for the household.

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Photo via Clarín

A comprehensive report about gender inequality in the City of Buenos Aires confirmed what we already know: it still very much exists. Published on November 5 by the City government's statistics agency, it indicates that in 2017, women earned on average 23.3 percent less than their male counterparts in the primary occupation.

Predictably, the City is far from being an isolated case: in a report of its own, the Federation of Professional Entities of Córdoba (Fepuc) indicated that while the male median income clocked in at AR $36.524 in 2017, women's was of AR $28.342, resulting in a 22 percent wage gap between the two sexes.

The study goes on to illustrate how the injustice is layered and systemic: even though women are achieving better results in education than their male counterparts, most end up working on poorly paid sectors of the economy, such as domestic services, health and education. And even within this area, they earn 28 percent less than the males they work with.

Perhaps one of the most illustrative examples took place when the International Monetary Fund's Managing Director, Christine Lagarde, told Argentine Finance and Treasury Minister, Nicolás Dujovne, that the Argentine delegation sent to negotiate a bailout package to Washington was "short on women."

The underlying problem behind all of this is that, as stated in the study, "the economic model for the labor market [in Argentina] has been designed on a model where the men economically sustain the home, and the women earn additional money".

Read more: Gender Equality: Argentina's Pipe Dream?

The issue is set to play - at least in paper - a significant role in the upcoming G20 leaders summit, to take place in Buenos Aires on November 30 and December 1. The G20 presidency - i.e Argentina - has already formally received policy recommendations by the Women 20 (W20) engagement group, and responded by describing it as a priority issue for G20: " Inequality is not only a woman's issue; it involves us all; it affects us all," said Macri when receiving the document.
Read more: Macri's Bill to Close the Gender Pay Gap, Explained
W20 has also advised that a mandatory paid parental leave period be implemented for both maternal and paternal leave, to counteract the predated stereotypes that revolve around parental care in Argentine families. This comes just a few months after Macri's bill to increase paid leave for paternal care in the public sector to be raised to 15 days, making an total of 30 days of paid leave between both parents.

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Report: Gender Inequality in Buenos Aires Still Very Much Exists

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Photo via Clarín A comprehensive report about gender inequality in the City of Buenos Aires confirmed what we already know: it still very much exists. Published on November 5 by the City government's statistics agency, it indicates that in 2017, women earned on average 23.3 percent less than their male counterparts in the primary occupation.

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Along with not having rights in the workplace, women's participation in the workforce has not changed in 20 years.  The article concludes with this quote, "“While it is encouraging to see governments putting in place initiatives to improve diversity in the workplace, business leaders need to prioritize and take action to close the gender gap to make a real impact.”

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Government initiatives are driving up female workforce participation rates in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, finds a new PwC study, but engagement in Egypt remains flat.
The verdict is well and truly in; improving female workforce access, participation and inclusion is not only a moral imperative but a boon for both innovation and the bottom line. Indeed, businesses are clearly beginning to recognise this, with nearly nine in ten of those surveyed in PwC's latest Diversity and Inclusion Benchmarking survey stating that this was now a priority. Those that haven't realised this yet are likely to fall be the wayside.

Yet, convincing business is one thing - especially when hungry shareholders can point toward financial performance - but how though do you go about shifting ingrained cultural barriers to greater workforce participation if you're a society? Especially when the economic benefits are as clear as the business ones - estimated by PwC at a staggering $6 trillion in GDP gains across the OECD should female participation rates and conditions match those of Sweden.

For the Middle East & North Africa, this figure sits at $575 billion lost every year in the region due to the legal and social barriers that exist for women's access to jobs. According to PwC's Women in Work Index - Insights from MENA survey, which surveyed 3,000 women and men across the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, two thirds believed that governments should intervene in the private sector and set targets for gender diversity.

The governments of these countries have in fact been making a concerted effort in recent times to boost female employment numbers through various policies and actions, perhaps none more so sweeping or garnering as much attention as women in Saudi Arabia last year being granted the right to drive - aimed at pushing local female participation rates toward the targeted 30 percent by 2030. Increasing the talent pool is a must if regional economic diversification agendas are to be fully realised. According to World Bank data cited by PwC, female workforce participation rates in the Emirates have jumped dramatically from 29.2 percent in 1990 to 40.6 percent last year, with the flow on to be seen in female leadership rates; 30 percent of women in UAE public sector now hold senior roles (although a BCG study put this figure more widely at around 10 percent on 2015 data), and a pioneering equal pay bill was passed by the cabinet last year.

But while reforms in the UAE and Saudi Arabia are having some impact, Egypt - which is said to have had a long history of legislative advances for women's rights - is a different case, with female participation in the workforce having remained almost entirely static for the two past decades - rising a paltry percentage point to 22.3 percent between 1990 and 2018. Here, PwC says, many men are still resistant to the idea of women working outside the home.

PwC's local Women in Work survey revealed that just 55 percent of Egyptian (and Saudi) workers agree that women and men are treated equally by their employers compared to 66 percent in the UAE. Also, among those surveyed, 64 percent in the UAE and 60 percent in Saudi Arabia recognised that there were national programmes in place to support women throughout their careers, while just 48 percent in Egypt believed this to be the case.

Yet, in noting that cultural attitudes and gender stereotypes take longer to change than governmental and legal reforms, PwC believe that there is "no one-size-fits-all approach to promoting gender diversity in the Middle East. Any initiatives need to take into account the specific histories, cultures and levels of development in each country." Here, the firm calls on business leaders to continue to lead from the front.

"While it is encouraging to see governments putting in place initiatives to improve diversity in the workplace, business leaders need to prioritise and take action to close the gender gap to make a real impact," concludes the report, which suggests raising awareness, flexible working approaches and internal accountability measures among a range of remedial actions. "The reasons to act are overwhelming and go beyond the moral argument for equality."

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Female workforce participation rates unchanged in Egypt for past 20 years

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Government initiatives are driving up female workforce participation rates in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, finds a new PwC study, but engagement in Egypt remains flat. The verdict is well and truly in; improving female workforce access, participation and inclusion is not only a moral imperative but a boon for both innovation and the bottom line.

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Saudi mother-of-three seeking asylum in Greece begs for help on Twitter saying her life is 'in danger'

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Saudi mother-of-three seeking asylum in Greece begs for help on Twitter saying her life is 'in danger'

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A Saudi mother of three children hopes that Greece will accept her asylum request. If not, then her family may be forced to return to Saudi Arabia. If her family is forced to return, she claims that she will be separated from her children and husband. She claims this because her marriage and family is not recognized by Saudi authorities. Her marriage is not recognized by them because she married a Syrian man, a foreigner, instead of a Saudi man, and her marriage was not arranged. The article continues to further explain why her family decided to leave Saudi Arabia and take refuge in other countries. It is saddening to hear stories like these. I wish that everyone would be and feel welcomed at every country, no matter what.

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A Saudi mother seeking asylum in Greece has appealed for help on social media, claiming her life is in danger and she will be separated from her husband and children if she is forced to return to Saudi Arabia.

Ghada al-Fadl, 40 is the latest Saudi woman to turn to Twitter for help after allegedly fleeing abuse within the ultraconservative Kingdom, where female citizens are subject to oppressive male guardianship laws.

Over the weekend the mother-of-three began tweeting human rights groups and agencies including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the United Nations to assist her in securing refugee status in Greece. A photo of her passport and the plea was shared and liked nearly 10,000 times.

She told The Independent from Ioannina, in northern Greece, that if her asylum request is rejected she will be forced to go home where she will be torn from her three children and Syrian husband, as her marriage and so family, is not recognised by the Saudi authorities.

The Independent was unable to independently verify her story. The authorities did not reply to a request for comment.

The former resident of Qatif, in eastern Saudi, claimed she left the Kingdom in 2010 for Syria, after her shop was repeatedly raided by religious police because she was a working woman. She also feared being forced into a marriage by her family.

She later married a man in Syria, but claimed the Saudi authorities in 2011 refused to register her marriage on the grounds he was a foreigner.

When the Syrian civil war erupted and Saudi citizens were encouraged to return home, the authorities apparently would not permit Mrs al-Fadl's husband to accompany her.

The family then fled Damascus in 2017 by crossing illegally into Turkey and taking a migrant dinghy to Greece, where Mrs al-Fadl is trying to claim asylum.

"My life and my children's lives are in danger. We contacted UNCHR to approve our asylum claim but we haven't heard back from them. I'm urgently asking all human rights organisations to save my life and my children's lives," she said.

"The biggest threat to me is being sent back to Saudi Arabia. My husband and my children cannot enter Saudi Arabia ... they are not recognised by the Saudi authorities.

"They will make me go back alone, without my children or husband. The Saudi will divorce me from my husband and I may be forced to marry again because of the customs and traditions of Saudi society, to be harassed again and return to the life of hell, which I had lived before."

She claimed she first fled Saudi Arabia to avoid being forced into a third marriage, after divorcing two abusive husbands, including one she was married off to aged just 13 years old.

She said she applied for asylum in Greece via Intersos rights group and the UN but was told she would likely be rejected.

As of May 2018 Greece was host to more than 60,000 refugees and migrants - many of them fleeing the Syrian conflict, according to UNHCR.

"We are harassed because I have Saudi nationality and they tell us we do not deserve asylum because we are from a very rich and safe country," she added.

"But if they do not accept my application, I will return home alone without my three children Daniel, who is 8, Ibrahim, who is 3 and Ghada who is just two."

It is not possible to independently verify Ghada's story. She shared official documents and several videos which appeared to back up the events.

Saudi Rights group Al-Qst, which has worked on similar cases, told The Independent they were still trying to follow up and verify the case.

But it follows at least four similar cases of vulnerable women fleeing the Kingdom that rights groups have documented since 2017.

Under oppressive guardianship laws Saudi women must secure permission from a male relative to work, marry, travel and even undergo some surgical operations, leaving them at the mercy of their families. Many have tried to escape the Kingdom, where several women's rights activists have also been locked up, and allegedly tortured while campaigning for reforms.

Last Month Apple and Google authorised a new Saudi government-backed app which allows its users to complete administrative tasks such as renewing driver's licences but also to monitor and control female relatives' travel.

The app, called Absher, gives men the power to grant or revoke travel permission of their dependents and get text alerts when female relatives use their passports.

It sparked uproar particularly as weeks before two sisters Maha and Wafa al-Subai e, 28 and 25, tweeted that they were trapped in Georgia after fleeing abusive family in Saudi Arabia and seeking asylum. This month they were granted asylum in a third country which was not made public so that they could not be reached by their relatives.

They said they were only able to escape to Georgia because they stole their father's phone to secure passports and authorisation to fly to Istanbul. They apparently knew dozens of women in a similar position.

In January Saudi teenager Rahaf al-Qunun had to barricade herself into a hotel room at Bangkok airport when the Thai and Saudi authorities tried to deport her back to the Kingdom where she had allegedly fled abuse by her family.

Her desperate pleas on Twitter were picked up by international media and she was eventually granted asylum in Canada.

Saudi Arabia, under the leadership of young and powerful crown prince Mohamed Bin Salman has eased its oppressive laws on female citizens, eventually allowing women to drive in 2018, and defanging the religious police who once patrolled most cities enforcing modest dress and behavioral codes.

In February Saudi media reported that the authorities were looking to review the male guardianship laws after Rahaf's case gripped global headlines.

Saudi's crown prince himself told The Atlantic that the Kingdom had to "figure out a way to treat this that doesn't harm families and doesn't harm the culture" in an interview about guardianship.

But the laws are still in place.

Mrs al-Fadl claimed that she appealed to the Saudi embassy in Beirut where officials warned she would have been immediately removed to Saudi Arabia alone had she not been pregnant at the time.

Saudi officials apparently visited her in her home in Greece three months ago but again did not promise to keep her family together. Similar attempts to appeal to government bodies in Saudi Arabia went unheeded.

"Please help me and help my children," she added.

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Saudi mother-of-three seeking asylum in Greece begs for help on Twitter saying her life is 'in danger'

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A Saudi mother seeking asylum in Greece has appealed for help on social media, claiming her life is in danger and she will be separated from her husband and children if she is forced to return to Saudi Arabia.

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I found this great article talking about the most recent Pride parade that just took place in Turkey this month, and how when the police came to shut down the parade with water canons, the water and the sunlight mixed beautifully to create a rainbow :)

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A crowd-dispersing method turned into an unwitting symbol of defiance, if this photo is to be believed, in Taksim Square, Turkey yesterday, where the annual gay pride parade was being held.

Turkish police used water cannon trucks and rubber pellets on those gathered in the centre of Istanbul, despite the parade having taken place peacefully the year before.

Attendees were injured by the cannons, according to Hurriyet Daily, though amongst the disruption one onlooker took a photo that purportedly showed one of the jets creating a rainbow in the sunlight.

We couldn't verify the image, which it is possible has been Photoshopped, but it is being widely shared in Turkey nonetheless (being viewed over 1.5 million times worldwide), reflecting the colours of Pride amid the chaos.

"Police reacts with water cannons. Karma reacts with rainbow." Ozhan Zurel tweeted.

According to AFP, police took action against the crowd when members of it began shouting slurs against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

It has also been reported that parade was interrupted due to it being Ramadan, but there was no such police action last year when it fell on the same day.

The LGBT community and those supporting marriage equality have been flying the rainbow flag proudly this week, after the US Supreme Court ruled that the US Constitution provides same-sex couples with the right to marry.

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Police in Turkey blast pride parade with water cannons, 'accidentally create rainbow'

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A crowd-dispersing method turned into an unwitting symbol of defiance, if this photo is to be believed, in Taksim Square, Turkey yesterday, where the annual gay pride parade was being held. Turkish police used water cannon trucks and rubber pellets on those gathered in the centre of Istanbul, despite the parade having taken place peacefully the year before.

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Hi all! I found this article that is a great description of Irish feminism. It gives a timeline of the different women's movements and how they relate to Ireland's state today. The article describes how the women are greatly empowered by globalization, but in recent years they lack representation since Ireland is going through a recession. Due to this recession, more conservative politics, including the Catholic right, have stepped in.

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Ireland's long history of patriarchy is matched by the ongoing evolution of its women's movements. Today's complex, transnational feminism finds its precursor in the colonial era. The first wave of the Irish women's movement dates from the mid-19th century, with the franchise secured for women in 1918 while still under British colonial rule. First-wave feminists played a role in the nationalist movement, but their demands were sidelined later, during the construction of a conservative Catholic post-colonial Irish state. In the 1970s, the second wave marked a critical period of radicalism and consolidation, with important gains on issues of violence against women and women's reproductive rights. The 1980s, in contrast, were a period of social conservatism, high unemployment and emigration, marked by a significant backlash against gains made by women's rights advocates, including constitutional bans on divorce and abortion.

The 1990s brought a lull in feminist activism, marked by the decentralization and fragmentation of the women's movement into a network of localized community and voluntary groups. Nonetheless, the legalization of divorce, the decriminalization of homosexuality, and increased labor force participation of women provide evidence of feminist activism and a shift in societal attitudes. During this period, feminist activists successfully publicized many previously stigmatized issues, while securing state support for equality, contraception legislation and funding for a variety of women's services. The 1990s were also punctuated by litigation on reproductive rights through the European Courts, a strategy that had mixed results in terms of constitutional change. This third wave culminated in a movement that was increasingly professionalized and mainstreamed into a form of state feminism.

Recently, in reaction to economic recession, the resurgence of activism by the Catholic Right, and state-led austerity, new contemporary groups have emerged in the Irish context. The Irish Feminist Network (IFN), founded in 2010, aims to mobilize younger women; Pro-choice groups continue to mobilize support for reproductive rights, an issue that continues to politicize successive feminist generations. The crisis has also negatively affected women's collective infrastructure and capacity for agency - evidenced in a series of cuts to gender-equality agencies and public services, as well as in programs supporting women and families. Remarkably, austerity's disproportionally negative impact on gender equality coexists with relatively strong feminist political efforts, including energetic protests against the recession's consequences for gender equity.

While global forces such as the Great Recession and the increasingly neo-liberal direction of Ireland's developmental paradigm undoubtedly have direct implications for Irish women and Irish feminism, the role of international forces in the Irish women's movement has been a point of debate: while some authors see the movement as homegrown, others view it as contingent on international resources. The European Union (EU) has been often characterized as an important factor in Ireland's debates over gender equity. In the 1980s and 1990s conservative resistance to the EU's "modernizing influence" on Ireland's divorce and abortion laws continued to shape feminist mobilization, while EU gender-mainstreaming and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) have more recently opened opportunities for feminist advocacy and the gender equality paradigm. In the Irish politics of gender, comparisons to Europe provided greater legitimacy to feminists who challenged national policy. On the other hand, of course, domestic Irish feminist activism has been crucial: the Europeanization of Irish gender equality policy and substantive progress have been achieved through protest, lobbying and litigation. In 2014 over 30 pieces of Irish legislation with a bearing on gender equality had origins in EU membership. The EU has also offered feminist groups the opportunity to work transnationally as members of pan-European women's organizations such as the European Women's Lobby.

However, the EU does not offer a panacea for deeply-rooted and pervasive gender inequality in Irish society: at the European level, gender equity policies remain focused on wage-earning female European citizens. It can be argued that the EU today offers fewer opportunities for advancing gender equality in the Irish context than it did in the past, as pressure towards de-gendering is common at both the national and EU level. Similarly, neo-liberal concerns with the rights of individuals and efficiency of organizations and markets combine to support "equal opportunity" strategies, which may erode old gender divisions but have also reconfigured gender relations, sometimes creating new burdens for women. In the Irish case, improvements in women's "human capital" and their participation in paid employment are seen as hallmarks of progress, but too often, social reproduction, caring, structural discrimination, or power imbalances between women and men remain outside the accepted framework.

Beyond the EU, Irish feminist groups have long sought to pressure the Irish state through UN monitoring processes for international conventions, including the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Beijing platform. The 2014 International Committee on Civil and Political Rights report on Ireland strongly recommended action on gender equality and greater participation of women.

Ireland continues to rank low in terms of women's representation in economic, political and public life, and arguments for including women in senior political and economic decision-making roles remain relevant, as do calls for changing Ireland's patriarchal political culture. Nevertheless, the success of the Irish economy during the Celtic Tiger era and the success of the women's movement have opened new possibilities. Irish feminisms today are best understood as complex, adaptive and differentiated; characterized by a capacity to engage with a range of social, cultural and political perspectives; and entangled with a variety of local, national and transnational movements. Even on this complex ground, feminist political agency remains crucial to realizing gender equality.

Direct all correspondence to Pauline Cullen: Pauline.Cullen@nuim.ie

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by Pauline Cullen, National University of Ireland Maynooth, Ireland Ireland's long history of patriarchy is matched by the ongoing evolution of its women's movements. Today's complex, transnational feminism finds its precursor in the colonial era. The first wave of the [...]

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I found this really great article discussing International Women's Day in and why it holds a particularly special meaning i Turkey.

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Among those marching on March 8 last year were two women who represent the country's separate but increasingly connected spheres of Turkey's feminist movement. There's the secular İpek Bozkurt, an activist and lawyer, who huddled with her friends to stay warm, her brunette hair untied as she jumped and chanted. And the religious, activist and blogger Rümeysa Çamdereli, her 4-year-old son sitting on her shoulders, a headscarf shielding her head from the chill. The two women shouted in unison - "We aren't silent, we aren't scared, we're not obeying"- despite the fact that their different worlds mean different lifestyles. On March 8, these divisions are forgotten.

"Eighth of March is a night of good times, seeing sisters, getting more power so that you can deal with all the bad stuff you'll face in the coming year," Çamdereli said. "Street activism is feeling something that you believe in. As an activist, I want to be on the streets most of the time."

International Women's Day is a global event, but in Turkey it holds particularly special meaning. Women from across Turkey's political and ethnic spectrums descend on Istanbul's most famous avenue for one of the few large opposition protests still permitted by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, a democratically elected populist who has been accused of creeping into authoritarianism. Over the past few years he's consolidated his power by shutting down opposition media, jailing those who speak against him and stifling dissent, particularly in the form of protest. It may seem surprising that the government allows the march, given that it has banned many other protests from opposition groups - Kurds, LGBTQ activists and labor unions. It's not that Erdoğan has special favor for the feminist movement, which has been grappling with a backslide as Turkey becomes more oppressive. But the fact that women can march together, largely un-harassed, is emblematic of the complicated relationship Turkey's women have with their president, and with each other. It's also a symbol for the ways women's rights can be used as a political tool to serve a leaders' own ends.

Although secular and religious women have long been seen as natural enemies, the stakes are higher than ever, and figures like Bozkurt and Çamdereli are finding common ground on issues that impact both groups: domestic violence, access to better paying jobs, safety on the streets after dark, and the right to wear what they want. They want public officials to stop telling them to get married and bear children. Most of all, they want to upend a culture that blames women for everything from getting raped to getting a divorce.

For the last three years, I've marched with these women as all that rage is released into the night with music, dancing and pride. Even Kurdish women, part of an ethnic minority who have been marginalized throughout Turkey's history and most recently over the past three years, are allowed to march on this day. Members of the LGBTQ community join the march, but heterosexual men aren't welcome. It's meant to be a safe space for women. All of this will be top of mind as the coalition for women's rights marches once again this year.

The movement cuts across party lines, and includes a swath of society so wide that Erdoğan can't afford to alienate or antagonize them. But within that coalition there remains divisions between women who support the government and feminists who don't. The challenge is whether they can set their differences aside to fight an increasingly emboldened government that's trying to reverse laws protecting gender equality.

"The women's movement gets its strength because it's a people's movement, while the other movements stay along party lines," Bozkurt said. "So many people's daughters are subject to violence. We have a wide span of social support, something Erdoğan isn't willing to get rid of because it resembles how Erdoğan was supported on a grassroots level."

As Turkey grapples with an authoritarian government slowly wrapping itself around Turkish life, women - despite their differences - are coming together to fight back. But the divide between Turkish feminists has a long history that dovetails with the long-standing tensions between the country's secular and religious citizens, stemming from the country's constitution, which stipulates a strict separation between religion and government.

Women's rights are part of that, so long as it made the country seem liberal and modern-the country's founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, believed women had the right to vote, work and be involved in politics. And Turkey would eventually become one of the few Muslim majority nations where abortion and sex work would be legal. But women who wore a headscarf were discriminated against and, starting in 1982, wearing one in public institutions was banned.

Bozkurt, the lawyer, comes from an educated secular, leftist family with a mother who encouraged girl power in the house. She believes in God, she said, but she doesn't allow religion to restrict her dress or beliefs. She doesn't really practice Islam either: "I find it rather oppressive and patriarchal," she said. And yet, around the time of the march last year, she grew interested in the ideology of Islamic feminists. How did they reconcile their faith and feminism?

"When I meet with these Islamic feminists, their understanding of faith and independence is very attractive," Bozkurt said.

Çamdereli wears the headscarf, plays the guitar professionally and believes Islam gives equal rights to women, LGBTQ people and other minorities. Like Bozkurt, the 30-year-old also grew up in an educated leftist family, but her father was an observant Muslim. He supported Çamdereli in her religious quest and fight to wear her headscarf when it was banned.

"The first thing I did in my life was believe, and I can't imagine living without God and faith," Çamdereli said. "I felt that I had a mission in terms of changing the society, and the society is Muslim. If I can help them understand the religion the way I understand it, many things can change dramatically." About 330 women now write for Reçel, exploring a range of topics from their sex lives to physical abuse.

Çamdereli is also part of a women's group fighting for equal space in the mosque. I witnessed men yell at them while they tried to pray in the main hall at one of Istanbul's historic mosques. "Go to the back and pray. You don't belong in the men's section," an old man shouted at them. They stayed silent, stood up and continued to pray.

Çamdereli sees no contradictions with Bozkurt's more secular values, and right now, they share a common adversary: a government that's trying to revoke their rights.

Erdoğan was elected in 2002, and during the first years of his reign, Turkey's desire to join the European Union moved the government to change outdated constitutional laws against women, according to Reyhan Atasu-Topçuoğlu, a professor at Ankara's Hacettepe University who researched the country's women's movement. The EU demanded better women's and human rights from Turkey. In response, the Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party, or AKP, updated the penal code in 2004 to recognize women as individuals and give women equal rights in property. Men were no longer considered head of households but equal partners in marriage. The marriage age was raised to 18 to reduce the number of child brides. The headscarf ban was gradually lifted. In 2012, Turkey signed the Istanbul Convention, an international treaty that protects women from violence. The treaty spurred laws that gave longer jail sentences to abusers and gave women the right to get restraining orders without physical proof.

"During this time, there was strong communication and alliances between feminist groups and religious women's groups," Atasu-Topçuoğlu said.

Because of all these reforms, Kaplan doesn't see the point of ongoing protests, and doesn't plan to attend the March 8 protest this year. "Erdoğan isn't harsh on women. He's harsh on men who persecute women," Kaplan said, referring to how he stood up to the cleric. "He's a unique guy."

The coup gave fuel to the AKP's right wing that's pushing to revoke women's rights as well as minority rights. When Turkish women like Hüda Kaya, a parliamentarian with the Kurdish-backed Peoples Democratic Party or HDP, stood up for the Kurds, they became targets of hate. She said members of the AKP have called her a traitor; police imprisoned and beat one of her sons who protested with her party. Kaya, 58 and an ardent women's rights supporter, said her daily life is a constant battle to remain free.

"There's been a backlash against our efforts," Kaya said, her voice calm but with a tinge of anger. "In the last few years, they've attacked women [in the opposition] brutally. We in the HDP are paying the price. Our mayors are in jail. Some of us face government lawsuits."

The crackdown on Kurdish women has cut across secular and religious lines-and thus reminds the broader, more mainstream Turkish feminists, who fall across the same fault lines, how these divisions don't matter much in the face of a government that wants to trample on women's rights.

But there remains a fundamental ideological difference between women like Kav and Kaplan: are women individuals with rights of their own, or are they an extension of their family, whose individual needs are secondary?

KADEM declined an interview, but I attended their "gender justice" summit in November 2018. In one of Istanbul's nicer hotels, hundreds of women in colorful headscarves cheered President Erdoğan as he praised them. The message from all the speakers, even those invited from other Muslim countries including Iran, echoed the same sentiment: Women may be individuals, but their most important role is as mothers, daughters and wives. "Our primary goal is to minimize and solve the problems encountered by the family and to protect its unity without ignoring the rights of the individuals," said Zehra Zümrüt Selçuk, minister of the family, labor and social affairs ministry. The minister then said she takes pride in her husband's last name.

There were indirect jabs at feminists. Esra, the president's older daughter, railed against "hedonistic societies," insisting that Turkey had its own cultural solutions to solving women's issues different than the West.

"Men and women are equal in front of God. They have distinct responsibilities and roles," she said.

KADEM doesn't show up on the streets to protest. They use their government connections to lobby, and they're spared the violence that women from other groups face.

March 8th protestors Bozkurt and Çamdereli have found a similar cause in a movement that's now powered by a diverse group of women. This reality energizes both of them, but in their daily lives, activism can be exhausting and dangerous.

Bozkurt has many lawyer friends who have been jailed, but she's been lucky. The attorney has been defending victims of rape and winning her cases. "It's because of the public [feminist] pressure that courts are now convicting more," she said.

At the same time, women have become more aware, economically independent and have access to limitless information online. Bozkurt said if they're not on the streets, they're resisting in their homes by demanding divorces, which are at a record high.

It's a slow revolution, one that will demand continued solidarity and grit.

"The women's movement is really strong. It's not perfect. There are times when I have different ideas but we're really working hard against male hegemony," said Kaya, the parliamentarian.

Kaya promised to keep up the fight in Parliament while Selime Büyükgöze, one of the organizers of the March 8 protest, was preparing for another spectacular International Women's Day event, not knowing if the women will be safe or attacked with riot gear.

"Everyone's off the streets, but women are still there, and that's both nice and a strange position," Büyükgöze said, her smile triumphant. "I see a backlash against us, but it won't stop women from demanding. Nothing is offered to us. We've fought for everything."

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Why Women Are Turkey's Last Hope For Democracy

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Among those marching on March 8 last year were two women who represent the country's separate but increasingly connected spheres of Turkey's feminist movement. There's the secular İpek Bozkurt, an activist and lawyer, who huddled with her friends to stay warm, her brunette hair untied as she jumped and chanted.

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Germany wants to install quotas to have equal representation in politics

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Germany wants to install quotas to have equal representation in politics

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I thought this article by the New York Times was very insightful. Although Germany has a female president and will most likely be succeeded by another female, Germany is still struggling (like most countries) to achieve an unbiased political environment. Give it a read!

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Forced parity is fundamentally antidemocratic.

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Chancellor Angela Merkl of Germany casting a ballot at the Bundestag earlier this month. Credit Credit Filip Singer/EPA, via Shutterstock

HAMBURG, Germany - Women in Germany won the right to vote in 1918, but a century later they still do not enjoy equal representation. Though the country is led by a woman - who will, most likely, be succeeded by another woman - fewer than a third of the members of the federal Parliament, the Bundestag, are female.

That's why leading figures from all major German parties are now calling for parity: a 50-50 quota for male and female representatives in the Bundestag and the 16 state-level Parliaments. But is achieving a gender balance in Germany's legislatures worth weakening another hard-fought accomplishment, the right to free electoral choice?

This week the Parliament in Brandenburg became the first to require all political parties to nominate an even slate for state elections, starting in late 2020. The center-left Social Democratic Party is pushing for a similar rule for national elections. The party is already informally enforcing such a rule in its selection of candidates for the coming European Parliament elections, in May, in the process overruling the results of local party votes.

Most people can agree that equal representation in our elected bodies is a desirable goal. In a democracy, the people's representatives should look like the people. Laws that put more women onto the field might look like a good start. And parity laws achieve that goal. "I am not a great fan of quotas, but I like the results they bring," said Viviane Reding, a former commissioner of the European Union.

But parity laws come at too high a price. Forced parity would turn unequal representation, at least in part, into forced representation. It would question voter judgment and pre-engineer a certain result. It would impair the freedom of parties to nominate their best candidates. It would install a discriminatory principle that could eventually swing back at the very group it aims to emancipate.

Nor will quotas, in the immediate term, do anything to overturn the root causes of gender disparity in political representation. The problem, not only in politics, is an unlevel playing field for men and women. Thousands of years of patriarchy exert their influence in thousands of ways. First, we have to tackle those.

For example, we should ask what keeps women from entering politics in the first place. Legislative sessions, from local councils to the Bundestag, are time-intensive and family-unfriendly, often running late into the night. And in German society, for all its pretensions to gender equality, a woman is expected to be the primary caregiver, while it is less acceptable for a man to tell his superiors that he has to go home earlier to get the kids' supper or put them to bed.

Men and women are entitled to care for their families equally if they want to. It is every man's duty to make this clear to his boss. And, if his boss doesn't listen, it is the job of legislators to help change the rules so that he has to.

A second factor is unconscious bias. For instance, a deep male voice is often associated with authority, whereas a female voice has less social clout and gets easier talked over. Too often this becomes an onus on women. Recently, the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, stated that "for a woman, commanding authority is something she needs to learn." Margaret Thatcher underwent special training to lower her voice.

Can anyone imagine the opposite: a male politician striving to sound more like a woman because the power struggle demands it? There you go. Too many women see these informal but powerful rules stacked against them, and stay away from politics altogether.

Unconscious bias can't be legislated away. But it can be fought in the public sphere, through government and private campaigns to raise awareness of the unseen barriers that keep women from engaging in politics.

In fact, Germany may be well on its way. Women already have proportionally more representation in the Bundestag than men, when compared with their political engagement: The share of women in the Social Democrats' parliamentary caucus is 42 percent, even though women make up 32 percent of the party's membership. The Greens do even better: Women enjoy a majority in the caucus, while they make up 40 percent of their membership.

Ms. Merkel's center-right Christian Democrats, the largest party in the Bundestag, perform less well, with about 25 percent in each category. Yet the party has been led by a woman, Ms. Merkel, for 19 years, and in December it passed over two men to elect another woman, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, as its new leader.

In other words, absent a quota, Germany is not about to reach gender parity in politics, but it is steadily moving in that direction - and will make even more strides if, in the meantime, it tackles some of the underlying issues keeping women from entering the field in the first place.

One of the virtues of a gender-blind democracy, like the one established under Germany's postwar Constitution, is that we can let these social changes play out as far as society wants. It's not hard to imagine a day when the makeup is flipped, and women constitute 70 percent of the Bundestag.

And that, above all, is the problem with quotas. I asked one of its proponents, a young Social Democrat named Kevin Kühnert, if his party's parity rule would allow it to put up more than 50 percent women as its nominees. No, he said - it had to be 50-50. This is where the idea comes back to haunt its inventors. I had always thought that equal opportunity for women meant something else.
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Opinion | Germany Wants More Women in Politics. But Quotas Are a Bad Idea.

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Forced parity is fundamentally antidemocratic. HAMBURG, Germany - Women in Germany won the right to vote in 1918, but a century later they still do not enjoy equal representation. Though the country is led by a woman - who will, most likely, be succeeded by another woman - fewer than a third of the members of the federal Parliament, the Bundestag, are female.

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Researcher Samuel Clowes Huneke was interested in the LGBT rights within Germany during their dictatorships and WWII eras. A fun fact that I discovered was that East Germany was actually much more tolerable to the gay community than West Germany was.

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Less than 80 years after roughly 6,000 gay men perished in Nazi concentration camps, Germany has become one of the countries mostly widely accepting of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people. Its capital of Berlin is known globally for its vibrant, diverse gay culture.

That stark cultural and political change intrigued Stanford researcher Samuel Clowes Huneke, a doctoral candidate in history, who began investigating how East and West Germany dealt with homosexuality from 1945 to 1990.

"I started this work with one big question: How does a country go from the Nazi dictatorship to becoming the standard bearer of gay rights that it is today?" said Huneke, who pursued the research as part of his doctoral dissertation. "And that explanation is not an obvious one."

Huneke found that during the Cold War era, communist East Germany had more lenient sodomy laws and accepted gay activists' demands more quickly than its democratic twin. As a result, East Germany contributed significantly to Germany's pro-gay turn once the country unified in 1990, in some regards more than West Germany did.

"There is an assumption that the state of gay rights in Germany today is something that's mostly due to events in democratic West Germany, which had a more vibrant gay culture and a more visible gay rights movement during the 1970s," Huneke said. "But it actually had a lot to do with what was happening in East Germany, which was ruled by a communist dictatorship. Gay rights activism there was surprisingly successful."

Different approaches

Previous historical research has investigated how gay people fared in Germany during the Weimar period, the interwar years that ran roughly from 1918 to 1933, and during Adolf Hitler's Nazi dictatorship. But little work has been done on the post-war period, said J.P. Daughton, associate professor of modern European history in the School of Humanities and Sciences at Stanford.

"Many of the things that Sam found are surprising to the way most people typically think of West versus East during the Cold War," said Daughton, who is one of Huneke's advisers. "West Germany is often thought of as this beacon of liberalism, but it was anything but liberating toward gay people, especially in the 1950s and 1960s. This gets us thinking about the development of human rights in general and how it functions differently in different places at different times."

As part of his research, Huneke examined materials from 10 archives in the United States and Germany, including the records of the Stasi, East Germany's secret police. He also interviewed Germans who lived through the Cold War and reunification periods.

The twin Germanies split on how they approached homosexuality as soon as the country separated after World War II, Huneke said.

West Germany reinstated former Nazis in government and kept the same strict Nazi-era sodomy laws, which criminalized any act perceived to be homosexual, including kissing and touching. As a result, the West German government prosecuted more than 100,000 gay men between 1949 and 1969, of whom over 50,000 were convicted. About the same number of gay people were prosecuted and convicted during the Nazi dictatorship, according to Huneke.

East Germany, on the other hand, repealed Nazi-era laws in an effort to be perceived as anti-fascist, and it reverted to the more lenient pre-World War II sodomy law, which only criminalized penetrative sex. And by 1957, East German officials stopped prosecuting consensual adult same-sex relations altogether, Huneke said.

"East Germany was sort of stuck between a rock and a hard place," Huneke said. "On the one hand, it wanted to live up to this anti-fascist legacy, but it was also a brutal dictatorship that didn't want to appear to be gay-friendly. So they took a reactive approach. In general, they seemed to let gay people be, unless someone who was connected to the regime was accused of being a homosexual."

Bumpy road to progress

West Germany's gay rights movement in the 1970s inspired activists in the East, who eventually formed pro-gay rights organizations of their own.

While the West's activism died down after 1980, when a group of pro-pedophilia activists disrupted a major gay rights event in West Germany's capital Bonn during that year's federal election, activists in the East continued to organize, Huneke said. That work included meeting in Protestant churches, which were somewhat independent from the communist regime, and sending letters to officials with their demands.

East German officials largely dismissed the activists at first. But in an effort to stop them from organizing politically, officials eventually gave in to their demands, Huneke said. From 1985 until the Berlin Wall fell in 1989, the East German government released a cascade of pro-gay policy changes, granting gay people the right to serve in the military, among other freedoms, according to his research.

As a result, more West German gay people started visiting East Germany in the 1980s, Huneke said.

"This history troubles our assumptions about gay liberation and how minorities fare under certain forms of government, as well as our lingering Cold War expectations about communist and democratic regimes," Huneke said. "Human rights progress more unevenly than we think. You can have a dictatorship that all of the sudden starts awarding rights to a minority even as its democratic neighbor isn't."

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Stanford scholar explores the history of gay rights in Germany | Stanford News

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Less than 80 years after roughly 6,000 gay men perished in Nazi concentration camps, Germany has become one of the countries mostly widely accepting of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people. Its capital of Berlin is known globally for its vibrant, diverse gay culture.

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NEW DELHI (AP) - India's president on Saturday appointed Narendra Modi as the prime minister, soon after newly elected lawmakers led by Modi's Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party chose him as their leader following a thunderous victory in national elections.

President Ram Nath Kovind said in a tweet that he also asked Modi to forward the names of those to be appointed as ministers in his government, and the date for swearing-in for his second five-year term as prime minister. Modi and some leaders of his alliance met the president earlier on Saturday.

Media reports said that Modi is likely to be sworn in by Kovind on Thursday.

Critics say Modi and his party have applied divisive policies and used a Hindu-first strategy. But Modi said after Saturday's vote that "this election has become a movement of social unity."

"It is generally said that the election divides, creates distances, makes walls. But the 2019 elections have worked to break the walls," he said in his address.

BJP President Amit Shah announced Modi's name as the leader of the National Democratic Alliance in a meeting of the lawmakers in the Central Hall of Parliament in New Delhi.

The Election Commission announced that the BJP won 303 out of 542 seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of Parliament, after the official vote count from the 6-week-long election was completed on Friday. That is well beyond the simple majority a party in India needs to form a government.

The BJP's top rival, the Indian National Congress led by Rahul Gandhi, won 52 seats, and the All India Trinamool Congress led by West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee won 22.

Gandhi, whose great-grandfather, grandmother and father were all prime ministers, personally conceded his seat, long a Congress party bastion, to his BJP rival, India's textiles minister, marking the end of an era for modern India's most powerful political dynasty.

The BJP's victory was largely seen as a referendum on Modi's Hindu nationalist politics that some observers say have bred intolerance toward Muslims and other religious minorities. Modi also took a muscular stance on neighboring Pakistan, with whom India nearly went to war earlier this year after a suicide attack killed more than 40 Indian troops in Indian-controlled Kashmir.

Modi effectively used the incident as a major campaign tool after responding to the attack with an airstrike in Pakistan that triggered nationalist sentiments, with the BJP saying Modi is the right person to ensure India's national security.

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India's president appoints Modi as premier for 2nd term

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NEW DELHI (AP) - India's president on Saturday appointed Narendra Modi as the prime minister, soon after newly elected lawmakers led by Modi's Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party chose him as their leader following a thunderous victory in national elections.

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“As people in Greece highlighted to us, gender equality is a human right. It is not a luxury for better times. It must be placed at the heart of the country’s economic and social recovery" A powerful quote from the UN Working Group on Discrimination Against Women in Law and Practice. Found on an article about lack on gender equality in Greece.

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GENEVA / ATHENS April 12, 2019 - Greece has a unique opportunity to simultaneously strengthen its economy and drive progress on women's human rights by prioritising gender equality in its social and economic recovery, says a group of UN independent experts.

"Greece has established a strong legal and institutional framework for advancing gender equality. We welcome all measures to boost women's participation in political, social and economic life," said the UN Working Group on Discrimination Against Women in Law and Practice, presenting a statement after visiting the country.

"The country is now at a critical point of transition after an unprecedented and prolonged period of austerity measures, which have impacted profoundly on every aspect of people's lives. The loss of jobs and rise in precarious work because of the financial crisis continue to disproportionately affect women, rendering them more vulnerable to poverty.

"As people in Greece highlighted to us, gender equality is a human right. It is not a luxury for better times. It must be placed at the heart of the country's economic and social recovery."

The experts said Greece was lagging behind other countries in the European Union on women's rights despite legal and policy frameworks being in place, because of poor implementation, the persistence of discrimination and the lingering impacts of the crisis and austerity measures.

"Currently, Greece has one of the lowest rates of women's employment in the European Union and is the lowest ranking country in the Gender Equality Index for EU countries. The situation for marginalised groups, such as migrant and Roma women, is even worse," the experts said.

The experts also noted that the law in relation to maternity protection was not being implemented uniformly, and expressed concern about ongoing discrimination based on pregnancy and family responsibilities, as well as the persistence of a gender pay gap and the absence of women in leadership roles.

"We have also observed challenges in providing adequate support to women who have suffered violence, and are particularly concerned about the recent retrogressive proposal to amend the Criminal Code concerning the definition of rape," they said.

"A concerted effort is now needed for implementation, monitoring and accountability of measures to address the issues, as well as the allocation of adequate resources for social protection and other services, particularly steps aimed at reducing women's unpaid care workload and in efforts to prevent gender-based violence.

"Efforts to change current social norms and gender stereotypes through the education system and the media are also critical. Without strong intervention, the opportunity to accelerate the economic recovery through women's equal participation in the social and economic recovery of Greece will not be realised."

The experts called for Greece to prioritise the strengthening of its institutional mechanisms such as the General Secretariat for Gender Equality to support the new substantive gender equality law, the Gender Equality National Action Plan and the Ombudsman. They also proposed the use of targets and data collection.

The experts added: "We commend the government for its commitment to upholding the human rights of the unprecedented number of migrants and refugees who have arrived since 2015. However, we are concerned about the serious challenges and gaps in practice. We witnessed the particular vulnerability of women and were concerned about their safety and access to health services. "

The Working Group delegation visited Athens, Thessaloniki and Lesvos and met national and local Government officials, as well as representatives of State institutions and civil society organisations and individuals. They also visited a school, a prison and a camp for migrants and refugees.

The experts will submit their full report to the UN Human Rights Council in June 2020. Their findings will inform national and international efforts to advance gender equality and the protection of human rights for women and girls across the world.

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Greece must put gender equality at the heart of economic and social recovery, say UN independent experts

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GENEVA / ATHENS April 12, 2019 - Greece has a unique opportunity to simultaneously strengthen its economy and drive progress on women's human rights by prioritising gender equality in its social and economic recovery, says a group of UN independent experts. "Greece has established a strong legal and institutional framework for advancing gender equality.

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Athens, Greece Gay Pride Parade is coming up on June 8, 2019. This is an important event for the LGBTQ+ community in Greece. It is great to see improvement in support and acceptance.

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Athens Gay Pride 2019: dates, parade, route - misterb&b

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Athens Gay pride 2019 🌈 Find out the dates for the event, the list of parties, details about the parade route and see pictures and video of Athens Gay Pride 2018

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Using Freedom of Religion to Justify Same-Sex Ceremonies

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Using Freedom of Religion to Justify Same-Sex Ceremonies

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This article details the struggle of Marrz Balaoro, a "transgender pastor of a small Hong Kong church that welcomes all sexualities," in protecting his denomination's same-sex ceremonies from the same-sex marriage ban—a unique argument using religious justification to support LGBTQ rights. He concedes that same-sex marriage may not hold legal weight under Hong Kong law, but it holds spiritual weight for the church's followers. But despite his efforts, the threat of arrest remains if he conducts another union.

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HONG KONG - As a transgender pastor of a small Hong Kong church that welcomes all sexualities, Marrz Balaoro wants to conduct religious marriage ceremonies for same-sex couples but fears arrest - a battle he is now taking to the courts.

Despite growing support for gay marriage in the international financial hub, campaigners have made little headway against stiff opposition from the city's successive pro-Beijing governments and religious conservatives.

But now an unprecedented legal challenge filed by the Filipino Reverend Balaoro turns the more commonly heard religious argument opposing gay marriage on its head.

In a filing with the city's High Court he argues that his congregation's freedom to worship -- a right enshrined in Hong Kong's mini-constitution -- is being trampled on by the city's ban on same-sex marriages.

"All we ask for is to be allowed to worship and practise our religious faith in the eyes of God, free from the threat of persecution," Balaoro explained.

The 62-year-old pastor - who has worked as a domestic helper in Hong Kong since 1981 - knows that threat all too well.

In 2017 he was arrested on suspicion of breaking Hong Kong's marriage laws for officiating "Holy Union" ceremonies at the city's Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Straight (LGBTS) Christian Church.

The denomination originated in the Philippines but has a small following among gay domestic workers in the southern Chinese city.

The union ceremonies were religious blessings for same-sex couples with no legal weight and prosecutors eventually dropped the case.
Court protection?
But despite repeated attempts, Balaoro was unable to get written assurances from Hong Kong authorities that he won't be arrested again should he conduct another union.

His legal application seeks a court declaration that such same-sex religious ceremonies are not illegal.

Balaoro is clear his church's same-sex ceremonies have no legal substance under Hong Kong law, but he says they carry great spiritual importance for his flock.

"They know this is just a celebration of love and togetherness," he told AFP, describing the occasions as "joyous".

Hong Kong does not recognise same-sex marriage or civil unions and only decriminalised homosexuality in 1991.

But a British lesbian won the right to live and work in Hong Kong with her partner in a landmark ruling last year hailed by rights groups.

A separate case has been lodged by two Hong Kong men directly challenging the same-sex marriage ban as unconstitutional.

But Balaoro's application is unusual because it includes a freedom of religion argument.

In the filing requesting the court to hear their case, his lawyers said current legislation restricting the "celebration of the religious rite of marriage only to heterosexual monogamous couples" is discriminatory.

Balaoro and his parishioners are "treated differently on the basis of their religion, to their detriment".
'Accepted for who you are'
Originally from the Philippine province of Abra, Balaoro has identified as a male since the age of five.

"When I was younger my parents could not even impose on me to wear dresses and skirts, not until I went to a private Catholic (girls') school... I wore shorts under my skirt, and I wore a t-shirt under my long-sleeves, and I took off everything on my way out of the school campus," he said with a laugh.

On top of his full-time job as a domestic worker, he became a pastor in 2013, established the Hong Kong branch of the LGBTS Christian Church a year later, and was ordained as a reverend in 2017.

Born into a Catholic family, he stopped going to church during his high school and college years, citing the discrimination he faced.

But when he later encountered the slogan of the LGBTS Christian Church - "you are accepted for who you are, and safe for what you are" - he found his calling to propagate faith with advocacy.

"I think it is my role, it is my duty, not only to the LGBT community but to all people out there (to say) that we exist and there's nothing wrong with us."

There are nearly 370,000 migrant domestic workers in the city - mostly women from the Philippines and Indonesia - often performing menial tasks for low wages while living in poor conditions.

Gay domestic workers, he says, are especially vulnerable, often facing discrimination at other churches.

"The support we need is to defend us, to support our cause, to respect our gender identity. That's what matters to us." - Rappler.com

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Filipino pastor takes new gay marriage fight to Hong Kong court

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HONG KONG - As a transgender pastor of a small Hong Kong church that welcomes all sexualities, Marrz Balaoro wants to conduct religious marriage ceremonies for same-sex couples but fears arrest - a battle he is now taking to the courts.

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I spoke in my presentation about how their is an economic crisis that had been going on for over ten years and politicians don't want to focus on the countries other issues because of it. A sad update I found in an article is that over these ten years there has been an increase in the number of cases of child abuse recorded in Greece. Personally, I think that this is a problem that should be looked into and resolved no matter the financial state.

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The Hellenic Society of Forensic Medicine and Piraeus Forensic Service presented the findings of a survey on Monday regarding the incidence of physical and sexual harassment in Greece.

According to the survey's findings, there has been an increase in the number of cases involving physical and sexual harassment of minors recorded in Greece during the last several years.

In addition to that fact, increasing numbers of such cases are now being reported to authorities, as both parents and children are better informed and more aware of these issues now, as compared to in the past.

It is estimated that one in five children in Greece falls victim to some form of harassment, mostly at the hands of men aged thirty years or older. In 70 to 90 per cent of the cases, these men belong to the family's inner circle.

According to Elias Bogiokas, the head of the Piraeus Forensic Service, "in the past ten years, and especially during the years of the financial crisis, an increase in the number of cases of child abuse has been recorded in Greece."

According to the findings of the survey, the vast majority of the incidents involve female minors, as four out of five victims were girls.

If you suspect a child is being harassed or abused, you can call 116111, which is the number for the European helpline for children. Greece's national helpline for children, operated by the "Smile of the Child" organization, may be reached at 1056.

The European helpline for children who have gone missing may be reached by calling 116000.

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Reports of Physical and Sexual Harassment of Minors on the Rise in Greece

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The Hellenic Society of Forensic Medicine and Piraeus Forensic Service presented the findings of a survey on Monday regarding the incidence of physical and sexual harassment in Greece. According to the survey's findings, there has been an increase in the number of cases involving physical and sexual harassment of minors recorded in Greece during the last several years.

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The Taliban and Afghan Leaders Cancelled Their Talks But Others Prevailed

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The Taliban and Afghan Leaders Cancelled Their Talks But Others Prevailed

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In this article, it discusses the recent conversation that the Taliban had with 20 Afghan emigres. The results were surprisingly a lot more positive than they thought. The talk seemed to give hope that the 17 years of conflict might finally come to an end.

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April 21
The sudden cancellation of eagerly awaited talks between Taliban officials and Afghan leaders, planned to begin last Friday in Qatar, seemed a stunning reversal in slow-going efforts to bring a peaceful negotiated end to the 17-year Afghan war.

As it turned out, the moment did not go entirely to waste.

On Saturday, about 20 Afghan emigres from Europe and the United States, including three women, privately met Taliban representatives in Doha, the Qatari capital. They said they spoke for more than six hours with the group's chief negotiator, Sher Mohammad Abbas Stanikzai, and a dozen other insurgent representatives.

The result, or at least the vibe, was unexpectedly positive. Several participants said there was not much detailed discussion, but they described a willingness by Taliban representatives to explore issues of importance to Afghans and to keep open a dialogue that could lead to the end of the conflict.

"This was the cracking open of the door," said Masuda Sultan, 46, an Afghan American activist and board member of the nonprofit organization Women for Afghan Women, which has offices in Washington and Kabul. She said her organization had been excluded from the Afghan delegation to the formal talks, but she flew to Doha anyway.

"The Taliban were warm and cordial," Sultan said Sunday by phone from Doha. "They said they wanted peace and that they were disappointed the talks had fallen apart."

The formal meeting was canceled after Afghan, Taliban and Qatari organizers could not agree on the size and membership of the Kabul delegation.

Sultan said the Islamist militia leaders did not lay out their specific views on women's rights, other than to say they would be "respected within Islam" - a vague position the extremist group has previously stated. Many Afghan women have expressed concern the Taliban would restrict women's rights if they returned to power.

"I know some people will say we were naive" to meet with the insurgents after formal talks were called off, Sultan said. "But they asked for our advice, they said they had made some mistakes and they said they were serious about wanting peace. They spoke with us for more than six hours. If we don't engage with them in dialogue, we will just be continuing the same war that has gone on for 17 years."

Another female participant was Khatol Momand, an Afghan-born teacher who lives in Norway. "Our presence here says a lot," she said before the Saturday meeting. "We are told the Taliban have changed, that they don't just want women to be a symbolic presence, they want them to play a role in society. But it is still too early to judge."

Several of the men who came from Western countries for the canceled meeting and met the Taliban are members of an international movement for Afghan peace. They blamed the Afghan government for derailing the talks, saying it had given too large a role to former militia leaders who had fought the Taliban.

"For peace to take root in Afghanistan, the traditional reliance on warlords to form governing coalitions and ensure stability must end," said Daud Azimi, 37, a technology consultant in Germany. "Afghanistan's silent majority - refugees, those who live abroad, those with no money, no weapons, no government officials in their back pockets - must be given a voice."

In Kabul on Sunday, a spokesman for President Ashraf Ghani said the government had no comment on the private talks, noting only that the participants "went in their own capacity, and they are entitled to do their own thing."

The spokesman, Samimullah Arif, said the government hopes to revive the canceled talks but wants to move them to Uzbekistan because the Doha organizers did not respect the "sovereignty" of the Afghan delegate list. The Taliban maintains a political office in Doha, and peace talks have been held there between Taliban representatives and U.S. officials.

Friday's talks were called off after Taliban officials objected to the unwieldy size of the 250-member Kabul delegation, which they ridiculed as an Afghan wedding party, and to the dominant role the Afghan government played in organizing it. The Taliban does not recognize the Ghani government, and its leaders insisted that any officials in the group speak only for themselves.

"They had asked people to come as individuals, and they felt that was not respected," said Sultan Barakat, a scholar at the Doha Institute who organized the aborted talks. "The Taliban were receptive, but they had red lines and psychological limitations. They are in a war, and there is a lot at risk for them, too."

His institute invited the Western-based Afghans to come to Doha.

It was not clear when talks between Taliban and U.S. officials would resume. The last round ended in February with no concrete progress. The Taliban later agreed to a preliminary meeting with a cross-section of Afghan leaders, but it also launched its annual spring offensive, with a rash of attacks across the country.

One problem hindering the peace process - the interference of electoral politics - was partially resolved Sunday when Afghanistan's Supreme Court legally extended Ghani's presidency until September. Presidential elections are scheduled to be held then, after being postponed twice. The ruling is likely to ease the competition among potential candidates that roiled efforts to choose delegates to come to Doha.
Read more: Talks between Afghan leaders and Taliban canceled, in setback to U.S.-led peace process An 11-year-old boy was killed by a speeding car in Kabul. He was also a casualty of war. In Taliban-controlled areas, Afghan women face restrictions, but some find ways to push back Today's coverage from Post correspondents around the world Like Washington Post World on Facebook and stay updated on foreign news

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Taliban meets with women's rights activists, others after talks with Afghan officials collapse

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April 21 The sudden cancellation of eagerly awaited talks between Taliban officials and Afghan leaders, planned to begin last Friday in Qatar, seemed a stunning reversal in slow-going efforts to bring a peaceful negotiated end to the 17-year Afghan war. As it turned out, the moment did not go entirely to waste.

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Solutions to Gender Inequality in Argentina

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Solutions to Gender Inequality in Argentina

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This article talks about a few solutions to the gender pay gap. The first bill that has been proposed outlines gender equality in the workplace and strict salary equality. The second bill proposes extended paternity leave, compensated leave for childcare, and a "code of conduct" for companies.

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When President Mauricio Macri opened Congress this year, he put gender issues firmly on the agenda, announcing that both the decriminalisation of abortion and the gender pay gap would be discussed and debated this congressional year.

Days after that speech, on International Women's Day, the government announced a bill - which also included an extension of paternity leave - to close the gender pay gap. Lawmakers from the governing Cambiemos (Let's Change) coalition, meanwhile, presented their own abortion bill.

Almost three months later, the issue of the gender pay gap hasn't received remotely the same amount of attention as abortion reform, neither on the streets nor in Congress (despite the fact that Macri himself is not in favour of abortion but has described the pay gap as "unfair" and "not right.")

As another anniversary of the first Ni Una Menos march of 2015 approaches on June 3, here's a look into this complex issue, one which hasn't yet managed to elbow its way into mainstream dialogue alongside thorny subjects such as gendered violence and abortion.
NUMBER-CRUNCHING
In his speech to Congress, Macri accurately said that Argentina's gender pay gap stands at 30 percent. Most studies place it between 25 and 30 percent.

Data compiled from the third trimester of 2017 by the INDEC national statistics bureau found that women in Argentina are being paid on average 26 percent less than men in the workplace, with employed men earning an average salary of 16,733 pesos and women 12,366 pesos in urban areas. (These numbers are "unadjusted," meaning they do not take into account age, education, job experience or other variables.) Another study by the Work Risks Superintendent's Office breaks it down further, by economic sector, with the mining sector taking the lead with its own pay gap of 29.6 percent. In the informal or 'black' economy, INDEC's Permanent Survey of Households (EPH) placed the gap at 35 percent in 2017.

Despite Argentina ranking 34th out of 144 countries in the Global Economic Forum's "Global Gender Gap Score," the country has starkly poorer results for "economic participation and opportunity," coming in 111th place for that criteria. There are several potential factors here: on the one hand there's vertical segregation, or the infamous 'glass ceiling' - in the private sector, there is only one female CEO and no female VPs among the top 25 Argentine companies, according to one study by Chequeado. On the other hand, horizontal segregation concentrates working women in jobs generally considered to be more 'feminine' - such as domestic services, health and education - which usually fall on the lower end of the salary spectrum.

This all leads to unequal representation of women in the labour market. According to INDEC, out of the 10 percent of the population that receive the lowest incomes, 6.8 percent are women. As salaries increase, the proportion of women decreases: in the 10 percent that fall highest wage bracket, 6.3 percent are men. INDEC's gender-differentiated unemployment rate also exemplifies unequal access, revealing a female unemployment rate of 10.2 percent versus 8.5 percent for men. This disparity is also true for the Latin America and Caribbean region at large, with male and female levels of unemployment standing at 7.6 percent and 10.4 percent respectively, according to a 2017 International Labour Organisation (ILO) report.
BILLS AND ARTICLES
There are currently two gender pay gap bills that have yet to be addressed in Congress. (For a sense of perspective, the Cambiemos abortion bill was amongst seven others.)

The first was presented by a Republican Proposal (PRO) lawmaker for Buenos Aires province, Martín Medina, a full week before Macri announced the Executive's version. In an interview with the Times, Medina said he had had no idea that the government was planning to put forward their own proposal - despite the synchronicity in time and, in some places, wording.

The main focus of Medina's bill, his first, is to guarantee equal pay by modifying and adding to the national Contract of Employment Law (Law 20.744); specifically, to outline "gender equality in the workplace" in Article 172, which currently prohibits gender discrimination; and establish "strict salary parity," in a new Article 173. The main takeaway is the proposed Article 173 bis, which announces ways that "those who believed or were sure that they were receiving an unequal salary to a coworker for the same job" could ask their company for the financial information to prove it. Should unequal pay be proven, "the worker may ask their employer to remedy the situation within no more than 60 days" and, if the issue is not resolved, take the issue to the Labour Ministry. A "Register of Companies and Organisations with Equal Pay" would also be created, mandatory for companies with over 200 employees, for further transparency.

Medina said that the inspiration for the bill came from the experiences of his own working mother, who had difficulties in moving up professionally due to taking care of her children. However, he explicitly told the Times that he did not want to "frame the issue in terms of men and women." Rather, he pointed to "circumstances that people face when they begin their careers, which is employers wrongly categorising employees [in lower-paying jobs] and a lack of access to a more transparent, simple procedure to demand that companies rectify an anomalous salary payment." Medina agreed though that women suffer from this problem more, saying it "adds up down the line."

In terms of tackling of the gender pay gap, the criticisms of this bill are twofold.

First, the right to equal pay for equal work is already enshrined both in Article 14bis of the Constitution and within Law 20.744 itself. Furthermore, equal pay is not the same as the gender pay gap, which refers to the difference between the average of men's and women's earnings (which can be calculated across a company, economic sector or the entire job market). Although it does happen, the situation isn't usually as simple or as direct as a woman being paid less than her male co-worker in the neighbouring cubicle for the exact same job, which is unconstitutional.

Thus, Medina's bill would only address one facet of the issue, which is companies categorising jobs held by women (and, according to Medina, men at entry-level) as more junior in order to justify an unfairly lower salary. Any pay gaps that could be revealed by the proposed "register" wouldn't necessarily correspond to violations of equal pay, either.

The second criticism is that the bill places the burden of responsibility almost solely on the employee.

"You, the working woman, have to go, look through your co-workers papers and company receipts, put a little file together and take it to the Labour Ministry. There are no sanctions set for companies: they could fire you for doing this. It's a way of saying 'If you didn't realise or didn't check properly, it's acceptable that you are paid less,'" Dr. Mercedes D'Alessandro, the head of the Economía Feminista organisation, which highlights gender inequality through data and statistics, told the Times.

When asked about this, Medina posited that "the defence of one's rights is always, initially, your own: if you don't speak up, it's hard for someone else to." He told the Times that his mission is to "simplify processes for employees" and "repair work relations: it's important to understand that employers are not the enemy, while making sure that they don't overstep their power."
THE EXECUTIVE
The "Gender Equality Bill" put forward by the government is wider in scope, but less specific in its implementation: it would modify four articles (172, 173, 175 and 176) of the aforementioned Law 20.744.

In the first chapter on equal pay and the gender pay gap, the proposals are somewhat vague and similar in language to Medina's bill (without his proposed channel for employee complaints.) The second chapter, however, goes much further - ideas include extending paternity leave; post-natal options such as compensated leave for childcare; a "code of conduct" for companies; home-office options and days off "irrespective of the worker's gender" for new adoptive parents, domestic violence victims, marriages and deaths. Despite being a full eight days under the ILO's recommended 14 weeks, maternity leave is not addressed.

This bill sparked similar criticisms to Medina's proposal: that it presents no substantial change to the preexisting constitutional right to equal pay and the lack of sanctions for non-compliance.

In response, the Union Women's Network of Workers Corriente Federal ( Mujeres Sindicalistas de la Corriente Federal de Trabajadores) and other organisations signed a document in response to the bill titled " In order to have equality, there must be guarantees," which was presented by lawmaker Vanesa Siley (Unidad Ciudadana). They offered a series of observations and suggestions, including non-binary language to include all genders and a "complete overhaul of the leave scheme established in Law 20.744."

Although the bill tackles broader issues that affect the gender pay gap, for D'Alessandro the government measures would still not be enough to tackle the necessary cultural shift, citing the experience of several Nordic countries that had to make paternity leave mandatory because men were simply not taking the time off. "It's not enough to create that opportunity unless an effort is made to change that 'chip' dictating that men are breadwinners and mothers are caregivers - it won't be solved by magic."

According to D'Alessandro, "the main issue is the asymmetrical distribution of domestic chores and non-paid labour. If you look at hourly incomes in Argentina, there's only a two-percent difference between men and women. The problem is when you look at monthly income: women with children earn much less because they work shorter days and can't work overtime due to household duties like cleaning and childcare."

Such issues directly impact upon female participation in the labour market. The cultural norms around motherhood often mean that they end up in underpaid jobs in a bid to find flexibility or even stop working altogether.

When asked about the major difficulties faced in addressing the gender pay gap, Medina also noted the need to share domestic duties and for men to accept changes in the "traditional" family structure and set-up. For him, modifying Articles 172 and 173 of Law 20.744 would be a significant step forward for this.

At press time, the Executive Branch had not responded to requests for comment on either of the two proposals.
LITTLE HEADWAY
Regardless of the issues of the two bills, both have made little headway to date. In fact, they have yet to be discussed in any preliminary committees.

According to Medina, the Lower House's Labour Committee is currently addressing other issues, though he believes his equal pay legislation should be tackled within the next few weeks. He also pointed out that societal pressure is often a factor, a reference to the highly charged abortion debate.

For D'Alessandro, it's more about government priorities than legislative calendars: "They need women to bolster this. [It's] not that men can't push these issues, but that Macri's government is not centred on gender equality. Equality is just a photo taken for International Women's Day - the photos you see afterwards are all men debating with other men."

There are also other priorities within the feminist movement. D'Alessandro told the Times that the gender pay gap was currently "not central on the feminist agenda. It is mentioned and on the list but it's not a concrete complaint on the street, so it's not getting a lot of movement inside [Congress]."

D'Alessandro sees cause for optimism, though. She outlined how there have been distinct 'seasons' of predominant feminist issues ever since the first Ni Una Menos march - legislation on gendered violence, the 2017 50/50 law on female representation and now, the abortion debate - with each advance leading to other topics being publicly addressed further down the road.

The influx of women into the public sphere next year - when a law requiring 50 percent of political candidates to be female comes into force - could give the gender pay gap greater visibility too, raising it up the domestic agenda.

The perceived failure of the proposals to adequately capture the complexities of the gender pay gap and the overall silence aren't necessarily a big worry, D'Alessandro argues.

"I wouldn't give the government bill much importance per se because it's quite limited and I don't think it will change history. We'll probably see more interesting ideas on this issue in future," she said.

As tends to be the case worldwide, despite the existing legal structures in place against unequal pay, the gender pay gap persists precisely because there are structural factors behind the numbers that are often hard to quantif y and address. Although it may not be a major talking point right now, the fact that there are already bills in Congress means that there is at least a foot in the door. Even if its not the best foot that's being put forward.

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Off the radar: Argentina's gender pay gap and the attempts to tackle it

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When President Mauricio Macri opened Congress this year, he put gender issues firmly on the agenda, announcing that both the decriminalisation of abortion and the gender pay gap would be discussed and debated this congressional year.

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Article on how Turkey has banned LGBT events in in Ankara.

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Article on how Turkey has banned LGBT events in in Ankara.

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(Berlin) - The ban in Turkey's capital Ankara on public events focused on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) issues discriminates against LGBTI people and violates their fundamental rights, and should therefore be immediately lifted, Human Rights Watch said today.

The ban was originally imposed in November 2017 for an indefinite period under Turkey's state of emergency, but even though emergency rule ended in July 2018, the Ankara governor's office has not lifted the ban. Instead, on October 3, the governor's office informed law enforcement and other authorities that it remained in force, gave no indication of when it would end, and extended the ban to LGBTI-focused events generally, not just those organized by LGBTI associations.

All public LGBTI-related discussions are banned in Ankara province.
© 2018 Yıldız Tar, Kaos GL

"The Ankara governor should immediately end his ban on public events organized by the LGBTI community and their allies," said Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "The Ankara authorities have a duty to protect the rights of LGBTI groups and imposing such arbitrary bans is an outrageous effort to further stigmatize and marginalize LGBTI people."

The Ankara governor's office initially imposed an indefinite ban on November 18, 2017, on activities by various civil society organizations under the name of LGBTT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual or transvestite) and LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex) such as "film and other screenings, theater plays, panels, talks, exhibitions etc. which touch on certain social sensibilities and sensitivities." It is the only ban of its kind in Turkey.

The Ankara governor's alleged justification for the ban are "social sensitivities," the risk of LGBTI events "inciting hatred and enmity," and a "clear and imminent risk to public security" that allegedly necessitates the ban to "prevent crimes being committed," "protect public health and morality," and "protect other people's rights and freedoms." Human Rights Watch rejects such claims as wholly unfounded. They reflect an anti-LGBTI bias and fail to establish a legitimate purpose or need for the ban, as required under international law.

On January 21, 2019, Human Rights Watch wrote to the Ankara governor seeking comments on the continuing ban but at this writing had not received a response.

Turkey's government imposed numerous bans on public assemblies during the state of emergency, but such a total and apparently indefinite ban is unique, Human Rights Watch said.

LGBTI groups told Human Rights Watch that the Ankara governor's ban came about after an anti-LGBTI social media campaign on Twitter targeting a screening event organized by the German Embassy and the transgender rights group Pink Life LGBTT Solidarity Association (Pink Life) in Ankara. A week earlier, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan had criticized the Republican People's Party, the largest opposition party in parliament, for a requirement to include LGBTI candidates in one local municipality, calling it immoral, outrageous, and a war against national values.

The Ankara governor's office stated that it had decided to impose the ban after learning from social and print media that LGBTI groups were planning various public events, such as film screenings and panels. The governor's office cited the Law on Provincial Administration, the Law on Assemblies and Public Demonstrations, and the State of Emergency Law as the legal basis for the ban.

Article 11/c of the Law on Provincial Administration provides that the governor must maintain "peace and security" in the province. Article 17 of the Law on Assemblies and Public Demonstrations permits the governor to postpone public assemblies for a month on the grounds of national security, public order, public health, and public morality, or the protection of other people's rights and freedoms. The law permits the governor to ban assemblies altogether if there is a "near and imminent threat" of a crime being committed. Under article 11/f of the State of Emergency, broadcasts of all kinds can be banned in the interest of preserving general security, law and order, public order, and preventing violence.

The governor's office has not explained why LGBTI-themed events constitute a near and imminent threat that could reasonably justify their ban.

Activists only became aware of the October 2018 extension of the ban when the student group Middle East Technical University (METU) LGBTI+ Solidarity scheduled its first event of the new academic year on October 9. The university administration informed the group that they could not hold the event because of the continuing ban.

Representatives of LGBTI organizations told Human Rights Watch that the ban adds to the stigmatization and marginalization of LGBTI people and makes them vulnerable to attacks. The ban casts LGBTI people as criminals and a threat to public values, which leads to their isolation, they said. They said that the restriction meant the loss of platforms to reach new generations and opportunities to share their expertise with public institutions and to create change in cooperation with the local authorities.

The Ankara ban violates Turkey's international obligations to respect and protect rights to equality before the law and freedom of peaceful expression and association, which are also protected under the Turkish Constitution. As a party to the European Convention on Human Rights, Turkey is obligated to take necessary measures to enable peaceful assemblies to take place. The ban violates that obligation, among many others. The European Court of Human Rights has without exception found in dozens of cases that bans on LGBTI marches, whether on grounds of morals, health, or security, violate the convention. Addressing laws that seek to prevent public discussion of LGBTI issues as the Ankara ban does, the court has said that "above all by adopting such laws the authorities reinforce stigma and prejudice and encourage homophobia, which is incompatible with the notions of equality, pluralism and tolerance inherent in a democratic society."

As a Council of Europe member, Turkey should adhere to its standards to combat discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity and should not misuse legal and administrative provisions to impose unjustified restrictions on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly on grounds of public health, public morality, and public order. In a letter sent to the Turkish government in September 2018, five UN human rights experts expressed their "serious concern at the recent indefinite ban on public LGBTI-related gatherings or events in Ankara." In their response letter on November 7, 2018, Turkish authorities wrote that they acted in compliance with domestic law and clauses of international agreements Turkey is a party to.

"Banning non-violent events with baseless claims and criminalizing citizens in the eyes of the wider society is not the act of a rights-respecting state, and it causes nothing but further intimidation for LGBTI groups legally operating around the country," Williamson said. "Everyone has the right to peaceful association and assembly regardless of gender identity or sexual orientation."
For more details on implications of the ban and details of the interviews, please see below. Scope of Banned Events in Ankara
Human Rights Watch talked to six activists and three lawyers from LGBTI organizations in Ankara - Kaos Gay and Lesbian Cultural Research and Solidarity Association (Kaos GL), Pink Life ( Pembe Hayat), and METU LGBTI+ Solidarity ( ODTÜ LGBTIi+ Dayanışması) - about their efforts to get the ban lifted and its impact on their work. These are among the oldest LGBTI groups in Turkey. Kaos GL in 2005 became the first officially recognized organization focused on sexual orientation and gender identity in Turkey, after publishing a magazine and organizing other activities stretching back to 1994. Pink Life, established in 2006, is the first transgender-led rights organization in Turkey. METU LGBTI+ Solidarity has been active on the campus of the METU for over 20 years.

Kaos and Pink Life have appealed the ban in court. None of these organizations have received any response to their requests for an appointment with the governor's office.

One of the first events affected by the ban was Pink Life's three-day Transgender Day of Remembrance program, scheduled for November 18-20, 2017. Pink Life later also had to cancel its six-day QueerFest Film Festival in January 2018. In solidarity, other LGBTI organizations simultaneously screened QueerFest films in seven other cities in Turkey. Pink Life was also forced to cancel an event planned around International Sex Workers Rights Day on March 3, 2018 and instead broadcasted it online.

To avoid the ban, Pink Life moved its November 20, 2018 Transgender Day of Remembrance Program to Istanbul. Pink Life has been forced to suspend its Ankara-based monthly events such as coming-out talks, family meetings, trans men and women breakfasts, transition talks, and masculinity workshops, which aim to provide social space for sexual and gender minorities.

Kaos GL cancelled eight events. Among them was a conference with international speakers, as well as symposiums and workshops to which public officials had been invited to discuss law and the role of local authorities. The organization's lawyer said the group had stopped planning events since May 2018 to avoid any risk.

Among many official LGBTI student clubs in Ankara universities, only METU LGBTI+ Solidarity has actively attempted to continue organizing public events and demonstrations. Özgür Gür, a member of the group, said that the first event affected was a film screening by a women's group on November 22, 2017. To stop the screening from taking place in a cafeteria, the university administration cut off the electricity to the whole dormitory building. Dozens of university security officers attempted to prevent a nother film screening by METU LGBTI+ Solidarity on November 24, 2017, and the university again cut off electricity. The university administration opened disciplinary proceedings against more than 30 students who took part in the event.

The university administration also prevented METU LGBTI+ Solidarity from holding a December 2017 World AIDS Day event, as well as several "LGBTI+ 101" events at the start of semesters. In May 2018, the administration disrupted an event offering LGBTI students the chance to share personal stories by turning on water sprinklers to force people to move off the green space where it was taking place. Also in May, the university administration hastily painted over a rainbow painted on a wall and attempted to halt a Queer Salsa Workshop by closing the university stadium where it was due to take place.

When METU LGBTI+ Solidarity tried to hold a Pride march in May 2018 under the slogan "Ban All Bans," the university did not want the march to take place outdoors on the campus grounds, instead offering closed sites such as lecture halls and a conference center. Anti-terrorism police barred the way for students who flouted the ban and began to march. The university subsequently started disciplinary proceedings against 28 students who joined the march.

While students are often not punished as a result of such disciplinary proceedings, Özgür Gür from the METU LGBTI+ solidarity told Human Rights Watch that students see these proceedings as intimidation and punitive attempts to stop them from peacefully exercising their rights.

On July 6, 2018, several students opened a banner during the rector's graduation ceremony speech to protest his treatment of LGBTI students. In response, the Ankara prosecutor's office opened an investigation into 13 students. On July 8, police detained the representative for METU LGBTI+ Solidarity, Özgür Gür, and held him for a day before releasing him. While a case file was opened against him, it is subject to a confidentiality order, so no information is available about the progress of the case.

The Ankara governor also prohibited a planned screening of the film "Pride" on June 28 by Communist LGBTIs, the LGBTI working group of the Turkish Communist Party.

On May 29, the Ankara Bar Association's Human Rights Center tried to screen eight short movies under the title "Short Queer Films Selection from Turkey." The Ankara governor banned the event, issuing a special decision on the day it was to take place. The Pink Life lawyer, Emrah Şahin, said that two buses of police officers from the rapid response force were parked in front of the Bar Association building, threatening to intervene if the event took place. Lawyers protested the ban by standing outside the building in view of the law enforcement officers and collectively watching another short movie on their cell phones which was not among those listed for the screening.

The Ankara Bar Association has challenged the governor's decision in the Ankara 13 th Administrative Court. In December, it announced the establishment of its own LGBTIQ+ Rights Centre.
Legal Fight with No End: Pink Life and Kaos GL Cases
During the state of emergency, Pink Life and Kaos GL both unsuccessfully filed separate cases before local administrative courts seeking to annul the ban. Appeals by both organizations are ongoing. In April 2018, Kaos GL also applied to the Constitutional Court for an injunction, which is pending.

Both organizations' lawyers said that they have experienced unreasonable delays in the legal process and believe the delays, and the fact that the courts have not suspended the ban pending the outcome of the case, indicate they are not giving proper consideration to the harm of ban on LGBTI organizations.

On November 20, 2018, Kaos GL began a new legal challenge at the Ankara Administrative Court on the grounds that the state of emergency had ended in July and could no longer be invoked in justification of the ban. Kaos GL requested the annulment of the October notification.

However, on November 27, the Ankara 2 nd Administrative Court rejected the case, asserting that the court could not investigate the October 3 internal correspondence from the Ankara governor to Ankara local administration and law enforcement offices, and thus could not consider whether the ban violated the rights of the complainant. Kaos GL appealed the ruling to the Ankara Regional Administrative Court. The appeal is pending.
Implications of the Ankara LGBTI Ban
The activists interviewed said that the ban aims to undermine their existence, hamstring activism, create a climate of fear for the wider LGBTI community, and stigmatize them by spreading a perception that LGBTI people are criminal and immoral.

"The fact that LGBTI organizations cannot hold events means an LGBTI person cannot enjoy basic rights in Ankara," said Yıldız Tar from Kaos GL, adding that many of the sorts of activities that were banned were a necessary platform for LGBTI people to get mental health support or legal remedies when their rights are violated. "The fact that we cannot physically realize our regular politics and activities which draw new generations into activism and support them has called a halt to our movement," said Esra Özban, the coordinator of Pink Life's QueerFest event.

Şırvan Çelikkaleli from Pink Life described an incident in which police officers attempted to prevent the association from holding an event for new university students, causing the group to move the event and later cancel it, as they felt they could not guarantee everyone's safety. She said this intimidates younger people, inhibiting them from joining LGBTI organizations and being part of the movement.

The ban has set back efforts to build trust between transgender people and public institutions and has undermined years of work to achieve communication with local administrations, public institutions, and other human rights organizations, Pink Life activists said.

Emrah Şahin, Pink Life's lawyer, said that after the ban announcement, Pink Life faced challenges recruiting and retaining staff members and interns, and that some experienced activists moved abroad to seek asylum.

Kaos GL's lawyer, Kerem Dikmen, said that while the ban does not alter the legal status of associations, it does leave them unable to fulfill their mandates. Dikmen said the groups had to minimize risk to their legal status by becoming less visible.

Interviewees said that they were concerned that the ban might serve as a precedent for further restrictions on freedom of association, assembly, and expression, and that areas of work by activists beyond LGBTI rights could be affected. They said that the ban should be an issue of concern to all civil society groups, not just those working on LGBTI issues.

The ban in Turkey's capital city has also seems to have had a chilling effect on the activities of LGBTI groups around the country. Administration and law enforcement authorities in other cities have on occasion banned LGBTI events. Shortly after the Ankara ban came into force, in Bursa, police ordered the cancelation of Özgür Renkler (Colors of Freedom) LGBTI Association's film screening on the 2017 Transgender Day of Remembrance. The Beyoğlu district governor on November 25, 2017 postponed and, on January 12, 2018, banned Queer Shorts movie screenings organized by QueerFest of Pink Life in cooperation with the British Council and the Pera Museum.
European Court of Human Rights on LGBTI-Targeted Bans
The European Court of Human Rights has issued more than a half dozen judgments relating to over 60 applications to the court over bans on LGBTI-related marches or events (See e.g Bączkowski and Others v. Poland, Genderdoc-M v. Moldova, Identoba and Others v. Georgia, Lashmankin and Others v. Russia Alekseyev and Others v. Russia). In all cases, the court found a violation of the convention, in particular, article 11 on freedom of assembly and article 14 on protection from discrimination.

The court roundly rejected arguments that the bans were necessary for public security, or to prevent crime, protect the rights of others, or protect morals. The court emphasized that governments had the duty to take reasonable and appropriate measures to enable the applicants to hold their march peacefully.

In its examination of the Russian anti-gay propaganda law, in Bayev and Others v. Russia, the court rejected Russia's arguments to justify laws to limit public discourse, including events, about LGBTI issues on the grounds of protecting children. The court found not only that "the very purpose of the laws and the way they were formulated and applied were discriminatory" and "served no legitimate public interest" but also that "by adopting such laws the authorities had reinforced stigma and prejudice and encouraged homophobia," which was incompatible with the values of a democratic society. The same applies to the Ankara ban.

The court had also found previously that Turkey had violated the right to freedom of expression of Kaos GL when authorities seized and confiscated all the copies of an issue of its magazine and brought criminal proceedings against the association's president and the magazine's editor-in-chief. The court rejected the government's claim that the measures were necessary to protect the morals of children.

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(Berlin) - The ban in Turkey's capital Ankara on public events focused on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) issues discriminates against LGBTI people and violates their fundamental rights, and should therefore be immediately lifted, Human Rights Watch said today.

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Article on how Women's marches in Turkey are being pepper-sprayed and held back by the government

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Article on how Women's marches in Turkey are being pepper-sprayed and held back by the government

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Article for my in-class presentation summarizing the abuse of women's rights in Turkey in 2018.

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Summary of Women's Rights abuse in Turkey

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Low Percentage of Women in the Job Market Affects the Economy

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Low Percentage of Women in the Job Market Affects the Economy

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The article talks about the economy in Argentina and different ways that the country is trying to boost female participation in the economy. Argentina has the lowest percentage of women in the job market in South America and they are also underpaid. Many bills have been stuck in Congress and they are trying to push this one through..

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Afghanistan's First Lady Is Pushing For Women's Rights

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Afghanistan's First Lady Is Pushing For Women's Rights

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In this article, it discussed how the Taliban has held back Afghan women since its arrival. It then presents what Rula Ghani (Afghanistan's First Lady) is doing to help Afghan women. One major thing that she is pushing for is the inclusion of Afghan women in the talks regarding peace in Afghanistan.

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Her husband's government has been excluded from peace talks. But Afghanistan's first lady is rallying the women.

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April 16 For many women in Afghanistan, peace talks between the United States and the Taliban are evoking the darkest days of their lives, when the group stripped women of their most basic rights. The Taliban regime banned girls from going to school. Women were prohibited from working.

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Scientists who are women in the Middle East (including Egypt) are stepping out against gender inequality in the workplace, scientific research and more. They are starting an initiative where they are calling out the inequalities due to gender that face them. This article shares a lot of women's stories.

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Nature Middle East contacted Arab women scientists registered with the Request a Woman Scientist platform, to discover the main gender-related challenges they face and how they might be overcome.

25 women (22%) from 12 Arab countries responded from the total 114 who are registered. Their positions ranged from undergraduate students to a university vice president.

Their responses suggest that women face a variety of gender-related challenges common to workplaces around the world. Their voices resonate with frustration and strength.

Below are excerpts from some of the responses we received.

Women in the Arab world are underrepresented at senior levels. I think it will only change when there are more women in male-dominated fields and in positions of power within the scientific community. Also when prestigious journals highlight the roles of junior and senior women scientists.
Malak Abedalthagafi, Research Professor, Life Science and Environmental Institute, King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology, Saudi Arabia
I think more media attention for women in science in Arab countries would be useful, especially talking about their research, their personal stories, and how they balance their lives. This would encourage more women to pursue a scientific career. There is also a need for more awards and funding for women in science in Arab countries, and for conferences that connect women in science generally and in Arab countries specifically. It is sometimes challenging to reach people in the same field in neighbouring countries.
Laila Ziko, Adjunct Assistant Professor of Molecular and Cell Biology, Department of Biology, American University in Cairo Suhad A. Yasin, Lecturer / PhD student in polymer chemistry, University of Duhok, Kurdistan, Iraq Dima El Safadi, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Public Health, Lebanese University, Lebanon
I think Arab women scientists should be supportive of each other. We should not demand change; we should make it happen with our own hands. We should call out gender discrimination against men and women. One of the biggest issues I have faced is having confidence in my work and myself. It took encouragement and recognition from an American professor that I met in a conference in Paris to believe in myself. In my opinion, Arab women need to have confidence in their work and their scientific capacity.
Sara Haddou Amar, Visiting Professor, Industrial and Logistics Engineering, National School of Applied Sciences, Morocco Emna Harigua, Postdoctoral Researcher, Laboratory of Molecular Epidemiology and Experimental Pathology, Institut Pasteur de Tunis, Tunisia
The higher education sector needs more collaboration between scientists from around the world. I would like to see initiatives and support for young scholars and would like to see STEAM [Science, Technology, Engineering, the Arts and Mathematics] education become more accepted and accepting of young women. This could be achieved through having more emphasis on STEAM education from an early age. Innovation is the key to success and this cannot happen without equal input from everyone in the field. It is a great loss to the sciences if women are shut out and feel silenced through lack of recognition or appreciation.
Mariam Al-Maadeed, Vice President for Research and Graduate Studies, Qatar University
Recognition must start with the family. I was lucky to have a family that celebrated me as a woman and a scientist. Next, recognition is needed at the university where we work. We are rarely celebrated for the work we do with awards or honours. Finally, the media should play a major role in honouring women scientists.
Lubna Tahtamouni, Chair/Associate Professor, Department of Biology and Biotechnology, The Hashemite University, Jordan Suad Sulaiman, Professor of parasitology, Health and Environment Advisor to the Sudanese National Academy of Sciences
The main gender challenge in my conservative country is that a lot of burden is placed on women's shoulders [in their private/family lives], which delays success in their careers. A study we conducted in Sudan under the UNESCO and SIDA (Swedish International Development Agency) umbrellas concluded that there is no gender gap among female Sudanese scientists in their early career, but this gap widens in higher positions.
Mai Mamoun Ali Hassan, Associate Professor, forest eco-physiology, Forest and Gum Arabic Research Center, Sudan
The lack of recognition for the work of Arab women scientists is preceded by the lack of recognition for the work of Arab scientists in general, both men and women. This can be attributed to at least two issues: an overall lack of awareness among the local general population about the nature of scientific research, and a consequently lacklustre reputation for scientific research activities within and outside the region.
Saja Adel Fakhraldeen, Assistant Research Scientist, Environment and Life Sciences Research Center, Kuwait Institute for Scientific Research Alshymaa Yusef Hassan, Research Assistant, Zewail City of Science and Technology, Egypt Nathalie K. Zgheib, MD, Associate Professor, Pharmacology and Toxicology, American University of Beirut, Lebanon
Give Arab women scientists more recognition for the work they do. Women need to believe in themselves and support each other. They also need to be represented fairly at the top of the hierarchy.
Sanaa N. Alhadidi, PhD in ecological entomology, University of Diyala, Iraq Leena Tarig, medical student, University of Khartoum, Sudan

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database; middle east and north africa; women scientists; public communication of science; diversity; gender; balance; arab; challenges

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Arab women scientists call out gender discrimination in the workplace

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Nature Middle East contacted Arab women scientists registered with the Request a Woman Scientist platform, to discover the main gender-related challenges they face and how they might be overcome. 25 women (22%) from 12 Arab countries responded from the total 114 who are registered. Their positions ranged from undergraduate students to a university vice president.

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Gaining Respect in the Community as an LGBTQ Individual

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Gaining Respect in the Community as an LGBTQ Individual

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The article details the struggles of LGBTQ individuals in Tondo, a district in Manila. These individuals have experienced discrimination for their sexual identity, but they found that people started to respect them as they became kagawads, or councilors, serving their barangay, the sub-districts, as a legislative body. By putting themselves to public service, people discriminated against them less, acknowledging their efforts to make everyone's lives in the barangay better. Perhaps LGBTQ individuals elsewhere in the world should take up more leadership positions, as well—no matter how humble the role.

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MANILA, Philippines - Saturday morning, February 1, was like any other for most residents around Barangay 118 in Tondo, Manila. Early on, the streets crackled with the run-of-the-mill rumble of people going about their daily business: jeepneys zooming through the crowded streets, tricycles revving up their engines, throngs of people speaking to (or over) each other.

But for the senior citizens here, that morning was a bit more exciting than usual.

An event called the Senior Citizen Salon Caravan was being held in Rawis, where a makeshift salon was set up offering free haircut, coloring, and hot oil services especially for the seniors. More than a makeover, blood pressure readings, free maintenance medicines, and free breakfast were offered.

But the hairdressers in this case weren't regular beauticians. They called themselves the " kagaywads" (gay barangay councilors) - a group of barangay councilors or kagawads in Manila's District 1 who are also lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBTs).

At 9 am, it was a scene typical of most hair salons in the Philippines: clients putting their beauty in the hands of trusty cosmetologists - usually women or gay men.

"Dinaan namin sa kung ano ang kakayanan namin. Siyempre mas magaling kami sa parlor, alam mo naman, ang mga bading talaga magaling sa parlor," said AJ. (We chose to play to our strengths. Of course we're better at being parloristas, we all know that gays are good at that).

Together the kagaywads may just be the key to the advancement of LGBT rights in their own community. Politicians who are LGBT allies have their support, AJ said.
"Kaya sumusuporta kami sa isang konsehal na...isa siya sa magiging katulong namin. Nakagawa na kami ng output na puwede niyang talakayin sa session, sa city council, para maging issue at mabigyan kami ng pagkakataon. Naghain na kami sa kanya ng mga posibleng mga stance at batas na magpapatibay sa amin
(This is why we support a councilor who will be our ally. We have output that they can discuss in sessions, at the city council. We've laid out possible policies that can strengthen us.)

"Marami kami, malaking bagay 'yon. Nagugulat ang tao, nagugulat ang binababaan namin, lalo na at pinakilala kaming barangay kagawad, nagugulat sila na ang dami [namin], " she added.

(There's a lot of us. That's a big deal. People are surprised when we meet them, especially when we are introduced as kagawads. They are surprised that there are so many of us.)

Meet the kagaywads of District 1:
AJ Cecilio, Barangay 35, Zone 3
AJ has never met a challenge she couldn't overcome - which is perhaps why when this woman speaks, people listen.

AJ lived most of her life as a gay man. In Tondo, that meant having to learn how to fight back against bullies in order not to get bullied. It was when she was in her 40s that AJ learned what "transgender" meant, and only then did she finally find the phrase that she could properly identify with: "transgender woman."

Struggling with her identity wasn't easy, and AJ has faced more than her fair share of difficulties - but not enough to discourage her to lead.

AJ first became a kagawad in 2007, and served for two terms before running for barangay chairman, getting the second highest number of votes. She then served as the winning chairman's secretary.

Beyond politics, she led Transmanilenya, a support group for transgender women in Tondo.

In 2018, AJ campaigned to be kagawad again, and even went house to house to attempt to win votes. The effort proved worth it when she was voted as Barangay 35, Zone 3's number 1 Kagawad.

Aside from coming up with the idea to offer free salon services, AJ, along with the other kagaywads, champions HIV awareness in her community, leading by example to encourage regular HIV testing.

"Bilang mga barangay official, kami 'yung nage-encourage sa mga mas nakababatang mga trans, mga gays, na siyempre kapag nakikita nila ang ginagawa namin, naiinspire sila." (As barangay officials, we're the ones who encourage the younger trans and gay people, and when they see us, they get inspired.)

AJ said that she no longer experienced discrimination during her last campaign. She added that while there are some who still discriminate against them, for the most part, their community has grown to be very accepting of LGBTs.

By AJ's account, it was an acceptance they had to earn.

"[The acceptance came about] through community service," AJ said. "Kasi mahihiya sila, kaysa i-bully nila kami. may kasabihan di ba na kapag ginawan ka ng masama, patayin mo sa kabutihan. Parang ganoon. Ang ginawa namin, habang dinidiscriminate niyo kami, trabaho kami, nagse-serve kami sa tao."

(Instead of bullying us, they would feel embarrassed. There's a saying that goes "kill them with kindness." That's what we did. While they discriminated against us, we worked, we served the people.)
Arvin dela Cruz, Barangay 128, Zone 10
Arvin is the officer-in-charge at the Barangay Council for the Protection of Children (BCPC) in Tondo's barangay 128 - better known as Smokey Mountain. He's new to the kagaywads - the others have known each other for quite some time, he said - but was one of those invited to help the group make their projects a reality.

Arvin said that he focuses on child safety because he was a beneficiary of a non-governmental organization in Tondo himself, one that promotes children's rights.

He's gone through two different chairmen and has been 12 years in his position, but Arvin still talks about his job with passion.

"Ngayon, ang tinututukan ko 'yong cyber safety kasi usually ang trending ngayon online sexual abuse, so nagtuturo kami ng cyber safety para [matutunan] ng mga bata 'yung tamang paggamit ng computer at hindi sila mapahamak sa mga online strangers," he said about their ongoing projects.

(Now, what we're focusing on is cyber safety because usually what's trending now is online sexual abuse, so we teach cyber safety so the kids [can learn] the right way to use computers so they are not harmed by online strangers.)

Aside from cyber safety, Arvin has also worked on projects about children's rights, child labor, and positive discipline.
Glen dela Cruz, Barangay 71, Zone 6
Glen did not think he would run for kagawad. But when he ran in 2018, campaigning door to door to meet his would-be constituents of Barangay 71, he won.

"First time kong tumakbo...Siguro kaya rin nanalo dahil sa dami ng kaibigan," he said. (It was my first time to run as councilor...Maybe I won because I had many friends in the community).

He didn't think he'd win because he'd always been a parlorista. It was the only public service he knew then. Even at the salon caravan, he explained why the parlor service was so important to senior citizens.

"[Naisipan namin na salon service] kasi and mga matatanda, sa totoo lang, wala naman silang ipambabayad sa parlor," he explained. (We thought of providing salon service because senior citizens in reality have no money to go to the parlor.)

Now that he's a barangay official, not only does he serve using his parlor expertise, he is also involved in health and youth programs.

Asked if he still faces discrimination in Tondo, he answered, "Andiyan pa rin 'yung babastusin ka. Pero...noong kagawad na kami walang ganoon, puro paggalang na lang." (Discrimation was still there. But when we became kagawad, it stopped; we were respected more).
Rei Gabin, Barangay 13, Zone 2
Rei (left) has had many odd jobs throughout his life - he was once a parlorista and a lugaw (porridge) vendor - but getting into public service was the one thing he really wanted.

He first campaigned to become a barangay official in 2010, and 9 years on, he hasn't looked back. What drives him, he said, is his love for his community.

"Basta dinecide ko sa sarili ko na gusto kong tumulong talaga as a public servant, 'yon talaga ang hinahangad ko,(I decided I would help as a public servant, that's what I really aspire for.)

Rei's advocacies include education for the youth and support for senior citizens.

He said that his life changed drastically since he became a kagawad, not only because he was able to help out the community he loves, but also because he met a lot of different people and learned new things. Because of this, he said he would never tire of helping his community.

Rei has been a barangay official for so long that he no longer feels the discrimination against LGBTs, at least within his barangay. But before he entered public service, he did face doubters.

As it turned out, winning his campaign also meant winning over those who didn't think he could do it.

"Natuwa sila sa kabila ng lahat dahil 'yung mga akala nila, hindi ko kaya. 'Yun pala mas lalo pa silang natuwa dahil mas napamahal sila sa akin,(They were happy inspite of everything because they thought I wouldn't be able to do it. Those who thought I couldn't do it became the ones who were happiest for me because they endeared themselves more to me.)
Marie Almario, Barangay 69, Zone 6
" Noong college undergrad ako sa PUP (Polytechnic University of the Philippines) - mga 20 [years old ako noon] - nag-audition ako as an entertainer sa Japan, kasi noon hindi masyadong mahigpit," she narrated. (When I was a college undergraduate at PUP - I must've been 20 years old then - I auditioned to be an entertainer in Japan; they weren't as strict then.)

She explained that Japanese clients would take a look at them and when these clients approved, Marie and her companions would go to Japan and stay for 6 months at a time. In total, she has spent 3.5 years in Japan; she calls herself a "7-timer."

But now, Marie is back and has found being a gay kagawad her calling - siguro by destiny " (maybe it was by destiny)." She said service begets respect, and as a member of the LGBT community, respect is something she really wants.

Marie told us, " Lahat kaming mga beki, kapag nagtagpo...hindi kami magkakilala pero 'pag nagkita kami akala mo matagal na kaming magkakilala. " (Gays, whenever we meet, we may not know each other but you'd think we'd known each other for a long time).

Marie added. (Such is Tondo). "Ganoon naman talaga sa Tondo," - Rappler.com

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Meet the 'kagaywads': How Tondo's LGBT leaders find acceptance

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MANILA, Philippines - Saturday morning, February 1, was like any other for most residents around Barangay 118 in Tondo, Manila. Early on, the streets crackled with the run-of-the-mill rumble of people going about their daily business: jeepneys zooming through the crowded streets, tricycles revving up their engines, throngs of people speaking to (or over) each other.

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Life of a Lesbian Couple in the Netherlands. 

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Life of a Lesbian Couple in the Netherlands. 

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Being the optimist I am, I thought this was a wonderful addition to our Padlet. This is a blog/informational/visual website of a couple that shares their experience of living in the Netherlands and being a LGBTQ traveler in 2019. They not only have amazing pictures and insightful writings that could be so helpful for anyone finding their way traveling, but give a very honest testimony to the benefits they have found in this country.

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Travelling nowadays seems like the ultimate dream. We're living that dream, and it is an absolute fairy tale! But, travelling the world as an LGBT traveller isn't as easy as packing your bags and go. We have travelled to countries with anti-gay laws and we refuse to boycott countries for that reason. We believe travelling the world is for everyone! However, it's important to do it safely. A few important questions to keep in mind before flying to a new destination: what are the LGBT+ rights? What's the public opinion like? Where are the LGBT+ safe spaces? In our "How LGBT friendly is..." series we'll share all so you have fewer worries and more fun on your travels! In this blog post, we answer all those questions about the Netherlands. How LGBT friendly is the Netherlands?
The Netherlands is often referred to as one of the most LGBT friendly destinations in the world (ranking #9 of Spartacus Gay Index 2018). Therefore it isn't weird that LGBT rights in the Netherlands have been some of the most progressive in the world. The Netherlands is home to the world's oldest existing LGBT organisation: COC Nederland, an organisation that has been fighting for LGBTI rights nationally and internationally since 1946.

In 2001, the Netherlands became the first country in the world to legalize marriage. Registered partnerships between same-sex couples are allowed since 1998. Same-sex couples may adopt together and lesbian couples have access to IVF. There are anti-discrimination laws since 1994 that ban discrimination on the ground of sexual orientation. From 1985, transgender people can legally change their gender when undergoing surgery and hormone therapy and since 2014 without undergoing surgery and hormone therapy. It's possible, from 1970, to state "sex cannot be determined" on a birth certificate. This year, the Dutch court has ruled that a third gender must be recognised, adding a neutral option to the 'male' and 'female' gendered boxes. Overall, the Netherlands has great LGBT laws and keeps working on them!

The Netherlands is highly diverse and culturally liberal. Dutch people are very tolerant, especially in big cities. In surveys, more than 95% of Dutch people consistently approve of same-sex relationships. The world famous Amsterdam Gay Pride is one of the biggest events of the Netherlands and draws as many straight cisgender- as LGBT-people: it's a party for everyone, celebrating diversity. Strangely, homo (Dutch for gay) is a curse word often used by Dutchies.

Unfortunately, small towns can be less tolerant of LGBT people. LGBT people still experience a lot more violence than straight cisgender people... Sadly 10% of Dutch people voice hostility towards transgender people. We believe change is coming though, as the younger generation is way more acceptant of LGBT people.

We have always felt very safe living and travelling in the Netherlands. We do hold hands in public, and occasionally hug or kiss. Aside from wolf-whistling, nothing violent ever happened to us. Our looks 'help' in that sense, as it's easier for people to accept our relationship - we're both looking feminine and, I guess, 'sexy' to some people. It also means that we often fly under the radar and are not always recognised as a lesbian couple.

Yet, for Roxanne, coming out wasn't as easy as you would expect in the Netherlands. Being homosexuality still isn't perceived equally 'normal' as heterosexuality, especially not in the small town Rox is from...

We loved living in Amsterdam though, as it feels the norms have shifted. It feels like Amsterdam has moved past gaybourhoods - it's now a happy mix of everything. During our four years of living there - of which we were together for two years - we've always felt comfortable living out and proud. Every reaction (of colleagues, fellow students or neighbours) to our relationship was positive.

Of course, our experience as queer females doesn't represent the experience of queer males in the community. That is why we've asked gay traveller Ryan Thomas Woods to share his experience of travelling to the Netherlands (with his boyfriend).
Although I'm Canadian, my dads' side of the family is super Dutch and my Grandma was actually born in the Netherlands before coming to Canada. My Dutch family was open about many things including sex and accepting whatever you wanted to be or whoever you wanted to be. This has always been my impression of Dutch people and when I finally went to The Netherlands with my boyfriend, I felt right at home with my family. Of course, just like any country, you will have small town people or small-minded people in big cities not understand you, but I felt the percentage of those people in The Netherlands is small. As a gay couple visiting Amsterdam, we fell in love with the city. During our three week stay, we got to experience the culture, cuisine, nightlife and day to day life as a gay couple living in Amsterdam. We held hands, kissed in public along the canals and never felt afraid to be openly ourselves; gay and happy. The general feeling of being welcomed extends way beyond Amsterdam, to places we've been to such as the Hague, Rotterdam and even to the Southern city of Maastricht. My boyfriend or I have only had positive experiences as gay men in The Netherlands.
Want to get to know Ryan better? Check out our interview with him
and find his blog on OutWithRyan.com

Definitely go to Amsterdam! For LGBT people, Amsterdam is one of the most attractive cities to visit and to live in. There is no place in the world you can find so many LGBT-friendly attractions per square meter as in Amsterdam. There's not one neighbourhood to go to, there are places all around the city centre. Every big city in the Netherlands has a gay scene, make sure to check out Utrecht and Rotterdam!

✶ Amsterdam Canal Parade (read about Amsterdam pride 2018) - first Saturday of August, since 1996
✶ Roze Zaterdag ( Pink Saturday, the Dutch version of the original gay pride) - last Saturday of June, since 1977
✶ Roze Filmdagen ( Pink Movie Days, Amsterdam's LGBTQ film festival) - March, since 1996
✶ Milkshake Festival (dance festival celebrating diversity) - end of July, since 2012
Recommended read: How To Travel The World As A Lesbian Couple?
Pin this article!
Read also: How Friendly is Japan for LGBT+ Travellers?

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How LGBT Friendly Is The Netherlands? | Once Upon A Journey

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Travelling nowadays seems like the ultimate dream. We're living that dream, and it is an absolute fairy tale! But, travelling the world as an LGBT traveller isn't as easy as packing your bags and go. We have travelled to countries with anti-gay laws and we refuse to boycott countries for that reason.

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Hi everyone! This articles dives deeper into gender inequality in the education system in India. There is a lot of discrimination facing girls even as they walk to school, facing harassment in the streets. This article is a good look at how girls are viewed and really helps to further understand what India's education system is like.

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Gender equality in education should be a global priority. Despite the tremendous evolution during the past 20 years, gender inequality still persists.

Millions of girls around the world face huge obstacles in getting an education. What initiatives are there to help overcome those issues and ensure that young people have the same right to education?

Despite the huge progress, girls are still more likely to never set foot in a school compared to boys. Education is a tremendous fundamental human right for everybody. Another basic human right is equality between women and men.

Nevertheless, in the educational field women still continue to face the traditional gender roles that are accepted by society. These stereotypical concepts strongly control and reduce their chances to get a proper education.

Gender equality in education

Main goals for gender equality in education are aimed to eliminate gender disparity not only in primary and secondary, but also in all levels of education. This will help to increase the number of women who are involved in politics, resulting in growth of female professional in that field.

Fortunately, many countries have achieved, or are close to achieving gender equality in primary education. However, there are some exceptions, such as Afghanistan and Pakistan.

It's noteworthy that in the past decade more girls have been enrolled in primary school than ever before. Furthermore, in Nepal and Bangladesh, the gender disparity is in favor of girls.

However, there are still vast inequalities at higher levels of education, in particular in Africa and South Asia.

What are the main challenges and issues of gender equality in education?

There is no doubt that poverty is one of the main reasons for illiteracy. Millions of women and girls in the world are still forced to spend hours doing household chores and caring for other family members. The lack of sanitation facilities and security in school are other major issues for education.

It can be illustrated by the example of Malala Yousafzai, who was shot by the Taliban on her way to school for addressing the education rights. This also demonstrates another problem that young girls face: the unsafe roads leading to their school, sexual violence and discrimination against young girls.

Many girls are not allowed to continue their education because they are forced into child marriage.

Among the numerous obstacles that stand in the way of young girls and women to benefit from education are:

poverty

minority status

disability

geographical isolation

gender-based violence

early marriage

pregnancy

traditional attitudes towards the status and role of women.

What is the result of gender inequality in education?

One of the major issues that gender inequality in education brings to the surface is unemployment. Even to these days, women enter the job market on an unequal basis compared to men. They have fewer rights to land ownership and opportunities outside the agricultural sector.

Globally, just one quarter of senior officials or managers are women and they have less financial and social security. Despite that fact that women produce 50% of food and perform 66% of the world's work, they typically are paid less than men.

Whey own only 1% of the property and earn 10% of the income. It has been shown that women invest a higher proportion of their earnings in their families and communities compared to men.

What are the benefits of educating girls?

There are numerous benefits of educating girls. Educated women are more likely to take care of themselves and their family independently. Moreover, in rural regions educated women are more likely to take part in decision-making processes.

Above all, education empowers, gives women better economic opportunities and encourages them to control their lives themselves. In this way, women are inspired to impact society positively.

The good news is that women's political participation has increased and now they make up 18.6 percent of parliamentarians.

"Teaching as Women's Domain and Leading as Men's"

In spite of the progress, more girls remain out of school than boys. According to UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 16 million girls will never have the opportunity to be educated. By the way, women account approximately two-thirds of the 750 million adults without basic literacy skills.

Even though teaching is traditionally considered female profession, school leaders are more likely to be men in some countries.

To illustrate, 68% of Korean teachers are women, whereas, only 13% of Korean principals are female. But why don't women occupy the position of a school leader more often, given the fact that they dominate the majority of the teaching force?

Some of the main factors that determine the number of female principals in a country are the individual willingness to take the role of principal, the education level of candidates and gender-bias in perceptions of leadership skills.

The fact that most school teachers in many countries are women often brings forward the stereotypes that caring for children is women's task. Equally, having mainly male principals shows that men are more likely to become managers than women. These factors have implications for the aspirations and expectations of children.

It is noteworthy that gender discrimination in career choice results in talent loss not just in education, but also in all spheres. Researchers suggest that gender-diverse business teams have greater success in terms of profits than male-dominated companies.

What initiatives can be taken to fight gender inequality in education?

Gender equality should not necessarily mean that men and women should become the same. It rather means that people's opportunities should not depend on their gender.

Just imagine the world with more male teachers and healthcare workers and more female computer scientists. Doesn't that sound good? After all, education should play an important role in shaping attitudes and behaviors to develop gender equity.

Educating girls results in many socio-economic benefits that help entire societies. These are higher family incomes, increased economic productivity and improved health rates for children.

The history of women's subordination and injustice noted in every corner of the world proves that it is important that the voices and perspectives of women are considered.

The concept of gender equality includes the right of women to articulate, review and comment on social arrangements. The role of evaluating gender equality in education is to promote progress towards reducing all forms of gender-based discrimination and assuring women are empowered to exercise their rights.

The problem of gender inequality in education system of India

Out of 12 million children deprived of education in India, a disproportionate number are girls. This inequality in education is more pronounced among families that have lower-income.

The inequality between genders is clearly visible in literacy rates of India. Approximately 82 % of boys are literate but only 65 % of girls can read and write. Even though this number is steadily increasing, there is still a long way to go.

According to some reports, major issues that cause discrimination against girls in India are poverty and cultural beliefs.

Another major factor behind gender inequality in education is the lack of sanitation in schools in the country. You won't be able to find separate toilet facilities for girls in many schools. This becomes a major problem when they reach adolescence. As a matter of consequence, many girls just choose to leave schooling.

Recognizing the need to address this issue, the UN placed both quality education and gender equality in its list of 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). As has been demonstrated, mixing these two objectives results in the increase in more work opportunities and reduced poverty. Clearly, ensuring girls the same level of education as boys can change the world for the better on a fundamental level.

Furthermore, basic education for women is vital for protecting the environment. Some researchers suggest that women express more concern for the environment compared to men.

Countries with more women in parliament are more likely to approve environmental settlements. Education can provide individuals with knowledge and skills that will help to understand environmental issues and help overcome them. Equal representation in decision-making and leadership can advance environmental preservation and improve risk management.

Therefore, we can conclude that until men and women have equal opportunity to participate in public life and have the same level of education, we will not be living in a sustainable and fair world for all.

A special shout-out to those men who are active supporters of gender equality. They are important role models for boys and other men. Guaranteeing representative leadership and fair participation in all areas of life is crucial for sustainable development. People must become change agents to assure that a fairer and more stabilized world can be achieved for the next generations.

Check Out Other Posts Related to Gender Equality in Education | Gender Role Issues Girls Face in Schools

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Gender Equality in Education | Gender Role Issues Girls Face in Schools | Women's

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Gender equality in education should be a global priority. Despite the tremendous evolution during the past 20 years, gender inequality still persists. Millions of girls around the world face huge obstacles in getting an education. What initiatives are there to help overcome those issues and ensure that young people have the same right to education?

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This article is an overview of different types of gender inequality in the country of India. A main point of it focuses on the uselessness of educating women, which is important for what my presentation is on. "Educating girl child is still seen as a bad investment because she is bound to get married and leave her paternal home one day." India also ranks 114 out of 142 countries for the gender gap.

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Gender Inequality

We proud Indians of 21 st century rejoice in celebrations when a boy is born, and if it is a girl, a muted or no celebrations is the norm. Love for a male child is so much so that from the times immemorial we are killing our daughters at birth or before birth, and if, fortunately, she is not killed we find various ways to discriminate against her throughout her life. Though our religious beliefs make women a goddess but we fail to recognize her as a human being first; we worship goddesses but we exploit girls. We are a society of people with double-standards as far as our attitude towards women is concerned; our thoughts and preaching are different than our actions. Let's try to understand the phenomenon of gender inequality and search for some solutions.

Definition and Concept of Gender Inequality

'Gender' is a socio-cultural term referring socially defined roles and behaviors assigned to 'males' and 'females' in a given society; whereas, the term 'sex' is a biological and physiological phenomenon which defines man and woman. In its social, historical and cultural aspects, gender is a function of power relationship between men and women where men are considered superior to women. Therefore, gender may be understood as a man-made concept, while 'sex' is natural or biological characteristics of human beings.

Gender Inequality, in simple words, may be defined as discrimination against women based on their sex. Women are traditionally considered by the society as weaker sex. She has been accorded a subordinate position to men. She is exploited, degraded, violated and discriminated both in our homes and in outside world. This peculiar type of discrimination against women is prevalent everywhere in the world and more so in Indian society.

Causes and Types of Gender Inequality in India

The root cause of gender inequality in Indian society lies in its patriarchy system. According to the famous sociologists Sylvia Walby, patriarchy is "a system of social structure and practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit women". Women's exploitation is an age old cultural phenomenon of Indian society. The system of patriarchy finds its validity and sanction in our religious beliefs, whether it is Hindu, Muslim or any other religion.

For instance, as per ancient Hindu law giver Manu: "Women are supposed to be in the custody of their father when they are children, they must be under the custody of their husband when married and under the custody of her son in old age or as widows. In no circumstances she should be allowed to assert herself independently".

The above described position of women as per Manu is still the case in present modern day social structure. Barring few exceptions here and there, women have no power to take independent decisions either inside their homes or in outside world.

In Muslims also the situation is same and there too sanction for discrimination or subordination is provided by religious texts and Islamic traditions. Similarly in other religious beliefs also women are being discriminated against in one way or other.

The unfortunate part of gender inequality in our society is that the women too, through, continued socio-cultural conditioning, have accepted their subordinate position to men. And they are also part and parcel of same patriarchal system.

Extreme poverty and lack of education are also some of the reasons for women's low status in society. Poverty and lack of education derives countless women to work in low paying domestic service, organized prostitution or as migrant laborers. Women are not only getting unequal pay for equal or more work but also they are being offered only low skill jobs for which lower wages are paid. This has become a major form of inequality on the basis of gender.

Educating girl child is still seen as a bad investment because she is bound to get married and leave her paternal home one day. Thus, without having good education women are found lacking in present day's demanding job skills; whereas, each year's High School and 10+2 standard results show that girls are always doing better than boys. This shows that parents are not spending much after 10+2 standard on girl child and that's why they lack in job market.

Not only in education, in case of family food habits, it is the male child who gets all the nutritious and choicest foods while the girl child gets whatever is left behind after the male members have taken their meals or the food which is low in both quality and nutrition. And this becomes a major health issue in her later years. One of the main reasons for the high incidences of difficult births and anemia in women is the poor quality of food which a girl always gets either in her paternal home or in her in-laws as also is the excessive workload that they are made to bear from their early childhood.

So the inequality or discrimination against women is at various levels in the society, either in home or outside home.

Gender Inequality in India: Important Data
Global Indices:
Gender Inequality is also reflected in India's poor ranking in various global gender indices.

UNDP's Gender Inequality Index- 2014: India's ranking is 127 out of 152 countries in the List. This ranking is only above Afghanistan as far as SAARC countries are concerned.

World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Index- 2014: India's ranks at 114 in the list of 142 countries of the world. This Index examines gender gap in four major areas:

Economic participation and opportunity.

Educational achievements.

Health and life expectancy.

Political empowerment.

India's position on these indicators was as follows:

These two important Global Indices show the sorry state of affairs in India as far as gender equality is concerned. Only in case of 'Political Empowerment' India is doing fine which is a welcome sign. But other indices are very poor and a lot need to be done to improve the same.

Gender Inequality Statistics

Gender inequality manifests in varied ways. And as far as India is concerned the major indicators are as follows:

Female Foeticide

Female Infanticide

Child (0 to 6 age group) Sex Ratio: 919

Sex Ratio: 943

Female literacy:46%

Maternal Mortality Rate: 178 deaths per 100000 live births.

These above mentioned indicators are some of the important indices which show the status of women in our country.

Female foeticide and female infanticide are most inhuman of acts. And it is a shame that in India these practices are prevailing at large scale.

The data shows that despite the law in place viz Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Act, 1994 sex selective abortion is still on the rise. One estimate done by MacPherson shows that more than 100000 illegal abortions are being performed every year in India mainly for the reason that the featus is of girl child.

Due to this, there is an alarming trend which has come to the notice in 2011 census report; the report shows Child Sex-Ratio (i.e sex-ratio of children between the age group 0 to 6) at 919 which is 8 points lesser than the 2001 data of 927. The data indicates that sex-selective abortion is increasing in our country.

As far as overall sex-ratio is concerned, it's 943 in 2011 report as compared to 933 of 2001 which is 10 points increase. Though it is a good sign that overall sex ratio is increasing but it's still tilted against females.

Female literacy is at 65.46% in 2011 as against 82.14% of male literacy. This gap indicates a wide gender disparity in India that Indians do not give enough importance to the education of girls.

All these indicators points towards the sorry state of affairs in India regarding gender justice and women's human right. Though every year government starts various schemes and programs apart from existing ones for the benefit and empowerment of women but on the ground there are not enough visible changes. The change will appear only when the mind set of Indian society would change; when the society would start treating male and female on equal footing and when a girl would not be considered as a burden.

Legal and Constitutional Safeguards against Gender Inequality

Indian Constitution provides for positive efforts to eliminate gender inequality; the Preamble to the Constitution talks about goals of achieving social, economic and political justice to everyone and to provide equality of status and of opportunity to all its citizens. Further, women have equal right to vote in our political system. Article 15 of the Constitution provides for prohibition of discrimination on grounds of sex also apart from other grounds such as religion, race, caste or place of birth. Article 15(3) authorizes the Sate to make any special provision for women and children. Moreover, the Directive Principles of State Policy also provides various provisions which are for the benefit of women and provides safeguards against discrimination.

Other than these Constitutional safeguards, various protective Legislations have also been passed by the Parliament to eliminate exploitation of women and to give them equal status in society. For instance, the Sati (Prevention) Act, 1987 was enacted to abolish and make punishable the inhuman custom of Sati; the Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961 to eliminate the practice of dowry; the Special Marriage Act, 1954 to give rightful status to married couples who marry inter-caste or inter-religion; Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Bill (introduced in Parliament in 1991, passed in 1994 to stop female infanticide and many more such Acts. Furthermore, the Parliament time to time brings out amendments to existing laws in order to give protection to women according to the changing needs of the society, for instance, Section 304-B was added to the Indian Penal Code, 1860 to make dowry-death or bride-burning a specific offence punishable with maximum punishment of life imprisonment.

So there are varied legislative safeguards and protection mechanisms for women but the ground reality is very different. Despite all these provisions women are still being treated as second rate citizens in our country; men are treating them as an object to fulfill their carnal desires; crimes against women are at alarming stage; the practice of dowry is still widely prevalent; female infanticide is a norm in our homes.

How we can Eliminate Gender Inequality

The list of legislations as well as types of discriminations or inequalities may go on but the real change will only come when the mentality of men will change; when the male species of human beings would start treating women as equal and not subordinate or weaker to them. In fact not only men but women also need to change their mindset as through cultural conditioning they have also become part of the same exploitative system of patriarchy and are playing a supportive role in furthering men's agenda of dominating women.

Therefore, what is needed is the movement for Women's empowerment where women can become economically independent and self-reliant; where they can fight their own fears and go out in the world fearless; where they can snatch their rights from the clutches of men and they don't have to ask for them; where women have good education, good career, ownership of property and above all where they have freedom of choice and also the freedom to make their own decisions without the bondages of age old saying of Manu.

Let's hope and wish that our participative democracy, in times to come, and with the efforts of both women and men, would be able to found solutions to the problem of gender inequality and would take us all towards our cherished dream of a truly modern society in both thought and action.
Related Information: Social Reformers of India For Students: Women Empowerment Women Empowerment Essay

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Gender Inequality in India - Concept, Causes and Types

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We proud Indians of 21 st century rejoice in celebrations when a boy is born, and if it is a girl, a muted or no celebrations is the norm. Love for a male child is so much so that from the times immemorial we are killing our daughters at birth or before birth, and if, fortunately, she is not killed we find various ways to discriminate against her throughout her life.

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Gender Discrimination in Education, India

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Gender Discrimination in Education, India

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This is an interesting article I found detailing why some children are being denied an education in India. This is also happening in other countries around the world, where children are not being allowed to go to school because of their gender or because of their religion or group they belong to. All children deserve access to an education, and even though it is a law in India that children are allowed to go to school, they might be kept from the classroom and have to do other tasks, like cleaning, for the day.

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This article descibes a specific instance and explains on how transgender individuals are treated in Turkey.

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This article descibes a specific instance and explains on how transgender individuals are treated in Turkey.

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'She insulted my manhood': murder underlines Turkey's LGBT backlash

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In a country where anti-gay violence is often excused as unjust provocation, a fatal shooting has raised fresh fears

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Extensive scholoraly article on where the treatment of women in Turkey comes from and whether it is Islam or cultural

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Extensive scholoraly article on where the treatment of women in Turkey comes from and whether it is Islam or cultural

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Women's Right in Turkey Political or Turkish

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Hey everyone!! Super exciting progress in Japan as Japan GCs as of two weeks ago now recognize LGBT marriage rights!

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The Japan In-house Lawyers Association (JILA) has recommended that the right to marry between lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) couples be legalized under the laws of Japan.

Following a press conference that included the JILA, the association's president, Miki Sakakibara, wrote a letter to members that said the purpose of this recommendation is to address various challenges concerning essential elements of the workplace environment that are faced by companies doing business in Japan.

"More specifically, many employers have voiced their concerns with the hiring and retention of talent, as well as equitable treatment of the full diversity of their workforces under the current legal regime," said Sakakibara.

On 19 September 2018, the American Chamber of Commerce made a public announcement with respect to its recommendation letter encouraging the government of Japan to extend the right to marry of LGBT couples. The Australia and New Zealand Chamber of Commerce in Japan, the British Chamber of Commerce, Canadian Chamber of Commerce and Ireland Japan Chamber of Commerce agreed with the American chamber's statement, holding a joint press conference on the same day. The Danish Chamber of Commerce Japan later added its endorsement.

"It is widely understood that legalizing marriage among LGBT couples would help most companies eliminate disadvantages in hiring and retaining competent staff and provide fair and equitable treatment of employees while doing business in Japan," said Sakakibara.

She said encouraging the equal treatment of the LGBT community is a meaningful activity in pursuit of the goals of: (1) gaining a competitive advantage in attracting talent globally; (2) encouraging a more diversified, productive workplace environment; and (3) supporting a more inclusive community.

"Fostering diversity and inclusion in the workplace is absolutely essential in order to retain internationally recognized talent," she said. "Legalizing marriage of LGBT couples would be a significant step forward in Japan's reinvigoration of its economic growth."

Notably, Sakakibara said the above-mentioned international chambers of commerce are not the only supporters of liberalizing Japan's marriage laws. Japan-based LLAN (Lawyers for LGBT and Allies Network) and LGBT Finance have also given supportive statements.

Some Japanese companies have also implemented practical measures that enable partners of LGBT employees to receive the same family benefits as spouses of all other employees. "These trends are based on the proper understanding of the diversified sexual orientations of human beings, as well as the true extent of fundamental human rights," Sakakibara said.

"JILA constituents are uniquely suited in their role as lawyers qualified in Japan (bengoshi) to serve the public as guardians of fundamental human rights, and they are also a community of legal professionals who play important roles in ensuring productive and comfortable work environments in their respective organizations," she said. "Therefore, JILA believes that it is our social responsibility to be an active supporter of legalization of LGBT marriage rights."

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Japan GCs recognize LGBT marriage rights | Asia Business Law Journal

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The Japan In-house Lawyers Association (JILA) has recommended that the right to marry between lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) couples be legalized under the laws of Japan.

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This is a repost of one of the articles I covered day one:

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The Faroe Islands may not be the best destination for anyone looking to meet eligible women. Not because Faroese women are not attractive - they are - but because they are simply not there.

Young Faroese women often leave the tiny north Atlantic island nation to study in places like Oslo, Copenhagen or London - and fully half never return home.

This drops the number of women of childbearing age dramatically, leading to a falling birth rate and an unsure future for the picturesque but rugged Faroes.

"It is a question of survival," Hermann Oskarsson, a former chief economic advisor in the Faroe Islands, told Politiken newspaper. "The young women that should be here to give birth to children are gone."

Asian brides
There are already 2,000 more men than women on the Faroes - which has a total population of just under 50,000 - and some of those men have taken matters into their own hands by importing wives and companions from the Philippines and Thailand.

Filipinos and Thais make up two of the largest groups of foreigners on the Faroe Islands . There are now 200 Thais and Filipinos - mostly women - spread out over the islands.

In the tiny hamlet of Klaksvík located in the northern part of the islands, there are already 15 women from Asia.

Bjarni Ziska Dahl, who married his Filipino wife in 2010, said that the foreign women could well be the answer to the issues facing the Faros.

"We must recognise that there is a problem, and welcome these strangers with dignity," Dahl told DR Nyheder. "We need these people."

Both Dahl and his wife Che said that they have a lot in common: island life, a dedication to family and a longing for simplicity. Dahl said that Asian woman are often willing to take jobs that Faroese women will not do.

One woman's take
Tina (not her real name), is a Faroese woman in her 20s who chose to leave home and come to Denmark.

"I moved because I had been abused and couldn't talk about it at home," she told The Copenhagen Post. "I loved being in Denmark because I was anonymous and did not have to say hello to everyone I met on the street."

Tina said that the men on the Faroe Islands are at least part of the reason that the Faroese women leave.

"There is still an old-boy network of men that feel like they are in charge, but women are slowly getting into the game," she said.

But even though she hasn't yet returned to the islands, Tina says that there is still no place like home.

"Nothing moves me like the Faroese nature," she said. "We live one day at a time and are not slaves to the calendar."

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The Faroe Islands may not be the best destination for anyone looking to meet eligible women. Not because Faroese women are not attractive - they are - but because they are simply not there. Young Faroese women often leave the tiny north Atlantic island nation to study in places like Oslo, Copenhagen or London - and fully half never return home.

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Faroe Islands Work Towards Better Immigration Policy

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Faroe Islands Work Towards Better Immigration Policy

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This makes sense, given their steadily increasing population of foreigners.

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There's an old anecdote that most locals of Suðuroy, the southernmost of 18 mountainous islands that make up the Faroe Islands, are familiar with. It tells the story of how some time back in the 1980s, a black African man was spotted on the streets of Tvøroyri village. Such was the uniqueness of the sighting that the local newspaper ran a story on it.

Some three decades on, things are very different for the semi-autonomous nation that forms part of the Kingdom of Denmark. The Faroese are accustomed to seeing foreign nationals on their streets and in society, given that they now account for about 3 per cent of the 50,000 population - and the proportion is rising steadily.

Many of these newcomers have come from neighbouring Iceland, but more striking is the influx of migrants from southeast Asian countries such as the Philippines and Thailand. Today the roughly 1,300 immigrants in the Faroe Islands come from more than 80 different countries.

Vagar island, in the Faroes. Photograph: Joseph O'Connor

Mindful of the lessons learned by other European countries, the Faroese government has been quick to introduce integration measures to ensure these new arrivals can settle into a society that, for much of its history, has been a highly homogenous nation.

The municipality of Klaksvík, the second-largest town in the nation, was the frontrunner in implementing a policy that reflects this societal shift.

"When we started all this, it was because we had an opportunity that other countries didn't have," says Jógvan Skorheim, mayor of Klaksvík. "We knew that this [immigration trend] would be the future and that there would be more people from abroad coming to our country, so we had a golden opportunity to do something from the start and, most likely, to do it correctly."

Jógvan Skorheim, mayor of Klaksvík: "We knew that this [immigration trend] would be the future"

Globalised world

In 2014 the mayor and his municipal government established an integration policy called Klaksvíkar Kommuna (A City for Everyone), with the aim of enabling Klaksvík to adapt to a more diverse and globalised world. It includes the implementation of a curriculum for Faroese language learning for foreigners, organising various cultural events throughout the year and offering immigrants opportunities for entrepreneurship.

"When we developed this policy we connected with several of the foreigners who live in Klaksvík, asked them about how it was living there and what they think should be done differently," Skorheim explains.

One of those consulted was Kinga Eysturland, a Polish immigrant who has been living in the Faroe Islands for the past seven years and is a member of the Klaksvík Integration Committee, a body set up under Klaksvíkar Kommuna.

Kinga Eysturland, member of the Klaksvík integration committee. "The Faroese society is still very tribal"

While living and studying in Copenhagen, Eysturland met her husband, who is a naturalised Faroese. She now owns and runs a guesthouse and spa salon in Klaksvík, and explains that most immigrants in the Faroes regard language as the biggest barrier to integration, something she identifies with. Her biggest challenge is not being part of a Faroese family.

"My husband is originally Russian, which means that neither of us has any relatives in the Faroes," she says. "Having a Faroese spouse and being a part of a Faroese clan is crucial to be able to integrate successfully. The Faroese society is still very tribal, nepotism is common and without having any Faroese connections, things like getting a job or making local friends are difficult."

Rainer Latupeirissa, a construction worker from Indonesia who has been living in the Faroe Islands for 10 years having married a Faroese woman, echoes the sentiment about linguistic barriers.

"The biggest challenge has been the language. It is not even close to my mother tongue," he says. "My hope for the future is that the government's language course can be improved, even to the extent that people are able to get a Faroese language diploma of some level; perhaps to be able to use that to study further in the Faroes."

Danish remit

While the Faroe Islands governs the majority of its domestic affairs through its own parliament, immigration controls remain under the remit of Danish authorities. It's a role the Faroese government is seeking to acquire but, for now, it must settle for controlling who is allowed to work in the country but not who passes through its borders.

Poul Michelsen, the Faroese minister of foreign affairs and trade, says his government's integration policy is still very much a work in progress, despite having a head start on other European countries.

Poul Michelsen, Faroese minister of foreign affairs and trade

"If you are to ask me, 'are we doing enough?' I'd say no," he says. "It's about at least trying to update [the policy] and continue to do so in the future because, of course, the consequences of not [doing so] is what has happened in other countries and we don't want to experience that. We are aware of it, and we are aware that [immigrants] have been a very good support to society. They work hard, they are good citizens and we don't seem to have any kind of opposition to them."

Small numbers

The lack of any real opposition might come down to the fact that, at present, we are still talking about relatively small numbers. Perhaps it has something to do with the Faroes' own history of emigration, which gives locals an understanding of the plight of immigrants to their own shores.

According to Michelsen, the Faroese are among the most flexible workers in Europe and know a thing or two about having to relocate in order to find a better life.

Kallur Lighthouse on Kalsoy, an island in the Faroe Islands. Photograph: Joseph O'Connor

"We are very used to going abroad and also we have lots of people working in the navy and on oil rigs, working as fishermen and working on freight ships all over the world," he says. "So I think we are very much aware of how to adapt in that way. That's what gives us an understanding of why other people also want to come here."

While the flow of migrants to the Faroe Islands is increasing, the numbers remain manageable. What the government wants to ensure is that sufficient measures are in place to help these people integrate seamlessly into society. Michelsen, and others like him, view this immigration as something positive that will help enrich and develop Faroese society.

"It's important that we have people from different parts of the world," he says. "I see it as a quality. Of course, there is a limit for everything - so a good balance of people coming from other countries to the Faroes, that's the intention for us."

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Faroe Islands aim to avoid Europe's mistakes on immigration

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There's an old anecdote that most locals of Suðuroy, the southernmost of 18 mountainous islands that make up the Faroe Islands, are familiar with. It tells the story of how some time back in the 1980s, a black African man was spotted on the streets of Tvøroyri village.

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The perspectives of East Asian women moving to the Faroe Islands:

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Nestled between Norway and Iceland in the North Atlantic, the animal residents of the remote Faroe Islands outnumber its human inhabitants, with 80,000 sheep to its 50,000 people.

Due to limited opportunities and a limited gene pool, many local young women have chosen to move abroad over the past two decades, leading to a shortage of women in the Faroes.

So it is no wonder that women from the Philippines and Thailand face no objections when moving to the islands looking for a new life and the prospect of love.

With hundreds of women from Southeast Asia married to local men, the face of the traditional Faroe Islands is transforming into a more inclusive and multicultural one.

These Asian women rely on each other for moral support, friendship and help navigating their new lives. It's not always easy, but most of them are happy in the Faroes and feel it's a good place to raise their children.

"Here we are more safe, the Philippines is more dangerous, especially at night time.... I think Faroe Islands is the last paradise on earth," says Grace, who came to the Faroes six years ago.

For some, the cold, windswept Faroes is a paradise, for others, marriage may not have been written in the stars, but a welcoming new home is.
ALSO READ: More than a mail-order bride - The Asian women choosing life in the Faroes

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'Last paradise on earth': From Asia to the Faroes

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Nestled between Norway and Iceland in the North Atlantic, the animal residents of the remote Faroe Islands outnumber its human inhabitants, with 80,000 sheep to its 50,000 people. Due to limited opportunities and a limited gene pool, many local young women have chosen to move abroad over the past two decades, leading to a shortage of women in the Faroes.

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The Philippines' congress released an online poll this month garnering public opinion about same-sex civil unions. While this may not directly lead to legislation, it does influence the public agenda. However, LGBTQ groups such as the Lesbian and Gay Legislative Advocacy Network deem the poll insufficient expressing the nuances of the issue of same-sex marriage using a poll with three possible answers. In addition, the bill to legalize civil unions, they say, "... creates a distinction between married couples and civil partners' ... ," only further segregating LGBTQ individuals. It may be a while before the Philippines legalizes same-sex marriage, but the poll is a step to guide, but not control, public policy.

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It labeled an online survey on civil unions 'misleading and irresponsible'

Some of the many protestors at the SOGIE Equality Bill rally in Quezon City. | Photo: Twitter/@tomasinoweb

A coalition of LGBTI rights groups in the Philippines has slammed an online same-sex unions poll by the country's Congress.

It was 'misleading and irresponsible to ask for public opinion on a nuanced issue with such inadequate information and narrow choices' the Lesbian and Gay Legislative Advocacy Network (LAGABLAB) said.

'Our Congress should not decide on our rights solely on the basis of personal opinions or mere online polls ... Let our choices be informed and our voices be heard,' it also said in a Facebook statement.

The group also slammed Civil Partnership Bill currently in the House as failing to give equal rights.

'Are you in favor of the proposal in the House of Representatives which legalizes same-sex unions as a civil partnership in the country?' The poll asks.

Respondents can choose between three replies:

'Yes, because this will give equal civil rights to same-sex couples. The bill provides such couples with legal partnership status that will govern their property rights, custodial rights over children and adoption rights.'

'No, because the underlying intention is to legalize marriage between members of the same sex and I personally believe this is wrong.'

And:

'I am undecided.'

Civil Unions

Predominantly Roman Catholic, the Philippines does not grant LGBTI citizens equal rights.

A bill prohibiting discrimination based on sexual identity or gender identity is languishing in the country' senate.

Articles 1 and 2 of The Family Code of the Philippines defines marriage as between man and woman.

A judge on the Supreme Court in 2018 said the country's existing constitution and civil code could allow same-sex civil partnerships.

Former House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez filed a bill seeking the recognition of same-sex unions in October 2017.

But, LAGABLAB on Wednesday said it will not 'in any way be marriage equality'.

The bill 'creates a distinction between married couples and civil partners' the group said.

'It further creates a secondary status for LGBTQI couples - a dangerous consequence at a time when it is still legal to discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression.'

As of Thursday (23 May) morning, 211,399 people had cast their votes.

So far, 53% of people had voted 'yes'. Meanwhile, 46% had voted no. But, 0% said they were undecided.

Taiwan last week became the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage.

Got a news tip? Want to share your story? Email us .

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LGBT group in the Philippines slams Congress' online poll

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It labeled an online survey on civil unions 'misleading and irresponsible' Some of the many protestors at the SOGIE Equality Bill rally in Quezon City. | Photo: Twitter/@tomasinoweb A coalition of LGBTI rights groups in the Philippines has slammed an online same-sex unions poll by the country's Congress.

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Canada is doing many things to try and progress their ideas on transgender's rights and women's rights. There are huge controversies about parents deciding their child's fates.

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The Stream had an interesting article written by a motherwho explained what happened when she went to experts for help for her a daughter. Her daughter wanted everyone around her to treat her as if she were a boy. The experts didn't much care what the mother had to say, they just assumed that the child was the authority, and the parents were expected to toe the lie... or else.

She writes:

If you take your child to a clinic to seek help, affirmative care means the therapist must follow the child's lead. The professionals must accept a child's professed gender identity. In fact, this is the law in many states.

Under "conversion therapy" bans, questioning a child's professed gender identity is now illegal.

[...]Parents are encouraged to refer to him as their "daughter" and let him choose a feminine name. Teachers are told to let him use the girls' bathroom at school. Therapists will reassure parents that social transition is harmless and reversible.

[...]The "experts" tell parents that it is harmful to question their children's beliefs, that they must support their children's medical transition, which includes a lifetime dependence on hormones, and that if parents do not comply, their children will be at higher risk of suicide.

The medical personnel prescribed hormone altering drugs to the child:

Once the teenage years begin, affirmative care means giving young people cross-sex hormones. Girls as young as 12 are prescribed testosterone for lifetime usage, while boys are given estrogen.

These are serious hormonal treatments that impact brain development, cardiovascular health, and may increase the risk of cancer.

And it's not just drugs, it's surgery, too:

For girls, one standard procedure is called "gender-affirming top surgery," also known as a double mastectomy. They are performed on girls as young as 13 years old - otherwise healthy girls who believe they are transgender.

[...]There are also teenage girls undergoing radical hysterectomies in the name of gender identity.

Now, the first thing that occurred to me when reading this story was: what happens if the parents don't want to go along with this? And also, how did these pro-transgender non-parent actors even find out about it?

Canada

In Canada, transgender children can approach teachers in the government-run public schools, and medical personnel in the government-run health care system. And then those government workers can take the parents to the government-run courts to get the will of the secular left state imposed on the parents.

The Federalist first reported on the story in the last week of February:

Clark* first found out that his 12-year-old daughter Maxine was being treated as a boy by her school when he saw her new name in her class's grade seven yearbook. "Quinn" was the new name her counselor had helped her pick out, and Maxine's school district in Delta, British Columbia, Canada, had decided that "Quinn" should be treated, for all intents and purposes, as a boy.

According to education policy, parents have no right to know their child's "preferred sex, gender, or name" at school.

More:

Maxine's counselors at school ... referred Maxine and her mother, Sarah, to a "Dr." Wallace Wong - a psychologist and LGBT activist who predictably decided that Maxine should be referred to a children's hospital for testosterone injections when she was only 13. Not to be outdone, the children's hospital asked Maxine's parents for permission to begin injecting Maxine with testosterone on her very first visit. Clark said no and refused to sign.

From the middle of August until October, the hospital worked Clark over, trying to get his consent. When he finally refused, the hospital dropped a bombshell threat: simply put, they declared that they didn't need Clark's or Sarah's permission for that matter.

The Federalist later reported that the courts had sided with the government-run school and the government-run health care personnel against the parents.

Ohio

You might wonder what happens in America, if parents choose to fight the experts on the secular left.

Here's a recent example reported at the Daily Wire:

On Friday, Ohio parents were denied custody of their daughter for not being supportive enough of her alleged transgenderism.

The 17-year-old biologically female child identifies as a boy and claims she has suicidal thoughts over her parents' lack of support for her transgenderism (they won't, for example, call her by her new chosen male name). The parents were fighting for custody of their daughter back from the state in an effort to stop potential transgender hormone treatment.

The Hamilton County Judge, Sylvia Sieve Hendon, took the child away from the parents, so that the child could get transgender hormon replacement therapy.

I thought this part was very interesting:

The parents' Christian faith was used against them in the case by Donald Clancy of the Hamilton County Prosecutor's Office.

I looked at where Hamilton County is, thinking that it would be in a liberal city like Toledo or Cleveland, or even Columbus. But it's actually a suburb of Cincinnati, close to Indiana. I assume that the judge, like all government workers, is paid out of the money taken from peope like the parents in taxes. They're paying this judge to do this to them.

Be careful how you vote

In cases like this, I always like to remind Christians to remember how they vote. Many Christians think that a big secular government should be empowered to hand out welfare, stop global warming, provide free sex changes, free abortions and free contraceptives, etc. But they don't understand that a big secular government does not care about religious liberty, parental autonomy, or conscience rights. They care about redistributing taxpayer money to buy the votes of people who depend on government.

When the secular leftists control so much of society (the schools, the hospitals, regulations on business, and even regulating free speech!), it's harder and harder to be a Christian with integrity. Eventually, you're going to conflict with the secular left, because they're just everywhere. That's why Christians should never vote for bigger government. It increases the area of conflict, while simultaneously draining away the money we would need to defend outselves. Because bigger government requires higher taxes, and that means less of what you earn can be used to fight back against the secular leftists.

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Can parents with a transgender child expect help from counselors, teachers, doctors and judges?

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The Stream had an interesting article written by a motherwho explained what happened when she went to experts for help for her a daughter. Her daughter wanted everyone around her to treat her as if she were a boy. The experts didn't much care what the mother had to say, they just assumed that the...

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On election night 2015, when Justin Trudeau was running for the office of prime minister, he boldly declared himself a feminist. A month later, once in office, he assembled a cabinet that included an equal number of male and female ministers. When asked about his decision to appoint so many women, he famously quipped, "Because it's 2015."

For the most part, Canadians have loudly applauded our prime minister and his brand of unabashed feminism, making him an icon for gender equality on the international stage.
READ MORE: Redefining the f-word: What does feminism look like today?
It's reflected in the numbers, too. An Ipsos poll commissioned by Global News found that 61 per cent of Canadians believe that gender equality in our country has progressed in the last 25 years. Notably, those percentages rose to 65 in British Columbia and Ontario. (Alberta had the lowest number - 50 per cent.)

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But considering that women still make 74 cents to every dollar that a man earns and gender-based violence affects approximately half of all Canadian women, it begs the question of just how far we've come in terms of equality.

"It's important to recognize the hard-won gains of the past few decades and of our current government," says Maryam Monsef, Minister for the Status of Women. "We are fundamentally protected against discrimination under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which is unique to Canada. For the first time, the 2017 budget includes gender recognition which influences how we tax programs and policies. We've spent several nights this week in graduation ceremonies where more women than men are graduating and entering the workforce. That's all part of progress."

It's true that women are generally more educated than men in this country - women make up 60 per cent of university grads - and there is an influx of women into the labour market ( 82 per cent versus 65 per cent in the 1980s). But considering that women on average put in twice as many hours as men in unpaid work because they bear the brunt of child and elderly care, those rose-hued visions of a country based on equality start to change colour.

We have a significant wage gap

"Nearly half of all Canadians believe the wage gap is one of the biggest roadblocks to equality," says Paulette Senior, president and CEO of the Canadian Women's Foundation. "While one of the major strides we've made is that a lot more women graduate from post-secondary institutions, when it comes to accessing high-level jobs like vice-president, CEO and other key leadership positions, we're not there. Despite performing better in education, it hasn't resulted in women sitting at those key decision-making tables."

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In 2015, 12 per cent of board seats of TSX-listed companies were held by women and 29 per cent of the companies had one female director, while nearly half had no women on their boards at all. Of the 710 companies, only five reported having a board comprised of 50 per cent (or more) women.
WATCH BELOW: Gender equality in Canada
The gender wage gap is perhaps the broadest of issues that need addressing, especially since its repercussions are felt across various ages and social demographics. (Especially among Indigenous and racialized women and women with disabilities, who earn even less - 67 cents for every dollar, Senior says.)

"We know that women who are seniors are at higher rates of poverty because their pensions are lower and they live longer, so they have to stretch their money out for a longer period of time," says Jessica Mustachi, Ontario co-ordinator of Campaign 2000, a national educational movement to end child poverty.

She points to the wage gap as also impacting women's ability to enter the housing market, which is made even direr when a woman is in a violent situation and can't afford to distance herself from an abuser because she can't pay rent.

"Inequality will impact the violence rates and particular groups of people [i.e. those in a low-income situation] will be impacted by that," she says.

The effects of gender-based violence are far reaching

A survey conducted by the Canadian Women's Foundation in May found that four out of five Canadians believe the next generation of women is likely or more likely to experience sexual assault, and 49 per cent of respondents feared that the country will not make more progress in the area of gender equality.

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READ MORE: Bulk of funds for Canada's gender-based violence strategy going to centre of excellence
"There could be a number of things happening to result in this," Senior says. "It could be influenced by what's happening in the United States, or it could be what's happening in our own society. We still have judges in Canada who say outrageous things like you should keep your knees together to avoid being raped. It is perhaps a realization that we've taken things for granted in Canada."

Inaccessible child-care impacts the economy as much as it does women and children

Child-care costs in Canada are among the highest in the world, according to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, which forces some families to choose between having two working parents or one stay at home.

And since the bulk of child-care still largely falls to the woman - in 2010, women spent an average of 50.1 hours per week on child care versus 24.4 hours spent by men - it means fewer women in the workplace and a loss to the nation's economy. Between 1976 and 2015, mothers whose youngest child was under the age of six consistently had the lowest employment rates.

"Universally accessible, low-cost subsidized child-care needs to be adopted across the country. We can look to Quebec to see how it's working," says Sheila Block, senior economist at the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. "It not only lowers the cost of child-care but it also increases the quality. We know that not-for-profit child-care is really crucial to the safety and development of children."

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Block points out that already women put in twice as many hours as men in unpaid work.

"When government spending falls behind in health care and child care, the burden falls on women and hampers their part in the labour market," she says.
READ MORE: Child care costs in Canada: The most and least expensive cities
This is one area, Monsef says, where the current government is already making significant strides.

"The 2017 budget made a commitment of $7 billion to a National Framework on Early Learning and Child Care, which is historic for Canada. This includes a framework specifically for Indigenous families," she says.

Monsef also pointed to the successful implementation of the new Canada Child Benefit program and said it "recognizes that Canadian families don't come in one shape or form, including single mothers who are in need of support."

How can we effect more change?

With more women graduating from higher learning institutions, the hope is that they'll begin to populate the decision-making roles that can truly have an effect on gender parity.

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"We need to have more women on boards and heading up corporations," Senior says. "This is also a huge opportunity for Canada to take the lead globally on issues of gender equality. Our prime minister has declared himself a feminist and now he needs to back it up with action through public policy and resources to address these issues."

It's also an opportunity for the country to put more women in political positions.

"If you know a woman who would make a terrific representative for your community or municipality, ask her to run," Monsef says. "And then ask her 14 more times, because that's how long it could take to convince her she has what is needed."

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how much more money do men make than women

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Gender equality in Canada: Where do we stand today?

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On election night 2015, when Justin Trudeau was running for the office of prime minister, he boldly declared himself a feminist. A month later, once in office, he assembled a cabinet that included an equal number of male and female ministers. When asked about his decision to appoint so many women, he famously quipped, "Because it's 2015."

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New Article for Women Empowerment in Canada!!

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New Article for Women Empowerment in Canada!!

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Empowering women and girls and gender equality

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Our work to empower women and girls and promote gender equality in all our international development.

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Netherlands Relaxed Laws Surrounding Prostitution 

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Netherlands Relaxed Laws Surrounding Prostitution 

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There is a new petition gaining popularity in the Netherlands fighting against the acceptance and decriminalization regarding prostitution and the Red Light District. This petition, with 42,000 signatures is making its way to parliament currently by feminist organization as a way to argue that not penalizing buyers is inviting sex trafficking and giving women only a dangerous option to make money. There is debate surrounding how this will effect the workers themselves who argue this is their freedom and choice, but until the model is discussed by parliament this issue will continue to be discussed.

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Joyce Outshoorn

In 1999, the Netherlands was one of the first countries to legalize prostitution; it lifted the ban on brothels, recognized prostitution as sex work and delegated the regulation of the sex industry to local authority (Outshoorn ). Forced prostitution-including human trafficking-remained a criminal offence. People working in the sex industry were to become entitled to the social rights usually accruing to workers. Only EU citizens could work legally as prostitutes; those from the outside were not to receive work permits and thus become undocumented workers without rights and protection once their temporary visa expire. The new act took effect in 2000.

However, currently the Netherlands is reconsidering the act's reform; a new bill, the 'Law regulating prostitution and suppressing abuse in the sex industry' was introduced to parliament in 2009, with stricter measures to combat human trafficking and crime, but with more control of the sex industry and the sex workers. Sex workers, or prostitutes (the common term in Dutch public discourse), will be required to register with the authorities; the age to work in the sex industry is to be raised from 18 to 21 years, and clients will have to check whether the sex worker is registered and not an 'illegal' worker.

This article aims to provide insight into these two major changes in prostitution policy in the Netherlands by asking the following questions: How did the legalization come about in the Netherlands in 1999 and what was it intended to do? What led to its reconsideration in the 2000s? What are the aims of the new bill, and what consequences is it likely to have for sex workers? To answer these questions, I will examine the policy discourses frames of the major actors in the prostitution debates, set in the context of the history of the life cycle of the issue. From the reconstruction of the life cycle of the issue, the major actors were identified: cabinets, MPs, the Association of Dutch Municipalities, groups from the women's movement, the national police, experts (mainly academic researchers) and a number of journalists and current affairs writers. The sources of the texts with policy discourses are therefore diverse: the various policy papers and the bills produced by consecutive cabinets, the parliamentary records of the relevant debates, academic research on the 2000 enactment and the changes in prostitution in the Netherlands during the 2000s, as well as the most important literature produced by journalists and current affairs writers that played a role in the public debates of the period.

The Long Road to Legalization

In the nineteenth century, the Netherlands had a system of regulation of prostitution which allowed for brothels. Following a long abolitionist campaign of feminists and protestants, this regulation was repealed by the Morality Laws of 1911, which also criminalized abortion, contraceptives and homosexuality. Brothels were prohibited; pimps and others who lived off the earnings from prostitution were criminalized, but not the prostitutes, who were seen as women in need of redemption (De Vries ). The Morality Laws symbolized the new parliamentarian majority of the religious parties established in the early 1900s. However, the new abolitionist regime was never effective; in the course of the twentieth century, policy unofficially reverted to regulation when local authorities concentrated prostitution activities in certain areas and condoned 'private houses'. This was in line with the time-honored pragmatic approach of Dutch authorities to morally controversial issues in the absence of a moral consensus (Outshoorn ). As long as public order was not threatened, authorities turned a blind eye to what was going on.

Although older discourses had generally portrayed prostitutes as victims of poverty or as 'fallen' or 'sinful' women, and in the 1950s and 1960s as 'psychiatrically disturbed', prostitutes were never criminalized under Dutch law. They were in possession of their civil rights (in contrast to countries where they were regarded as vagrants and lost their citizenship, such as the right to vote), and they were not excluded from the basic state benefits of social security and statutory old age pension.

Until the 1960s, the Morality Laws went unchallenged. Secularization and modernization then led to the breakdown of the system of Verzuiling (pillarization) that had organized Dutch society vertically along the cleavages of religion and class. The religious political parties lost their parliamentary majority in 1967. The opponents of the Morality Laws seized the opportunity for repeal, framing their claims in terms of undesirable state intervention in the private life of citizens. After intense and prolonged debate, contraceptives and abortion became legal and homosexuality and lesbianism were decriminalized. Only the ban on brothels and pimping remained on the books. This enabled the authorities to intervene if they led to the disruption of public order.

However, municipal authorities could not cope with the consequences of the development of the new globalizing sex industry in the late 1970s, which spread beyond the traditional red light districts of the major cities. There also were the first signs of women being trafficked from abroad. The Rotterdam city authorities tried to regulate prostitution, only to discover that their attempts were struck down by the courts, which argued that one cannot regulate what is forbidden by law. The issue made it to the parliamentary agenda when political parties wanted to modernize the penal code in the early 1980s and rid it of archaic elements such as work camps for pimps. Local authorities, united in the powerful Association of Dutch Municipalities ( Vereniging van Nederlandse Gemeenten (VNG)) jumped at the opportunity to reform and demanded that the ban on brothels be lifted in order to regulate prostitution.

The demand for reform was strengthened by the strong feminist movement emerging in the late 1960s. In contrast to the feminist discourse in many other countries, Dutch feminists moved from a radical feminist discourse framing all prostitution as sexual violence to a pro-sex work position in the early 1980s, a framing familiar to them since the First World Whores Congress in Amsterdam in 1975. They distinguished 'forced' and 'voluntary' prostitution; only the latter was to be legalized, recognizing it as work. In alliance with feminists in government, they set three demands on the political agenda: lifting of the ban on brothels to improve the position of sex workers, residence permits for women who were trafficked so that they could testify against their traffickers and higher penalties for traffickers (Outshoorn : 186). Groups such as the Red Thread ( Rode Draad) (1986), originally set up as a trade union of sex workers, and the Foundation against Trafficking of Women ( Stichting tegen Vrouwenhandel (STV)) that aided victims of trafficking, were the prime movers of the feminist lobby.

The organization of the Red Thread was enabled by an old anti-abolitionist lobby (the Mr. de Graaf Foundation) and a small group of feminist activists who wanted to decriminalize prostitution (Verbeek : 13-14). The Red Thread has been in favor of recognizing prostitution as work and prostitutes' rights and fighting the stigma of the 'whore'. Lifting the ban on brothels was seen as an important step towards achieving sex workers' rights. The STV started as a support group with outreach services for trafficked women but soon became a vocal lobby for victims of trafficking and expert on immigration issues. Using a feminist discourse stressing the agency of women, it always embraced the pro-sex work position and rejected the idea that legal prostitution would increase trafficking. Its major demands were to lift the ban on brothels and residence permits for trafficked women, achieved in 1988 when the first regulation allowing for this was adopted (known as the B 9 - Vreemdelingencirculaire since 2000). The Netherlands does not, however, allow humanitarian asylum for those migrant women who have been trafficked and testified against their traffickers.

The new sex work discourse resonated with the broader discursive field which developed in the wake of the 1960s about sexual freedom; it also drew on widespread liberal ideas about individual rights. In the new discourse, 'prostitution becomes a sexual service or sex work, a profession a woman can enter out of free will. The prostitute can dispense of her body for the purpose of prostitution by contract, in which case the state should not intervene' (Outshoorn : 477). This resonance was a major factor in the policy change of 2000; liberals of various hues and the social democrats, who ascribed to the ideals of self-determination, could go along with sex work discourse. Between the feminist discourse and the market-oriented version of liberals, the major difference was the figure of the sex worker herself. For feminists, she was a person who needed rights to improve her position. Liberals used a gender-neutral market discourse which desexualized the people engaged in acts of prostitution (idem, 485). By treating both market parties as equal, they lost sight of the power relationships between the parties.

The Parliamentary Debate

Once on the political agenda, the road to reform proved rocky. The Christian parties in parliament might have lost their majority in 1967, but after merging into the Christian Democrat party ( Christelijk Democratisch Akkoord (CDA)) in 1980, the successor party occupied the pivotal position in cabinet coalitions as the largest party, ruling either with the left or the right to make up a parliamentary majority. It could thus veto any reform on moral issues. Its traditional discourse framed prostitution as a moral and social evil, prostitutes as victims, and those profiting from her as unscrupulous middlemen. Although the CDA wanted a limited reform so that authorities could do their job, the sex work frame was morally unacceptable for them.

The secular parties, however, drawing on the discourse of self-determination, adopted the distinction between voluntary and forced prostitution and embraced the pro-sex work position. Consequently, there could be no cabinet consensus on the issue. When higher penalties for traffickers and more precise definitions of the offence were enacted in 1993, the CDA managed to torpedo the abolishment of the brothel ban by removing the proposed distinction between forced and voluntary prostitution from the draft bill (Outshoorn : 194, 195). The First Chamber subsequently voted down the amputated bill.

However, the political opportunities for the reformers improved hugely when the CDA was ousted from power in 1994 (the first time that religious parties were not a member of the ruling coalition since 1918). The Liberal Party ( Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie), the Social Democrat Party ( Partij van de Arbeid) and the Social Liberals ( Democraten 66) formed the cabinet Kok I, the so-called Purple Cabinet. It drafted a new bill to lift the ban on brothels (HTK, 1996-1997, 25437, ( Opheffing Algemeen Bordeelverbod), nos. 1-3, 1 July 1997). Parliament passed it in 1999; it came into effect in 2000 (Staatsblad ). Voting split neatly along the religious/secular divide. The sex work discourse was not hegemonic; the Christian parties (with 26 % of the seats in the Second Chamber) stuck to their abolitionist position, and their traditional discourse had considerable support from the religious media and church-based organizations. However, a poll in 1997 showed that 74 % of the Dutch population regarded prostitution as work and 73 % in favour of lifting the ban on brothels (Brants : 628).

The New Prostitution Act

The basic tenet of the new act was the distinction between voluntary and forced prostitution. Its aims were to control and regulate prostitution, to protect minors from sexual abuse (for which the age of consent, normally 16, was raised to 18 years) and 'protect' (not 'improve') the position of prostitutes (Staatsblad ). It also aimed at cleaning up the sex business and ridding it of criminal elements by introducing licensing of sex clubs and brothels. Forcing a person into prostitution remained a criminal offence, and force included the use of deceit, coercion or abuse of authority. There was considerable support from the local authority as the legalization was seen as a realistic solution for a social problem. It also fit into the progressive Dutch discourse about tolerance, an 'enlightened nationalism' which included respect for gay rights, permissive drugs policy, a liberal abortion regime, legal euthanasia and since 2001 same-sex marriage. Sex workers were to get additional rights: the right to do work of their own choosing, to social insurance and the recognition of their right to sexual self-determination. There were obligations too; they would have to pay taxes (if they were known to the revenue services, they were already taxed) and social security contributions.

The act delegated the implementation to the municipalities, so that they could tailor it to local circumstances. But they could not prohibit prostitution in their jurisdiction (the so-called zero option, popular among the religious parties) as this would contravene the new penal code articles. Local authorities have the responsibility to see to the licensing of sex businesses, but often they leave the inspection of under age prostitution and documents of migrant sex workers to the police. Many municipalities try to retain control by zoning, using environmental planning to prevent sex businesses in certain parts of town and limiting the number of licenses to those sex businesses already existing before 2000. Local health and safety/fire regulation also apply to sex clubs and brothels, and compliance is prerequisite to obtaining a license (Outshoorn ).

The Problem of Trafficking

Trafficking arrived on the political agenda after pressure from feminists and the national women's policy agency. Originally, women were trafficked from Southeast Asia (notably Thailand and the Philippines), Latin America (Columbia and the Dominican Republic and Africa (Ghana); after the fall of the Berlin Wall, trade routes shifted to Central and Eastern Europe. Political demands were defining the offence more broadly to facilitate prosecution and raising the penalty from 5 to 6 years, so that offenders could be held in remand custody. The articles in the penal code on human trafficking were revised in 1993, with a more precise definition of the offence and higher penalties for traffickers (Outshoorn : 195). The articles were framed in a gender-neutral way, and trafficking remained defined as forcing a person into prostitution.

In the parliamentary debates on trafficking around that period, foreign women were portrayed as victims of unscrupulous traffickers tricked into prostitution. This framing was tied into a discourse about the divide between the rich and poor countries: female prostitutes from the 'Third World' were driven by poverty. Gradually, a more insidious edge crept into this discourse when Christian Democrats in parliament linked trafficking to illegal migration, opening a space for 'false' victims, who used the loopholes in the law to work illegally as a prostitute in the Netherlands (HTK, 1991-1992, TK 81, pp. 4994, 4995, 20 May 1992; p. 5001, 21 May 1992). At the same time they also started to argue that all women from non-EU countries working in the sex industry were victims of forced prostitution. Therefore in their view, the best remedy to stop trafficking was to prevent non-EU women from working in the Dutch sex industry in the first place. This reasoning eradicated the figure of a woman migrant deciding to work as a sex worker in the West and who might make use of intermediaries to enter the country-with her consent. But then she was 'illegal' and ought to be deported.

Successive cabinets continued to refuse work permits on similar grounds, also arguing there was no national interest at stake which normally justifies extending work permits to non-EU persons. They were backed by a recurring majority in parliament; the parliamentary records show many references to the fear of foreign prostitutes entering the country which would subvert immigration policies. The fear resurfaced in the memorandum to the bill to lift the brothel ban, as one of the aims of the bill was to halt 'the stream of foreign prostitutes' (HTK 1996-97, 25437 ( Opheffing Algemeen Bordeelverbod), no. 3 (Memorie van Toelichting), 1 July 1997, p. 13). The refusal to grant work permits was also generally justified by the aim of stopping the trafficking of women; permits would encourage traffickers to transport women into the country.

Categories of Sex Workers

Subsequent implementation of the act resulted in the construction of no less than four categories of prostitutes. First of all, there is the ethnically undefined Dutch sex worker who willingly chooses to work in prostitution and is the bearer of civil and social rights. Secondly, there are the prostitutes from other EU countries who can move freely in and out of the Netherlands and work in the sex industry. This category split into two categories after the accession to the EU of the Baltic States, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 2004, making a third category who could only legally work as prostitutes if they were independent sex workers and not employees. This distinction did not apply to the Western European sex workers. In 2007, sex workers from the new EU members were accepted on an equal footing with the older EU member workers, but the third category was now filled with sex workers from Bulgaria and Romania when both countries joined the EU in that same year. Like their predecessors, these women are allowed to work as independent sex workers, but to date not as employees.

Fourthly, there is the category of non-EU women in the sex industry, working illegally with no rights, but they can be victims of trafficking or clients of human smugglers or tourists who stay after their visa run out-the enterprising migrants. They have no rights or protection, and because of their undocumented status, they are open to blackmail by employers and pimps.

The number of sex workers has always been open to debate. Vanwesenbeeck () estimated that there were about 20,000 to 25,000 in the Netherlands and in parliamentary debates of the 1990s, the figure of 30,000 circulated. Asante and Schaapman () estimated there were around 15,000-20,000, half of which are of foreign origin. In 2009, there were an estimated number of 5,150 to 7,660 sex workers in Amsterdam (Van Wijk et al. : 9), but there are no recent reliable figures for the whole country.

Early Reports

The debate about the effects of the new act started almost straightaway, given the necessity of working out the details of the implementation. A first evaluation was already conducted in 2001-2002. The researchers of the Centre for Scientific Research and Documentation (WODC) of the Ministry of Justice, and their associates took care in pointing out that it was too early to say if the legalization was having a positive impact (Daalder ), but generally they were moderately optimistic. It emerged that local councils 'froze' the number of brothels in their precincts, not allowing new competitors to the market. Some orthodox protestant councils refused to license any sex business. Many prostitutes had little idea of their rights or duties, and attempts to reach them were inadequate. The licensing system was not yet in place in all municipalities, leading to displacement of criminalized prostitution such as under-age or undocumented prostitutes to tardy municipalities. Fieldwork in the non-licensed sector noted instances of human trafficking and coercion, but the most frequent infringement of the law was the prostitute without a work permit, required by law for non-EU citizens (Goderie et al. ; Daalder : 41). Daalder also reported a shift to non-regulated types of sex work, such as sauna's, (camper) cars and bars (idem, 44). Although the reports pay attention to countries of origin of the prostitutes, all reports are 'color blind'.

Looking specifically into the social position of prostitutes working in the licensed sector for the evaluation, Vanwesenbeeck et al. () reported that sex workers had considerable autonomy but wondered if this finding was not due to socially desirable answers. If the women are independent workers, brothel owners do not have to deal with income tax or social insurance contributions for disability and unemployment. Given abundant evidence of control by managers (e.g. about dress, working hours and the percentage of the earnings going to the managers-indicative of the relation of employer over employee), the question arose how many of the women were really independent workers. Most sex workers and managers were in favour of work permits for non- EU workers.

The National Reporter on Human Trafficking produced a first annual report in 2002 (Mensenhandel ). It noted market shifts; there was not so much a displacement of prostitution from licensed brothels to street prostitution, as a burgeoning of escort services and services provided by sex workers in their homes. Both types of sex work were hard to tackle under the new licensing system. Rotterdam and Amsterdam also had notorious zones for street workers where organized and petty crime was rife and numerous signs indicated that many of the prostitutes working there were undocumented and sometimes victims of trafficking. These zones were closed in 2003 and 2004.

In the later reports of the National Reporter on Human Trafficking, there is a noticeable increase of the cases of trafficking. In 2001, 284 cases were reported, and in 2009, 909 (Mensenhandel : 100). The higher figures are partly due the broader definition of the offence since 2005, when the incidence of forced labor in sectors such as horticulture and the restaurant business were included. The new article (237a penal code) also recoded forced prostitution as human trafficking, regardless of whether national borders had been crossed (Mensenhandel ). It is therefore not surprising that since 2005 the most frequent country of origin of victims of trafficking was the Netherlands itself, increasing to 39 % of all cases in 2008, with a slight decline to 26 % in 2009) (Mensenhandel : 101).

The research showed that the legalization led to the construction of two sectors of prostitution. Firstly, there was the licensed sector of prostitutes where under-age prostitutes, and undocumented workers were generally disappearing because of the licensing system and inspection by the police or local authority. Prostitutes working here were perceived to be white Dutch citizens, with other 'European' women making up the numbers. Secondly, there was the non-licensed sector, consisting of a variety of sex services, where pimping and coercion were still occurring and many prostitutes were 'illegal' or minors. The women working here were taken to be mainly 'foreign', coming from Eastern Europe and West Africa, who had taken the place of Latin American or Thai and Philippine women of earlier decades.

The Public Debate

Although the WODC evaluations were amply reported in the press, public indignation was first roused by several popular publications in the mid-2000s, which cast doubts on the official findings. First of all, a social democrat member of the Amsterdam City council, Karina Schaapman came out as an ex-prostitute by publishing a book about her past (Schaapman ). She made the case that most prostitutes do not choose to go into prostitution, but are more or less pressured into it because of drug addiction, debts or a past (sexual) abuse. With her colleague Amma Asante, she published a policy report for her party (Asante and Schaapman ) that denied the existence of voluntary prostitution (save for a very small group of sex workers) (idem, 3). Although they assured that they did not want to repeal the 2000 settlement, they explicitly declared it 'bankrupt'. The position of prostitutes had not improved, and many prostitutes had moved to 'invisible types' of prostitution, such as escort services and trafficking, violence and pimping were still widespread (idem, 5). The authors estimated that half of all prostitutes in the Netherlands were of 'foreign' descent (idem, 10) and driven to do the work by economic factors and therefore willing to work under bad conditions and for low wages. Exiting prostitution is difficult, as many have debts or do not speak Dutch. There is considerable drug abuse and many prostitutes have no health care insurance, while they run the risk of STDs and unwanted pregnancy. Asante and Schaapman's major recommendations were to license the escort services, criminalize pimping once more as traffickers of humans and raise the age of consent for sex work from 18 to 21 years. In 2007, Schaapman took up the issue of clients in another book (Schaapman ), framing the buying of sexual services as 'not normal' and casting further doubts about current policies. Her work set off the campaign of the leading social democrat alderman Asscher and his fellow party member Cohen, the mayor of Amsterdam, to clean up the Red Light district under the guise of fighting forced prostitution but also to gentrify the area and attract more upscale tourists (Asscher ; Weitzer : 159-166). The Amsterdam party had direct access to the national government when the social democrats formed the new cabinet Balkenende IV with the CDA and the Christian Union in 2007. In its coalition pact, the new cabinet promised a new and stricter prostitution law (Regeerakkoord ).

Secondly, public concern was fuelled by a series of publications. Journalist Ruth Hopkins wrote her 'Ik laat je nooit meer gaan. Het meisje, de vrouw, de handelaar en de agent '('I will never let you go. The girl, the woman, the trafficker, and the police'), in . It received widespread publicity, notably in the quality evening paper NRC Handelsblad that devoted a whole special to her findings (NRC Handelsblad, M bijlage, 7 November 2005). Her study is a strong indictment of how the authorities, notably the police, fail to deal with the trafficking of women. Although Hopkins is critical of the moralist view usually reserved for trafficking and of the estimates of the numbers of victims, her own construction of trafficking, focusing mainly on women from the Balkan, reproduces the classic narrative of how young women's hopes for a better life are fostered by ill-intending intermediaries who transport them over borders and coerce them to work in a brothel. This is ironic, as she accuses 'politics' of utilizing the simplistic story to strengthen 'Fortress Europe' and legitimate tough migration policies (idem, 2005: 242). Work permits for migrants who want to work in prostitution is, in her view, the best way of stopping trafficking of women, and it would dissolve the categories of the innocent victim and the guilty prostitute. A serious anthropological dissertation, based on extensive fieldwork among Latin American women who migrated to the Netherlands to work in the sex industry for economic reasons (Janssen ), received scant attention in the media.

Thirdly, there was the moral panic about 'loverboys'-young men forcing vulnerable young girls into prostitution, giving rise to new welfare projects to 'save' them (Bovenkerk et al. ). The phenomenon led to much media attention, and a book by a victim (Mosterd ) sold more than 200,000 copies (it was later exposed as a fraud). The research of Bovenkerk et al., however, discovered few 'loverboys', but abundant evidence of regular pimping. In a deconstruction of the term, the researchers show how 'loverboys' are portrayed as young men, usually of Antillean or Moroccan descent, who set out to talk young white girls into prostitution. The researchers argue that pimping is no longer the preserve of white Dutch men who have moved on to more profitable criminal activities such as drugs trading. Pimping has become a niche for deprived young migrants for making a career in crime; the vulnerable white young girls are reminiscent of the scare of 'white slavery' of previous days. Bovenkerk et al. conclude that the aims of the 2000 enactment have not been met and that, given the omnipresence of pimping, there is little to suggest that prostitutes are working under improved conditions.

Finally, two researchers of the Red Thread, Altink and Bokerman () did extensive fieldwork in licensed brothels but also irregular locations as Thai massage parlors, escort services and pick-up bars, to see if the working conditions of sex workers had improved. The Red Thread collected addresses of 633 of the estimated 800 sex businesses in operation; the researchers visited about half of those still in operation in 2005 (idem, 20). Their results show that proper working conditions are nearly non-existent and prostitutes still very dependent employees and hardly ever independent workers. Many have no legal residence, making them vulnerable to coercion and blackmail. The Red Thread still supported the legalization, but only under strict conditions, such as the upholding of labor law, proper monitoring by municipalities and stopping criminals from investing in the sex industry, and the right to bodily integrity. The Red Thread also investigated Thai massage parlors, often a cover for prostitution (Altink ). Despite its uncertain funding, the Red Thread has kept up lobbying parliament on the issue of the pending legal changes, notably on the point of the registration of sex workers and the criminalization of the client. However, it lost its ally STV, when the latter had to merge into a semi-state centre of expertise on human trafficking, CoMensha, thus losing its independence to lobby and its status as a part of the feminist movement. Feminist lawyers of the Association for Women and the Law Clara Wichmann have stepped in the protests by actively lobbying against the proposed Law regulating prostitution (Brief aan de Eerste Kamer, 11 April 2011).

The Second Evaluation

The second evaluation by the WODC took place in 2005-2006, and it concluded that the licensing system was now in place, regularly monitored, with little indication that the sex trade had moved to the non-licensed sector (Daalder : 11, ). The researchers did not rule out that the market was shifting to the Internet or that the more traditional venues of prostitution, such as brothels, were in decline because of the weaker economy. Daalder concluded that some of the aims of the 2000 repeal had been achieved, such as the disappearance of under-age prostitutes and undocumented workers in the licensed part of the sex industry. At the same time, however, some of the reports on which she based her conclusions, showed that there was still much amiss (Dekker et al. ; Biesma et al. ). The rights of sex workers had not improved; forced prostitution and pimping were still recurring phenomena despite the fact that trafficking had become more difficult by improved law enforcement. Prostitutes had not become independent workers, although the majority of them maintained they were (Dekker et al. : 82). This was to oblige the club owners and managers wanting to avoid the legal responsibilities of employers.

Pimping occurred in the escort services, in window prostitution and among women working from the home-all types of sex work in which it is easy to control women-and did not seem to have declined. A major loophole in the new regulations is that non-licensed sex clubs and escort services can easily move to municipalities where licensing requirements are non-existent or lenient, and the existence of shady businesses such as massage parlors, swing clubs and sauna clubs is hardly covered by local regulation. Dekker et al. concluded that, although prostitution had not become 'normal work', in the licensed sector, the quality of labor conditions was not 'structurally bad' despite the existing power relations on the job (idem, 80).

Biesma et al. () noted a decline in legal prostitution facilities, but a growth of the non-licensed sector of escort agencies, sex clubs for couples and sex saunas. Street prostitution did not increase. They encountered some undocumented prostitutes from outside the European Economic Area, but little evidence of a larger underground illegal sector or any large contingent of minors working in the sex industry. The findings on trafficking concurred with those of the National Reporter of those years.

Although the research noted the countries of origin of prostitutes, making it possible to chart shifting patterns of migration, it did not comment on the racial or ethnic composition of the work force, nor did it question the categorization of sex workers resulting from the legalization. This most likely reflects the interests of the commissioning agent, the Ministry of Justice, and not the quality of the research, which is up to academic standards. It should be noted that none of the researchers, including independent academics such as Bovenkerk et al. () and Wagenaar (), wanted to end the legalization, but have argued for better implementation of the existing rules and prioritizing the costs in the police budget. From the academic research, one can also draw the conclusion that not granting work permits to non-EU sex workers leaves them open to blackmail and coercion into poor working conditions and bad pay. In this way, policy actually creates the bad working conditions. Moreover, the emphasis on trafficking and vulnerable young victims has the effect of shifting the attention away from these conditions and the lack of prostitutes' social rights. Symptomatic is the scant attention these issues received in the recent parliamentary debates on the proposed Law regulating prostitution (see paragraph 5.b).

The KLPD Report

The strongest indictment of the situation came in 2008 when the investigative unit of the national police published a report on human trafficking during a widely publicized case of three Turkish traffickers who ran a major prostitution network in three cities, including Amsterdam (KLPD ) (Originally known as the Sneep case, it is now usually called the 'Saban B.' case after its prime mover). At least 78 women can be regarded as the victims of the gang (idem, 11). Notable was that the majority came from the Netherlands and Germany; the others were generally from EU countries such as Ireland, Bulgaria and the Czech Republic. The investigation reported many instances of severe violence against the women, including forced tattooing, coerced cosmetic surgery and even cases of forced abortion. The traffickers had operated quite openly in the licensed sector for several years, leading the researchers to investigate how this could have happened.

To analyze this question, the researchers examined the entire process from the first signals of forced prostitution, for instance by a prostitute in a contact with a social welfare or health care worker or a client, to local authority granting licenses and residence permits to workers, the police who take up a signal of trafficking and report to their superiors, and finally the public prosecution and the courts. The report shows how there are barriers to signaling abuse at each stage of the entire process. Intriguing is a tentative explanation provided by the KLPD team for the failure to signal coercion and force; any potential observer may be cross-pressured by conflicting interests and turn a blind eye (idem, 104-10). Prostitutes want the coercion to end but will not report from fear of deportation; clients might want to help but also want to have sex; club owners and managers' overriding concern is turnover, and they profit from low labor costs despite the risk of contravening regulations; social workers hesitate reporting, possibly jeopardizing their contact with the victim; local authorities work under pressure and want to avoid fuss; police, faced by performance measurement, are tempted to take up cases which are less time consuming and easier to prove; the public prosecutor worries whether the witnesses will turn up or the case holds in court and may abstain from prosecuting.

The KLPD report stressed that legalization had not ended abuse in the prostitution sector. Monitoring and regulation were no guarantee that women do not work under threat of coercion. According to the preface, 'the criminal investigation exudes threat, violence, fear and dependency. It is an illusion that a clean normal sector has emerged' (idem, 8). The evidence emerging from the Sneep case clashed with 'the dominant image of an almost cleansed prostitution branch' (idem, 10), an image the researchers ascribed to earlier police reports but also to the work of the WODC teams.

The KLPD report had two important effects. Firstly, it questioned the distinction between the licensed and non-licensed sector, one supposedly clean and the other criminal. Secondly, it also overturned the distinction between the emancipated prostitute from the EU and the sorry victims from non-EU countries, as most of the trafficked women turned out to be EU citizens, notably from the Netherlands and Germany. The report received widespread publicity; later one of the KLPD team further fuelled public and parliamentary debate by publishing a book about his experiences in investigating forced prostitution (Werson ). Another recent publication by two journalists, although extending its scope to forced labor in general, draws extensively on the KLPD reports and comes out in favour of better implementation of existing regulation as well as supporting the higher age of consent for prostitution and controlling the escort services (Roessingh and Ramesar ).

Although there is no recent public opinion poll on attitudes towards prostitution and its regulation, the recurring media attention to all the reports, books, articles, events and incidents have in all likelihood led to a shift in public opinion about the regulation of prostitution in the 2000s.

Back to the Cabinet Agenda

In the first years after the legalization, the Christian Democrat/Liberal/Social Liberal cabinet Balkenende II went along with the idea that it was too early to pronounce judgment on the new situation (e.g. TK 2002-2003, 25437, no. 30. Brief Minister van Justitie, 21 February 2003). However, the recurrent publicity about the persistence of trafficking of women and the 'loverboy' panic led to a renewed framing of sex workers as young girls as victims of abuse and trafficking as organized crime. This was picked up by christian democrats, orthodox protestants and the law-and-order liberals in parliament, who started to call for measures against 'youth prostitution' involving 'vulnerable young girls' or children. The definition of 'youth' or 'child' varied in parliamentary debate. The legal age for defining minors in the Netherlands is 18, which is also the age of consent for sex work, while for sex in general it is 16 years. But in the new discourse, 'very young prostitutes' were all sex workers under 23 (TK 2002-2003, 25437, 25437, no. 31. Brief Minister, 13 May 2003, p. 12; (TK 2008-2009, 28638, no. 39. Verslag Algemeen Overleg Vaste Kamercommissie Justitie, 22 December 2008, p. 7; p. 13). At a later stage, christian and liberal MPs also came along with 'slightly mentally handicapped girls' in prostitution to lend further urgency to the issue (TK 2008-2009, 28638, no. 39, Verslag Algemeen Overleg Vaste Commissie Justitie, 22 December 2008, p.7; p. 11). No evidence, however, was found for this claim.

Given the publicity and parliamentary pressure, prostitution returned to the cabinet agenda in 2007, when the christian democrats, social democrats and christian unionists formed a new cabinet (Balkenende IV) and included the issue in their cabinet pact. Prostitution was framed as a 'breeding place' for crime, and penalties for both undocumented workers and clients, as well as setting up exit programs for women wanting to leave the trade, were proposed (Regeerakkoord : 35).

This opened the debate on revising the 1999 act. The christian democrats began to argue that 'the romantic expectations about the lift of the ban on brothels in 2000 have led to nothing' (TK 2008-2009, 28638, no. 39, Verslag Algemeen Overleg Vaste Commissie Justitie, 22 December, p. 30) and demanded a higher age limit for sex work as well as more exit programs for prostitutes. The social democrats, although they rejected the youth framing by pointing out most prostitutes are adult women, went along with the victim discourse by stating that 'thousands' of women were a victim of coercion into prostitution (TK 2008-2009, 28638, Mensenhandel, no. 44, Verslag Algemeen Overleg Vaste Commissie Justitie, 13 July 2009, p. 2).

In the debates, the emphasis on youth prostitution and the link with organized crime shifted the spotlight from the older discourses which turned 'Third World' women into either victims of trafficking by definition or as calculating migrants entering the country illegally, to Eastern European victims (making the victim change color) while at the same time 'coloring' traffickers by emphasizing their Turkish or Balkan roots. Interestingly, the new articles on human trafficking in the penal code of 2005 (formulated to comply with the 2000 UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons) redefined forced prostitution as forced labor and no longer tie trafficking to the crossing of national borders. While the penal code now obliterates boundaries, nationalities, ethnicities and gender (it talks about 'persons'), many of the public and the politicians continue to see 'white girls and young women' and 'Balkan and Turkish gangsters'.

The New Bill 'Regulation of Prostitution and Suppression of Abuse in the Sex Industry'

The promised new bill was introduced in parliament in 2009 by the cabinet Balkenende IV (TK 2009-2010, 32211, Wet regulering prostitutie en bestrijding misstanden sex branche, 11 November 2009). It was adopted by the new minority liberal/christian democrat cabinet Rutte, with the support of the far right Freedom Party, when it came to power in 2010. The bill's major aim is to regulate prostitution in order to fight human trafficking, crime and abuse in the sex industry. To achieve this, it proposed a licensing regime of all forms of prostitution with uniform regulation across all communities (but keeping the option of a local ban open) and the registration of prostitutes. Licensing is also to apply to the escort services. The bill also proposed to raise the age for sex work to 21 years. If clients use the services of non-documented workers, they are liable to a fine, so as to make them 'personally responsible'. A more liberal regime to allow non-EU residents to work in the sex industry was opposed on the familiar grounds that it would make for more trafficking. The registration of prostitutes, with penalties for failing to do so-an unprecedented shift in Dutch prostitution policy-and several measures to clarify the difference between self-employment and wage work, were included to enable sex workers to work independently. Finally, the bill proposed extra measures for exit options for those who want to leave prostitution. In the words of the Liberal minister of justice: 'By the introduction of a compulsory licensing system in combination with compulsory registration and the national register of escort services, an almost closed administrative system is erected that can improve the fight against abuses in the sex industry and the judicial suppression of forced prostitution' (TK, 2010-2011, 51-8-60, Bestrijding misstanden sex branche, 10 February 2011).

Although both cabinets have made revisions of the text following committee debate, the major intentions were more or less unchanged by the time it was debated in plenary by the Second Chamber in spring 2011. There was consensus about the purposes of the bill among the parliamentary parties, none of which contested the dominant framing. The parties differed in their opinions about the 1999 act: the religious parties held it to be a failure, while the secular parties still supported the legalization and ascribed its shortcomings to failing law enforcement and loopholes in the original. Across the board many feared that the new bill would be the erection of a 'paper reality' of administrative measures which would prove to be ineffective.

The major bone of contention during the debates was the registration of the sex workers which aimed at preventing forced prostitution by establishing a contact between local authority and sex worker to check whether she was doing the work out of free will. But the registration is also about control; in the words of the minister for justice, 'Compulsory registration increases the visibility and the grip on the sex sector and retrieves prostitutes from anonymity' (idem, 51-8-59). All the secular parties objected to registration on the grounds of the right to privacy. Clients have to ask for the registration pass of their sex worker, otherwise they are also liable to prosecution. After opposing that the pass would disclose the sex worker's real identity to the client, the minister retracted the pass, but not the registration (TK, 2010-2011, 32211, no. 30, Derde Nota van Wijziging, 10 February 2011). This leaves open the question how a client is then supposed to check whether the sex worker was registered or not; an issue which has been left to later regulation.

The raising of the age of consent for sex work to 21 years was less controversial, although the left-wing parties and the Social Liberals had doubts about its effectiveness in curbing forced prostitution. The licensing of escort services and the harmonization of local regulation was generally supported, although there was debate whether municipalities could forbid prostitution outright (the 'zero option', amendment accepted) and whether home sex workers had to have a license like sex businesses (amendment not accepted) (EK 2010-2011, 32221 no. A, Gewijzigd voorstel van wet, 29 March 2011) The social rights of sex workers were only discussed at the last stage of the debates, during which the cabinet promised to take away the obstacles to their right to work. It also promised to extend exit programs for prostitutes, a favorite of the religious parties, but also supported by the social democrats.

Despite the reservations of the secular parties, only the Green Left party and the Social Liberals voted against the bill, so that it received a generous majority (TK, 2010-2011, 26 March 2011). Noteworthy is the shift in position of the Socialist and the Social Democrat party, who had both voted in favor of lifting the ban on brothels in 1999, but now went along with the new framing. The newcomer Freedom Party, who originally tabled raising the age of consent for sex work, sided with the religious parties; its discourse about victims, vulnerable young girls, the prevalence of 'loverboys' and lusting clients is little different from that of the Orthodox Christian parties.

The bill has received its first reading in the First Chamber, where most parties were highly critical, doubting whether the bill will actually achieve its aims and if the proposed registration does not contravene the right to privacy (EK 2011-2012, 32211, D, Nader Voorlopig Verslag, 13 December 2011). The minister of justice still has to respond to the critique before it can be taken to the final vote. Complicating the issue is that the cabinet Rutte has only 37 of the 75 seats in the chamber, making it dependent on the opposition to pass the bill. The First Chamber does not have the right to amend bills and must therefore either pass or fail the bill in its entirety. It remains to be seen whether the First Chamber, a house of review traditionally strong on constitutional rights and legal technical issues, will find enough justification to fail it.

The Netherlands legalized prostitution in 1999 as the old articles in the penal code, which forbade brothels and profiting from the gains of prostitution (but did not criminalize the prostitute), no longer sufficed to control the globalizing sex industry in the last decades of the twentieth century. Local authority could not curb the excesses, as the courts struck down any attempt at regulation as contravening the penal code. The national association of the municipalities (the VNG) demanded the lift of the ban on brothels, so that local authority could regulate the sex industry, a demand picked up by parliament in the early 1980s. The new feminist movement developed the new framing of prostitution as work and the prostitute as a modern and emancipated sex worker. This proved compatible with the liberal discourse on the issue, favouring individual choice and treating the sex business as a normal business, and with the feminism of the Left. In this way, it became the dominant discourse among the secular parties. When the Christian Democrats-opposed to legalizing prostitution-were ousted from power in 1994, the secular Purple cabinets (1994-2002) seized the opportunity to legalize prostitution, with a view to regulating in a pragmatic way. In 1999, the new act was passed, with the voting neatly split along the secular/religious cleavage in parliament. Implementation of the new act was delegated to local authority, responsible for health and safety requirements, and sex workers became eligible for social rights as well as for paying taxes and social insurance.

However, consecutive evaluations of the new act in the 2000s showed that the new system did not solve a number of serious problems in the sex industry. Although there was now a licensed sector where few minors or undocumented workers worked, there was considerable displacement to the footloose escort service branch and evidence that abuse of sex workers and human trafficking was still around. The Sneep case showed that even in the licensed sector forced prostitution occurred and that its victims were mainly Dutch and EU women and not the stereotypical poor girls from Eastern Europe. The 'numbers' question is unsolved and remains contentious in public debate.

Important also in changing public opinion has been the widespread publicity on the trafficking of women in the popular media and the 'loverboy' panic, leading to a renewed discourse about young female victims which eclipsed the image of the modern consenting sex worker. Opponents of the legalization at first found willing ears in parliament among the religious parties. Window of opportunity was the coming to power of new cabinet Balkenende IV in 2007, when all three coalition partners ascribed to a new framing of the issue as the trafficking of (young) women and the need to fight organized crime. The fear of illegal migration played a role in revising the law but so did the continual publicity about forced prostitution and its victims. The new framing is compatible with the policy discourse of the current right wing government about law-and-order and migration, as signified by its adoption of the bill of the preceding cabinet. The proposed law, with its intricate system of licensing, registration of prostitutes and criminalization of the client if he uses the services of a non-registered sex worker, has been passed by the Second Chamber in 2011. It is uncertain if the First Chamber will accept the bill.

For the rights of sex workers, the legal changes do not augur well. The bill does little to remedy the lack of social rights, and the stigma of sex work remains intact, so that many sex workers prefer to remain anonymous. The proposed registration of prostitutes and the new age barrier to work are new infringements of their civic and social rights. The right to work is 16 years in the Netherlands, and registration with the (local) state is an obligation which goes beyond the customary registration of businesses and professionals at the chamber of commerce for tax purposes. The registration is a real danger to their right to privacy, more so, as the Dutch state has a bad record in safeguarding the privacy rights of its citizens (Kagie ). Undocumented workers remain open to blackmail because of their illegal status. The new legislation will make it harder for them to find work, as the client will run a risk using their services. The cabinet will not extend humanitarian asylum status to trafficked women or grant work permits to non-EU prostitutes. The categories of sex workers created in 2000 will therefore stay intact, although the occupants of the categories have different nationalities and ethnicities than in the 1990s, a consequence of the enlargement of the EU. It has to be concluded that the state, by its slack implementation of the 2000 act and lack of attention to social rights in the proposed bill, is responsible for creating the bad working conditions, intimidation and blackmail itself.

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Policy Change in Prostitution in the Netherlands: from Legalization to Strict Control

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Joyce Outshoorn In 1999, the Netherlands was one of the first countries to legalize prostitution; it lifted the ban on brothels, recognized prostitution as sex work and delegated the regulation of the sex industry to local authority (Outshoorn ). Forced prostitution-including human trafficking-remained a criminal offence.

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I came across this article that discussed a situation during the Israeli election a few months back where a woman working at the polling station was basically forced to go on a “lunch break” because a rabbi would not vote in her presence. It’s a little ridiculous. https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.timesofisrael.com/woman-removed-from-ultra-orthodox-polling-station-so-top-rabbi-could-vote/amp/

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Haredi protest stopped by Israeli women 

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Haredi protest stopped by Israeli women 

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I thought this was an interesting and pretty clever way for them to handle the situation https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.timesofisrael.com/jerusalem-haredi-protesters-flee-after-women-strip-down-to-bras/amp/

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I found this article to be significant because it shows the good that can come when people decide to see past their religion (something I’ve come to view as a roadblock for Israel in various aspects) https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.haaretz.com/amp/israel-news/.premium-with-transgender-s-suicide-israel-s-lgbtq-and-religious-worlds-come-together-1.7310505

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It is also known as the “Law for the Protection of Life and Family," they are trying to convince people that it is to protect families, but in reality, the law is meant to take away women's and the LGBTQ community's right. If the law passes abortion and miscarriages will be criminalized. It would also raise the maximum sentence for abortion from 3 to 10 years and would make it a crime to engage in “the promotion of abortion,” which could mean that the provision of sexual and reproductive information, counseling, or referrals might result in sentences of up to 10 years. The law will prohibit same-sex marriage and legal recognition for same sex couples.

Update: In August, Guatemalan Congress approved a preliminary version of the “Life and Family Protection.” The bill needs to pass another round of votes, as well as an approval per article, before the president can sign it into law.
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/guatemala

-Ismael Sebastian

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I came across this interesting article that takes an in-depth look at why Turkey has the most journalists in prison!

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I came across this interesting article that takes an in-depth look at why Turkey has the most journalists in prison!

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As usual during the first days of spring, the weather was sunny when I stepped inside the cold walls of Bakırköy women's prison in Istanbul. Inside I met Nazlı Ilıcak, a 75-year-old journalist who was sentenced to life imprisonment for having "attempted to destroy the constitutional order". She has been in prison for almost three years now and was still surprised at how a notebook in which she kept friends' phone numbers could be taken as evidence to support accusations of "terrorism".
"It is like being trapped inside a tomb"
Nazlı Ilıcak told me she was missing her old life and missing her children and grandchildren. "It is like being trapped inside a tomb. You try to reach out and hold on to something, but you can't."

When I asked if she would write an article for our World Press Freedom Day campaign, she immediately became serious as she took her pen and paper and started to write. In that moment, I could see her reaching outside the prison walls and becoming a journalist again. In fact, I saw the same expression - that of a serious journalist who loves their job - in the faces of all the other imprisoned journalists I visited.

I also met Pınar Gayıp, a reporter with Etkin News Agency (ETHA), who welcomed me with a big smile. She is currently on trial accused of "membership of a terrorist organization" and "making propaganda for a terrorist organization". Some of her social media posts and her work for ETHA are being used as evidence against her.

Gayıp said her worst day in prison was the day the police broke up a weekly vigil - the 700 th - by Turkish women demanding accountability for the disappearances of their family members since the 1980s. Gayıp told me that the women, known as "Saturday Mothers", are the voice and conscience of Turkey: "When they [the police] attacked the Saturday Mothers, I felt like something had broken inside me. I wish I could be there."

Semiha Şahin, editor of ETHA who is being tried in the same case, said she had been feeling gloomy despite the coming of spring. However, she had made new friends inside prison and was reading inside more than she could outside. Like Gayıp, she watched the way the police had broken up the Saturday Mothers protest on 25 August 2018 with tears in her eyes. She would never forget that day, she said.
"They fear the press"
Hanım Büşra Erdal who has been imprisoned for approximately three years, and whose case is still in the court of appeals, explained to me that her world gotten smaller inside. There was no one left but her family to support her. Erdal said she felt lonely and had given up on the judiciary system: "Even a journalist needs to have an army of supporters behind them. If not, nobody mentions you in the news."

Tuba Bulut and Reyhan Hacıoğlu, reporters with the newspaper, Özgürlükçü Demokrasi, which has now shut down, have been on a hunger strike since 2 March to protest against being held incommunicado.

Reyhan Hacıoğlu said: "They [the authorities] fear the press. I wish all these human rights violations had not taken place so that we would not have to write about them, but unfortunately they happened." - something like this? When I asked her what she missed the most, she said: "I miss reporting news about a better country".
Silivri: a colossal prison
A few days after visiting Bakırköy Women's Prison, I was on my way to Silivri Closed Penitentiary. The spring showed its face more and more in the roads covered with wild flowers. Housing some 20,000 prisoners Silivri seemed to be a small town of its own.

I met Yakup Çetin, who was sentenced to six years and three months in prison, accused of "membership of a terrorist organization". He has already served three years of his sentence, and said his perception of life had changed in prison: "Life is this moment and this is valuable. I would like to continue my life by living in the moment when I get out."

The last journalist I visited, Eren Erdem, greeted me with an apology. "Excuse me if I smell like bleach, today is cleaning day." To make the days more bearable, he had created a system with his cellmates in which they discussed the books they had read and did daily chores together.

Serving a sentence of four years and two months, Erdem said his reading list had recently focused on political theory and philosophy. Like the other inmates, he has benefitted from the books left behind by other imprisoned journalists.

But they cannot make up for what Erdem has lost.

When I met him, he said the prison authorities had for the past 15 days withheld a photograph of his son from him. "The courts are restraining you from seeing your child and the prison's administration keeps you from seeing his photograph," he said.

It is outrageous to think that journalists like Erdem are being held in prisons just for doing their jobs. It is shocking to know that many have been convicted in show trials using fabricated evidence and trumped up charges.

I leave the prison with a heavy heart for the journalists who are being brutally targeted in the government's attempt to silence critical voices.
Beril Eski works as the Press Coordinator at Amnesty International Turkey. She was allowed to visit the prisons as a lawyer registered with the Istanbul Bar Association.

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Turkey: The world's largest prison for journalists

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A few days after visiting Bakırköy Women's Prison, I was on my way to Silivri Closed Penitentiary. The spring showed its face more and more in the roads covered with wild flowers. Housing some 20,000 prisoners Silivri seemed to be a small town of its own.

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Children from the age of fourteen on can change their sex legally. It took five years for this to pass through their congress. This occurred around November of 2018

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Chilean President Sebastian Piñera signed into law Wednesday a measure that will allow people to change their name and sex after the age of 14.

"We are not only taking a step forward in the direction of paying off the debt of a too-prejudiced society, we are also facing our commitment to human dignity and our moral obligation to those who have been unjustly discriminated against for so long," he said.

The law, which took five years to get through Congress, establishes that adults can change their sex with a simple procedure at the Civil Registry.

Adolescents between the age of 14 and 18 seeking to alter their legal status will need to apply to a family court and have the approval of at least one parent or guardian.

Children under 14 are excluded, but Piñera said that the government will acknowledge younger transsexuals and seek to ensure that they do not suffer discrimination.

The president said that the Gender Identity Law, while important, does not represent a definitive solution.

"This requires a cultural change that must come from the heart and soul of all Chileans. We should learn to respect each other more, acknowledge diversity and respect that all humans are equal," Piñera said.

The Movement for Homosexual Integration and Liberation called the law's enactment "historic" and dedicated the milestone to the memories of the 17 people killed in transphobic attacks in Chile since 2002.

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Chile will allow people to change sex legally

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Chilean President Sebastian Piñera signed into law Wednesday a measure that will allow people to change their name and sex after the age of 14. "We are not only taking a step forward in the direction of paying off the debt of a too-prejudiced society, we are also facing our commitment to human dignity and our moral obligation to those who have been unjustly discriminated against for so long," he said.