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in the blm movement they were destroying stores

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people were organizing protests

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Photo by Kevin Mohatt

2020: The Year That Changed Everything
Coloradans took to the streets this year to fight against police brutality and structural racism. But 2020 didn't make it easy, as advocacy organizations were forced to adjust how they planned protests.
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There were plenty of tears in the crowd. They were streaming down Black women's faces until the liquid pain trickled behind their brightly colored face masks. Gathered near the Colorado State Capitol, women took turns telling stories of dead family members, exhaustion, and fear-fear for their children, their brothers, their friends, and their partners. In 2020, there were more reasons than ever for the March for Black Women Denver to come together to rally for racial equity. Unfortunately, there were also many reasons not to.

Protesting and organized marching aren't new to the Mile High City-Denver hosted one of the country's largest women's marches in 2017 - but the murder of George Floyd, an out-of-control pandemic, and a contentious election cycle have encouraged Coloradans to voice their concerns with more urgency and frequency this year. In years past, however, the March for Black Women Denver would have sounded, looked, and felt very different. Along with all the other changes 2020 has brought with it, this year has also necessarily altered the way protest planners have had to organize their events.

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That is, of course, if they even felt comfortable staging in-person events. The Womxn's March Denver canceled its October rally and pivoted from rallying in the streets to encouraging a parade to the polls in November. It also set up moderated panels and other smaller events-most held in virtual settings.

For some organizations, however, the risks of gathering were far outweighed by the need to capitalize on the national zeitgeist surrounding racial equity. The March for Black Women Denver and Black Lives Matter 5280 had to modify their programming and enforce strict social distancing protocols. Temperatures were taken, masks were required, and hugging was discouraged-not only because those measures are widely known to help stop the spread of the virus, but also because COVID-19 has disproportionately affected Black and brown people in Colorado and across the country. Although it pained organizers to scuttle their usual lineup of deejayed dance parties, free food, and a long list of speakers, they dutifully replaced events that engendered too much close togetherness with programming that allowed for social distancing, like quiet reflections, long marches through Denver's streets, and impromptu speeches from members of the community. "In the past we have been able to really have community and be in close proximity with each other," says Tiya Trent, one of the organizers of the March for Black Women Denver. "Laughing, dancing, hugging-we really didn't get to do a lot of that this year. We wanted to make sure that the people who chose to show up were safe."

COVID-19 wasn't the only safety issue event planners had to think about, though. Considering protesters' physical safety-from law enforcement, counter-protesters, and random dissenters-has always been a priority. That concern was heightened this year. "There's always been a risk in Black women gathering," says Shontel Lewis, another organizer for the March for Black Women, who explains how Black women have long been susceptible to violence, whether through their relationships or at the hands of police. "But this is 2020. With all the agitators and antagonists against the movement, we felt that it was best to take a few more safety precautions." The Black women who chose to speak were physically surrounded by Black men and white allies. There was an effort to protect and shield, something Black women have had to live without for a long time, Lewis says.

Black Lives Matter 5280 orchestrated four marches in 2020. But local organizers didn't stop there: They also continued to focus on traditional tactics-like fundraising and community education-that have always been part of Black Lives Matter 5280's mission. "We have been modeling after our ancestors before us and the types of direct actions that they engaged in, whether that's formal protest, or other forms of direct action, like different forms of collective action in fundraising efforts," says Apryl Alexander, a professor at the University of Denver and BLM 5280 Community organizer. "I think there are some things that changed with 2020 and a lot of things that didn't change."

What has changed, according to multiple organizers, is the response they've received to their work. Black Lives Matter 5280 has been able to work with far more people this year than ever before; its marches were heavily attended; and their fundraisers elicited more donations than in previous years. What the tragic events of 2020 haven't changed, planners say, is the fight for Black rights. Alexander explains that 2020 has only changed the reactions Americans are having to the movement. And there are upsides and downsides to that: White allies are paying more attention, but white supremacists are becoming more emboldened.

Organizers say they'll deal with the need for increased safety measures and take the good response with the bad so long as the increased interest in social justice doesn't fade away when 2020 comes to an end. "My biggest fear is that people forget, because that's happened in movements before," Alexander says. "I fear that people won't continue to engage in the action that's needed to abolish systemic and institutional racism."

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How 2020 Changed the Way That Protests Are Organized

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2020: The Year That Changed Everything Coloradans took to the streets this year to fight against police brutality and structural racism. But 2020 didn't make it easy, as advocacy organizations were forced to adjust how they planned protests. * There were plenty of tears in the crowd.

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Planning protests and organizing events ahead of time led to wanting to create a greater political action in which hopes of a stronger influence

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In what is regarded as an unusual step for a grassroots organization like Black Lives Matter, leaders of the growing movement that has been the force behind six months of street protests have decided to launch a political action committee.

The group hopes to take their movement to the next level of political influence by rolling out specific programs to counter systemic racism and police abuse. They also intend on endorsing candidates in the upcoming general elections that they believe will support their struggle to change the present conditions for Black citizens in the US. They are looking to support a slate of candidates for mayor, county sheriff and district attorney races.

"We want to be able to not just speak in 'get out the vote' language," said Patrisse Cullors, co-founder of Black Lives Matter. "Black Lives Matter is launching our PAC so we can talk directly to voters about who we think that they should be voting for and what we think they should be voting on."

Cullors said that her group will not stop demanding change, but the new PAC will allow BLM to have even more influence, but from the inside. Cullors added that Stacey Abrams defeat for the governorship of Georgia in 2018 is an example of why movement work must go hand in hand with electoral politics. She added that the goal of the BLMPAC is to support candidates that endorse the goals of BLM and will continue to do so once in office.

"We see this as something that we are going to be pushing for [during] other elections. We have this national election now but we [will] have midterm elections," she said. "It's a long time in the making and this is the right time to launch it."

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Black Lives Matter Taking Next Steps to Political Action

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In what is regarded as an unusual step for a grassroots organization like Black Lives Matter, leaders of the growing movement that has been the force behind six months of street protests have decided to launch a political action committee.

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this link shows how to support the blm movement

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A number of fundraisers have been created to support Daunte Wright's family, including his girlfriend and one-year-old son.

Kelly Bryant, Wright's aunt, created a GoFundMe to cover funeral costs.

The Minneapolis-based business Holistic Heaux has been coordinating donations for Chyna, the mother of Daunte's son. They've listed multiple ways that you can donate directly to her on Instagram.

You can also follow mutual aide pages on Instagram and donate when and what you can directly to families who are suffering from institutional racism, housing insecurity and the Covid-19 pandemic.

Throughout history, public protests have been crucial to the visibility and success of civil rights campaigns-from women winning the vote to LGBTQ+ rights.

In solidarity with the ongoing protests in Minneapolis, smaller demonstrations were held in Los Angeles, New York, Seattle, Portland, Kansas City, and Omaha this week with additional protests planned in Dallas and Atlanta.

If you are going to make your voice heard, especially in the U.S., here's what you need to know before you go out to protest. We've also asked an expert how to protest while staying physically distant from others. And don't forget your mask (even if you're vaccinated!).

Wherever you are, you can support political movements and parties that are campaigning against racism.

In the U.S., support the fight against a growing number of voter supression bills being passed by state legislators and advocate for mental health intervention instead of police response. You can also use this tool to find and contact your local congressional representative.

In the UK, you can find out your local MP's record on racial issues using the TheyWorkForYou website. It also offers an easy, free way to contact your MP so you can ask them to take action.

Volunteering to register voters is another great way to support the greater movement.

Social media can be an effective way for people all over the world to show support and raise their friends' and followers' awareness of the anti-racist movement, but don't fall into the practice of performative activism. Feel free to post links to resources or fundraisers, state your support and solidarity, and share anything that you've found helpful, but don't forget to prioritise Black voices and do the hard work of making your world more anti-racist in real life.

If you're not Black, one of the most important things you can do is to learn something about the situation. Check out the many links being posted on social media about police brutality, racial inequality and historical injustice in the USA, the UK and other countries. As well as speaking out, take some time to listen and absorb the stories and messages coming from the Black community.

(Just one thing: unless they offer, please don't ask your Black friends or people you follow on social media to spend their time helping you learn about this stuff. There are plenty of resources out there - Google is your friend.)

Think about your own prejudices too - what your emotional responses are to the current protests, and how the ways you've learned to behave over the years might affect how you treat the Black people in your life.

Not sure where to start? We asked NYC's top black-owned bookshops for their anti-racist reading recommendations. If you take up their suggestions then please purchase from them, rather than major retailers. In fact, here are nine more Black-owned bookstores in the USA we love (and they even state their favorite books by Black authors).

And if you're in the UK, you can order from these Black-owned bookshops in London, many of whom are making suggestions on social media.

If you've got kids, think how you could raise them to be anti-racist: here are four children's books celebrating racial diversity and inclusion, and here are some tips and resources to help you talk to your kids about race, justice and equality.

Becoming more politically active can take as little as one minute a day. The ACLU website offers a handful of quick ways to participate on its site as well as some more involved options, like making phone calls or texts on behalf of the organization's causes.

You can also sign online petitions, like this one demanding justic for Daunte Wright.

There will always be new ways that you can help. Keep your ears open and let Black people guide your actions.

At Time Out, we'll also continue to listen to the Black community. You can contact us about this page and our wider coverage using the form below.

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9 Ways to Support Black Lives Matter Right Now

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Show solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement, both in the USA and around the world, with these nine ways of supporting BLM right now.

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The media has played a big role in creating a bigger audience

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Charlotte Illingworth and Alice Gawthrop discuss how social media has elevated activism

Charlotte Illingworth

Throughout the 21st century, social media has demonstrated an ever-growing potential to promote, share, and engage the largest of audiences with everything from the latest fashion trends to the most critical of socio-economic issues. Contrary to traditional media outlets, the wide variety of social media platforms that are available to us allow everyday people to post the reality of what they experience in the real time that they experience it, through lenses that are unfiltered and free from censorship. Thus, when pairing this globally accessible platform with the raw experiences of racism that are being witnessed today, it is easy to recognise the unique value that social media holds as a news source.

The BLM movement has relied on the social capital of platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, in order to spread its message

The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement began online when the co-founder Alicia Garzia shared the hashtag ‘#BlackLivesMatter’ following the murder of a young black boy named Trayvon Martin in 2013. By taking its initial stance on social media, the BLM movement has relied on the social capital of platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, in order to spread its message. Today, the BLM movement, following the tragic murder of George Floyd, is now a global human rights movement, with protests taking place daily in all 50 states of America, as well as in over 20 countries worldwide.

In the past few weeks, countless eyewitness accounts of police brutality and racism have surfaced on social media in the form of videos and images that have been captured on mobile phones. The circulation of such evidence has gathered immense support on sites such as Instagram and Twitter, with each share and repost bringing in hundreds of views every hour. With this level of engagement being unique to social media, it is difficult to interpret the true scale of the movement and its impact through mainstream media outlets. This is especially important with regards to the impression of protests that the public have since been gathering. On social platforms such as Twitter, under #blacklivesmatter, users can now see a multitude of examples of corrupt policing, as well as many instances of unnecessary force being used against peaceful protesters. Despite this, the general presentation by traditional media is one which all too often fails to accurately depict a suitable balance of evidence.

Social media is undoubtedly more favoured as a news source among the younger generations

Social media is undoubtedly more favoured as a news source among the younger generations whilst older generations tend to favour the more traditional sources of media for their updates. However, it is vital to recognise that, in a world where racism is still such a prevalent issue, prejudice may only ever be accurately depicted by those who have witnessed and/or experienced it. Therefore, the unfiltered freedom of social media is ultimately the most effective source when depicting the racism that exists today.

Alice Gawthrop

We are used to using social media to share pictures of ourselves holding our dissertations and stories of our pets being cute, but lately, social media has once again revealed its capacity for more than just posting pretty pictures.

Black Americans are 2.5 times more likely to be killed by police than white Americans

It is somewhat interesting but mainly upsetting to imagine what would have happened to the memory of George Floyd if we did not have social media. The story might have been picked up by a few local news outlets, but it is quite likely that interest would have faded quickly, and George Floyd would have probably become just another in a long list of forgotten black people in America killed unjustly at the hands of the police. Black Americans are 2.5 times more likely to be killed by police than white Americans, and the majority of the victims of racialised police brutality do not hold the world’s attention for this long, or even hold it at all.

Social media has changed that narrative.

Footage of George Floyd’s murder was captured by a bystander and went viral on Facebook. While it might be tempting to say this was a good thing, as it raised awareness and caught the attention of people who until now believed that racism was a thing of the past, it is not that simple. As Kemi Alemoru of gal-dem writes, such videos can be traumatising for black people. Alemoru raises extremely important points both about the effect of these videos on black people’s mental health, and the capacity for them to embolden racists who see such videos as trophies or proof that they can treat black people how they want and get away with it.

Social media has provided people with a platform to fill in the gaps in mainstream narratives

The sharing of actual footage of murder, therefore, is perhaps not something we should be encouraging. Nonetheless, social media more widely has been used to help combat stories in mainstream media that may miss out key details. Many news reports wrote about how the George Floyd protests descended into riots, with looters and arsonists hijacking the movement. It was left to Twitter users to create threads with videos which showed police inciting violence at otherwise peaceful protests. Social media has provided people with a platform to fill in the gaps in mainstream narratives which, at least initially, reduced the protesters to ‘looters’ and mentioned violent confrontations with police while not offering any details.

Furthermore, social media has become a place to share resources, petitions and links for donations on a huge scale. While official news outlets may share (often sparse) details of such events, they often fail to offer meaningful solutions. It can be easy, particularly for white people, to fall into the trap – to read such stories and think, ‘Oh, that’s sad. If only there was something I could do. Luckily I’m not racist!’ then move on with their day. Social media offers a platform for people to counter this. People have been using their platforms, whatever the size, to compile lists of petitions, anti-racism reading lists, lists of organisations to support, easy-to-understand explanations of concepts like white privilege or prison abolition.

Kate, an English student, said, ‘I don’t watch the news often enough, so I don’t think I would have known the full extent of the circumstances around George Floyd’s death without social media. It has served to educate me on the wider history of the Black Lives Matter movement, and on my own privilege.’

The real world implications of using social media to this end are tangible. With the spread of resource lists and encouragement for people, especially white people, to take the time to educate themselves on racism, sales of anti-racist books have surged on Amazon. Reni Eddo-Lodge, author of Why I’m No Longer Talking To White People About Race, took to Twitter to urge people to match their purchase of the book with a donation to the Minnesota Freedom Fund, or to borrow a copy of the book if possible and donate what they would have spent on it. She wrote, ‘This book financially transformed my life and I really don’t like the idea of personally profiting every time a video of a black person’s death goes viral.’

There is a clear chain of progression, from social media response to protest mobilisation to legal action, that suggests the power of social media is not to be underestimated

Social media has also been critical in organising protests. In America, six teenage girls met on Twitter and created an Instagram account called ‘teens.4.equality’ which they used to organise a Black Lives Matter protest in Nashville. The account has already amassed over 14,000 followers, while the protest was attended by 10,000 people. Without social media platforms to amplify their voices, mobilising such a huge number of people would have been infinitely harder.

The protests themselves also brought real results: Derek Chauvin’s charge has been elevated to second-degree murder, and the other officers present have been charged with aiding and abetting. There is a clear chain of progression, from social media response to protest mobilisation to legal action, that suggests the power of social media is not to be underestimated, either as a news source or a platform for activism.

That is not to say that social media is the only platform for activism, nor is it a perfect one. As much as there are benefits to it, it also has its pit falls – the scope for fake news and the problem of performative activism, to name just two.

It is important to engage with real life conversations about these topics as well as virtual ones

When we restrict our ‘activism’ to social media, it is in danger of being a trend that we forget about at the end of the news cycle. Social media provides a good starting point, a place to listen to black voices directly, a place to find resources. But it is also an echo chamber. It is likely that when you post a story about systemic racism and white privilege on your Instagram, the people who are seeing it are your friends, who probably already share your values and beliefs. Certainly, once you have uploaded a few such stories and set a precedent, the people who follow you that do not already have an interest in learning about racism will simply stop looking at your stories, choosing to turn a blind eye. There is a good chance you are mainly reaching people who already agree with you, and while they will still benefit from exposure to more resources, articles and petitions, it is important to engage with real life conversations about these topics as well as virtual ones. It is important to talk to the people who do not already agree with you, whether that is in your family or in your wider social circles.

Thanks to platforms like Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, global support has been mobilised. Activism has never been so easy – it is possible to sign petitions, donate money and share resources with a few clicks. The real work will be in making sure this is not just a virtual trend we engage with for a week or two, but an ongoing change we make in our day-to-day lives.

You may also like:

Spotlight On: Artists as Activists

Is it Right to Criticise the Social Media Outrage at George Floyd’s Murder?

Social Media and The Next Generation: Protest and Politics

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The Role of Social Media in Black Lives Matter | Redbrick Life&Style

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Life&Style writers Charlotte Illingworth and Alice Gawthrop explore how social media has contributed to the Black Lives Matter movement, and discuss its impacts in comparison to traditional media outlets

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The protest for BLM were aiming to be peaceful but violence was being used by the police

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The BLM movement is not part of political but they are working to change that

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Expressing support for the "Black Lives Matter" movement isn't political or partisan, an independent federal agency has said in an opinion addressing questions from federal employees on the topic.

The U.S. Office of Special Counsel cleared the way for federal employees to support the Black Lives Matter movement and the Black Lives Matter Global Network while on duty, including wearing or displaying materials related to the cause, according to an advisory opinion obtained by USA TODAY. The opinion was first issued July 10 and updated Tuesday.

The U.S. Office of Special Counsel is an independent federal agency which investigates Hatch Act violations. The Hatch Act prohibits appointed federal employees from participating in several types of partisan political activities, such as running for office, hosting fundraisers, making campaign speeches or distributing campaign materials.

'She knows better': George Floyd protests: Ex-ethics chief Walter Shaub says Ivanka Trump broke rule by promoting Goya beans Black Americans report hate crimes, violence

"The Hatch Act generally allows employees to engage in BLM-related activity while on duty or in the workplace," the opinion says, while also stipulating activity involving more overtly political actions would be prohibited. The opinion is also narrowly focused on the Hatch Act, meaning other laws or rules may be relevant to certain federal employees.

The opinion comes as President Donald Trump has criticized the Black Lives Matter movement. In early July, he called a proposed New York City Black Lives Matter mural a "symbol of hate." That mural was later painted painted on Fifth Avenue in front of Trump Tower.

Trump and aides have described some supporters of Black Lives Matter as vandals, citing property damage and some violence during nationwide protests of police brutality, particularly after the May 25 death of George Floyd at the hands of officers in Minneapolis.

The U.S. Office of Special Counsel acknowledged the Black Lives Matter movement has become a "'hot-button' issue," complicated by the use of "Black Lives Matter" as an umbrella term for a social movement. The Black Lives Matter Global Network is the most prominent organization tied to that movement, the opinion says.

The agency reached its opinion because the Black Lives Matter movement concerns itself with issues such as racism, which are not inherently aligned with a single political party. And the prominent Black Lives Matter Global Network did not meet any criteria for a "partisan political group," in part because the group says it will fight against officials from both parties who do not share its beliefs.

"An employee is not prohibited by the Hatch Act from expressing support for, or opposition to, the BLM movement while on duty or in the workplace. But the employee may not say, for example, 'if you believe that Black Lives Matter, then you should vote for/against X in November,' " the advisory opinion says.

The agency noted it made a similar ruling about the Tea Party movement, known for its push to reduce the size of government, during the Obama administration.

The Black Lives Matter Global Network traces its roots to both a hashtag and a political project after the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the 2012 killing of Trayvon Martin. Founders of the organization include Patrisse Cullors, Alicia Garza, and Opal Tomet.

The most important directive of Black Lives Matter, Cullors has said, is to deal with anti-black racism, to "push for black people's right to live with dignity and respect" and be included in the American democracy that they helped create.

What sets Black Lives Matter apart from other social justice groups, however, is its decentralized approach and reliance almost solely on local, rather than national, leadership. Cullors said organizing is often spontaneous and not directed by one person or group of people.
Contributing: Ryan Miller, David Jackson and Jessica Durando, USA TODAY; John Tuohy, Indianapolis Star

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Federal agency: Supporting 'Black Lives Matter' isn't partisan or political

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The ruling clears the way for federal employees to express support for the Black Lives Matter movement while on duty.

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When an injustice takes place we may decide to take direct action to expose, stop, block, or ortherwise intervene. We use direct actions that deligitibize systems, demand our rights, and push those in power to meet our demands.

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most of the protests were peaceful and calm but the police made it violent.

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93% of Black Lives Matter Protests Have Been Peaceful, New Report Finds

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The vast majority of Black Lives Matter protests-more than 93%-have been peaceful, according to a report published Thursday by a nonprofit.

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the amount of people that protested around june 6 2020.

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By Larry Buchanan, Quoctrung Bui and Jugal K. Patel

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Black Lives Matter May Be the Largest Movement in U.S. History (Published 2020)

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Recent polls suggest that about 15 million to 26 million people in the U.S. have participated in recent protests.

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This article show how they keep everything together to have power and protest and how they organize everything about this topic

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In The Purpose of Power, Black Lives Matter co-founder Alicia Garza writes, "The mission and purpose of organizing is to build power. Without power, we are unable to change conditions in our communities that hurt us. A movement is successful if it transforms the dynamics and relationships of power." The Black Lives Matter organizing and protests, that peaked in the weeks after the murder of George Floyd, owe their progress to their vast geographic reach, specific demands, and sustained energy.

Community organizing is one of the core tools to rally mass momentum for social transformation. Community organizing can include tactics such as changing policy, challenging how public resources are allocated, and transforming realities on the ground. This strategy is most effective when led by frontline comm [...]

"Young people are rising to meet the moment and looking for ways to engage these 21st century realities. We carry a responsibility to join with their righteous anger and continue to identify opportunities for collective long-term strategy building that allows for us to fight back against the attacks on our people and advance our frontline struggles. We carry a responsibility to utilize all the tactical tools in our toolboxes-community organizing, direct action, creating and fighting for people's policies, and more."

~ Ash-Lee Henderson, Co-Director of the Highlander Research and Education Center

A caucus is an intentionally created space for those who share an identity to convene for learning, support, and connections. Caucuses based on racial identity are often comprised, respectively, of people of color, white people, people who hold multiracial identities, or people who share specific racial or ethnic identities.

To advance racial equity, there is work for white people and people of color to do separately and together. Caucuses provide spaces for people to work within their own racial/ethnic groups. For white people, a caucus provides time and space to work explicitly and intentionally on understanding white culture and white privilege and to increase one's critical analysis around these concepts. A white caucus also puts the onus on white people to teach each other about these ideas, rather than placing a burden on people of color to teach them. For people of color, a caucus is a place to work with peers to address the impact of racism, to interrupt experiences of internalized racism, and to create a space for healing and working for individual and collective liberation. At times, people of color may also break into more specific race-based caucuses, sometimes based on experiences with a particular issue, for example police violence, immigration, or land rights. Groups that use caucuses in their organizational racial equity work, especially in workplaces and coalitions, generally meet separately and create a process to rejoin and work together collectively.

SOURCE: RacialEquityTools.org (ACT / Strategies / Caucus and Affinity Groups)
Related Resources: Caucus and Affinity Groups
Location: ACT / Strategies

Also known as unconscious or hidden bias, implicit biases are negative associations that people unknowingly hold. They are expressed automatically, without conscious awareness. Many studies have indicated that implicit biases affect individuals' attitudes and actions, thus creating real-world implications, even though individuals may not even be aware that those biases exist within themselves. Notably, implicit biases have been shown to trump individuals' stated commitments to equality and fairness, thereby producing behavior that diverges from the explicit attitudes that many people profess. The Implicit Association Test (IAT) is often used to measure implicit biases with regard to race, gender, sexual orientation, age, religion, and other topics.

SOURCE: Cheryl Staats, State of the Science: Implicit Bias Review 2013, Kirwan Institute, The Ohio State University.

Location: ACT / Communicating

A process of learning about and becoming allies with people from other cultures, thereby broadening our own understanding and ability to participate in a multicultural process. The key element to becoming more culturally competent is respect for the ways that others live in and organize the world and an openness to learn from them.

SOURCE: Paul Kivel, "Multicultural Competence" (2007).
Related Resources: Multicultural Competency
Location: ACT / Strategies

1. Power is unequally distributed globally and in U.S. society; some individuals or groups wield greater power than others, thereby allowing them greater access and control over resources. Wealth, whiteness, citizenship, patriarchy, heterosexism, and education are a few key social mechanisms through which power operates. Although power is often conceptualized as power overother individuals or groups, other variations are power with (used in the context of building collective strength) and power within (which references an individual's internal strength). Learning to "see" and understand relations of power is vital to organizing for progressive social change.

2. Power may also be understood as the ability to influence others and impose one's beliefs. All power is relational, and the different relationships either reinforce or disrupt one another. The importance of the concept of power to anti-racism is clear: racism cannot be understood without understanding that power is not only an individual relationship but a cultural one, and that power relationships are shifting constantly. Power can be used malignantly and intentionally, but need not be, and individuals within a culture may benefit from power of which they are unaware.

SOURCE:

1. White Supremacy Culture refers to the dominant, unquestioned standards of behavior and ways of functioning embodied by the vast majority of institutions in the United States. These standards may be seen as mainstream, dominant cultural practices; they have evolved from the United States' history of white supremacy. Because it is so normalized it can be hard to see, which only adds to its powerful hold. In many ways, it is indistinguishable from what we might call U.S. culture or norms - a focus on individuals over groups, for example, or an emphasis on the written word as a form of professional communication. But it operates in even more subtle ways, by actually defining what "normal" is - and likewise, what "professional," "effective," or even "good" is. In turn, white culture also defines what is not good, "at risk," or "unsustainable." White culture values some ways of thinking, behaving, deciding, and knowing - ways that are more familiar and come more naturally to those from a white, western tradition - while devaluing or rendering invisible other ways. And it does this without ever having to explicitly say so...

2. An artificial, historically constructed culture which expresses, justifies, and binds together the United States white supremacy system. It is the glue that binds together white-controlled institutions into systems and white-controlled systems into the global white supremacy system.

SOURCE:
1. Gita Gulati-Partee and Maggie Potapchuk, "Paying Attention to White Culture and Privilege: A Missing Link to Advancing Racial Equity" ( The Foundation Review vol. 6: issue 1, 2014).

2. Sharon Martinas and the Challenging White Supremacy Workshop, 4th revision (1995).

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In The Purpose of Power , Black Lives Matter co-founder Alicia Garza writes, "The mission and purpose of organizing is to build power. Without power, we are unable to change conditions in our communities that hurt us. A movement is successful if it transforms the dynamics and relationships of power."

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People will post George Flody name and will hastage BLM

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on instagram there was a blackout that a lot of people participated in.

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For one day last week, parts of Instagram suddenly went dark in support of Black Lives Matter. And just as quickly, they went back to normal.

Protests and social unrest over the death of George Floyd in police custody have extended to social media platforms, which have been flooded with calls for changes in law enforcement and societal structures that have entrenched racism. But the most visible social media effort came June 2, when about 28 million people posted plain black squares to Instagram as part of #BlackoutTuesday, according to a Facebook spokesperson.

The action was the most striking digital evidence yet that the Black Lives Matter movement has galvanized national attention, with many users finding that their entire feeds had turned black.

But it also backfired. Activists pointed out that the posts drowned out organizing efforts, and others called out people who posted black squares but had done little to advance the Black Lives Matter cause. Chelsea Miller, a leading organizer in New York who helps run Freedom March NYC, said it was clear that the #BlackoutTuesday effort didn't consult with activists on the ground and became a social trend.

"What it ultimately did is it muted the conversation," she said. "And in a time when we are trying to amplify our voices, we were inherently silenced."

The blackout is the most recent example of why activists and academics continue to greet similar social media efforts - widely known as "slacktivism" - with a heavy dose of skepticism and plenty of criticism. As the Black Lives Matter movement hopes to sustain mainstream attention, it grapples with how to include those who are just coming to the cause.

Activists who spoke to NBC News said people who post the occasional message on social media aren't doing much to bring about the structural change the Black Lives Matter movement is striving toward. But some academics say it could be a place to start.

"I would push for our moment right now to extend some grace to people who, for the first time, are thinking beyond themselves," said Nadia Brown, a politics and African American studies professor at Purdue University.

Liberal movements, at times, grapple with how to respond to people who are still learning and developing attitudes about a subject, she said.

"It's not giving a pass to people," Brown said. "When you see bad behavior, you need to call it out. But it doesn't mean you throw the whole person away, that no one is irredeemable."
Full coverage of George Floyd's death and protests around the country
The word "slacktivism" traces to 1995 as a portmanteau of "slacker" and "activism." As elements of life have moved online in the 25 years since, slacktivism has come to represent halfhearted social media-based activity, along with other terms like "virtue signaling" and "performative allyship."

The harms of slacktivism are considered relatively limited, in part because they are difficult to measure. But with last week's blackout attracting so many people, Black Lives Matter organizers ended up seeing their messages drowned out.

"#HashtagActivism" author Sarah Jackson, an associate professor at the Annenberg School of Communication at the University of Pennsylvania, said the dynamic reminded her of the Kony 2012 campaign, a viral video that led to a widely criticized social movement. Many people jumped quickly into a digital campaign without having the background knowledge of what they were really doing.

It becomes a matter of intention versus impact.

"A big problem is people say: 'I'm on your side. I'm trying to be on your side. I'm trying to support you,'" Jackson said. "And they think because their intentions are good, they should be spared the critique."

Activist Nupol Kiazolu, president of Black Lives Matter of Greater New York, called #BlackoutTuesday "frustrating" and "counterproductive." She encouraged people to see the blackout posts as just a small part of what they can do from the comfort of their smartphones, such as donating money and items to organizations that are facilitating the marches.

"Posting is just one step," Kiazolu said. "If you can't come out to the front lines, there's always something more you can do besides post."

The silver lining to activists' frustrations is that social media posts can often lead to other actions.

People who are active online during protests are measurably effective in disseminating information about a movement's message, according to a 2015 study led by New York University researchers. It found that a person who is even on the periphery of a movement can still contribute to the greater cause by informing others on social media, expanding awareness and mobilization. A new study from researchers in the Netherlands found that there was a positive correlation between a person's online and offline activism efforts.

And there's some evidence that social media activism has spurred donations. Online fundraising efforts for bail funds and nonprofits in the wake of protests over Floyd's death have received significant donations online, with experts crediting the power of a social media call to action and the collective desire for social accountability.

"It's often a false dichotomy between online and offline activism," said Rachel Einwohner, a sociology professor at Purdue University who studies social movements. "A lot of people who are posting are also doing something offline, whether it's the high-risk activism of going into the streets or it's donating some money or having conversations with people who need to be educated about the police and about racism."

But slacktivism can only go so far. Education and broadening of horizons have taken on greater importance as the Black Lives Matter movement emphasizes the societal dynamics that have led to systemic racism.

If people truly want to protest for the Black Lives Matter movement, they should follow black women organizers, the Black Lives Matter Twitter account and the activists who have long been on the front lines, Jackson said. But above all, she said, it's important for people to shelve their hubris about the movement and be willing to admit when they are wrong.

"It's hard to become an activist when you've never become an activist before," she said. "It's hard to humble yourself and talk to people and follow other people's leads."

For Miller and Kiazolu, correcting frivolous social media activism, as they navigate how to organize and mobilize the most populous city in the country, is part of a longer discussion about what happens in the future.

"At a certain point, we need to shift the conversation to talk about sustainability," said Miller of Freedom March NYC. "What does it look like to make sure that the message does not end when the lights and the cameras turn off?"

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A social media 'blackout' enthralled Instagram. But did it do anything?

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For one day last week, parts of Instagram suddenly went dark in support of Black Lives Matter. And just as quickly, they went back to normal. Protests and social unrest over the death of George Floyd in police custody have extended to social media platforms, which have been flooded with calls for changes in law enforcement and societal structures that have entrenched racism.

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This link shows many resources and donations where you can help out

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This link shows how violence was being used against the people who were peacefully protesting

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Carnegie Mellon University's Heinz College

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By Michael Cunningham

A conversation about the Black Lives Matter Movement, and the legacy that sparked it, with one of the world's leading experts on policing
Professor Daniel Nagin is the 2014 recipient of the prestigious Stockholm Prize on Criminology, an elected fellow of the American Society of Criminology, and the Teresa and H. John Heinz III University Professor of Public Policy and Statistics. His research focuses on the evolution of criminal and antisocial behaviors over the life course the deterrent effect of criminal and non-criminal penalties on illegal behaviors, and the development of statistical methods for analyzing longitudinal data.

In the wake of recent incidences of lethal violence involving law enforcement officials in Baton Rouge, Falcon Heights, and Dallas, we sat down with Nagin to talk to him about what factors led to these events, why there is apparent mistrust between citizens and law enforcement officials, and what policy, research, and training measures can be taken to help prevent these situations in the future.
Professor Daniel Nagin
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Michael Cunningham: Based on your research, are the events in recent years and weeks that have led to the growth of the Black Lives Matter movement reflective a small number of outlying incidents, or is it symptomatic of a systemic problem?

Daniel Nagin: The Black Lives Matter Movement has to be understood in the context of the historical legacy of the ill treatment of blacks by the police and the criminal justice system and American political and social institutions more generally. That legacy is a fact. The Movement, I think, is a reflection of and reaction to that legacy. I don't think people should be surprised by it, and it's part of why people should listen to the Black Lives Matter position. At the same time getting people to listen has been greatly complicated by the lethal ambushes of police officers in Dallas and Baton Rouge.

MC: Live telecasting or near-real time videos of events as they are happening makes them so much more apparent and visceral, as opposed to reading a news article about it.

DN: When you see video, for example, of the incident in North Charleston, where a police officer gunned down a man who was running away from him-you can't deny those facts. I don't know what motivated this cop to do it, but I'm not surprised that black people interpreted it as still another instance of their mistreatment by the police.

MC: You mentioned recent studies about lethal force. In terms of research, what do we know about the disproportionate targeting of minorities, particularly African-Americans, by law enforcement agencies?

DN: Studies on this question come to conflicting conclusions. Some studies have concluded that minorities are disproportionately targeted, and others reach the opposite conclusion. In fact, in a recent study on this issue, Roland Fryer from Harvard reached the conclusion that it depends on what kind of tactic you're talking about. He concluded that for non-lethal uses of force, involving things like handcuffing the person, shoving them, or having some physical contact with them, those events were in the order of 10 to 25 percent more likely for blacks than for whites. On the other hand, he reached the conclusion that, if anything, lethal use of force is more common among whites than blacks. So it's hard to draw really strong conclusions one way or the other on this issue.

MC: Why don't researchers currently have a better answer to this question?

DN: I think there are a couple of reasons for that. One is that we simply don't have very good data about these incidences. As surprising as this is, there is not a national database where you can confidently get a count of the number of people against which police used lethal violence, let alone on instances when they discharge firearms. So the studies that have been done are based on data from specific localities that are often of uneven quality. For this reason alone, findings may differ across studies.

The Black Lives Matter Movement has to be understood in the context of the historical legacy of the ill treatment of blacks by the police and the criminal justice system and American political and social institutions more generally. That legacy is a fact. Professor Daniel Nagin

Another issue is that, conceptually, this is a really hard problem. And it's a hard problem because there are differences across racial and ethnic groups in the frequency that they commit crime, which puts some groups in contact with the police at a rate that is disproportionate to their presence in the population. Taking account of those differences in involvement in crime is not easy to do from a statistical perspective.

The problem is made even further difficult because we also live in a racially segregated society. So, if you are going to send the police where there is the most crime, you're also going to wind up sending the police to what are typically racially segregated communities. For example, there was a study done of the locations of "stop, question, and frisk" in New York City. SQFs tended to be heavily concentrated in so-called crime "hot spots," which themselves tend to be disproportionately located in minority communities.

So it's conceptually a hard problem to grapple with because it is so complex. But the fact that we don't have good data on these kinds of incidences is unforgivable. These are the two main reasons why we don't currently have a better answer to the question of whether black and other minorities are disproportionately targeted on account of their race or ethnicity.

MC: In addition to collecting better data, what are some other factors that will help to solve this issue?

DN: The problem of data can be solved, and it should be solved. But even if it is solved, the data can only help us understand and explain the problem. It can't fix the problem. Once you use data to identify what the problem is, then you're going to have to change what the police do, and how they interact with the public. And in that regard, there is wide agreement among policing scholars that the research on the effectiveness of police training is woefully inadequate. There are very few careful studies on what's effective and what's not effective in changing the behavior of police in the field.

MC: Can you provide an example of that, or a hypothetical question that you would like to answer through this type of research?

DN: For example: when police do use force, how well considered is it? Would a trained observer conclude that the use of force was necessary and appropriate? Was there a conceivable way that the use of force could have been avoided by some kind of de-escalation tactic?

The comparison I would give is that police, in general, do not receive anywhere near the level of training that we give to the members of our military on how to control their emotions and respond in a way that is going to be effective and constructive in conflict situations. People in our military, and in the best militaries in the world, get intensive training in those kinds of things, and by and large police don't get anywhere near that level of training.

MC: As a point of comparison, where do police stand compared to the military in terms of conflict training?

DN: Again, there is not really good data on training, but I think that it's well understood that, in general, it's nowhere near as complete and thorough as in the military. Part of the issue with training is that, in the United States, there are over 18,000 police departments, and most of them are very small. And when you have these little police departments, the capacity to properly train the police officers and establish a culture of accountability is really limited. So I think there's an important need to consolidate the number of police departments that exist nationwide, for a variety of reasons.

The idea is not to have a safe police state. The idea is to have a safe democratic society. Professor Daniel Nagin

MC: From a policy standpoint, what effect do you think recent events will have on policy procedures and oversight in law enforcement on different levels?

DN: I think that we already see it happening. Police executives are talking about the importance of training police to better interact with people in the community, and about using other methods to try to diffuse tense situations. There's also this idea of implicit bias. All of these notions are laudable, but getting back to my prior point: If you were to candidly ask a police chief, "tell me the proven methods to do 'X,' 'Y,' and 'Z,'" the chief wouldn't be able to honestly respond to that question, because hardly any of them have been properly evaluated. So everybody is kind of flying by the seat of their pants, or making decisions based on overblown claims about the effectiveness of these various training programs. Therefore, whether they are reacting in an effective way to these events is hard to know.

Right now, for obvious reasons, the pendulum is focused very much on what the police can do to improve their credibility in the community. 20 years ago, when crime rates were high, the focus was on doing anything they could to reduce the crime rate. What police departments ultimately have to do is to recognize that both of these values are important. It's important that they do things to help make the community safe. But it is also important that they do things in a way that leaves the community with confidence and trust in them, and to keep in mind that sometimes these two different objectives can wind up being in conflict. They've got to balance these two objectives, and know that one shouldn't have the status to trump the other. The idea is not to have a safe police state. The idea is to have a safe democratic society.

MC: In your research and experience in this area, are there certain strategies that law enforcement officials can use to prevent these situations from occurring?

DN: It is clear that police presence at places where there is a lot of crime-I call this the "sentinel" role in policing-can be very effective in preventing crime. A simple analogy is that nobody is going to rob a liquor store if a cop is standing right outside. The key for police officers is using that presence to interact with citizens in a way that doesn't create conflict.

MC: Do you think there is any hope in solving this challenge?

DN: I am optimistic and hopeful that the current tensions will recede. But it is important to keep in mind that, over the long haul, these things are not going to be resolved unless resources are committed to having good measurement systems to collect quality data on what the police are doing in regard to the use of force. The necessary resources also have to be committed to generally having better data systems for monitoring how communities feel about the police, and to developing training systems where police are trained to use to what are known to be effective methods both for improving community trust, and also for preventing crime. Good intentions alone are not going to make our communities safe and solve the problem of citizen distrust of the police in some communities.

Learn more about Daniel Nagin

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Police, Violence, and Data: The Black Lives Matter Movement

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By Michael Cunningham A conversation about the Black Lives Matter Movement, and the legacy that sparked it, with one of the world's leading experts on policing Professor Daniel Nagin is the 2014 recipient of the prestigious Stockholm Prize on Criminology, an elected fellow of the American Society of Criminology, and the Teresa and H.

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most people in the republican side have disagreed with the BLM movement.

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Topline

President Donald Trump addressed a mob of his supporters who charged past barricades and law enforcement to infiltrate the U.S. Capitol in a video message Wednesday, asking them to "go home in peace" and concluded by telling them "you're very special," which stands in stark contrast to the language and approach the president has used when addressing Black Lives Matters protesters, whom he has repeatedly referred to as "thugs," "terrorists" and "anarchists."

President Donald Trump speaks at the "Stop The Steal" Rally on January 06, 2021 in Washington, DC. ... [+]
Getty Images

Key Facts

Key Background:

Throughout his presidency, Trump has frequently portrayed anti-racism protesters as " violent demonstrators" with evil intentions. "They are not 'peaceful protesters,' as Sleepy Joe and the Democrats call them, they are THUGS," Trump tweeted in September. Earlier this summer, he said demonstrators who wanted to take down Confederate statues were "people who don't love our country." In May, Trump said that protesters demonstrating outside the White House following Floyd's killing were "just there to cause trouble." He added that if any of those protestors got too close to the White House, "they would have been greeted with the most vicious dogs, and most ominous weapons, I have ever seen. That's when people would have been really badly hurt, at least." In 2017, Trump said that any NFL player who kneeled during the national anthem is a " son of a bitch" and should be fired, despite also having claimed to be the "president of law and order and an ally of all peaceful protesters." Also in 2017, following a rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, led by white supremacists protesting the planned removal of a Robert E. Lee statue, Trump infamously said there were "very fine people on both sides" and lamented the loss of such monuments. In a series of tweets, Trump said it was "sad to see the history and culture of our great country being ripped apart with the removal of our beautiful statues and monuments." This past July, Trump said a Black Lives Matter mural was "a symbol of hate."

Tangent:

In October, Trump supporters surrounded a Biden campaign bus traveling on a Texas highway. The F.B.I. announced they would investigate the incident, which Biden described as an effort to run his team "off the road." Trump defended his supporters, stating, "In my opinion, these patriots did nothing wrong. Instead, the F.B.I. & Justice should be investigating the terrorists, anarchists, and agitators of ANTIFA, who run around burning down our Democrat-run cities and hurting our people!"

Chief Critic:

"The words of a president matter, no matter how good or bad that president," President-elect Joe Biden said Wednesday afternoon in a speech condemning the insurrectionist mob. "At their best, the words of a president can inspire. At their worst, they can incite."

What To Watch For:

It will be interesting to see if Trump calls for the immediate arrest of individuals caught on tape looting the Capitol during Wednesday's raid. In July, the president tweeted, "Anarchists, Agitators or Protestors who vandalize or damage our Federal Courthouse in Portland, or any Federal Buildings in any of our Cities or States, will be prosecuted under our recently re-enacted Statues & Monuments Act. MINIMUM TEN YEARS IN PRISON. Don't do it!"

Further Reading:

Trump Keeps Focus On Racially Divisive Issues-Threatens To Pull California School Funding Over Race Curriculum (Forbes)

Trump Retweets (Then Deletes) Video Of Supporter Shouting' White Power' (Forbes)

Trump Calls Planned Black Lives Matter Sign By Trump Tower A 'Symbol Of Hate' (Forbes)

... Read More

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Trump Called BLM Protesters 'Thugs' But Capitol-Storming Supporters 'Very Special'

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President Donald Trump addressed a mob of his supporters who charged past barricades and law enforcement to infiltrate the U.S. Capitol in a video message Wednesday, asking them to "go home in peace" and concluded by telling them "you're very special," which stands in stark contrast to the language and approach the president has used when addressing Black Lives Matters protesters, whom he has repeatedly referred to as "thugs," "terrorists" and "anarchists."

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The next link give ideas to support and donate to black people communities. (https://nymag.com/strategist/article/where-to-donate-for-black-lives-matter.html)

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a lot of people where planning to go out and protest

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This is the second part of a two-part series on the organizational restructuring of Black Lives Matter. Read the first part here.
The year 2020 witnessed even more dramatic changes within the Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation (BLM Global Network Foundation). The organization underwent a leadership change and experienced some internal turmoil related to its chapter structure. It created two new affiliate entities, switched fiscal sponsors, and had to decide what to do with the tens of millions of dollars in donations and grants that it suddenly had at its disposal.
Leadership Changes and Chapter Turmoil
Generally viewed as the preeminent national organization associated with the Black Lives Matter movement, the BLM Global Network Foundation operates the blacklivesmatter.com website and claims the movement's three widely acknowledged co-founders-Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi-as its own. Garza and Tometi are no longer directly involved with the organization's operations, but they remain connected to the broader Black Lives Matter movement in other capacities.

Cullors, however, took on a central leadership role during the second half of 2020. She "assumed the role of Executive Director" in July, an act that was seen by some as a "a rebuke of its 'leaderful' structure, which gave every member an equal say and kept anyone-including a founder-from overreaching." The move was later sharply criticized by 10 local Black Lives Matter chapters, who wrote in a joint public statement "It Is Time for Accountability" that "Patrisse Cullors, as the sole board member of BLMGN, became Executive Director against the will of most chapters and without their knowledge."

Determining exactly how many local chapters there are and who they are is rather challenging. Screen captures from the Internet Archive's WayBack Machine indicate there were 16 chapters in February 2020: 15 in the U.S. and one in Canada. By August there were 17 chapters: 14 in the U.S. and three in Canada. The "Chapters" page was apparently taken down in September. Ten chapters signed the "It Is Time for Accountability" statement in December, but only four of those were listed as official chapters in August. According to a 2020 Impact Report released in early 2021, 11 chapters received funding from the BLM Global Network Foundation in 2020, but some of them "are no longer . . . in our official network." Five chapter reports were included in that 2020 Impact Report, with the anticipation that "dozens more" would be available in future years.
New Organizational Affiliates
All of this is related to a major reorganization undertaken by the BLM Global Network Foundation during the second half of 2020. After deciding "to fully lean into its capacity as a fundraising body, grantmaking entity, amplifier, and action-oriented think tank of the movement," the BLM Global Network Foundation spun off two new organizations: Black Lives Matter Grassroots and Black Lives Matter PAC.

Black Lives Matter Grassroots is intended to function as the assembly of official Black Lives Matter chapters, which will focus on "local, grassroots level work." It has been characterized as the "activist arm" of the BLM Global Network Foundation, having been created "to support the organizational needs of chapters." This new structure was highly controversial among some chapters, however. In their "It is Time for Accountability" joint statement, 10 chapters asserted that Black Lives Matter Grassroots "does not have the support of and was created without consultation with the vast majority of chapters" and that "[its formation] effectively separated the majority of chapters from [BLM Global Network Foundation] without their consent."

Black Lives Matter PAC was publicly announced in October 2020, reflecting a recognition that "transforming the world requires both protest and politics." In partnership with the left-wing Working Families Party, it contacted 5.4 million voters in eight states during the 2020 General Election. It claims that 44 of its endorsed candidates and measures were successful, including U.S. Representatives Cori Bush (D-MO), Jamaal Bowman (D-NY), and Nikema Williams (D-GA). Black Lives Matter PAC also participated in the dual 2021 U.S. Senate runoff elections in Georgia in favor of Democrats Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff, which were both elected.
Structural Changes and Financials
The BLM Global Network Foundation began 2020 as a fiscally sponsored project of Thousand Currents, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit that had served as its sponsor since 2016. But as CRC first reported in July, that sponsorship was transferred to the Tides Center, one of a group of related left-of-center nonprofits that had combined 2019 revenues in excess of $800 million. Even more interesting, perhaps, is an Associated Press report from February 2021 revealing that the BLM Global Network Foundation had been granted its own IRS tax-exempt status in December 2020. This means that going forward it will be required to file Form 990 returns with the IRS.

Those returns will provide considerable detail on the organization's finances. But for now, the most comprehensive fiscal picture available comes from its recently released 2020 Impact Report. According to that report, it raised approximately $90 million in 2020 "across our entities and partners," incurred $8.4 million in operating expenses (this includes those of both the BLM Global Network Foundation and Black Lives Matter Grassroots), and paid out $21.7 million in grants. Black Lives Matter PAC raised $1.05 million from October through the end of the year and spent a combined $746,000 in the general election and in the Georgia runoffs.

Aside from these top-line numbers, the most notable financial revelations from the report were the organizations to which the BLM Global Network Foundation gave grants. Eleven local chapters received funding in 2020, alongside 30 other groups that each received "a six figure grant." The grants seem to have prioritized sexual orientation and gender identity: "Of the 30 organizations selected, 23 of them are led by Black LGBTQIA folks and/or directly serve these communities." A full list of grant recipients can be found on the InfluenceWatch profile.

As with the Movement for Black Lives, comprehensive data on foundations and other nonprofits that gave to the BLM Global Network Foundation in 2020 will not be available until those organizations file their respective IRS Form 990s for that year-and only to the extent they identify those grants (technically made to the fiscal sponsor) as having been so designated. As 501(c)(3) nonprofits, neither the BLM Global Network Foundation nor its fiscal sponsors are required to publicly reveal the identities of their donors, and the 2020 Impact Report does not voluntarily disclose this information. It does state that the average donation "via our main fundraising platform" in 2020 was for $30.64.
A Much More Potent Movement
The Black Lives Matter movement ended 2020 as a much more potent force than when the year began. Its newfound sociopolitical influence is best reflected in the vast sums of money that organizations associated with the movement took in over the course of the year-most prominently the BLM Global Network Foundation.

Black Lives Matter is almost certain to continue playing a major role in American politics, especially within the Democratic Party and across the Left more broadly. Hence, it will become increasingly important to understand how the principal entities associated with the movement are organized, who leads them, and (to the extent possible) their donors and financials. Hopefully, this will help avoid a repeat of the significant public confusion that plagued the movement and its observers in the past.
Read the first part of this series here.

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The Organizational Restructuring of Black Lives Matter: BLM Global Network Foundation

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The year 2020 witnessed even more dramatic changes within the Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation (BLM Global Network Foundation). The organization underwent a leadership change and experienced some internal turmoil related to its chapter structure.

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this link shows where to sign petitions and where to donate money to the blm.

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FAQ

(Frequently Asked Questions)

Can I link this on my Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, Website, etc?

Yes, you absolutely can!

Who are you?

My name is Nico and I am 19 years old!

Can I make a carrd inspired by this one?

I did not come up with the idea of compiling resources on BLM at all but please be respectful with how you discuss it. These are important issues and the discussion of black lives being lost.

Can I pay you for the work you're doing?

Thank you for the offer but kindly no! I am financially stable and there are much better places your money can go, such as to anything on the donate page!

Is this carrd updated?

I've been updating it for the past year as often as I can! However, running this carrd can be very mentally taxing considering the subject matter so I do often take long breaks for personal mental health. Please refer to the date on the bottom of the first page to see when the last update was and consider many other compilation sources meanwhile!

One last PSA:

Carrd's and infographics are the absolute tip of the iceberg when it comes to activism. This carrd can be very useful in aiding education or act as a starting point for you but please understand there is so much more to being an, "ally." Speaking up against racism in your real life, furthering your education on the subject and boosting black people and their voices are a few of the many important actions that further this movement. As times change and this movement furthers this carrd will not he relevant to every situation concerning black lives nor is any other carrd in a case by case basis. Do the work yourself as well to continue supporting black lives.

Text Or Call

-Daunte Wright was shot near Brooklyn Center by officer Kim Potters on April 11th, 2021. He was a loving father only regarded positively by his peers, and his death is being excused as a mistake.

-You can use the resources below to demand every cop involved in the murder of George Floyd be charged without bail.

-Text "JUSTICE" To 668366

"JUSTICE" to 668366

-Text "FLOYD" To 55156

"FLOYD" to 55156

-Get in contact with the District Attorney and Minneapolis Mayor. Leave a message for them DEMANDING that 4 officers including Derek Chauvin (Badge #1087) and Tou Thao (Badge #7162) be charged without bail for the Murder of George Floyd. (Info Below)

Minneapolis Mayor's Office, Jacob Frey.Minneapolis District Attorney, Mike Freeman.Minneapolis PD E-Mails:
- (612) 673-2100
- (612) 348-5550 or email:
[email protected]
[email protected]
[email protected]
Internal Affairs Number:
- 612-673-3074 [email protected] Four Officers, Including Officers Derek Chauvin (Badge #1087) and Tou Thao (Badge #7162)

-Breonna Taylor was murdered in her house by police who raided the wrong house and was shot 8 times while she was sleeping. Call or E-mail the Louisville Mayor's office and demand that the officers involved be charged! (Info Below)

Louisville Mayor, Greg Fischer
- (502) 574-2003

-Text "ENOUGH" To 55156

"ENOUGH" to 55156

-Julius Jones is on death row in Oklahoma despite compelling evidence that he was wrongfully convicted and that racial bias infected his case. Just fill out this template that will send an e-letter to the Pardon & Parole Board. (Info Below)

-Johns Hopkins University is trying to put a Private police force throughout the city of Baltimore. The city is 62% black, students have created a letter campaign to call them to cancel their plans. You can send a pre-written letter below!

-Template for U.S. residents to inquire into how the police are trained in your city! Has info for texas but pls research who your city rep is!

-E-mail templates to reform and defund the police!

-E-mail Protest for Victims of Police Violence!

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(Frequently Asked Questions) Can I link this on my Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, Website, etc? Yes, you absolutely can! Who are you? My name is Nico and I am 19 years old! Can I make a carrd inspired by this one?

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the link shows statistics of how much BLM fundraisers have made.

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The Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation (BLMGNF) generated $90 million in revenue $30 at a time during 2020, according to its Black Lives Matter 2020 Impact Report.

The report offered a look at the finances and operations of the BLMGNF, as well affiliated organizations the Black Lives Matter Political Action Committee and Black Lives Matter Grassroots.

"BLMGNF has decided to fully lean into its capacity as a fundraising body, grantmaking entity, amplifier, and action-oriented think tank of the movement," Black Lives Matter Executive Director Patrisse Cullors wrote in the report.

The nearly 20 chapters in its network, and the grassroots work they do, have coalesced under what Cullors called "a sister organization," Black Lives Matter Grassroots. Another arm of the movement, the Black Lives Matter Political Action Committee, was formed in October 2020 and has played a role in both the 2020 general election and the two Senate runoff elections held in Georgia in early 2021.

According to data in the report, the average donation that made up the $90 million BLMGNF raised was $30.64. More than 10 percent of its donations were recurring. BLMGNF distributed $21.7 million - 23 percent of total assets - in grants to 33 organizations and Black Lives Matter chapters. The organization reported $8.4 million in operating expenses. At the end of the year, after expenses and grant distributions, the organization had a balance of roughly $60 million.

During 2020, BLMGNF's email list swelled from 42,878 recipients to just less than 2 million recipients by the end of the year. BLMGNF sent more than 127 million emails containing information, action requests, and fundraising pitches.

One email in particular, a single effort sent on Giving Tuesday (Dec. 1, 2020) generated $82,745.88, which was split equally among six local organizations whose missions reflect that of the BLMGNF: COFED, which provides food to poor and working class communities by aligning with farmers and food co-ops; Chicago-based Cure Violence Global, a conflict-resolution organization; KC Tenants, which provides safe and affordable homes for poor and working class tenants in Kansas City, Mo.; Lead to Life, an Oakland-based multi-locale collective of black and queer artists, healers and ecologists; Baltimore-based National Queer and Trans Therapists of Color Network; and Atlanta's Urban Youth Harp Ensemble.

Separately, the BLM PAC raised $1.05 million between its inception on Oct. 9, 2020 and the end of the year and spent $746,000 on a variety of voter information and turnout actions.

Money alone does not tell the story of BLMGNF's strength. The organization has blossomed as an information resource. In 2019, the BLMGNF website had more than one million visitors. While site clicks remained stable during the first half of 2020, during the second half, after the summer protests, the site recorded more than 24 million visitors. The organization boasts more than 4.3 million Instagram followers, 1 million twitter followers and 750,000 Facebook followers.

In summing up the organization's growth, the impact report stated "We are no longer a small, scrappy movement. We are an institution. We are mature. We are a growing entity developing its stake in the philanthropic world. We are entering spaces previously unimaginable."

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BLM Impact Report Shows Network's Strength, Fundraising

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The Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation (BLMGNF) generated $90 million in revenue $30 at a time during 2020, according to its Black Lives Matter 2020 Impact Report. The report offered a look at the finances and operations of the BLMGNF, as well affiliated organizations the Black Lives Matter Political Action Committee and Black Lives Matter Grassroots.

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Many cases of injustice where white people attack color people without a reasonable reason. (https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2020/07/07/black-americans-report-hate-crimes-amid-black-lives-matter-gains/3259241001/)

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The 10K Project is an economic movement to fund black business and bridge the wealth gap.

A group of entrepreneurs has launched a 100 percent black-owned equity crowdfunding platform, The 10K Project, to fund black businesses and bridge the black wealth gap.

The 10K Project allows micro investors to join for $100 and have the opportunity to invest in black-owned small business. If 10,000 people to invest as little as $100, then there would be $1 million to support these businesses. In addition to accessing opportunities to invest, members will have access to financial literacy webinars, wealth building educational resources, community forums and the ability to network and learn from each other.

Cheree Warrick, a former business plan writer and a co-founder and the Project's CEO, says that the idea for the initiative developed three years ago when she noticed that many of her Black clients had great business ideas but lacked the networks and collateral to secure funding for their businesses. Noting the success of WeBuyBlack, an online marketplace for Black-owned business to sell their products, Warrick believed that concept could work with funding Black businesses, as well.

Cheree Warwick, co-founder and CEO of The 10K Project

"I started asking, 'If people bought Black, maybe they would invest Black too.' If 10,000 of us got together and we put in $100 each, that's a million dollars. We could start funding our own businesses. We can process from our own innovation," she says.

Warrick collaborated with co-founders Tawana Rivers, Talisha Shine, Eric Spence, and Dr. Kecia Waddell to recruit both entrepreneurs and potential investors for focus groups to gauge interest in the endeavor. "Everyone we spoke with said, 'Yes, we're in. Let's do this," she adds.

In May, Warrick and her co-founders considered abandoning the project in the wake of the social justice protests throughout the country following the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. However, with the nation gripped by unrest and focused on the racial disparities Black people face, she knew it was the perfect opportunity to launch.

"I said. 'No, let's move forward.' And it's been one of the best decisions that we could have made."

According to the U.S. Census Bureau's Annual Business Survey, Blacks owned 124,004 firms in 2017 with 32.0 percent (39,714) of these firms in the healthcare and social services industry. Additionally, a Groupon and National Black Chamber of Commerce survey reports that 80 percent of black business owners say they encounter greater challenges starting their business because of their race; 76 percent say COVID-19 has negatively impacted their business and 74 percent has fewer chances to create a "successful business and less time to make it successful due to a lack of capital investment and resources."

Since its launch, the Project has generated considerable interest, attracting more than 1,100 members or "everyday VCs" who are looking to invest in Black-owned, scalable businesses, and inquiries from accelerators and incubators who want to have their Black entrepreneurs considered for the platform. Its Building Black Wealth Podcast has featured interviews with A'Leilia Bundles, the great-great-great granddaughter of the legendary female entrepreneurs, Madame C.J. Walker; George Fraser, the Cleveland based author, entrepreneur, speaker and founder of the 15-year-old PowerNetworking Conference; and Lamar Wilson the Founder of Sunjoined, a company that was created to provide an all-natural CBD from a network of connected growers.

Warrick says The 10K Project is responding to a growing need to support black entrepreneurs, especially during a time when the COVID-19 pandemic has created such economic uncertainty. She and her co-founders believe that the project has a chance to create a new generation of black investors.

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Entrepreneurs Launch 100% Black-Owned Crowdfunding Platform - Minority Business Magazine (MBE)

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The 10K Project is an economic movement to fund black business and bridge the wealth gap. A group of entrepreneurs has launched a 100 percent black-owned equity crowdfunding platform, The 10K Project, to fund black businesses and bridge the black wealth gap. The 10K Project allows micro investors to join for $100 and have the opportunity [...]

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people in the BLM movement started to riot after police got violent

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Adama Traore: How George Floyd’s death energised French protests

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New laws in France have increased police powers at a time when their use of force is under scrutiny.

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this is a link where you can get more info about BLM and help support it

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People would use violence to portect them self when no one would hear them out.

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This article show how when there was police brutality they didn't stop they stick together to keep protesting

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Carnegie Mellon University's Heinz College

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By Michael Cunningham

A conversation about the Black Lives Matter Movement, and the legacy that sparked it, with one of the world's leading experts on policing
Professor Daniel Nagin is the 2014 recipient of the prestigious Stockholm Prize on Criminology, an elected fellow of the American Society of Criminology, and the Teresa and H. John Heinz III University Professor of Public Policy and Statistics. His research focuses on the evolution of criminal and antisocial behaviors over the life course the deterrent effect of criminal and non-criminal penalties on illegal behaviors, and the development of statistical methods for analyzing longitudinal data.

In the wake of recent incidences of lethal violence involving law enforcement officials in Baton Rouge, Falcon Heights, and Dallas, we sat down with Nagin to talk to him about what factors led to these events, why there is apparent mistrust between citizens and law enforcement officials, and what policy, research, and training measures can be taken to help prevent these situations in the future.
Professor Daniel Nagin
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Michael Cunningham: Based on your research, are the events in recent years and weeks that have led to the growth of the Black Lives Matter movement reflective a small number of outlying incidents, or is it symptomatic of a systemic problem?

Daniel Nagin: The Black Lives Matter Movement has to be understood in the context of the historical legacy of the ill treatment of blacks by the police and the criminal justice system and American political and social institutions more generally. That legacy is a fact. The Movement, I think, is a reflection of and reaction to that legacy. I don't think people should be surprised by it, and it's part of why people should listen to the Black Lives Matter position. At the same time getting people to listen has been greatly complicated by the lethal ambushes of police officers in Dallas and Baton Rouge.

MC: Live telecasting or near-real time videos of events as they are happening makes them so much more apparent and visceral, as opposed to reading a news article about it.

DN: When you see video, for example, of the incident in North Charleston, where a police officer gunned down a man who was running away from him-you can't deny those facts. I don't know what motivated this cop to do it, but I'm not surprised that black people interpreted it as still another instance of their mistreatment by the police.

MC: You mentioned recent studies about lethal force. In terms of research, what do we know about the disproportionate targeting of minorities, particularly African-Americans, by law enforcement agencies?

DN: Studies on this question come to conflicting conclusions. Some studies have concluded that minorities are disproportionately targeted, and others reach the opposite conclusion. In fact, in a recent study on this issue, Roland Fryer from Harvard reached the conclusion that it depends on what kind of tactic you're talking about. He concluded that for non-lethal uses of force, involving things like handcuffing the person, shoving them, or having some physical contact with them, those events were in the order of 10 to 25 percent more likely for blacks than for whites. On the other hand, he reached the conclusion that, if anything, lethal use of force is more common among whites than blacks. So it's hard to draw really strong conclusions one way or the other on this issue.

MC: Why don't researchers currently have a better answer to this question?

DN: I think there are a couple of reasons for that. One is that we simply don't have very good data about these incidences. As surprising as this is, there is not a national database where you can confidently get a count of the number of people against which police used lethal violence, let alone on instances when they discharge firearms. So the studies that have been done are based on data from specific localities that are often of uneven quality. For this reason alone, findings may differ across studies.

The Black Lives Matter Movement has to be understood in the context of the historical legacy of the ill treatment of blacks by the police and the criminal justice system and American political and social institutions more generally. That legacy is a fact. Professor Daniel Nagin

Another issue is that, conceptually, this is a really hard problem. And it's a hard problem because there are differences across racial and ethnic groups in the frequency that they commit crime, which puts some groups in contact with the police at a rate that is disproportionate to their presence in the population. Taking account of those differences in involvement in crime is not easy to do from a statistical perspective.

The problem is made even further difficult because we also live in a racially segregated society. So, if you are going to send the police where there is the most crime, you're also going to wind up sending the police to what are typically racially segregated communities. For example, there was a study done of the locations of "stop, question, and frisk" in New York City. SQFs tended to be heavily concentrated in so-called crime "hot spots," which themselves tend to be disproportionately located in minority communities.

So it's conceptually a hard problem to grapple with because it is so complex. But the fact that we don't have good data on these kinds of incidences is unforgivable. These are the two main reasons why we don't currently have a better answer to the question of whether black and other minorities are disproportionately targeted on account of their race or ethnicity.

MC: In addition to collecting better data, what are some other factors that will help to solve this issue?

DN: The problem of data can be solved, and it should be solved. But even if it is solved, the data can only help us understand and explain the problem. It can't fix the problem. Once you use data to identify what the problem is, then you're going to have to change what the police do, and how they interact with the public. And in that regard, there is wide agreement among policing scholars that the research on the effectiveness of police training is woefully inadequate. There are very few careful studies on what's effective and what's not effective in changing the behavior of police in the field.

MC: Can you provide an example of that, or a hypothetical question that you would like to answer through this type of research?

DN: For example: when police do use force, how well considered is it? Would a trained observer conclude that the use of force was necessary and appropriate? Was there a conceivable way that the use of force could have been avoided by some kind of de-escalation tactic?

The comparison I would give is that police, in general, do not receive anywhere near the level of training that we give to the members of our military on how to control their emotions and respond in a way that is going to be effective and constructive in conflict situations. People in our military, and in the best militaries in the world, get intensive training in those kinds of things, and by and large police don't get anywhere near that level of training.

MC: As a point of comparison, where do police stand compared to the military in terms of conflict training?

DN: Again, there is not really good data on training, but I think that it's well understood that, in general, it's nowhere near as complete and thorough as in the military. Part of the issue with training is that, in the United States, there are over 18,000 police departments, and most of them are very small. And when you have these little police departments, the capacity to properly train the police officers and establish a culture of accountability is really limited. So I think there's an important need to consolidate the number of police departments that exist nationwide, for a variety of reasons.

The idea is not to have a safe police state. The idea is to have a safe democratic society. Professor Daniel Nagin

MC: From a policy standpoint, what effect do you think recent events will have on policy procedures and oversight in law enforcement on different levels?

DN: I think that we already see it happening. Police executives are talking about the importance of training police to better interact with people in the community, and about using other methods to try to diffuse tense situations. There's also this idea of implicit bias. All of these notions are laudable, but getting back to my prior point: If you were to candidly ask a police chief, "tell me the proven methods to do 'X,' 'Y,' and 'Z,'" the chief wouldn't be able to honestly respond to that question, because hardly any of them have been properly evaluated. So everybody is kind of flying by the seat of their pants, or making decisions based on overblown claims about the effectiveness of these various training programs. Therefore, whether they are reacting in an effective way to these events is hard to know.

Right now, for obvious reasons, the pendulum is focused very much on what the police can do to improve their credibility in the community. 20 years ago, when crime rates were high, the focus was on doing anything they could to reduce the crime rate. What police departments ultimately have to do is to recognize that both of these values are important. It's important that they do things to help make the community safe. But it is also important that they do things in a way that leaves the community with confidence and trust in them, and to keep in mind that sometimes these two different objectives can wind up being in conflict. They've got to balance these two objectives, and know that one shouldn't have the status to trump the other. The idea is not to have a safe police state. The idea is to have a safe democratic society.

MC: In your research and experience in this area, are there certain strategies that law enforcement officials can use to prevent these situations from occurring?

DN: It is clear that police presence at places where there is a lot of crime-I call this the "sentinel" role in policing-can be very effective in preventing crime. A simple analogy is that nobody is going to rob a liquor store if a cop is standing right outside. The key for police officers is using that presence to interact with citizens in a way that doesn't create conflict.

MC: Do you think there is any hope in solving this challenge?

DN: I am optimistic and hopeful that the current tensions will recede. But it is important to keep in mind that, over the long haul, these things are not going to be resolved unless resources are committed to having good measurement systems to collect quality data on what the police are doing in regard to the use of force. The necessary resources also have to be committed to generally having better data systems for monitoring how communities feel about the police, and to developing training systems where police are trained to use to what are known to be effective methods both for improving community trust, and also for preventing crime. Good intentions alone are not going to make our communities safe and solve the problem of citizen distrust of the police in some communities.

Learn more about Daniel Nagin

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Police, Violence, and Data: The Black Lives Matter Movement

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By Michael Cunningham A conversation about the Black Lives Matter Movement, and the legacy that sparked it, with one of the world's leading experts on policing Professor Daniel Nagin is the 2014 recipient of the prestigious Stockholm Prize on Criminology, an elected fellow of the American Society of Criminology, and the Teresa and H.

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In February, two white men chased and confronted Ahmaud Arbery, an unarmed Black man, while he was jogging. He was killed during the encounter. In March, police officers crashed into the apartment of Breonna Taylor, a Black woman, and shot her multiple times. And in May, three police officers pinned George Floyd, a Black man, to the ground, with one kneeling on his neck until he could not breathe. Floyd died, and the kneeling officer has since been charged with third-degree murder. The other three officers involved in Floyd's death have yet to be charged.

These unjust deaths have poured attention and outrage onto America's well-established legacy of white supremacy and police brutality, launching protests and riots in cities across the country. Yet these demonstrations come at a time of already overwhelming instability. The coronavirus pandemic has claimed over 100,000 lives in the U.S., 23,000 in New York alone, disproportionately impacting communities of color. The global economy has collapsed. And though many of the current protests are peaceful, law enforcement and National Guard forces have used tear gas, rubber bullets and pepper spray, and even cars and horses to break up crowds. As businesses suffer property destruction and all involved face potential injury, it's obvious that taking a stand rarely guarantees safety.

If you plan to join protests to demand justice, many stand with you. But there are measures you should take to ensure you, your fellow protestors, and your community stay safe. To address those measures, BAZAAR.com has consulted two experts: Saba Moges, a nurse who's attended protests in Baltimore and Washington, D.C., and Judith Matloff, a professor of conflict reporting at the Columbia's Graduate School of Journalism and author of How to Drag a Body and Other Safety Tips You Hope to Never Need. Here's what they want you to know.

What to Know Before You Go

Before you step into the streets to protest, you should take some time to research, Matloff says. Read what others are posting on social media. Go through resources provided by organizations such as Black Lives Matter. Be ready for the worst. "I think it's really, really careful to keep in mind that while you have a right to protest, the police look at things differently," she says. "And I think you have to approach these things with the assumption that there could be some brutality."

So first, study what tactics your local police use for crowd control. Have there been reports of tear gas usage or pepper bullets? Have any officers taken a knee or met with protestors to speak with them? Getting a better idea of your local force's past behavior can help you prepare for any reaction. But do know that you are expected to respond to police commands. "If they say move, move, and don't argue with police," Matloff advises. Show that you are peaceful, and you'll lessen your chances of escalating the situation or facing arrest.

Second, research the demonstration you're attending. Who is organizing the protest? Do they have a permit? "If you don't have a permit to be there, the police have the right to go in and do whatever they want to do to get rid of you," Matloff says. If you are attending a protest that is free-roaming without a permit, be aware that police retaliation is a strong possibility.

Third, understand your position within the protest. If you are a white or non-Black person of color, Moges says, "It is time to take the back seat in these situations, unless you are coming to the defense of a Black person between a police officer-because that's really where allyship is going to be right there." Amplify Black voices rather than your own.

Finally, recognize the risks of COVID-19. As reported by ABC News, according to data gathered by Johns Hopkins University, the number of U.S. coronavirus cases has increased to a daily average of nearly 22,500 new cases from May 28 through June 1. The increase is likely linked in part to states reopening businesses, but given that the George Floyd protests started on May 26, it is also likely these gatherings are significant sources of coronavirus spread. The virus spreads primarily through exhaled droplets from coughing, sneezing, talking, and shouting; it's essential that you wear a mask while protesting and try to maintain distance from others.

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How to Plan

Before you attend any demonstration whatsoever, develop a plan, Matloff says. Be ready for escalation. Be ready to escape. Make sure you have everything you need with you.

Start by informing people you're attending a protest. Set up childcare or pet care in the instance you are arrested. Leave your keys with someone you trust. If you plan to park near the protest, make sure your vehicle is in a safe spot with easy access.

Next, decide where you'll position yourself. Maintain six feet of distance between yourself and others, whenever possible, to avoid spreading COVID-19. If you must stand close to others, stand on the periphery.

"When you're in one of these situations, your adrenaline starts flowing and you get excited, because emotions are infectious," Matloff says. "So as tempting as it is to go right into the center of the action, stay on the periphery. You're still going to be participating or observing, but you'll be able to maintain some degree of social distancing."

The other advantage of positioning yourself on the periphery is that you're less likely to get tear-gassed or pepper-sprayed, she explains. But make sure you aren't too far from others-there's safety in numbers.

As Moges points out, social distancing is the goal, but it's difficult to accomplish in a massive crowd. She says 90 percent of the protesters she's witnessed in Baltimore and Washington, D.C., have been wearing masks, but some contact will still be likely. Don't take your mask off to yell louder, she says-it's not worth the risk.

"There are times when the mob stops moving, and space does open up on the perimeter," she says. Plan that time to "drink some water, eat a snack during those times. Try and find a little extra spacing where you can safely pull your mask down."

After assessing your position, develop a buddy system. If possible, travel with one or two trusted friends and ask that they watch your back. Instruct them to take photos if anything happens to one of you. Link arms; Matloff says police are less likely to arrest two people who've linked up. But don't travel with a group larger than three people-it's easy to lose track of your loved ones and get separated if there's too many of you.

Lastly, memorize your friends' emergency contact numbers, or at least have them on hand. Designate a safe house nearby. If violence erupts, you'll need a place to escape to that isn't a storefront. Connect with a friend who lives in the area and ask if you can use their apartment should anything go awry. Update them on your status every 20 minutes during the demonstration so they know you are safe.

What to Wear

You'll need to gear up for any outcome, while still taking precautions against the ongoing pandemic. Bring several masks, Matloff instructs. Wear one, but be sure you have extras in case it gets contaminated from tear gas or pepper spray. Wear gloves to protect from both the coronavirus and skin irritants.

The most important thing to do: Protect your essential organs, Matloff says. If possible, don a pair of ballistic goggles-the kind used at firing ranges-as well as a bicycle helmet or construction helmet to protect your head from thrown items. If the weather isn't too hot, throw on rainproof outerwear, such as a poncho, so you can remove it should you come into contact with contaminants. Wear sturdy, lightweight hiking boots that you can run in. Having a lace-up boot protects your ankles from turning when you need to sprint, and running shoes too easily come untied, Matloff says.

Finally, if you typically wear makeup, skip it. Skin creams, including sunscreen and other makeup products, can trap tear gas particles on your face. Same goes for your contact lenses-take 'em out. Avoid throwing long hair into a ponytail-it can be grabbed, putting you in danger-and remove dangling, loose accessories such as scarves or earrings.

What to Bring

Moges recommends that if you plan to attend multiple protests, have your bag packed at all times and restock it each night. Take essentials with you in a tight cross-body bag, not a backpack. Those can be pulled and grabbed; a cross-body can be kept close to your chest.

Don't weigh yourself down, but pack the following, if available to you:

Extra masks

A hat or other face covering, if you wish to conceal your identity

A wireless cell phone charger

Fully charged cell phone (with camera), but with data and Face/Touch ID disabled. Consider putting your phone on Airplane mode to conceal your digital footprint, or leave your device at home to eliminate risk.

Hand sanitizer, with which to cleanse your hands and gear

Your state-issued ID

Your press badge, if you're a reporter

Earplugs, in case use of sound cannons is implemented

A bottle of water, preferably with a squirt top

Your lawyer's number, or a number of the local National Lawyers Guild or ACLU

Milk of magnesia

Snacks

Basic first-aid supplies

Fresh change of clothes

Paper and pen for documentation

Cash, in case you get stranded and need a way home

Moges also recommends that any health care workers who attend protests wear a badge. This serves two purposes: 1) It informs the police and protesters of your status, and 2) shows those around you that you have first-aid supplies available, should they need them.

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What to Do If Violence Erupts

Protests can quickly become tense situations, and if you feel a change in the mood around you, get somewhere safe immediately, Matloff advises. "At that point just get out of Dodge," she says. "If you're on the edge of the crowd, you can run really quickly because you're on the edge and nobody's blocking your way."

If you do find yourself in the middle of an altercation, here's how to address the following:

Tear gas: "Blink as many times as you can, but do not rub your face," Moges says. Blow your nose, rinse your mouth, and in general, try not to swallow. Do not put milk in your eyes, Matloff advises, even if you see recommendations to do so on social media. "That's a mess," she says. "Because milk has acid. what you want to do instead is rinse your eyes with saline or bottled water. Bottled because it's sterile." She explains that tear gas expands with water, so the pain will be extreme while you flush. But keep flushing out your eyes, and eventually, the irritant will wash out.

Pepper spray: If pepper spray gets in your eyes, use water as instructed above. Do not use milk of magnesia, an antacid you can get at the drugstore. If pepper spray gets on your skin, get a bottle and pour in a mixture of half water and half milk of magnesia. Pour the mixture onto the affected skin, and it should decrease the burning sensation.

Rubber bullets: Although rubber might seem harmless, these bullets can actually cause extreme injury. "The risk of serious injury and disability is high," Rohini Haar, MD, research fellow at the Human Rights Center at UC Berkeley's School of Law, PHR medical expert, and author of Lethal in Disguise, told ."These weapons are supposed to be used with proportionate force, like when they're absolutely required, which is not what you see in the protests that are going on now." If you are hit with a rubber bullet that penetrates skin or causes a fracture, seek medical attention immediately. If the wound is not severe, sterilize it, apply an antibiotic ointment, and wrap it with gauze.

Pictures: Photos of protests (especially ones where altercations have occurred) can endanger the identities of those around you. Consider blacking out the faces of those you photograph and ask yourself whether a photo or video needs to be posted to social media before you upload.

What to Do If You're Arrested

Know that you have the right to voice your opinion in public. You have the right to be told the reason for your arrest, and you have the right to call a lawyer. But always comply with police orders. Don't resist; doing so could put you and others in further danger. Keep your hands up and visible, and say you wish to remain silent. Police may pat you down for weapons, but don't say or sign anything without a lawyer present.

Remember that buddy system? If you're getting arrested, ask your friends to contact your emergency contacts and lawyers. They can help bail you out and get you safe.

What to Do When You Get Home

Once you get home, stop immediately inside your front door. Dispose of your mask and any other contaminated clothing immediately, Moges says. Take a shower. "This is not a quick two-minute shower," she says. "Lather up, lather up again, make sure you're really washing your face, washing around your eyes."

Wipe down your phone and gear, as well as your water bottle if you plan to reuse it. If you live with other people, consider distancing yourself from them for 14 days to decrease the risk of a possible COVID-19 spread. If you have access to testing for the coronavirus, get it.

After you are safe and clean, find someone to support you. Physical trauma is terrifying enough, but emotional and mental trauma are also compounding in our communities, especially communities of color. Matloff says it is absolutely essential that protesters take time to decompress and talk through their feelings.

"Debrief with people who you feel close to and supported by," she says. "After a night of a lot of violence, as you're seeing the uncomfortable feelings that you're feeling being brought to the fore, as you think about police brutality, talk about it with people, share your thoughts. Don't try to sweep those uncomfortable emotions away. Try to process them."

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How to Protect Yourself (and Those Around You) During a Protest in a Pandemic

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In February, two white men chased and confronted Ahmaud Arbery , an unarmed Black man, while he was jogging. He was killed during the encounter. In March, police officers crashed into the apartment of Breonna Taylor , a Black woman, and shot her multiple times.

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back then people thought using violence was ok.  They didn't realize how bad it was using violence back then.  They used violence when they wanted something from someone.  -Karla

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back then people thought using violence was ok.  They didn't realize how bad it was using violence back then.  They used violence when they wanted something from someone.  -Karla

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Yaneisy

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The Black Lives Matter movement became an international phenomenon in 2020. As protesters took to the streets in cities across the U.S. in the aftermath of the police killing of George Floyd, a Black man in Minneapolis, Minn., so did demonstrators in other countries - all with a similar message: Black lives matter.

"There is a George Floyd in every country," South Africa-based journalist Lynsey Chutel tells NPR's David Greene during a recent roundtable interview.

Joining Chutel for Morning Edition's roundtable are Ana Luisa González, a freelance journalist based in Colombia and Febriana Firdaus, a freelance investigative journalist based in Indonesia. [ To hear the conversation, press the audio button above.]

Demonstrations spread across Colombia in June. They were sparked by the May killing of a young Black man named Anderson Arboleda in Puerto Tejada, who was allegedly beaten to death by police for breaking pandemic rules. Activists called for justice for Arboleda and other young Afro-Latino men killed by police.

"This message of this movement - Las Vidas Negras Importan - of Black Lives Matter, were young Afro-Colombians who wanted to speak out against police brutality and structural racism," Gonzales says. Like much of Latin America, Spanish colonialism informs many societal divisions in Colombia today, she says.

Yet, most Colombians don't seem to want to talk about racism and colorism, she says. In the most recent census, a majority of Colombians identified as "no race" and "until we acknowledge this debate, we can't change things," Gonzales says.

In South Africa, demonstrators came together following the police killing of 16-year-old Nathaniel Julies, a boy of mixed heritage with Down syndrome. Julies was shot and killed in August by police near his home in a neighborhood of Soweto allegedly for being outside his home during a pandemic lockdown. Chutel says that in the days after young people marched to the police station out of a sense of "deep frustration with this police station and the police force in general who are able to behave with impunity."

"If you have a police system that was used as the foot soldiers of the apartheid regime, where even though now the police are Black and the communities are Black the culture of policing it still very much that authoritarian, militarized policing system," says Chutel. She says that while protesters directly borrowed some language from the U.S.-based Black Lives Matter Movement, they also made their message uniquely South African by incorporating the phrase "Colored Lives Matter." The word colored, she explains, is an old apartheid segregationist term used to describe someone of mixed heritage in South Africa.

Activists in Indonesia inspired by the Black Lives Matter movement also made the message their own. The phrase #AllPapuanLivesMatter went viral, calling attention to the decades-long secessionist movement in West Papua, which has created tensions between the minority Papuans and ethnic Javanese-majority in the country.

"It's hard for West Papuans to find a rent house [sic] because they always get rejected," Firdaus says. "The landlord literally says it's because they are Black and they are Christian. We are majority Muslim."

Firdaus says ever since Jakarta took control of West Papua from the Dutch in the 1960s as part of the New York Agreement, Indonesia has never allowed Papuans to integrate fully into society. But the #PapuaLivesMatter message might be a turning point "because many young Indonesians right now feel they are emotionally involved with this issue," Firdaus says.
To hear the conversation, press the audio button above. Ashley Westerman edited and Ryan Benk produced the broadcast version of this story.

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In 2020, Protests Spread Across The Globe With A Similar Message: Black Lives Matter

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The Black Lives Matter movement became an international phenomenon in 2020. As protesters took to the streets in cities across the U.S. in the aftermath of the police killing of George Floyd, a Black man in Minneapolis, Minn., so did demonstrators in other countries - all with a similar message: Black lives matter.

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https://www.timeout.com/things-to-do/how-to-support-black-lives-matter

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supporting business and the victim

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This is a link to donate for victim families

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The protests against police brutality and the unjust murders of Black and brown people - including George Floyd, Ma'Khia Bryant, Daunte Wright, Adam Toledo, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, David McAtee, Tony McDade, Robert Fuller, Dominique "Rem'mie" Fells, Maurice Gordon, Riah Milton, Malcolm Harsch, Elijah McClain, Rayshard Brooks, Oluwatoyin Salau, Kevin Peterson Jr., and Walter Wallace Jr. - have mobilized millions to take action toward dismantling both overtly and subtly racist norms and policies entrenched in American life. This action can take different forms, including (but not limited to) protesting, educating, listening, consciously shopping, and, of course, donating.

When it comes to the latter, over the past year, you've probably seen a lot of people donating to a lot of things. Here, we've compiled and vetted as many of those things as we could to create a guide for anyone with the means and interest in donating as a form of taking action today or every day. (To jump straight to the guide, click here.) It should go without saying that, while expansive, this guide is nowhere near complete and will be updated as we identify and vet new entities (or see others - like the Minnesota-based North Star Health Collective, Reclaim the Block, and Black Visions Collective - directing potential patrons elsewhere because they have all the money they need right now).

In addition to sourcing entities from lists already created by our sister sites the Cut and the Verge, this guide includes other funds, organizations, and individual activists we have vetted after seeing them on social media or in resource documents being widely shared (including this one, created by Reclaim the Block; this one, created by graduate students at the University of Washington's School of Public Health; this one, created by Margaret McCarron; this one, created by artist Annika Hansteen-Izora; this one, created by ThemsHealth, an Instagram wellness resource for the nonbinary community; and this one, created by writer and activist Indigo).

We've confirmed that any entity on this list is still taking donations at the time of publication and that those doing so less formally (like via Venmo or the Cash App) are providing receipts and/or are legitimate. If you want to donate to or read more about each entity, simply click on a name.

We have broken up the various ways to donate by how recipients promise to use any money received, whether that's to post bail or bonds for demonstrators arrested at protests, to invest in rebuilding Black communities where protests have occurred, or to invest in community-enrichment programs for Black and brown youth. While many of the entities on this list operate nationally, we have noted which operate on a state or local level in case you're looking to make more targeted contributions.

Victim funds | Bail funds | Megafunds | Community-restoration organizations | Community-enrichment organizations | Youth-oriented community organizations | Community organizations serving disabled Black, brown, and indigenous people | Policy-reform organizations | Political organizations | Police-reform organizations | Incarceration-reform organizations | Legal defense funds and organizations | Black LGBTQ funds | Black LGBTQ organizations | Media organizations | Mental-health organizations | Health-care funds and organizations

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168 Ways to Donate in Support of Black Lives and Communities of Color

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The protests against police brutality and the unjust murders of Black and brown people - including George Floyd, Ma'Khia Bryant, Daunte Wright, Adam Toledo, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, David McAtee, Tony McDade, Robert Fuller, Dominique "Rem'mie" Fells, Maurice Gordon, Riah Milton, Malcolm Harsch, Elijah McClain, Rayshard Brooks, Oluwatoyin Salau, Kevin Peterson Jr., and Walter Wallace Jr.

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The movement BLM fight and protested until who kill a George Floyd was to trial and make he go to the jail. (https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-56818766)

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People sent it to other and repost it on their soical media

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they're donating money to the BLM movement

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The Black Lives Matter foundation has revealed it received more than $90 million in donations last year - despite the movement being splintered by ongoing feuds about the lack of funding.

The Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation announced the massive influx of money late Tuesday - the very first time BLM has disclosed its finances in its nearly eight-year history.

With $8.4 million in expenses and $21.7 million committed to local chapters, the group ended 2020 with "an approximate balance of $60 million," it stated in an impact statement.

"We are no longer a small, scrappy movement. We are an institution," the foundation boasted.

"We are entering spaces previously unimaginable."

The financial disclosure came amid heightened tensions in the network of activists - with group of 10 chapters, called the #BLM10 and including ones in New Jersey and Hudson Valley, splitting in November while publicly ripping the main organization over "financial transparency, decision making, and accountability."

"To the best of our knowledge, most chapters have received little to no financial support from BLMGN since the launch in 2013," the 10-chapters insisted in a public demand for "accountability."

BLM said donations exploded following the May 2020 death of George Floyd.

AP/Noah Berger

That lack of funding came despite BLM getting donations from A-list celebrities such as Beyoncé, Jay-Z and - prior to his death in 2016 - Prince, The Associated Press noted.

BLM co-founder Patrisse Cullors - the foundation's executive director - insisted that the financial boost in 2020 was radically different than previous years, however, without releasing further records.

"Because the BLM movement was larger than life - and it is larger than life - people made very huge assumptions about what our actual finances looked like," Cullors told the AP.

"We were often scraping for money, and this year was the first year where we were resourced in the way we deserved to be."

The donations exploded following the May 2020 death of George Floyd, whose death under the knee of a white Minneapolis police officer sparked protests across the US and around the world, the foundation said.

Patrisse Cullors is the co-founder of Black Lives Matter.

Taylor Jewell/Invision/AP

That was matched by online interest, with the BLMGNF website getting a record 1.9 million visitors on June 2 - an almost 5,000 percent increase over the most trafficked day in March, the report said.

BLM vowed to use the money to be more active.

"Black folks have waited over 400 years-to be seen, to be heard, to live in a world where their lives are fundamentally valued," the report stated.

"Despite the strength of our movement, this has yet to happen. Our demands continue to go ignored. As the organization supporting this movement, we've decided that we will wait no longer."

Cullors told the AP that a key focus was now on a "need to reinvest into black communities."

"One of our biggest goals this year is taking the dollars we were able to raise in 2020 and building out the institution we've been trying to build for the last seven and a half years," she said in an interview.
With Post wires

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Black Lives Matter foundation received over $90M in donations last year

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The Black Lives Matter foundation has revealed it received more than $90 million in donations last year - despite the movement being splintered by ongoing feuds about the lack of funding. The Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation announced the massive influx of money late Tuesday - the very first time BLM has disclosed its finances in its nearly eight-year history.

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people use most social media's to spread awareness about the black lives matter movement. they also use it to spread timing about protests.

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fundraising money by supporting small or any black businesses

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sharing it around and using hashtags

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People make hashtags to support BLM movement

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BLM have about 30 Black-led local organizations helping them out but there´s also individual donations that take place. - IN

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BLM have about 30 Black-led local organizations helping them out but there´s also individual donations that take place. - IN

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going out to protesting.

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standing together against violence was a strategy they used, during a lot of the protests there was a lot of police brutality which led to a lot of physical violence. People stool together during this protest protecting one another

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people are rioting and protesting against the injustice of cops using there power too much

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a foundation says they made over 90 million dollars last year.

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Many activist are young people from college and they raise their voices to make justice. (https://www.cnn.com/2021/02/06/us/black-lives-matter-activists/index.html)

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People take direct action by protesting

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creating movements in which people reunite together to speak their rights, and use voices as they walk through main areas of cities ( protesting ) -
- Yaneisy G

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BLM take direct action they don't care what others say or about if they are breaking rules.

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We can tell that people are take Direct Action by going out protesting and sometimes starting riot

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people are donating money to the black lives matter movement

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people are sharing blm on social medias like instagram so that it can get more recognition.

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This story is part of a group of stories called

Uncovering and explaining how our digital world is changing - and changing us.

For most people, Instagram has long been the social media platform where they escape from the real world - and politics - to share a curated highlight reel of their lives. But recently, that's changed. It's become an increasingly political platform amid Black Lives Matter protests across the country. In fact, Instagram has become the platform for widespread conversations in the United States about racism and how to combat it.

"I think there is a shift where everyone feels guilty for not posting anything black," said Thaddeus Coates, a Black queer illustrator, dancer, model, and animator who uses Instagram to share his art, which in recent weeks has focused on racial justice and supporting Black-owned businesses. " People aren't just posting pictures of food anymore, because if you're scrolling through and there's a picture of food, and then there's someone who was killed, and then you scroll up and there's a picture of a protest - it's weird."

As the US has grappled with a reckoning over systemic racism after the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, and other Black Americans, Coates nearly tripled his follower base, and he's been reposted by celebrities, featured by Instagram, and commissioned to do custom illustrations.

Coates's experience fits into a larger pattern: Established racial justice and civil rights groups are also seeing their Instagram bases swell. The NAACP has seen a record 1 million additional Instagram followers in the past month. Black Lives Matter Los Angeles's account has gone from around 40,000 followers on Instagram to 150,000 in the past few weeks, surpassing the popularity of its Facebook page, which has about 55,000 followers.

As Facebook has seen a stagnation in user activity and an aging user base, Instagram, which Facebook owns, has become the online space where comparatively younger people - many of them white - are getting an education in allyship, activism, and Black solidarity. Compared to Twitter, which has 166 million daily active users, Instagram is huge. Its Stories feature alone has more than 500 million daily active users. And while TikTok is on the rise, it's still maturing.

"It's not surprising that Instagram is becoming more political if you think about who's using it. It's generational. The past couple of years, the main people who have been protesting and organizing - millennials and Gen Z - they're on Instagram," Nicole Carty, an activist and organizer based in New York, told Recode.

Instagram's focus on racial justice feels like a pronounced change in the usual mood on the platform

Of course, political activism on social media platforms, including Instagram, isn't new. The Arab Spring in the early 2010s relied heavily on Twitter. Facebook is full of political content. And since its inception, the Black Lives Matter movement has used all these platforms to organize and spread its message.

But to many organizers, activists, and artists, Instagram's focus on racial justice feels like a pronounced change in the usual mood on the platform. Intersectionality, a theory that explores how race, class, gender, and other identity markers overlap and factor into discrimination, is as much a topic of conversation as the usual funny memes, skin care routines, and fitness videos. It's a shift that users, creators, and Instagram itself are embracing.

There's a performative element to some of this because posting a black box or meme about racial injustice is not the same as making a donation, reading a book, or going to a march. Some argue that the performative wokeness can hurt, rather than help, the cause. But for many activists, it's also a way to meet people where they are.

While activists acknowledge that Instagram's increased engagement with racial justice issues will likely pass, right now they're focused on leveraging the momentum and taking advantage of the unique ways Instagram can help their movement.

Instagram gets political

Facebook and Twitter have typically been the main platforms for political discussion and organizing in the US, but savvy politicians and activists have sometimes turned to Instagram to connect with voters and constituents. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) sometimes educates and answers questions from her followers live on the platform. During the 2020 primary, Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) connected with voters while sipping a beer on Instagram Live. In 2018, organizing and activism around the national school walkout to demand action on gun violence took place on the platform. And during his failed 2020 presidential bid, former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg poured money into an awkward meme campaign on Instagram.

But generally, serious issues have been a sideshow on Instagram.

No longer. Scroll through your Instagram in recent weeks and you've probably seen a lot more political and social justice-related content coming from fitness models and food bloggers who have steered clear of those issues in the past. Same goes for the friends you follow, and perhaps your own account - a lot of people are waking up to the realities of racism in America right now and feeling compelled to speak out.

There are multiple explanations for this shift. A feature Instagram introduced in May 2018 that lets you share other accounts' posts to your story makes it easy for people to participate. Before that, and unlike other social media platforms, Instagram had no easy, built-in option for reposting content.

And during a pandemic, as many people are still living under lockdown, many are more likely to have the time and motivation to start posting about topics outside of vacation photos and aspirational lifestyle shots, said Aymar Jean Christian, an associate professor of communication studies at Northwestern University. You can only take so many pictures of the bread you baked. And after months of quarantine, you might not be feeling super selfie-ready. People can't go on vacation; nobody's going to brunch or the gym. The attitude is, "all of those things are closed, so I might as well post about politics," Christian told Recode.

But this surge in political content on Instagram isn't just coincidental. It's intentional.

Leading civil rights groups working on racial justice and policing issues, such as the NAACP and Black Lives Matter Los Angeles, are seizing on the Instagram shift. They've been using Instagram as a way to mobilize followers into tangible political action - getting them to attend protests, sign petitions, call their legislators - and to educate them about systemic racism.

"We're surprised and encouraged by how many non-Black folks are posting and demonstrating support. A lot of the DMs that we're getting are from non-Black people," Melina Abdullah, a co-founder of Black Lives Matter Los Angeles, told Recode.

"We're getting overloaded in our DMs and trying to wade through and make sure we don't miss things that are important," Abdullah said. "Stuff we don't want to miss is people volunteering to donate things, like 'Can I bring granola bars to the protest?' or 'Can I bring a new sound system?'"

Gene Brown, a social media strategist for the NAACP, told Recode he's seeing a more racially diverse set of followers in the organization's expanding Instagram follower base.

"This [racism] is something the Black community has been dealing with forever, and we're looking for white allies to help facilitate this movement," said Brown. "Now it's, 'Wow, this large group of people who aren't necessarily in my wheelhouse are not only paying attention but engaging.'"

The cause has been helped by some celebrities, who have asked Black activists and organizers to take over their Instagram accounts to reach their massive follower bases. Selena Gomez, for example, has handed over her account to professor and author Ibram X. Kendi, former Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams, and lawyer and advocate Kimberlé Crenshaw, who developed the theory of intersectionality.

"To know that [Gomez's] massive audience is getting this kind of political education on Instagram is really exciting and definitely not what people associated with Instagram before," Christian said.

On June 10, 54 Black women took over the Instagram accounts of 54 white women for the day as part of Share the Mic Now, a campaign aimed at amplifying Black women's voices. Political analyst Zerlina Maxwell took over Hillary Clinton's account, Black Lives Matter co-founder Patrisse Cullors took over Ellen DeGeneres's, and Endeavor CMO Bozoma Saint John took over Kourtney Kardashian's. The Black participants had a total of 6.5 million followers on their personal accounts, while the white women had 285 million. The campaign vastly expanded their reach.

Nikki Ogunnaike, deputy fashion director at GQ, said yes immediately when she was offered the opportunity to participate. After she was matched with Arianna Huffington, "She truly handed me the keys in a way that I was actually shocked," Ogunnaike told Recode. Huffington "was honestly like, 'Okay, here's my password, let me know when you're done,'" she said.

Ogunnaike used Huffington's account to host an Instagram Live with her sister Lola Ogunnaike about their experiences as Black women in media. "The campaign is just really smart. Instagram always has so many eyeballs on it," she said.

"As we continue into the 2020 election, we have to go where people are, and Instagram is it"

Instagram is also a way many people are figuring out where to send donations and how to protest where they live. In New York City, an account called Justice for George NYC has become a go-to source for people to find out about demonstrations. The account is run by a small team of anonymous volunteers and relies on local activists and organizers to stay informed on what's happening and when, and to document images of the protests.

A representative for the account told Recode that compared to Twitter, which is more overtly political, Instagram feels like a better fit for the current moment. "This movement was about so many more people than that [Twitter]. It's about reaching a wider audience," she said. "As we continue into the 2020 election, we have to go where people are, and Instagram is it."

With the election on the horizon, the momentum behind the Black Lives Matter movement on Instagram suggests it will continue to be a place for political discussion and engagement in the months to come.

How Instagram is - and isn't - primed for this moment

In many ways, Instagram is poised to meet the moment. Its visual focus is particularly useful for sharing complex ideas more simply, via images rather than blocks of text.

"Instagram has always been Blacker, more Latinx communities, younger, groups that are on the front lines right now in a number of ways and are more on Instagram than they are on other platforms, like Facebook proper," said Brandi Collins-Dexter, senior campaign director at the civil rights organization Color of Change. "For us, the personal is political, and it's hard to untangle those two."

That personal-political has a specific look and feel. Vice's Bettina Makalintal recently described the kind of shared visual language of protest that has developed on the platform, evidenced in bright digital protest flyers, stylized illustrated portraits, and block quotes with activist statements.

"I'm creating a looking glass so people can see and understand visually what Blackness is," Coates said. "Blackness is not a monolith, and it's really cool that I can use colors and patterns and rhythms to invoke that conversation."

Popular posts on Instagram recently, like the " pyramid of white supremacy, " break down complex topics: intersectionality, the surveillance state, structural versus individual racism, and the nuances of privilege among white and non-Black people of color. It's a deceptively simple way to educate people on complex topics that some academics spend their entire lives studying.

"We think that this can help to educate folks. Sometimes people aren't willing to read books but can really quickly take a look and learn on Instagram"

"We think that this can help to educate folks. Sometimes people aren't willing to read books but can really quickly take a look and learn on Instagram,"said Abdullah.

But not everything can be explained in a single Instagram story. For more thorough conversations, racial justice advocates are using Instagram's relatively new IGTV tool to post recurring shows, like the NAACP's Hey, Black America.

Instagram has embraced and elevated these types of conversations, placing an Act for Racial Justice notification at the top of millions of people's Instagram feeds in early June, which linked to a resource guide with links to posts from Black creators and Black‑led organizations about racial justice. CEO Adam Mosseri on June 15 committed to reviewing Instagram's algorithmic bias to determine if Black voices are heard equally enough on the platform.

Instagram's parent company, Facebook, launched a new section of its app with a similar goal of uplifting Black voices, pledged to donate $10 million to groups working on racial justice, and committed an additional $200 million to supporting Black-owned businesses and organizations on June 18. But it has also faced intense criticism from civil rights organizations and some of its own employees for allowing hateful speech to proliferate on its platform. Many took issue in particular with the company's inaction on President Trump's recent "shooting ... looting" post, which many viewed as inciting violence against people protesting George Floyd's killing. In response, Facebook has said it is considering changes to some of its policies around moderating political speech.

Instagram's most formidable competitor, TikTok, has also been accused of suppressing Black creators with its algorithms, seemingly restricting results for #BlackLivesMatter. (It later fixed this, apologized for the mistake, and donated $4 million to nonprofits and combating racial inequality). Instagram, meanwhile, has been widely viewed as a largely supportive and meaningful space for creators who care about blackness. It's a reason, sources told Recode, why overall, it feels like there's more of a productive conversation about Black Lives Matter happening on Instagram right now than anywhere else.

The performative activism problem

As much as Instagram may have helped facilitate racial activism, it has real limitations. Namely, Instagram has always been a performative platform, and many of the racial justice posts people are sharing won't translate to action to dismantle systemic racism in the US.

Take, for example, Blackout Tuesday, when throngs of Instagram users posted black boxes in support of Black Lives Matter. Many people started sharing the boxes using the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag, which ultimately overshadowed valuable information activists and organizers needed to share with protesters. And beyond the hashtag confusion, many questioned the value in posting a black box.

"When I'm thinking, what would help me feel safe in this country? It's not 'I wish everyone's Instagram squares were black,'" author Ijeoma Oluo recently told Vox. "I can't feel that. Especially when coupled with the disengagement - people do this performative gesture and then disengage. People aren't even open to the feedback of why that's not helpful or what they could be doing to be helpful."

"A lot of people share memes and think that's enough, and it's really not"

The question of performative wokeness is always an issue on social media, but activists say sharing memes about racial justice gives them a way to meet people where they are. If an Instagrammed image breaks down the issue, makes it easier to digest, and helps people feel less alienated from the movement, that's good, said Feminista Jones, an author, speaker, and organizer. But to really be effective, people need to go beyond that.

"A lot of people share memes and think that's enough, and it's really not," Jones said. "They share it, and it's really performative and them wanting to be a part of something and they see everybody else doing it, and they don't want to be the ones who didn't do it. So that can be problematic, too. But that's every social media platform."

What happens next

Jones's follower count has more than doubled in recent weeks, and she said dealing with that new base has been an adjustment. She's had to remind people she is not a "fact portal" but a multifaceted human being who also posts pictures of herself, her plants, and her child, just like everybody else. She has also noticed that some of her posts about her work projects, such as her podcast, aren't getting as much attention as some of the memes or Black Lives Matter-related content.

"If you're here to engage my work, you need to engage my work. Read my books, buy my books, take them out of the library, listen to my podcast - it's free," she said. "It's about really engaging and supporting the work we do."

When asked how they plan to keep their new followers engaged when protests die down, many activists and organizers said they weren't sure, but that they will keep posting about injustices.

"For groups like ours, Black Lives Matter, we're a bunch of people who don't get paid for this work - so this is work that we do because we believe in it," Abdullah said.

And then there's a secondary problem. Even if recently politically engaged Instagram users maintain public solidarity, and Instagram becomes the permanent social media network of choice to discuss racial dynamics in America, will it eventually face the same scale of issues around polarization, harassment, and disinformation that Facebook has?

For now, activists are taking advantage of the moment and looking at it as an opportunity to enact change.

"There's a balance between symbolic and instrumental organizing. Just because people are feeling a lot of pressure to do actions other people may feel are symbolic or superficial, that actually is an indication you have power to win instrumental demands," Carty said. "Rather than thinking of it as an either/or, think of it as a both/and. It's really powerful for millions of people to be taking some small action on social media, and there are ways to build off of that power and to transform it into instrumental, real, meaningful change."

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It's not just your feed. Political content has taken over Instagram.

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Uncovering and explaining how our digital world is changing - and changing us. For most people, Instagram has long been the social media platform where they escape from the real world - and politics - to share a curated highlight reel of their lives. But recently, that's changed.

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people are taking direct action by going out and protest

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A Black Lives Matter protest took place Friday night in Nichols Hills, with protesters intentionally targeting the largely wealthy area saying "white silence is violence."The protest started at the Trader Joe's parking lot, where organizers said they just wanted their voices heard. But not everyone was willing to listen."We are calling attention to the blatant white supremacists and racists that reside here in Nichols Hills," Black Lives Matter activist Adriana Laws said.Dozens of protesters came out to show their support for that message."Some of the most powerful people in the state reside right here in this neighborhood," Laws said.Laws told KOCO 5 that the bottom line is they just want to be heard and to have conversations."This is about marginalized people. And if you're not one, you know and love one," she said.Not everyone in the neighborhood welcomed the protesters."Come here, boy. Come here, boy. I'll show you scared. Come here," a man said to someone off-camera while talking to KOCO 5.The man later got in his car after police arrived and left."You might want to get out of here. You're not making yourself any better here," a protester told the man as he drove away.But the protest continued. While the group made its way through the neighborhood, many people came out to show their support."I think it's amazing," said Rosemary Walker, who supported the protest coming through the neighborhood. "It's awesome that people can express their beliefs and their opinions."The protest finished back at Trader Joe's and remained peaceful.

A Black Lives Matter protest took place Friday night in Nichols Hills, with protesters intentionally targeting the largely wealthy area saying "white silence is violence."

The protest started at the Trader Joe's parking lot, where organizers said they just wanted their voices heard. But not everyone was willing to listen.

"We are calling attention to the blatant white supremacists and racists that reside here in Nichols Hills," Black Lives Matter activist Adriana Laws said.

Dozens of protesters came out to show their support for that message.

"Some of the most powerful people in the state reside right here in this neighborhood," Laws said.

Laws told KOCO 5 that the bottom line is they just want to be heard and to have conversations.

"This is about marginalized people. And if you're not one, you know and love one," she said.

Not everyone in the neighborhood welcomed the protesters.

"Come here, boy. Come here, boy. I'll show you scared. Come here," a man said to someone off-camera while talking to KOCO 5.

The man later got in his car after police arrived and left.

"You might want to get out of here. You're not making yourself any better here," a protester told the man as he drove away.

But the protest continued. While the group made its way through the neighborhood, many people came out to show their support.

"I think it's amazing," said Rosemary Walker, who supported the protest coming through the neighborhood. "It's awesome that people can express their beliefs and their opinions."

The protest finished back at Trader Joe's and remained peaceful.

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BLM activists say they just want their voices heard during protest in Nichols Hills

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A Black Lives Matter protest took place Friday night in Nichols Hills, with protesters intentionally targeting the largely wealthy area saying "white silence is violence."The protest started at the Trader Joe's parking lot, where organizers said they just wanted their voices heard.

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BLM use instagram by sharing things about George Floyd educating people about the situation and such - IN

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BLM use instagram by sharing things about George Floyd educating people about the situation and such - IN

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they take direct action against the government or some police places that have a cop who has killed a person the potest for the black lives lost - IN

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they take direct action against the government or some police places that have a cop who has killed a person the potest for the black lives lost - IN

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Nat Turner was an enslaved person who became a preacher and made history as the leader of one of the bloodiest enslaved revolts in America on August 21, 1831.

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Nat Turner was born on October 2, 1800, in Southampton County, Virginia, as a slave of Benjamin Turner. His mother was an enslaved woman named Nancy, but his father is unknown. Turner was allowed to learn how to read and write, and he was instructed in religious matters.

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Harriet Tubman took DIRECT ACTION in travelling to the South and leading people to freedom.

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Social Studies, U.S. History

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Photography by Cincinnati Museum Center

During the era of slavery, the Underground Railroad was a network of routes, places, and people that helped enslaved people in the American South escape to the North. The name "Underground Railroad" was used metaphorically, not literally. It was not an actual railroad, but it served the same purpose-it transported people long distances. It also did not run underground, but through homes, barns, churches, and businesses. The people who worked for the Underground Railroad had a passion for justice and drive to end the practice of slavery-a drive so strong that they risked their lives and jeopardized their own freedom to help enslaved people escape from bondage and keep them safe along the route.

According to some estimates, between 1810 and 1850, the Underground Railroad helped to guide one hundred thousand enslaved people to freedom. As the network grew, the railroad metaphor stuck. "Conductors" guided runaway enslaved people from place to place along the routes. The places that sheltered the runaways were referred to as "stations," and the people who hid the enslaved people were called "station masters." The fugitives traveling along the routes were called "passengers," and those who had arrived at the safe houses were called "cargo."

Contemporary scholarship has shown that most of those who participated in the Underground Railroad largely worked alone, rather than as part of an organized group. There were people from many occupations and income levels, including former enslaved persons. According to historical accounts of the Railroad, conductors often posed as enslaved people and snuck the runaways out of plantations. Due to the danger associated with capture, they conducted much of their activity at night. The conductors and passengers traveled from safe-house to safe-house, often with 16-19 kilometers (10-20 miles) between each stop. Lanterns in the windows welcomed them and promised safety. Patrols seeking to catch enslaved people were frequently hot on their heels.

These images of the Underground Railroad stuck in the minds of the nation, and they captured the hearts of writers, who told suspenseful stories of dark, dangerous passages and dramatic enslaved person escapes. However, historians who study the Railroad struggle to separate truth from myth. A number of prominent historians who have devoted their life's work to uncover the truths of the Underground Railroad claim that much of the activity was not in fact hidden, but rather, conducted openly and in broad daylight. Eric Foner is one of these historians. He dug deep into the history of the Railroad and found that though a large network did exist that kept its activities secret, the network became so powerful that it extended the limits of its myth. Even so, the Underground Railroad was at the heart of the abolitionist movement. The Railroad heightened divisions between the North and South, which set the stage for the Civil War.

National Geographic Society

October 19, 2023

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During the era of slavery, the Underground Railroad was a network of routes, places, and people that helped enslaved people in the American South escape to the North.

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A plan of the British slave ship Brookes, showing how 454 slaves were accommodated on board after the Slave Trade Act 1788. This same ship had reportedly carried as many as 609 slaves and was 267 tons burden, making 2.3 slaves per ton] Published by the Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade.

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Although antislavery political parties did not debut until the 1840s, abolitionists sought to shape American political debate for decades. Early abolitionists encouraged state and federal politicians to adopt a range of anti-slavery laws.

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Although antislavery political parties did not debut until the 1840s, abolitionists sought to shape American political debate for decades. Early abolitionists encouraged state and federal politicians to adopt a range of antislavery laws. In the revolutionary era, for instance, northern abolitionists pressured political leaders in Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and Rhode Island to pass gradual emancipation statutes. Yet the growth of slavery during the 19th century convinced some abolitionists to form their own political party. This very idea divided the antislavery movement. Led by William Lloyd Garrison, militant abolitionists (largely concentrated in the northeast) argued that the American political system was corrupt and that any abolitionist political party would lose its moral bearings by competing for votes in state and federal elections. A sizable contingent of abolitionists - located largely in New York, Ohio, and the expanding Midwest - disagreed with Garrison. In 1840, they formed the Liberty Party, the nation's first official antislavery party. Over the next decade, it ran antislavery candidates for state gubernatorial offices, the federal Congress, and the presidency. Capturing a small percentage of voters in various elections during the 1840s and 1850s, the Liberty Party nevertheless had particular strengths in New York and Ohio. In the election of 1844, for example, New Yorkers cast enough ballots for the Liberty Party presidential candidate James Birney that the Empire State's electoral college votes went to (slaveholding) Democrat James K .Polk instead of the even more reviled slaveholding Congressman Henry Clay. While they were unsuccessful in many elections, Liberty Party candidates made antislavery politics - as opposed to moral protest - a visible part of American life. Indeed, the Liberty Party paved the way for subsequent antislavery political parties, even if these parties were not strictly abolitionist. Read the political platform for the Liberty Party here. The Free Soil Party, formed in 1848, garnered many more voters than the Liberty Party by emphasizing opposition to slavery's territorial expansion rather than abolition in the South. Similarly, the Republican Party, formed in the mid-1850s, largely sought to halt slavery in the West. Still, the Free Soil and Republican parties grafted antislavery ideas onto the American political system. By the Civil War era, even the most hardened abolitionist - such as William Lloyd Garrison - came to support the Republican Party as a bastion of antislavery action.

Protesting the Fugitive Slave Act: Fighting Back for Freedom - Abolitionists in southeastern Wisconsin battled against the Fugitive Slave Act by employing print culture. Students will read through an abolitionist broadside and evaluate the ways that abolitionists attempted to influence public opinion.

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The Abolition Seminar. An educational tool for teachers, students, and all who fight for freedom. Menu. Skip to content. About; Learning Modules. The Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World · African Americans and Abolitionism · The Transformation of American Abolitionism · Civil War and Emancipation · Modern Slavery and ...

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American Anti-Slavery Society (AASS), founded in New York City, December 1833, disbanded 1870.

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American Anti-Slavery Society American Abolitionists and Antislavery Activists

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This website provides a list of individuals and organizations who worked to end slavery in the United States, as well as historic documentation on the anti-slavery and abolition movements in the US.

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This collection box for Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. Set aside in the home, the box was designed to remind members to make their weekly contribution. Circa 1850