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Laina Sonterblum

The United States Department of Justice (2015) defines gangs as organized groups of three or more people with a collective identity surrounding criminal activity. Gangs have dangerous effects on communities, with as many as 90% of violent crimes in U.S. cities attributed to gang involvement (National Gang Intelligence Center, 2011). In addition to causing danger to communities, gangs are problematic and dangerous for their members, especially youth members. Over one million gang members in the United States are under 18 years of age-a number that recent research suggests is growing (Pyrooz & Sweeten, 2015). Gang-involved youth are at risk of experiencing physical violence, incarceration, substance abuse, and unemployment (Gilman, Hill, & Hawkins, 2014). In order to reduce these negative effects on both communities and gang members, it is imperative to collect and synthesize empirical research on youth gang involvement. Specifically, while there is myriad research on correlates of youth gang involvement, there is a dearth in attempts to understand why these correlates may be related to or even predictive of gang involvement. As such, this review attempts to explain the relations between these correlates and gangs by utilizing Maslow's (1943) Hierarchy of Needs as a theoretical framework.

Maslow's (1943) theory comprises of two main points relevant to framing risk factors for gang involvement. First, he posits that all humans have a hierarchy of basic needs that must be met in order to reach positive outcomes. These needs include physiological, safety, love, and esteem. Second, he claims that the necessity to fulfill these basic needs drives nearly all motivation. Only after all of these basic needs are met can an individual begin to achieve self-actualization, or the drive to be the best that one can be (Maslow, 1943). If these basic needs are not met, an individual is motivated to fulfill them by any means necessary, regardless of consequences (Maslow, 1943). Therefore, individuals who do not have their basic needs met by their families and environments may seek out gang membership as a way to fulfill them. This paper will review literature on risk factors for gang involvement by using Maslow's (1943) Hierarchy of Needs as a framework for understanding why such factors increase individuals' risk of gang involvement. Such a review is necessary to inform future research and policy decisions aimed at reducing youth gang membership and their impact on communities.
Physiological Needs
When one's physiological needs are not met, individuals yearn to satisfy them however they can (Maslow, 1943). Poverty has been found to be a correlate of food insecurity and unstable housing, as well as gang involvement (Pyrooz & Sweeten, 2015; Tapia, 2011). Thus, while money itself may not be a physiological need, hunger and housing (e.g. shelter from dangerous elements and weather) are related to gang membership where food insecurity and unstable housing are predictive of involvement (Carlson, Andrews, & Bickel 1999; Voisin, King, Diclemente, & Carry, 2014). Maslow's (1943) theory would suggest a causal relation between these variables in which individuals are using gangs as a source of income to meet their physiological needs of food and shelter. Because legal means of income may not be accessible to youth under the legal working age of 14 (U.S. Department of Labor, 1938), or simply unattractive due to the long hours and minimal pay, joining a gang may appeal to a youth in need of money. Gangs can provide income through criminal activity such as drug and weapons trafficking (U.S. Department of Justice, 2015). In addition to money, gangs can give members a feeling of protection by providing them with weapons and a sense of safety in numbers, or a sense that they have people who will fight with them if needed (Decker & Van Winkle, 1996). Such provisions may help youth to address their safety needs.
Safety Needs
Maslow (1943) explains that all individuals have a need to feel safe in their environment. Youth living in areas run by gangs and violence are at an increased risk of membership themselves (Li et al., 2002), which may be due to safety needs. In other words, youth exposed to violence may feel that their safety is at risk and that they do not have means to protect themselves nor a group of peers to fight beside them. Thus, they may look to gang membership to fill these needs. Studies suggest that for at-risk youth, this lack of safety exists across contexts, including their neighborhood (e.g., Farmer & Hairston, 2013; Merrin, Hong, & Espelage, 2015) and home (e.g., Wood, Furlong, Rosenblatt, & Robertson, 1997).

One recent study found that individuals living in neighborhoods where there was a significant gang presence had a greater likelihood of joining a gang (Alleyne & Wood, 2012; Hill et al., 1999). Alleyne and Wood (2012) suggest that learned behavior is the cause of this relation, where witnessing gang violence leads to engaging in violence. However, the Hierarchy of Needs (1943) illustrates this relation between neighborhood gangs and gang involvement as due to youth feeling unsafe in their environments, thus looking to meet their safety needs through gang membership.

The need to establish safety also exists in the home, as approximately 71% of gang members have experienced family violence (Wood et al., 1997). Wood and colleagues (1997) found that numerous gang members had experienced sexual (22%) or physical (42%) abuse, often at the hands of their caregivers. Moreover, histories of trauma are predictive of gang involvement in girls (Hill, Howell, Hawkins, & Battin-Pearson, 1999; Voisen et al., 2014). Survivors of trauma may look to gangs with the hope of finding protection against another traumatic experience occurring. In addition to providing individuals with a sense of safety, belonging to a gang and the assumed camaraderie that comes with it can also be attractive to those looking to fill their love needs.
Love Needs
Maslow (1943) defines the love needs as a yearning for a sense of belonging and friendship in both groups and one-on-one; both romantically and platonically. He adds that individuals will "strive with great intensity to achieve this goal" (p. 381). Joining a gang, by definition, means being part of cohesive group with a shared identity (U. S. Department of Justice, 2015; Vigil & Long, 1990). Thus, gang involvement is an attractive means of fulfilling the love needs as it allows the youth to have a sense of belonging to a group. Research shows that many gang-involved youth lack close ties with their families, friends, and schools (e.g., Li et al., 2002; Merrin, Hong, & Espelage, 2015; Pyrooz & Sweeten, 2015)

Within families, for instance, a lack of parental support is directly related to gang membership (Lenzi et al., 2015; Li et al., 2002). Specifically, Pyrooz and Sweeten (2015) found that numerous gang-involved youth come from single-parent households, with the mother often being the sole caretaker. This correlation may exist because the single parent is the family's only source of income and may have less time to spend with the child. Additionally, low family involvement, poor communication, and low parental monitoring are all found to be risk factors of gang involvement (Li et al., 2002; Voisen, et al., 2014). Voisen et al. (2014) explains that these factors are indicative of a family relationship in which an individual does not feel a sense of love and belonging, and thus the youth may seek other ways to satisfy the need for familial connections, such as with peers.

If a youth can find love or belonging among peers in school, he or she will be less likely to be involved in a gang (Merrin, Hong, & Espelage, 2015). Research also demonstrates that having a poor attachment to school academically (e.g., showing disinterest, low grades, truancy) is predictive of gang involvement (Hill et al., 1999). When youth have low attachment to school and poor relationships at home, they may turn to peers for support. While research shows that peer support can be protective against gang involvement (McDaniel, 2012), associating with delinquent and/or gang involved peers can increase his or her risk of membership (Bell, 2009; Bjerregaard & Cochran, 2012; Esbensen & Carsen, 2009; Hill et al., 1999; Lenzi et al., 2015; Voisen et al., 2014). Conversely, peer rejection also increases risk for gang involvement (Farmer & Hairston, 2013). These relationships between peers and gang involvement can be explained by Maslow's (1943) theory in two ways. First, as mentioned above, this rejection may negatively influence an individual's sense of belonging and make them feel unloved. Second, such rejection might impact one's esteem, which is another important need in Maslow's (1943) theory.
Esteem Needs
Maslow (1943) defines esteem needs as including both self-esteem and the perception of being held in high esteem by others. These two forms of esteem are actually reciprocal, as evidence suggests that our perceptions of ourselves are directly related to how we think others see us (Leary, Tambor, Terdal, & Downs, 1995). Peer rejection, for example, occurs when one is held in low esteem by others, which would then negatively affect one's self-esteem. Low-self esteem has been found to predict gang membership in numerous studies (e.g., Dmitrieva, Gibson, Steinbert, Piquero, & Fagan, 2014; Farmer & Hairston, 2013; Voisen et al., 2014), likely due in part to factors such as the aforementioned peer rejection and poor school outcomes (Hill et al., 1999; Merrin, Hong, & Espelage, 2015). Regardless of the reason for this trend, youth with greater esteem needs will search to increase both their self-esteem and the esteem others hold of them. If one's esteem needs are not met, they are left feeling discouraged and may do nearly anything to prove their worthiness and gain respect. Gangs provide an attractive means to gratify this need. Gangs often carry "street cred," or a reputation of power and prestige in a given neighborhood (Brantingham, Tita, Short, & Reid, 2012). Joining a gang with a high level of street cred, therefore, can increase one's esteem by association. Furthermore, gangs give individuals a sense of power, which can be attractive to individuals who may feel they have been marginalized in other aspects of their lives (Capozzoli & McVey, 2000). In sum, becoming involved in a gang can boost one's esteem by providing them with a sense of empowerment.
Discussion
Youth gang involvement is increasing dramatically in the United States (Pyrooz & Sweeten, 2015). This paper synthesizes the existing research on risk factors of gang involvement using Maslow's (1943) Hierarchy of Needs as a theoretical framework. When viewed through this hierarchy, individuals are at an increased risk for joining a gang when their basic needs are not met. For instance, physiological needs such as hunger can be met through the drug-dealing aspect of gang membership by providing that individual with money from sales. Safety needs can be met through the camaraderie a gang offers, which provides protection against dangerous neighborhoods and rival gangs. This same camaraderie addresses the love need by providing an individual who may be cast out by family and peers with a sense of belonging. Finally, gangs can address the esteem need by increasing one's prestige and reputation through association with the gang.

Based on the research presented in this review and the Hierarchy of Needs theory, the author developed an answer to the research question in which unmet needs lead to both desperation to meet these needs and the inability to self actualize, both of which then lead to gang involvement. When one's primary four basic needs are not met, that individual is unable to self-actualize and therefore does not try to reach his or her full potential (Maslow, 1943). Additionally, he or she will experience an intense sense of urgency to satiate the basic four needs however he or she can. The combination of this urgency to meet needs and the inability to self-actualize then leads to an increased risk of gang-involvement.
Limitations
Much of the existing literature analyzes correlations between variables and youth already in gangs, rather than longitudinal studies of those exhibiting risk factors and evaluating if the participants join gangs at a later time-point. Having such research would allow more predictive inferences: researchers would be able to conclude that one variable leads to gang involvement in contrast to declaring that these two variables are related with no evidence of directionality. Having directionality would strengthen the argument that reducing risk factors may truly have an impact on a reduction of gang involvement.

A second limitation is that Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs posits that one's needs must be met in order from bottom to top, yet no research currently suggests the existence of this order in this context: that an individual's desire to feed themselves is any more of a motivator to join a gang than fulfilling a sense of belonging. Finally, because this model focuses on needs related primarily to external factors, individual differences may influence the relation between the reviewed risk factors and becoming involved in a gang, as not all individuals with these risk factors become involved in gangs. In other words, a perfect causal relation cannot be assumed between the environmental risk factors reviewed and gang involvement.
Implications
Framing the correlates of youth gang membership around Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs has clear implications for theory, research, policy, and practice. The model supports Maslow's theory to an extent, but brings into question whether the suggested hierarchy has the same (or any) order in this context. For instance, there is no evidence that a youth is yearning to meet his or her safety needs before his or her esteem needs. Future research should explore if gang-involved youth rank the reasons they joined a gang in the order that Maslow surmised. Because there is nothing to suggest one level of the hierarchy is more important than another in this context, policy and practice initiatives should target needs at each level of the hierarchy and find ways to meet individual's needs through means other than gangs. If the directionality of Maslow's Hierarchy is correct, policies should aim to impact from the ground up, starting with physiological needs.

Addressing poverty through both legislation (e.g., tax reforms) and micro-level initiatives (e.g., donations to local food banks and shelters) could go a long way in improving the lives of impoverished youth and decreasing their risk of gang membership. Following this, safety needs can be addressed through initiatives such as better community policing. Community policing refers to when police have more positive relationships with the communities in which they serve so that their presence is not feared and people are more willing to call them following a crime (Bureau of Justice Assistance, 1994). Additionally, greater focus on treatment for those who have experienced trauma and abuse may provide survivors with alternative ways to cope and feel protected rather than join a gang.

Third, belonging needs could be addressed through a policy change that would increase funds for school programs in order to increase school engagement, both during and after school hours. Such programs could increase one's feeling of belonging in school and diminish their need to find relationships in gangs. Further, instituting more group- and family-centered interventions for at-risk youth where positive bonds can be formed in safe, structured environments could help to fulfill the love needs in healthier ways. One component of such therapies could be the use of positive reinforcement (Premack, 1959), which can also serve to address Maslow's fourth need, self-esteem. As such, viewing unmet needs of at-risk youth as predictors of gang membership has important implications for reducing youth gang involvement. Such reductions could lead to minimization of in youth arrests, substance use, and unemployment, as well as vast reduction of violent crimes in cities across the United States.

References

Alleyne, E., & Wood, J. L. (2012). Gang membership: The psychological evidence. In Youth gangs in international perspective (pp. 151-168). New York, NY: Springer.

Bell, K. E. (2009). Gender and gangs: A quantitative comparison. Crime & Delinquency, 55(3), 363-387.

Bjerregaard, B., & Cochran, J. A. (2012). The role of school-related bonding factors and gender: Correlates of gang membership among adolescents. Women & Criminal Justice, 22(1), 30-53.

Brantingham, P. J., Tita, G. E., Short, M. B., & Reid, S. E. (2012). The ecology of gang territorial boundaries. Criminology, 50(3), 851-885.

Bureau of Justice Assistance. (1994). Community Policing. (No. NCJ 148457). Retrieved from: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles/commp.pdf

Capozzoli, T. K., & McVey, R. S. (1999). Kids killing kids: Managing violence and gangs in schools. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.

Carlson, S. J., Andrews, M. S., & Bickel, G. W. (1999). Measuring food insecurity and hunger in the United States: Development of a national benchmark measure and prevalence estimates. The Journal of Nutrition, 129(2), 510-516.

Decker, S. H., & Van Winkle, B. (1996). Life in the gang: Family, friends, and violence. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

Dmitrieva, J., Gibson, L., Steinberg, L., Piquero, A., & Fagan, J. (2014). Predictors and consequences of gang membership: Comparing gang members, gang leaders, and non-gang-affiliated adjudicated youth. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 24(2), 220-234.

Esbensen, F. A., & Carson, D. C. (2012). Who are the gangsters? An examination of the age, race/ethnicity, sex, and immigration status of self-reported gang members in a seven-city study of American youth. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 28(4), 465-481.

Farmer, A. Y., & Hairston Jr., T. (2013). Predictors of gang membership: Variations across grade levels. Journal of Social Service Research, 39(4), 530-544.

Gilman, A., Hill, K. G., & Hawkins, J. D. (2014). Long-term consequences of adolescent gang membership for adult functioning. American Journal of Public Health, 104(5), 938-945.

Hill, K. G., Howell, J. C., Hawkins, J. D., & Battin-Pearson, S. R. (1999). Childhood risk factors for adolescent gang membership: Results from the Seattle Social Development Project. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 36(3), 300-322.

Lenzi, M., Sharkey, J., Vieno, A., Mayworm, A., Dougherty, D., & Nylund-Gibson, K. (2014). Adolescent gang involvement: The role of individual, family, peer, and school factors in a multilevel perspective. Aggressive Behavior, 41, 386-397.

Li, X., Stanton, B., Pack, R., Harris, C., Cottrell, L., & Burns, J. (2002). Risk and protective factors associated with gang involvement among urban African American adolescents. Youth & Society, 34(2), 172-194.

Maslow, A. H. (1943). A theory of human motivation. Psychological Review, 50(4), 370-396.

McDaniel, D. D. (2012). Risk and protective factors associated with gang affiliation among high-risk youth: A public health approach. Injury Prevention, 18, 253-258.

Merrin, G. J., Hong, J. S., & Espelage, D. L. (2015). Are the risk and protective factors similarfor gang-involved, pressured-to-join, and non-gang-involved youth? A social-ecological analysis. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 85(6), 522-535.

National Gang Intelligence Center. (2011). National gang threat assessment. Retrieved from: https://www.fbi.gov/stats-services/publications/2011-national-gang-threat-assessment/2011-national-gang-threat-assessment-emerging-trends

Premack, D. (1959). Toward empirical behavior laws: I. Positive reinforcement. Psychology Review, 66(4), 219-233.

Pyrooz, D. C., & Sweeten, G. (2015). Gang membership between ages 5 and 17 years in the United States. Journal of Adolescent Health, 56(4), 414-419.

Tapia, M. (2011). Gang membership and race as risk factors for juvenile arrest. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 48(3), 364-395.

U. S. Department of Justice. (2015). About violent gangs. Retrieved from: http://www.justice.gov/criminal-ocgs/about-violent-gangs

U. S. Department of Labor. (1938). Child labor. Fair Labor Standards Act. Retrieved from: https://www.dol.gov/whd/childlabor.htm

Vigil, J. D., & Long, J. M. (1990). Emic and etic perspectives on gang culture: The Chicano case. In C. R. Huff (Ed.), Gangs in America (pp. 55-68). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications.

Voisin, D. R., King, K. M., Diclemente, R. J., & Carry, M. (2014). Correlates of gang involvement and health-related factors among African American females with a detention history. Children and Youth Services Review, 44, 120-125.

Wood, M., Furlong, M. J., Rosenblatt, J. A., Robertson, L. M., Scozzari, F., & Sosna, T. (1997). Understanding the psychosocial characteristics of gang-involved youths in a system of care: Individual, family, and system correlates. Education and Treatment of Children, 20(3), 281-294.

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Gang Involvement as a Means to Satisfy Basic Needs

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Laina Sonterblum The United States Department of Justice (2015) defines gangs as organized groups of three or more people with a collective identity surrounding criminal activity. Gangs have dangerous effects on communities, with as many as 90% of violent crimes in U.S. cities attributed to gang involvement (National Gang Intelligence Center, 2011).

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Step 5 - Create Letter and Audio Reflection and post in D2L

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Step 5 - Create Letter and Audio Reflection and post in D2L

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Do not post here

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As we see issue of gang violence within our community, it becomes increasingly evident that joined action is important. By uniting our efforts in law enforcement, community engagement, social development, and conflict resolution, we can stand strong against the problem of gang Related violence.

I hope that someday the Cities of Central America can soon call it home again.

Sincerely,

Tiffany Montiel

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Potential impacts or changes from these solutions can lead to the people of Central America Feeling safe again in their home. With better resources such as more law enforcement protocols and better education on the dangers that surrounds them, there's a chance things could get better. They shouldn't have to leave their home for something that can easily be controlled with the proper help and resources.

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Par. 2 Proposed solution to the social issue

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Par. 2 Proposed solution to the social issue

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I believe that with better law enforcement, Community engagement and social developmental Programs There could be a chance of rates of violence going down.

bringing awareness to these issues can create a bit of a decline in the community. If people like adults and children have better knowledge on the subject of gang involvement there is a less chance of them even thinking of getting involved since they know what they are sacrificing and risking.

offering Mediations can also be a way of violence prevention could be mediations. Mediation can help prevent violence and resolve disputes without resorting to gang-related retaliation.

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Gang violence often stems from deeper societal issues such as poverty, inequality, lack of access to education and employment opportunities, and social marginalization.

Central American governments often struggle with political instability and high levels of corruption, which can undermine efforts to combat gang violence effectively. In some cases, government officials may have ties to criminal organizations or lack the political will to address the issue comprehensively.

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Provide supporting evidence (throughout letter)

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Provide supporting evidence (throughout letter)

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List the three quotes that you are going to use from your research:

1)“Many people from northern Central America are literally running for their lives as gangs target entire families, including children, forcing them to flee”, says Jean Gough, UNICEF Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean

2)Gang violence, political turmoil, threats, extortion, persecution and sexual violence have forced hundreds of thousands of people to flee their homes in search of safety and a better life.

3)The countries of the Northern Triangle—El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras—continue to be plagued by endemic levels of crime and violence that have made many communities extremely dangerous, especially for children and young adults.

4) Nearly 20 per cent of over 3,100 interviewees migrating in family units identified violence – including death threats, extortion, gang recruitment and domestic violence – as the main reason behind their decision to leave their communities. Unicef

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I am writing to you today to shed light on a pressing issue that demands our immediate attention: the ongoing violence and persecution tormenting communities in Central America.I believe that this issue needs to be seen and known, and in the best way possibly help those in need.

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1)     Opposing Viewpoints: https://link-gale-com.lscsproxy.lonestar.edu/apps/OVIC?u=nhmccd_main

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3)     Issues & Controversaries: https://lscsproxy.lonestar.edu/login?url=http://online.infobaselearning.com/Direct.aspx?aid=99152&pid=WE57

4)     US Major Dailies (newspapers): https://lscsproxy.lonestar.edu/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/usmajordailies/news/fromDatabasesLayer?accountid=7054

5)     Newspaper Source Plus: https://lscsproxy.lonestar.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?authtype=ip,uid&profile=ehost&defaultdb=n5h

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The Department of Homeland Security has started to put the wheels in motion on President Trump's executive orders on immigration-and they will put the lives of thousands of Central American children and families in danger.

On February 21, the White House announced new guidelines for immigration policies that were first issued by Homeland Security Chief General John Kelly the day prior. The memos lay out instructions for how U.S. law enforcement agencies should implement the forceful executive orders that President Trump signed on January 25 on immigration enforcement within the United States and at the border.

The guidelines specifically call for parents of unaccompanied minors to be prosecuted for human smuggling or trafficking. This will deal a blow to thousands of families across country, threatening parents who were attempting to unify their families and save their children's lives. Between 2015 and 2016, over 180,000 children and families fleeing violence in Central America were apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border.

Less tangibly, these new guidelines also signal to immigration and border agents to be even more hesitant in determining who has established enough "credible fear" to gain asylum. There were already a number of hurdles for migrants to get asylum status, and with these latest memos, it will likely be much more difficult.

Being denied refugee status or being deported can be a death sentence, as one of the key factors driving large numbers of Central Americans to leave their communities is violence. The countries of the Northern Triangle-El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras-continue to be plagued by endemic levels of crime and violence that have made many communities extremely dangerous, especially for children and young adults.

In 2015, El Salvador's murder rate increased dramatically, reaching a level of violence not seen since the end of the country's civil war. The 70 percent increase in the homicide rate over 2014 followed the unraveling of a truce between rival gangs and an aggressive crackdown by security forces that has spurred concerns about extrajudicial executions and other human rights abuses. While the murder rate decreased significantly after March of this year, in what government officials have attributed to their security strategy and "extraordinary measures" against the gangs, though the gangs claim they have made a pact to curtail the killings, the National Civilian Police ( Policía Nacional Civil, PNC) registered 5,728 murders in the country in 2016, making it the second consecutive year with over 5,000 recorded murders El Salvador's recent history.

In neighboring Guatemala and Honduras, homicide levels have decreased overall, but both remain among the world's most violent countries not at war. This is not to say that every neighborhood throughout the region is comparable to a war zone. Yet there are many communities, both urban and rural, where the fear and threat of violence is extremely grave.

These homicide statistics are just one measure of the pervasive violence impacting many marginalized communities in the three countries. Extortion is widespread, with small businesses, the public transportation sector, and poor neighborhoods being the most heavily hit. It has been estimated that Salvadorans pay more than US$390 million a year in extortion fees, while Hondurans pay around $200 million and Guatemalans an estimated $61 million. Failure to pay can result in harassment, violence, or death.

Family and domestic violence is also a factor in the decision to migrate for many women and children. El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala are some of the most dangerous countries to be a woman, with female homicide rates among the highest in the world. Guatemala's Public Prosecutor's Office ( Ministerio Público) reported receiving over 50,000 cases of violence against women in 2013, of which only 983-about 2 percent-culminated with a prison sentence for the aggressor. In more than 76 percent of cases received by the police in the same year, the perpetrator was reported to be either living with (29.5 percent), the husband of (29 percent), or the ex-partner of (18 percent) the female victim. The situation of domestic violence is similar throughout region. In Honduras, 471 women were killed in 2015-one every 16 hours. And in El Salvador, there have been nearly 1,100 cases of domestic violence and over 2,600 cases of sexual violence in 2016. With the constant threat of violence and abuse in the Northern Triangle, many women and children choose to venture north in search of safety.

Understanding the Roots of Violence and Insecurity

Violence and insecurity in the Northern Triangle comes from many sources. In recent years, Central America has become one of the main transshipment routes for illicit drugs making their way to the United States. Local "transportistas,"-drug-smuggling operations doing the bidding of transnational drug trafficking cartels-contribute to violence in rural areas, particularly in border areas, and are in large part responsible for the rampant levels of corruption and the erosion of the justice and security systems.

Violence and insecurity are also largely due to the proliferation of local street gangs or maras that impact every aspect of life in the neighborhoods and communities they control. While many well to do neighborhoods remain safe, in many poorer communities, gangs enforce curfews, control entry into their neighborhoods, and impose their own rules. Children and young men are often threatened or pressured to join the gangs, while young women often experience sexual assault or abuse at the hands of gang members, forcing many to drop out of school or relocate.

Children and families are not just seeking refuge across borders, as evidenced by the numbers of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the region. According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, an estimated 714,000 people from the Northern Triangle were internally displaced as a result of conflict and violence, as of the end of 2015. In El Salvador, the organization reports that 289,000 people -nearly five percent of the population-are internally displaced due to violence.

A Lack of Economic Opportunity

Compounding the problem of violence in these countries is the lack of economic security. It is estimated that 60 percent of those living in rural areas in the Northern Triangle live in poverty. For the past few years, the region has been experiencing the most severe drought in decades, which has threatened the livelihoods of over 2.8 million people in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. This drought has been especially devastating in rural communities, and for subsistence farmers and day laborers. The lack of adequate rainfall in the so-called "dry corridor" has resulted in significant crop failures and loss of income. It has exacerbated economic and food insecurity in already vulnerable populations.

In addition, more than one million people in the Northern Triangle countries are neither in school nor employed. Commonly referred to as ninis, there are 350,000 in Guatemala and 240,000 in El Salvador. Honduras has the highest rate of ninis in Latin America, with 27.5 percent of young people out of school and without employment. The inability to find a job, advance through education or support themselves through self-employment or farming, compels many young Central Americans to leave their homes and communities.

Weak Democratic Institutions

These problems fester because the governments of the Northern Triangle countries have been unable to effectively address the problems of rampant crime and violence, or to pursue economic strategies that would generate stable jobs and opportunities. A major part of this problem has been weak, corrupt and underfunded state institutions. Many victims of violence often find no protection from the authorities. The majority of police forces are underfunded, plagued by poor leadership, and sometimes complicit in criminal activity. Efforts to purge and reform the civilian police forces have made limited progress, enabling the infiltration and co-optation by criminal groups.

Among the Northern Triangle countries as a whole, the statistics on prosecutions are appalling. Salvadoran daily La Prensa Gráfica reported in 2014 that throughout the Northern Triangle, impunity rates for homicides reached approximately 95 percent on average (95 percent in El Salvador, 93 percent in Guatemala, and 97 percent in Honduras). This means that 19 out of every 20 murders remain unsolved, and that the chances of being caught, prosecuted, and convicted for committing a murder are practically nil. The 2015 Global Impunity Index ranked El Salvador as the country with the eighth highest rate of impunity in the world, while Honduras was ranked seventh.

Addressing the Problem

There is no magic solution to the endemic violence, poor governance, and poverty in the Northern Triangle. These are difficult problems that will require a comprehensive, long-term strategy. Unless these factors are addressed, families and children will continue to flee their communities. The United States and other donors need to work with Central American governments, where they are willing, to address the root causes that are driving migration. This means:

Expanding evidenced-based, community-level programs to reduce youth crime and violence, reintegrate youth seeking to leave the influence of street gangs and criminal groups, and protect children who have suffered violence. Evidence suggests that investing in prevention initiatives that bring together local community groups, churches, police, social services, and government agencies can make a difference in reducing youth violence and victimization.

Support robust programs to enhance transparency and accountability and address the deep-seated corruption that hinders citizens' access to basic services, weakens state institutions, and erodes the foundations of democracy. International and independent anti-impunity and anti-corruption commissions, such as the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad en Guatemala, CICIG) and the Mission to Support the Fight against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (Misión de Apoyo contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad en Honduras, MACCIH), can play a crucial role in tackling corruption and organized crime and building domestic investigative capacities.

Focus security-related funding on strengthening civilian law enforcement and justice institutions and making these institutions more accountable and transparent. Programming should be directed toward bolstering policing capacity overall (such as internal and external control mechanisms, police investigation techniques, recruitment and training, etc.), rather than targeting resources to specialized vetted units and other programs that may achieve short term objectives but have little impact on improving broader law enforcement institutions. Attention should also be given to strengthening the independence and capabilities of prosecutors and judges. Indicators of success should include measures of progress on these institutional issues.

Targeting development assistance to support evidenced-based job training, job creation and education programs that focus on at-risk youth in targeted communities. Support should also be provided over a sustained period to small-scale agriculture, including marketing and technical assistance, to improve rural communities' ability to provide livelihoods for their citizens.

Ensuring that local communities and civil society organizations are systematically consulted and involved in the design and evaluation of programs. The meaningful participation of local groups can help make sure that donor efforts are having a sustainable impact in the communities at risk of violence and out-migration.

The Need for Commitment on the Ground

At the same time, addressing the root causes of migration requires the Central American governments to do their part. El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras must demonstrate a sound commitment to supporting reforms to strengthen public institutions, tackle corruption, and protect human rights. They must also increasingly assume the financial burden that is needed to transform their countries through fiscal reforms, improving tax collection, and insisting that their elites pay their fair share.

The problems are daunting, and will not be resolved overnight. But commitment and political will matter tremendously. In Guatemala, for example, the appointment of a courageous and effective advocate as attorney general led not only to prosecutions in high profile human rights and organized crime related cases, but to internal reforms that improved management, made prosecutors' caseloads more manageable, and led to a doubling in homicide conviction rates in the Department of Guatemala. The continuation of reform efforts by the successor has resulted in unprecedented results in the fight against corruption and impunity in the country.

The US$750 million in assistance appropriated by the U.S. Congress for Central America for fiscal year 2016 is a positive step forward. The aid package more than doubles the previous level of assistance to the region, while expanding the U.S. agenda from a narrow, security-oriented approach to one that seeks to strengthen institutions and invest in economic development.

Notably, the package also includes a series of strong conditions on combating corruption, increasing transparency and accountability, strengthening public institutions, and protecting human rights. Ensuring that assistance is strategically targeted, wisely invested and properly implemented will determine whether the new strategy is effective in addressing the dire conditions in the countries of the Northern Triangle. Better information on the specific objectives, aid levels, and programs in each country, as well as progress indicators being used and how outcomes are being defined, will allow for greater ability to assess whether or not U.S. assistance is achieving the desired results. In addition, ensuring that the conditions placed on the funds are being met will help gauge the commitment of the Central American governments.

The administration included about US$743.6 million in foreign assistance to the region in its fiscal year 2017 budget request. Congress has moved the administration's request forward without drastically decreasing funding levels and maintaining the series of conditions, and is expected to finalize the budget for fiscal year 2017 in the coming months.

A continuing effort to strengthen state institutions and help respond to the problems of violence and lack of opportunity, will, over time, reduce the factors that are driving widespread out-migration from Central America.

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Children and Families Fleeing Violence in Central America - WOLA

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The Department of Homeland Security has started to put the wheels in motion on President Trump's executive orders on immigration-and they will put the lives of thousands of Central American children and families in danger. On February 21, the White House announced new guidelines for immigration policies that were first issued by Homeland Security Chief [...]

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About the Crisis in Central America

More than 1 million people were uprooted from their homes in Central America by the end of 2022 due to violence, insecurity and persecution, mainly by criminal organizations. El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras have some of the highest rates of violence in the world. Gang violence, political turmoil, threats, extortion, persecution and sexual violence have forced hundreds of thousands of people to flee their homes in search of safety and a better life. Approximately 665,200 people are seeking refuge in neighboring countries and more than 318,000 are internally displaced within the region.

Asylum systems in Central America and Mexico continued to deal with an increasing number of asylum claims. Mexico ranks among the top receiving countries of asylum applications in the world, with 118,800 new asylum claims by the end of 2022.

Women, girls and LGBTQI+ individuals are victims of SGBV at incredibly high rates. Tens of thousands have fled the NCA countries in order to escape domestic violence, rape and sexual assault. Members of the LGBTI community are also subject to severe discrimination, including barriers to basic services - such as health, education and employment - and often lack legal protection.

A multi-year drought affecting the "Dry Corridor" running through Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador is causing a dramatic rise in hunger in the region. Hurricanes Eta and Iota, two of the most powerful storms to hit Central America in decades, have also displaced an estimated 1.5 million people in the region.

Violence, insecurity, fragile institutions, the impact of climate change and deep-rooted inequalities will force more people to flee, either within their own countries or across borders.

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Central America Refugee Crisis: Aid, Statistics and News | USA for UNHCR

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More than 1 million people have been uprooted from their homes in Central America due to violence, insecurity and persecution, mainly by criminal organizations.

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PANAMA CITY, 17 December 2020 - Death threats, gang recruitment, extortion and other forms of targeted violence are driving more families in northern Central America to flee their homes and seek safety in other countries, a new UNHCR and UNICEF survey reveals today.

Nearly 20 per cent of over 3,100 interviewees migrating in family units identified violence - including death threats, extortion, gang recruitment and domestic violence - as the main reason behind their decision to leave their communities. More than 30 per cent of unaccompanied migrant children surveyed identified some type of violence as the main driver of their movement, which in turn affected their ability to access essential services, including going to school.

These survey findings help explain the dynamic behind the alarming 456 per cent spike in family units apprehended at the southern border of the United States of America last year. This number has soared from nearly 77,800 families in 2018 to more than 432,000 in 2019.

"The shift in the demographics of flight from the north of Central America reflects a grim reality on the ground in the countries of origin where entire families are under threat and flee together to find safety," said Giovanni Bassu, UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency Regional Representative for Central America and Cuba.

In communities characterized by extreme violence, gang attacks and criminal activities, young men, women and teenagers in northern Central America are particularly vulnerable. Violence, especially death threats associated with recruitment, directly affect children and adolescents. Children described facing several push factors, including different types of violence and the lack of opportunities and services in their countries. Adults described receiving threats by gangs aimed at their entire family, which led many to leave their community with all their children in order not to leave them at risk.

"Many people from northern Central America are literally running for their lives as gangs target entire families, including children, forcing them to flee", says Jean Gough, UNICEF Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean. "They don't leave any family member behind because they fear retaliation from the gangs in the communities. Now, after COVID-19 and two devastating hurricanes have hit Central America, the increase in poverty and violence is likely to drive more of these families from their homes in the coming weeks and months."

By the end of 2019, over 800,000 people from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras had sought protection either within their countries or had crossed international borders seeking asylum to escape interrelated threats, including escalating levels of gang violence and persecution, among other push factors. While some young women and girls are victims of sexual and gender-based violence perpetuated by gang members, young men are exploited for criminal ends, including drug-running, or are fully recruited into criminal groups.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, strict restrictions on movement and border closures have limited the options for people to flee danger, particularly in the countries of northern Central America: El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. At the same time, the many forms of violence and persecution that have driven forced displacement in this region for years on end have continued and, in some instances, worsened during confinement.

UNHCR and UNICEF call on States to comply with the international obligations they have acquired related to guaranteeing the full enjoyment of human rights to people forced to flee their country or community of origin during all stages of displacement, emphasizing the rights of people with specific protection needs; and to ensure that displaced children and adolescents are treated as children first and foremost, and that their best interests are central in all responses and decisions that impact them, whether they are traveling alone or with their families.

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Death threats and gang violence forcing more families to flee northern Central America - UNHCR and UNICEF survey

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PANAMA CITY, 17 December 2020 - Death threats, gang recruitment, extortion and other forms of targeted violence are driving more families in northern Central America to flee their homes and seek safety in other countries, a new UNHCR and UNICEF survey reveals today.

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Step 3 - Research your social issue in the online databases and post articles

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Step 3 - Research your social issue in the online databases and post articles

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Step 2 - Choose the Social Issues that you will write about in your letter.

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Step 2 - Choose the Social Issues that you will write about in your letter.

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1)     Violence and Persecution

Javier and his parents along with others fled Central America due to rampant gang violence, death threats, and governmental persecution.

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Use this to make sure you have all the necessary components!

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Step 4 - Create Persuasive Letter Outline

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Step 4 - Create Persuasive Letter Outline

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Dear Mom,