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Education and Socioeconomic Status Factsheet

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Education and Socioeconomic Status Factsheet

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This factsheet, provided by the American Psychological Association, highlights the disparities between high- and low-socioeconomic households and their influences on a child's health, education, and career prospects.

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Education and Socioeconomic Status Factsheet

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The impact of socioeconomic status on educational outcomes and reducing slow academic skills development, low literacy, chronic stress and increased dropout rates.

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This is a longer research paper aimed at identifying scholastic factors that impact the well-being of transgender or nonbinary (TNB) youths. In its conclusion, the paper identifies openness, validation, and support of gender diversity as key drivers of the healthy well-being of TNB youths, while also discussing some of the ways to implement these strategies.

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by 1, 2,*, 2, 3 and 4

Faculty of Medicine, Department of Medicine, University of Montreal, Montreal, QC H3C 3J7, Canada

School of Social Work, University of Montreal and Centre de Recherche en Santé Publique, Montreal, QC H2Y 2G7, Canada

Division of Endocrinology, Department of Pediatrics, Saint-Justine University Hospital Centre, University of Montreal, Montreal, QC H2Y 2G7, Canada

Division of Adolescent Medicine, Department of Pediatrics, Sainte-Justine University Hospital Center, University of Montreal, Montreal, QC H2Y 2G7, Canada

Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.

1. Introduction

Gender minority youths experience high rates of adverse mental health outcomes during early adolescence [ 1]. Compared to cisgender youths, transgender and non-binary (TNB) youths are more likely to report feeling unhappy and isolated [ 2] and to report depressive symptoms [ 3]. TNB youth are at higher risk of engaging in harmful behaviours such as cigarette, alcohol, and cannabis use [ 2]. Additionally, they are more likely to disclose suicidal ideation and attempts and non-suicidal self-injuries than their cis-identifying peers [ 2, 4].

The mental health and well-being of individuals belonging to minority groups, including gender minorities are strongly related to social environmental factors [ 5, 6]. Yet, because of the dominance of hetero and cisnormative 'norm' in schools [ 7, 8], the climate may often be unwelcoming to gender-minority youths [ 9, 10]. This constitutes a significant concern given that school is where a major part of teenagers' daily activities and social interactions take place. Thus, school climate has an important effect on students' well-being [ 11, 12].

Existing literature describing TNB youths' experiences in schools often fails to distinguish TNB teenagers from their lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB), cis-identifying peers. However, TNB young people experience challenges at school that are different from those encountered by their non-heterosexual, cisgender peers [ 2, 13]. Thus, TNB students' experiences at school remains underexplored.

Feeling safe at school is a major concern for many TNB youth according to cross-sectional studies [ 13, 14], and up to 36% of Canadian TNB youth report feeling unsafe [ 14]. Partly because of safety issues, TNB students are more likely to skip school, [ 12, 13, 15]. Certain physical environments at school are identified as feeling more unsafe such as bathrooms and locker rooms [ 13, 16, 17].

Literature on TNB students, has shown that TNB students are at higher risk of victimization (i.e., being targeted or discriminated by their peers) due to their gender identity [ 12, 18, 19]. TNB youth often experience violence, adversity, and trauma at school [ 20] and are more frequently victims of gender-based bullying at school and online, including verbal and physical attacks [ 2, 13]. Bullying and anti-LGBTQ language and attitudes have been associated with lower self-esteem, lower self-reported school grades and decreased sense of safety at school among transgender youths [ 17, 21].

TNB students experiencing higher levels of victimization are less likely to feel supported by an adult at school [ 22]. In addition, TNB youths report receiving less support from peers and staff members at school than other students [ 2, 4] and they perceive teachers to be less open to gender diversity [ 23]. As a result, TNB youth are at higher risks of absenteeism and dropping out of school [ 23].

Most studies focusing on TNB youth well-being at school rely on cross-sectional surveys or other quantitative approaches [ 24, 25]. These methods, on the one hand, while useful to prove or disprove hypotheses and establish correlations, provide limited insights into the broader experiences of TNB youths. Qualitative research, on the other hand, allows to gain deeper, more nuanced and meaningful insights into the experiences of a group that is known to be diverse in itself [ 26]. For example, conducting interviews or focus groups with TNB youth can help clarify some of the issues they face, but also illustrate some of the protective dimensions that may facilitate their wellbeing and that are often less articulated in large quantitative surveys. Examples provided by youth who participate in interviews can help demonstrate how school experiences are shaped and what schools can put in place to better support their pupils. Investigating TNB youth experience in schools from a different angle therefore has important health, social and policy implications, and could guide school authorities, community organizations, health providers, and decision makers on how best to increase support for TNB youths

Drawing from qualitative data, this article aims to provide a more thorough understanding of one of these factors that emerged as fundamental to youths' wellbeing: the school environment. To achieve this goal, we will address the three following questions: (1) What are the lived experiences of TNB youths in the school setting, and how are these impacting their well-being and resilience? (2) How is the affirmation of gender identity supported (or undermined) among TNB students in the school setting? (3) What are the strategies employed by TNB students to face adversity and obstacles imposed on them by the school cultural, social and physical environments?

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Overarching Study

As part of the larger project 'Digging Beneath the Surface: An Intersectional Exploration of Trans Youth Experience', led by the Canada Research Chair on Transgender Children and their Families, and funded by the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanity research Council, the team decided to specifically analyze minor (under the age of 18 years) TNB youth narratives regarding their experience in school settings. The project aimed to identify oppressive factors and structures that negatively influence TNB youths' well-being, factors that contribute to TNB youths' resilience and thriving, and to understand how oppression and resistance processes interact.

This study used a community-based participatory research approach [ 27] and was conducted in collaboration with local community organizations working specifically to support TNB youths. Data collection took place in two phases between 2016 and 2018, with consultations with TNB youth and broader discussions with community partner representatives between and after data collections.

2.2. Participants and Recruitment for the Overarching Study

The project included 54 interviews with 15-25-year-old TNB youths, living in different cities of the province of Québec. Participants were recruited with the help of community partner organizations via paper (posters and flyers) and online invitations. Recruitment efforts aimed to achieve participant diversity related to gender, age, citizenship status, cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds. According to the latest available census data [ 28], the majority (87%) of Québec population identifies as White/Caucasian with 13% identifying as a visible minority. The most common ethnic origins other than Canadian included European (38.1%), Asian (7.1%), African (4.8%), North American Aboriginal (4.5%) and Latin, Central and South American (2.1%). Written consent was obtained from all participants before participation, and TNB youths were informed that they could withdraw from the study at any point until publication of the data with no impact on any support services provided to them. Participants received CAD 30 compensation in recognition for sharing their experiences.

2.3. Design

Interviews were conducted in person, in a location and language (French or English) chosen by the participant, by an interviewer identifying as TNB. Interviews were audio-recorded, with the participants' authorization, and lasted approximately two hours. Interviews were transcribed by the interviewer to ensure accuracy of study materials.

For this article, we selected the transcripts of participants under the age of 18 -years, for a total of twelve participants. This age range was selected to include youth who are currently in high school in Québec. We excluded older participants as their high school experience would not have been as recent and this could have had an impact on the relevance of our analysis. All the interviews included in this analysis were conducted between November 2016 and June 2018 which means that all participants had a high school experience with the same level of legal protection against gender identity related discrimination. Indeed, in June 2016, gender identity and expression became protected by the Quebec Charter of Rights and Freedoms and minors aged 14 years and older gained the civil right to change their gender markers on their birth certificate without parental consent. Hence, to focus on youth who only have a current or very recent experience within this framework of new protection allows us to have a better understanding of current TNB youth experience in high schools. Conversely, including older participants who would have discussed their high school experience retrospectively would have produced an analysis that is less accurate because they did not have the same legal protection than what is available today.

A different pseudonym was chosen for each transcript to preserve participant anonymity. For this paper, the twelve interviews were reanalyzed, with a focus on school experiences and gender affirmation at school, on the way school impacted participants' well-being and resilience and the strategies participants used when facing obstacles and adversity.

2.4. Sample

Among participants, two identified as trans girls, four as trans boys and six as non-binary youth. All participants were White except for one participant who described themselves as being from a mixed heritage. This lack of cultural diversity in our sample is unfortunate as it does do not reflect the full population from which we selected the sample (15-25 years old) which includes youth from diverse cultural backgrounds. However, youth aged between 15 and 17 years were homogenous in terms of cultural background. One participant lived in a rural area while all others lived in large urban cities. All twelve participants mentioned that they had "come out" about their gender identity while in high school. At the time of the interview, nine participants were still in high school while three had recently graduated. Information about where participants went to school was not explicitly collected. However, the fact that youths came from different cities suggests that they also went to different schools. All three college students described their school experiences during the interview, which we drew from for our analysis of high school experience. For those who had transitioned to college at the time of the data collection, we also included some of their insights on strategies (theme 2) to navigate new environments as this seems particularly important and relevant to understand TNB youth experiences at school.

2.5. Data Analysis

Analyses were conducted in accordance with Meyer's [ 5] minority stress theory which suggests that stress is not only attributable to personal life events but can also come from a stressful environment. Additional stress resulting from a hostile environment requires higher levels of adaptation in minority groups. Accordingly, it is expected that not only individuals, but school, social and cultural structures themselves could be responsible for higher levels of stress and mental health issues experienced by TNB youths.

Data were analyzed through Braun and Clark's thematic analysis [ 29], which involves searching across a dataset to find repeated patterns or meaning. All authors involved in the analysis and the writing up of the paper have previous experience in conducting research and/or clinical work with trans and non-binary youth. Team members who conducted the coding and the analysis of the data include cis and non-binary identities, as well as a caregiver of a gender-diverse youth. Racial and ethnic identities include White, Middle Eastern and Indigenous identities. Team members also have diverse professional backgrounds (medicine, social work, nursing, and sociology).

Our first step was to familiarize ourselves with the data. To do so, JK conducted a first reading of the non-coded transcripts, originating from the initial study, and retained all sections of the interviews containing school-experiences-related content. Each of these sections were read multiple times. Then, for the second phase of our analysis, the interviews were manually and systematically coded by JK, generating an initial set of codes. In phase 3, codes expressing similar concepts were identified and combined to describe common themes. These groups of codes were discussed with all study members leading to the formation of thematic categories. After discussion with the research team, in phase 4 of our thematic analysis, all extracts and sections of the interviews discussing school issues were reread. Codes were revised to ensure they were exclusive to their category. Then, in phase 5, categories were named and assembled as the themes started to emerge. In phase 6, a final reorganization of codes and categories took place, in parallel with drafting of this manuscript. According to Braun and Clarke [ 29], writing up is an essential part of the analysis. Considering the non-linear process of thematic analysis, phases 4 and 5 were revisited all through the writing of this manuscript. All study themes were discussed with a non-binary person (MG). Each step of the process was supervised by a co-author experienced in qualitative research (APS) and in working with TNB youths in clinical and non-clinical settings (NS and LC).

3. Results

Youth explained that their wellbeing was mostly conditioned through experiences of validation of their gender identity. Study results will be presented in two sections. First, through the discussion of impeding and protective factors for TNB youth wellbeing, and second, through the description of strategies used by TNB youth to face adversity.

3.1. Theme 1: Obstacles and Protective Factors Impacting TNB Youth Wellbeing

Most participants provided examples of how their identity was affirmed, ignored, or diminished at school according to three main dimensions, namely school climate and culture, direct behaviours and attitudes of school staff, and behaviours and attitudes of peers.

3.1.1. School Climate and Culture about Gender Diversity and TNB Students

School climate and culture was an important dimension influencing TNB students' identity acknowledgment. A lack of knowledge about TNB youth identities was perceived by study participants as a major obstacle in getting their identity validated and their rights respected by students, teachers, and school personnel. Some participants felt they were schooled in an environment where the lack of understanding of gender diversity was generalized rather than stemming from a limited number of individuals. This was illustrated by Anto, a 17-year-old non-binary student, who mentioned how both students and staff had a limited understanding of gender diversity when they "came out":

Aside from the overall lack of knowledge about gender diversity, participants felt that the over-representation of cisnormativity in school prevented adequate inclusion of TNB youth. Arthur, a 17-year-old non-binary teenager, explained how they were left aside in their gym class when sports teams were separated between boys and girls:

Overall, the lack of awareness and acceptance of gender diversity and the overabundance of gender stereotypes and cis-gendered assumptions at school were identified as very difficult to live with:

Inappropriate cis-normative comments and remarks made by teachers and classmates, even if made unintentionally, had a negative impact on TNB participants' well-being.

Restrictive cultural representations of gender are marginalizing for TNB youths. These manifest in many spaces at school, but particularly in gendered spaces, such as bathrooms and locker rooms. Gendered locations are an important dimension for validation of gender identity, but often standardize a binary vision of gender. These spaces were often perceived as uncomfortable by youth:

In most cases, TNB students were not consulted about their preference regarding the use of gendered spaces or other trans-inclusive accommodations and had to endure measures that could be as discriminatory, or even more discriminatory, as no accommodation at all. Some youth could use the bathroom of their choice, for example a gender-neutral bathroom, but this preferred bathroom was sometimes far out of their way, which also can cause problems:

However, having access to gender neutral bathrooms was not a solution that was desired by all. For example, Eric, a 15-year-old trans boy explained that he going to the boys' bathroom until the school director realized that he was trans, and then forced him to go to a 'mixed' bathroom and changing room despite him not wanting to. This had negative consequences on his wellbeing.:

"Interviewer: At the beginning, you were going to change in the guys' locker room but after, he told you to go in the mixed locker room ?

Participant: In the mixed toilets.

Interviewer: In the mixed toilets?

Interviewer: Ok. Ok... How did you feel about all that?

Participant: Well badly. Because, you know ...I want to-I want to go to the guys' bathrooms, to the guys' locker rooms.

Interviewer: What effect did it have on you?

Participant: Well that hurt me."

(Eric, 15-year-old, trans boy student)

Therefore, the lack of inclusion of TNB students in school decision processes about gender diversity was perceived as a form of resistance against supporting their identity and was experienced negatively. Max, a 16-years-old, non-binary student, explained how difficult it was for them, to have their chosen name used at their school because of the teachers and principals' attitude of cisnormativity which treats trans identities as needing justification to be valid and to benefit from accommodation:

Unjustified delays, discrepancies, or inequities in the attribution of accommodations were also cited as examples by participants as ways to resist supporting trans-inclusive rights.

Some were also concerned about the way their personal information was treated by the school system, and about possible breaches in confidentiality. Administrative documents, containing students' sex and birth name (i.e., school documents or identification cards) were a major concern for confidentiality:

Students often need to show these documents in schools, forcing unwanted disclosure of one's gender identity and, thus, undermining TNB students' privacy.

Yet, schools that implemented mechanisms to protect youth privacy and were able to maintain confidentiality of information were identified as a protective factor allowing participants to feel safe in their school.

For example, Axel, a 15-year-old trans male, explains that despite his name not being changed legally, the school list shows his two names, so people call him correctly, which is in his experience, very helpful.

3.1.2. Direct Attitudes and Behaviours of Adults in Positions of Authority

Participants clearly expressed that school staff's attitudes and behaviours, whether they were teachers, school personnel or administrators had an impact on their experience of gender identity validation.

Staff support was identified as a protective factor for TNB students' well-being. Conversely, a lack of support by school staff was harmful for TNB students' well-being:

Indifference toward TNB students' needs, as manifested by teachers and school personnel, was also seen as problematic by study participants. Students described feeling that school personnel did not seem concerned about their needs:

Feeling ignored was reported as an important barrier for the inclusion of TNB students at school. Participants also felt ignored by staff who misused their preferred name and pronouns. Conversely, when staff used the correct name and pronouns, participants felt validated.

Teachers, principals, and school personnel's incredulity about students' gender identity was identified as a major obstacle by many students. Skyler, a 16-year-old, non-binary youth, explained that they were pressed with questions-sometimes irrelevant and intrusive-about their gender identity by their school vice-principal:

Finally, some schools and adults adopted a more repressive approach. Zack, a 17-year-old non-binary student, provided examples of situations where they lost points or failed school assignments for expressing their gender identity:

The lack of acknowledgment and denial of student gender diversity by an adult in a position of authority was a recurrent theme throughout the interviews, and participants detailed these situations extensively.

3.1.3. Peer Attitudes and Behaviours toward Gender Diversity and TNB Students

Acceptance and acknowledgment of gender diversity by classmates was also an important component of TNB youths' well-being. Students who reported a higher level of well-being at school felt that their gender identity was acknowledged and supported by their peers. Remi, a 17-year-old non-binary student, explained how they felt their affirmed identity was immediately accepted by their high school friends, because they spontaneously adopted their right name and pronouns:

On the contrary, the misuse or refusal to use preferred names and pronouns by peers was detrimental to several youth who explained they felt invalidated and that it had a negative impact on their well-being. Discussing how peers refused to affirm their gender identity through their name and pronoun, this youth show how their mental health deteriorated:

Student Associations and groups, such as Gay-Straight Alliances (GSAs) were a major source of peer support. Marlie, a 15-year-old and trans girl, explained how positive her experience at school was:

"At my school, we have a GSA. [...] So, all of the LGBTQ kids, at our school, we, like, go there."

The presence of LGBTQ+ organized activities at school provided youth with support, and a sense of belonging. Some youth also reported being involved with arts or other shared interest clubs, which was helpful. However, not all youth had positive experiences with their peers.

Some participants experienced indifference which could be either positive, or negative. For some, indifference was a sign of tolerance, or even sometimes, acceptance:

Some participants described explicitly that they felt their identity was disrespected by other students. One manifestation of this lack of acceptance was the passive rejection experienced by some of them, which lead participants to feel isolated and lonely. This passive form of rejection was described as an insidious process:

Others described situations where they were excluded from school social interactions, deliberately set aside by their peers and friends or even bullied after revealing their gender identity or coming-out. Bullying was mostly perpetrated through transphobic comments, invasion of privacy and deliberate misuse of preferred names and pronouns. Marlie, a 15-year-old trans girl, detailed how a friend rejected her after her coming-out, and then bullied her by deliberately disclosing her identity to others without her consent:

Being victimized and rejected at school, as reported by Marlie, has strong negative consequences on TNB youths' well-being.

3.2. Theme 2: Strategies Used by TNB Students to Face Adversity

Numerous strategies used by TNB students to face adversity at school were identified in the transcripts of the open interviews with study participants.

Youth participants described several strategies to face their peers' wrongful behaviours. Among these strategies, some TNB youths surrounded themselves with allies as a strategy to face bullies and oppressors. Olivier explained how having such close friends at school kept him from being bullied after he disclosed his gender identity:

When victimization and bullying were inevitable, some participants reported actively avoiding bullies by avoiding certain places at school or social interactions. Other participants described intentionally steering clear of unaccepting people and deliberately ignored oppressing situations or persons. Like Axel, a 15-year-old trans male, who described how he reacted when he faced someone's contempt towards him:

Strategies were used to face issues with peers but also adults in positions of authority. Among these, to educate, to make people aware and to advocate for TNB rights and realities were the main strategies employed. As explained earlier by Skyler who had to answer intrusive questions about their gender identity, a lack of understanding of gender diversity appeared to contribute to school staff's resistance to offer an inclusive environment. Accordingly, educating and raising awareness about gender diversity, and self-advocacy were key strategies used by students to face invalidation and other obstacles. However, as explained by Skyler, these strategies were not always protective of TNB youths' well-being, as they were often imposed on them:

Others used compromise as a strategy to face school personnel and principals' resistance toward providing a trans-inclusive environment. Coralie, a 15-year-old trans girl, used this strategy when she asked to use the girls' bathroom and was denied this right by the school's administration. Coralie settled on using the gender-neutral teachers' bathroom. She commented:

All twelve TNB students publicly disclosed their gender identity during high school. However, some of them had to change schools- whether because they graduated or because they moved to a different area. Those subjects did not necessarily redisclose their non-cisgender identity at their new school. Depending on the context, TNB chose to either disclose, partially disclose or not disclose their gender identity to others. Their choice was often associated with a sense of safety in the new environment, again showing the importance of school climate and culture (discussed in Theme 1). As Skyler illustrates:

Others, like Remi, sometimes chose to partially disclose their gender identity to avoid uncomfortable situations:

Maintaining control over the privacy of their gender identity was important for participants. Thus, the choice of strategy often depends on the specific context and circumstances faced by TNB youths.

4. Discussion

Our data highlight some dimensions of school culture and climate around gender, and the impact they had on youth, especially regarding their experiences of validation or invalidation of their identity, such as the importance of supportive school associations or personnel [ 30]. Ullman [ 31] explains that gender climate is observable through various dimensions such as organisational, educational, and interpersonal cultures that promote or, on the contrary, hinder gender or sexual orientation among youth in all their diversity. In our study, through behaviours and attitudes of teachers, school personnel and peers notably, it was possible to illustrate that they can positively or negatively impact TNB youth experiences. As such, our study contributes to improving understanding of how school climate can impact TNB youth. While intercultural belonging or equity at school [ 32] as well as gender climate with regard to pupils with same-sex attraction [ 33] have been well documented and have been found to affect pupils' experiences [ 11] gender climate specifically as experienced by TNB youth in schools remains less documented [ 33]. Our study shows how rightful acknowledgment of gender identity, when integrated through school climate, may contribute to providing a safe and inclusive environment for TNB students. Study participants also described many elements of their school climate as unsupportive. As previously described in the literature, prejudices, misconceptions, and non-inclusivity of gender diversity are often anchored into school culture [ 16] and cisnormativity strongly taints the public education system often pushing TNB identities into invisibility [ 34, 35]. The hostile environment observed in some schools created by passive and active rejection, bullying, gendered spaces, and refusal to acknowledge gender diversity can thus contribute to psychological distress among gender minority youth [ 5, 16, 30, 36].

Similar observations have been made in previous studies that have explored more widely how teachers, principals and school personnel can influence TNB students' lives, both negatively and positively [ 9, 21, 37, 38, 39]. Our findings are consistent with Singh [ 39] who has identified that many non-parental adults' behaviours, such as lack of support, inaction in the context of transphobic peer bullying, repressive measures, and disregard of students' needs are detrimental for TNB youths' well-being. Conversely, the use of preferred name and pronouns [ 40] and respect of confidentiality during interactions with adults [ 37] were identified as protective and supportive factors in both our study and other studies. Overall, findings from our analysis highlight the importance of an adequate, genuine, and unconditional acknowledgement of TNB students' gender identity at school through the development of a more inclusive gender climate.

Our study has also allowed to identify strategies used by TNB youth when facing adversity, such as to educate, to compromise, and to advocate. These are varied and contextually driven [ 26]. While our sample was mostly homogenous in terms of cultural identity, the data on school experience allowed us to observe that youth use a wide range of strategies that are highly context dependent. In fact, while some youth may challenge or confront, others may use avoidance and hiding, or comprising.

Previous research has shown that TNB youth will alternate strategies of resistance depending on the context and may sometimes avoid them altogether if they feel unsafe [ 41]. While our sample was too small to fully explore how strategies are used in specific school contexts, our data suggest that increasing safety and inclusiveness of school environments can facilitate youth feeling of recognition and safety, and ultimately wellbeing. Of note, concealing one's gender identity is a strategy of resistance and protection for some youth, but it may not, in the long term, prevent them from benefiting from full recognition, and may contribute to maintaining them in a context of minority stress.

4.1. Implication for Practice

Given individual differences and specific needs for each student, TNB youth should be involved in decision-making processes at school. In our research, Axel, for example, explained how it was helpful to have the school adapt to trans pupils, and doing it with him. Conversely, Eric's story regarding bathroom use illustrates how not listening to a young person's needs may have detrimental consequences on them. No assumptions should be made regarding how to adequately address their needs as each TNB person and experience are different [ 34, 42] as reflected by the diversity of perspectives highlighted in our study. However, as mentioned by most, if not all, of the interviewed youths and by other authors, gender diversity often only becomes a matter of interest when a student discloses their TNB gender identity [ 43, 44]. Thus, even if the individual needs of some gender minority students are considered in a growing number of schools, core obstacles to gender diversity acknowledgment, such as cisnormativity and transphobia, are rarely addressed [ 43]. As many children begin to explore their gender identity, school climate should be open to gender diversity, even in the absence of other students who may have already disclosed a TNB gender identity [ 37, 42, 44]. Even in jurisdictions where legal protections are in place, discrimination, including from those in positions of authority is still being experienced by youth, and school gender climate continues, in many places, to be unsupportive of TNB youth. To address this, schools should be forthcoming and prepare themselves to be inclusive of trans and non-binary youth, even if no gender diverse youth have yet expressed any particular needs. To do so, schools can draw on existing documents that promote good practices for the inclusion of trans and non-binary youth in schools (For example, schools could refer to the document Measures for Openness to and support for trans and non-binary students: a guide for educational institutions, for guidance in making adaptations to support TNB students in schools. See: https://familleslgbt.org/app/uploads/2022/03/Measures-for-openness-to-and-support-for-trans-and-non-binary-students.pdf, accessed on 8 September 2022). This could be done by schools inviting trans youth support organizations to provide education on gender identity and the needs of trans youth to all pupils, and plan specific training for school staff. As such, when a trans or non-binary youth enrolls in their school, they would be better prepared to meet their needs, and would already have access to tools and strategies to respect and affirm their students' gender identity. By inviting trans youth support organizations to talk about trans youth experiences, they would sensitize all students to the possibility that one of their friends may one day affirm a gender-diverse identity and would facilitate the development of a more positive gender climate.

4.2. Study Limitations

There are some limitations to the current study. We only selected 14 to 17-year-old teenagers to examine their specific experience in high school settings, resulting in a sample of only twelve participants. Given the limited size of our sample and the complexity of the issues at stake, it is unlikely that the present study achieves data saturation. Additionally, our sample was not culturally and geographically diversified, even though the sample of the overarching study was. Thus, important topics, such as intersectionality in school settings and differences between rural and metropolitan schools, may not have been appropriately captured in our data. Finally, interview questionnaires were not built specifically to assess the complete school experience of TNB youths, but rather to explore TNB youths' well-being in general. Thus, this study is not fully representative of TNB students' lived experiences at school and some topics might not have been explored. However, this specific limitation also represents a strength of our study given that TNB youths could spontaneously express which factors they felt had the strongest impact on their well-being. The fact that school-related aspects were discussed so thoroughly speaks strongly to the magnitude of the impact of school factors on TNB youths' well-being.

5. Conclusions

Our study reveals that openness, validation, and support of gender diversity at school can positively affect TNB youths' well-being. Conversely, various forms of non-recognition of gender identity, victimization and bullying towards TNB youths impede their wellbeing and should not be tolerated at school. Schools should proactively ensure that they put in place measures that will facilitate the inclusion of gender diverse young people and adopt strategies that respect and affirm youth gender identities. Such measures should pay attention to confidentiality of information to protect students' privacy regarding their gender identity. While these themes have already been explored in the literature, our qualitative data allowed us to illustrate how they are experienced by young people in the school setting. While our study methodology was not meant to identify all possible adaptations and improvements that could be made to support TNB youth in the school setting, our data nevertheless demonstrate the importance of improving schools' gender climate. Peer, teacher, school personnel, and principal support is essential and contributes to TNB students' well-being. While TNB youths should be included in decisions that concern them, schools have the responsibility and potential to make every one of their students, regardless of their gender identity, feel safe and included.

AMA Style

Chicago/Turabian Style

APA Style

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School Factors Strongly Impact Transgender and Non-Binary Youths' Well-Being

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Background: School plays an important role in transgender and non-binary (TNB) youths' life and well-being. The aim of this study was to gain a better understanding of how the lived experiences, gender affirmation and challenges encountered by TNB youths in the school setting affect their well-being.

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(Social Impact) What is the most important influence on child development | Tom Weisner | TEDxUCLA (8:42)

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(Social Impact) What is the most important influence on child development | Tom Weisner | TEDxUCLA (8:42)

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Although this video is somewhat lengthy, it covers some of the most critical factors affecting a child's development worldwide. It contains great points about the social distribution of care and how the context in which the child lives is of the utmost importance.

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What is the most important influence on child development | Tom Weisner | TEDxUCLA

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This infographic illustrates simple ways in which adults can spur creativity in a developing child. As someone who feels they've lost their sense of creativity, this infographic was a great reminder that it is not an innate trait, but rather is formed when a child has the opportunity to explore creative spaces, something even adults can do too.

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I've understood some of the impacts that can affect a child during development, mostly factors such as parenting or economic conditions. However, this research has opened my eyes to many other factors that play a role in development, some of which are minor and others that are significant. I would have never guessed how much a small factor, such as sitting alone or with someone at lunch, can influence the well-being of a child in the present, and as they develop into adults. I think these resources highlight some of the most critical aspects to keep in mind when creating a classroom environment that encourages respect, freedom of creativity, and even a sense of community.

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I used this article when researching for a discussion post. While it is brief and straightforward, it really helped me understand the distinction between implicit and explicit bias, as well as the role implicit bias plays in all levels of education. I found this very enlightening for such a short piece.

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Implicit biases can negatively affect education when teachers, administrators, and other school staff make decisions and interact with students and families in ways that are influenced by their implicit biases. As a result, implicit bias in the context of education creates unfairness on the individual level (e.g., biased speech) and injustice at the institutional or systemic level (e.g., discrimination).

Educators's implicit biases can influence how teachers grade students as well as to whom they give their attention and who they ignore. It can affect which students they praise and reprimand, their body language, and tone of voice. Biases can influence the curriculum choices and which perspectives are highlighted in classrooms. It can affect choices related to guest speakers, books, stories, and more. Implicit biases can also influence how teachers and administrators react to student behaviors and result in inconsistencies across how students are disciplined that fall along racial and ethnic lines.

Implicit biases in education may help to explain pervasive inequities in educational institutions such as gaps in achievement scores based on racial and gender groups, differences in participation in advanced level courses, and differences in detention and suspension rates. It can also influence hiring and promotion practices.
Examples
Biases in Evaluation. A teacher may hold implicit biases about the mathematical abilities of certain groups of students. These beliefs in turn could influence the type of feedback provided, how frequently the teacher calls on students, the types of support and assistance provided, and decisions related to grouping students based on "learning needs."

In a randomized controlled study of 390 teachers, Copur-Gencturk et al. (2019) used randomly assigned gender- and race-specific names on 18 mathematical solutions. The teachers did not show biases in assessing the correctness of the answers; however, when the teachers were asked to evaluate the students' abilities using the same solutions, teacher biases against Black, Hispanic and female students' mathematical abilities emerged. The biases were the largest for Black and Hispanic girls.

Using a large dataset of ~40,000 teachers across the nation, Chin et al.(2020) found that counties in which teachers had higher pro-White compared to Black implicit bias (i.e., IAT scores averaged among teachers in each county) also had larger test score disparities between White and Black students.

Biases in Discipline. For the same behavior, implicit biases may lead a teacher to react to one student's behavior differently than another's. It may lead to inconsistent consequences, such as being sent to "time-out," calls to parents, suspension or expulsion. Nationally, African Americans are four times more likely, and Latinos twice as likely, to be suspended or expelled in elementary school for minor infractions than their peers (Skiba et al., 2011). In Hawaiʻi, higher rates of suspensions appear to be correlated with enrollment of low-income, multi-racial and Native Hawaiian students (Terrell, 2015). Disproportionate representation in arrests and ensuing outcomes (e.g. time in juvenile detention) for youth of Native Hawaiian, Samoan, Filipino, mixed-race and other Pacific Islander backgrounds are also evident in the State's juvenile justice system (Umemeto et al, 2012).

These patterns have been referred to as the "school to prison pipeline" and disparities in discipline have been connected to implicit biases. Using a large dataset of ~1.6 million Americans, Riddle and Sinclair (2019) found that county-level estimates of implicit White/Black bias (and county-level explicit biases, as well) are associated with racial disciplinary disparities seen in those counties across ~96,000 schools in the U.S.

It is important to promote awareness of biases so that educators and institutions can manage their effects (Derman-Sparks & Olsen Edwards, 2016). Developing equitable institutional protocols for such things as hiring procedures and evaluating teachers, as well as on-going professional development with coaching, may help. Additionally, frameworks for Anti-Bias Education can be used to guide educators (e.g., Learning for Justice Social Justice Standards). Such actions can help to mitigate implicit biases that are unfair and disruptive to learning and encourage practices that are restorative versus punitive.
References
Chin, M. J., Quinn, D. M., Dhaliwal, T. K., & Lovison, V. S. (2020). Bias in the Air: A Nationwide Exploration of Teachers' Implicit Racial Attitudes, Aggregate Bias, and Student Outcomes. Educational Researcher.

Copur-Gencturk, Y., Cimpian, J. R., Lubienski, S. T., & Thacker, I. (2020). Teachers' bias against the mathematical ability of female, Black, and Hispanic students. Educational Researcher, 49(1), 30-43.

Derman-Sparks, L., & Olsen Edwards, J. (2016). Goals of anti-bias education: Clearing up some misconceptions. Exchange, 14-18.

Riddle, T., & Sinclair, S. (2019). Racial disparities in school-based disciplinary actions are associated with county-level rates of racial bias. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 116(17), 8255-8260.

Skiba, R. J., Horner, R. H., Chung, C., Rausch, M. K., May, S. L., & Tobin, T. (2011). Race is not neutral: A national investigation of African American and Latino disproportionality in school discipline. School Psychology Review, 40(1), 85-107.

Terrell, J. (2015, June). Hawaii school suspensions: Are they fair? Can they be reduced? Honolulu Civil Beat. https://www.civilbeat.org/2015/06/hawaii-school-suspensions-are-they-fair-can-they-be-reduced/

Umemeto, K., Spencer, J., Miao, T., & Momen, S. (2012, June). Disproportionate Minority Contact in the Hawaiʻi Juvenile Justice System: 2000-2010. http://ag.hawaii.gov/cpja/files/2013/01/DMC-FINAL-REPORT-2012.pdf

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Implicit biases can negatively affect education when teachers, administrators, and other school staff make decisions and interact with students and families in ways that are influenced by their implicit biases. As a result, implicit bias in the context of education creates unfairness on the individual level (e.g., biased speech) and injustice at the institutional or systemic level (e.g., discrimination).

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This article is a lot, I know. While it does give concrete definitions to what culturally competent teaching is and has been, I selected it for a different reason. By giving so many definitions for cultural competence, this article gives you the idea that cultural competence does not have a single definition; instead, it takes so many different forms! This helped me realize that there are important ways to implement culturally responsive teaching, but at the basis of all of that lies the desire to help students become the best version of themselves. Not the best reader, the best mathematician, or the best at science, just the best version of that child.

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NCCC: Curricula Enhancement Module Series

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While this video does not exactly define cultural competence, it brings forward great points about what cultural competence entails for a teacher. The point John Hattie makes, which really resonated with me, is that it's not about what the children can or can't do; it's how they think. To help students achieve academic success, first, you must build a relationship with them. However, before you can do that, you must understand the context in which the student exists and what they bring to the classroom.

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John Hattie on the Cultural Competence of the Teacher

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I thought this was a great and useful infographic covering some of the aspects needed for culturally competent teaching. This is great for referencing if, in the future, an instance arises in which I may not see what I'm missing, or what more I can do to be culturally responsive in my teaching.

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Professional Learning - Cultural Competence

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Professional Learning - Cultural Competence

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I would consider this the groundwork for this section. This article outlines what cultural competence and implicit bias are, what constitutes a culturally competent teacher, and methods for implementing culturally competent teaching. While it is a rather bland article, I think it has a lot to offer for someone who wishes to continue on the path of self-improvement and understanding.

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CT.gov - Connecticut's Official State Website

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Overview

The Standard

Professional learning that enhances both educator practice and outcomes for each and every student facilitates educators' self-examination of their awareness, knowledge, skills, and actions that pertain to culture and how they can develop culturally-responsive strategies to enrich the educational experiences for all students.

Culture Defined

Culture is a set of values, beliefs, or behaviors shared by a group of people based on race, geography, socioeconomic status, experiences, or other unifying denominators. Cultural norms guide the ways that individuals assign meaning to, interact with, and adapt to different contexts. Culture is ever evolving and is affected by an individual's development, experiences, and surroundings*.

* La Salle, T., Meyers, J., Varjas, K., & Roach, A. (2015). A Cultural-ecological Model of School Climate. International Journal of School & Educational Psychology, 3(3), 157-166.

Cultural Competence and Professional Learning

Cultural competence in school communities enhances the teaching and learning process and helps ensure equitable opportunities and supports for each and every student. Cultural competence encompasses:

An understanding of one's own cultural identity, biases, prejudices, and experiences of both privilege and marginalization;

The continuous pursuit of skills, knowledge, and personal growth needed to establish a meaningful connection with people from various cultural backgrounds; and

A lifelong commitment to action that supports equity within each school community.

Components of Cultural Competence and Cultural Responsiveness in Education

Enhancing educators' cultural competence and capacity to be culturally responsive is an iterative process that requires evaluating, examining, challenging, and adapting educational practices. In turn, educators are better equipped to facilitate equitable education, environments, and systems that support the success of all students, including those from undeserved populations. Three primary components underlie this ongoing process:

Understanding of one's own cultural identity, biases, prejudices, and experiences of both privilege and marginalization

As educators strive to enhance cultural competence, they should begin with an examination of their own beliefs, biases, prejudices, and cultural influences and an interrogation of the cultural assumptions that underlie their beliefs and actions. The goal of this examination is to develop sensitivity, honor, acceptance, respect, and compassion toward varying cultural identities/groups in order to ensure a culturally sensitive and equitable learning environment. The following are key areas to focus on to enhance self-awareness

Developing a conscience of power and privilege in educational communities that creates a system of inequity among students from underserved populations (e.g., English learners, students with disabilities); and

Examining biases, stereotypes, prejudices, and prior experiences that have an impact on perceptions, interactions, and responses to students and families from various backgrounds in positive and negative ways.

The continuous pursuit of skills, knowledge, and personal growth needed to establish a meaningful connection with people from various cultural backgrounds

To become a valuable resource for students and their families, culturally competent educators:

Commit themselves to expanding their knowledge of beliefs and values, communication and interaction patterns, histories, attitudes, and behaviors across cultural groups to continue to inform their experiences in school and in the larger social context (e.g., family-school partnerships, integrating community resources, and strengthening community partnerships); and

Continually identify, learn, and use new skills that offer a culturally responsive approach to educating students and communicating with families across cultures. These skills include but are not limited to:

The ways in which expectations, reinforcements, and consequences are developed, communicated, and followed among school personnel, students, and families within the educational context (e.g., classroom, hallways, school-wide); and

Integrating diverse, meaningful, and affirming cultural perspectives into curricula to promote student engagement and motivation to learn.

A lifelong commitment to action that supports equity in each school community

Professional learning should uphold cultural competence and responsiveness as key components in supporting equitable learning opportunities for students from underserved populations. Practical examples of ongoing learning include:

Understanding the impact of cultural norms within the cultural context (e.g., school climate data, discipline data, achievement data);

Developing and refining the ways in which educators are able to establish positive learning environments that are affirming and increase the likelihood of success for all students, including those from underserved populations; and

Seeking opportunities to integrate relevant aspects of students' culture to enhance engagement and understanding content (e.g., educators and students collaboratively establishing classroom norms and expectations, infusing real-life experiences from students into the curriculum and class discussions, integrating family and community resources).

Reflection

Use these guiding questions to help members of the school and/or district community identify strengths, areas for growth, and next steps to align the Cultural Competence standard across the school and/or district professional learning system:

What are the cultural backgrounds of educators, students, families, and other members of the community?

What are ways to integrate students' and families' culture within the educational community to enhance engagement and positive academic and non-academic outcomes?

What school and/or district initiatives have been introduced to engage, honor, and utilize the various assets of the range of cultures represented by students and families?

What professional learning experiences do you consider meaningful and effective at enhancing cultural competence among educators in your school and district?

What obstacles need to be overcome to help ensure progress with enhancing cultural competence among educators in your school and/or district?

What communication strategies are in place to ensure that implementation of cultural competence is consistent, coherent and a natural part of the routines throughout the school and/or district community?

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Professional Learning - Cultural Competence

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Professional learning that enhances both educator practice and outcomes for each and every student facilitates educators' self-examination of their awareness, knowledge, skills, and actions that pertain to culture and how they can develop culturally-responsive strategies to enrich the educational experiences for all students.

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While this article provides solid definitions for cultural competence, I selected it for its points about a culturally responsive pedagogy. This article provides some details on where previous culturally affirming pedagogies fell short and covers the direction in which culturally affirming pedagogies are headed. This article lacks a solid conceptual framework, but consists of smaller, easier-to-implement, culturally respectful ideologies.

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For decades, researchers have found that teachers in public schools have undervalued the potential for academic success among students of color, setting low expectations for them and thinking of cultural differences as barriers rather than assets to learning.

In response, scholars developed teaching methods and practices-broadly known as asset-based pedagogies-that incorporate students' cultural identities and lived experiences into the classroom as tools for effective instruction. The terms for these approaches to teaching vary, from culturally responsive teaching and culturally sustaining pedagogy to the more foundational culturally relevant pedagogy. Though each term has its own components defined by different researchers over time, all these approaches to teaching center the knowledge of traditionally marginalized communities in classroom instruction. As a result, all students, and in particular students of color, are empowered to become lifelong learners and critical thinkers.

This explainer unpacks what it means to be a culturally responsive teacher, how all these research terms are related, and where other academic concepts such as critical race theory tie in-or not.

What is the definition of culturally responsive teaching?

Culturally responsive teaching means using students' customs, characteristics, experience, and perspectives as tools for better classroom instruction.

The term was coined by researcher Geneva Gay in 2000, who wrote that "when academic knowledge and skills are situated within the lived experiences and frames of reference for students, they are more personally meaningful, have higher interest appeal, and are learned more easily and thoroughly."

It's the kind of teaching that helps students of color see themselves and their communities as belonging in schools and other academic spaces, leading to more engagement and success.

What is culture, and why is it relevant to student learning?

Culture refers to the customs, languages, values, beliefs, and achievements of a group of people. Students' culture and lived experiences that influence how they understand and make sense of the world or themselves are an integral part of who they are as learners. As Emily Style, the former founding co-director of the National SEED Project (Seeking Educational Equity and Diversity), once wrote, "Half the curriculum walks in the door with the students."

While more than half of public school students are students of color, most schools are organized around the mainstream culture of white Americans. The culture that many students experience at home and in their communities is not always represented at school-or is represented in a stereotypical way.

Also, 80 percent of teachers are white. Research has found that teachers are just as likely to have racial biases as non-teachers, and those biases tend to influence the expectations they have for their students and their ways of managing their classrooms. For example, past research has found that white teachers have lower expectations for Black students than they do for white students, and those can turn into "self-fulfilling prophecies" when students internalize them or when teachers change their approach to students as a result of their mindsets.

One study found that white teachers were more likely to praise a poorly written essay if they thought it was written by a student of color than if they thought the essay was by a white student. Teachers' racial biases can also result in decreased access to advanced coursework and higher rates of suspensions.

When did culturally responsive teaching start?

Culturally responsive teaching stems from the framework of culturally relevant pedagogy, which was introduced by scholar Gloria Ladson-Billings in the 1990s. Ladson-Billings was tired of the commonly held narrative that Black children were deficient and deviant, and that there was something wrong with them. Instead, she wanted to find out what was right with Black children, their families, and their communities. To do so, she researched the practices of effective teachers of Black students.

For about two years, Ladson-Billings observed teachers who were identified by both principals and Black parents as being excellent. The teachers had different ways of teaching, but they all had high expectations for their students and fostered academic success. They also all valued and integrated themselves in the community from which their students came.

Ladson-Billings distilled the commonalities in those teachers' beliefs and practices into the framework of culturally relevant pedagogy, which she defined as a model that "not only addresses student achievement but also helps students to accept and affirm their cultural identity while developing critical perspectives that challenge inequities that schools (and other institutions) perpetuate."

There are three components of culturally relevant pedagogy:

student learning-prioritizing students' intellectual growth, including their ability to problem-solve;

cultural competence-creating an environment where students affirm and appreciate their culture of origin while also developing fluency in at least one other culture; and

critical consciousness-teaching students how to identify, analyze, and solve real-world problems, especially those that result in societal inequities against marginalized groups.

So, what are the characteristics of culturally responsive teaching?

Gay's research shows five essential components of culturally responsive teaching:

A strong knowledge base about cultural diversity. Teachers should understand different racial and ethnic groups' cultural values, traditions, and contributions to society, and incorporate that knowledge into their instruction.

Culturally relevant curricula. Teachers should include multiple perspectives in their instruction and make sure the images displayed in classrooms-such as on bulletin boards-represent a wide range of diversity. Teachers should also contextualize issues within race, class, ethnicity, and gender.

High expectations for all students. Teachers should help students achieve academic success while still validating their cultural identities.

An appreciation for different communication styles. Teachers should understand different communication styles and modify classroom interactions accordingly. For example, many communities of color have an active, participatory style of communication. A teacher who doesn't understand this cultural context might think a student is being rude and tell the student to be quiet. The student may then shut down.

The use of multicultural instructional examples. Teachers should connect students' prior knowledge and cultural experiences with new knowledge.

Doesn't that require teachers to reinforce stereotypes about students of color and even discriminate against white children?

In short, no. While the academic framework of culturally responsive teaching and other asset-based pedagogies emerged from how to best support students of color, it evolved into a teaching approach that serves all students, regardless of their racial background.

Sharroky Hollie, the director of the nonprofit Center for Culturally Responsive Teaching and Learning, works with teachers to practice what he calls cultural and linguistic responsiveness. In his work, he talks about the rings of culture, meaning the various aspects of students' identities that can impact how they interact with the world around them.

To Hollie, it's not just about thinking of ways to validate and incorporate a student's racial background into the classroom. It's not about thinking of students in a one-dimensional, stereotypical way. Culturally responsive teachers must also consider the student's gender, age, socio-economic status, whether they live in the suburbs or a rural area, and more.

"It's not as simplistic as we're trying to value our students of color," he said. "We're actually trying to value the rings of culture that they bring to our schools, regardless of their racial background."

For instance, in predominately white school districts, there are white students who, due to where they live or their family's socio-economic status, are underserved by their school district and could benefit from a culturally responsive approach to education, Hollie said.

What is culturally sustaining pedagogy, and how is it different than culturally relevant teaching?

Schools are still places where white norms are considered the default standard in the curricula, behavioral expectations, linguistic practices, and more. Culturally sustaining pedagogy says that students of color should not be expected to adhere to white middle-class norms, but their own cultural ways of being should be explored, honored, and nurtured by educators.

The framework builds on the work of Ladson-Billing and others but offers a "loving critique" that cultural relevance in the curriculum is not enough for students in today's world, given demographic shifts toward a more diverse society. Paris and Alim also argue that asset-based pedagogies, like culturally relevant teaching, traditionally haven't paid enough attention to young people's more fluid relationships with their identities.

Ladson-Billings has embraced the evolution of her foundational pedagogy, writing in 2014 that "culturally sustaining pedagogy uses culturally relevant pedagogy as the place where the beat drops." She also told Education Week that she is now paying close attention to how teenagers shape culture, an aspect that wasn't present in her original work.

It's important to remember that these asset-based pedagogies-culturally responsive, culturally relevant, and culturally sustainable, among others-are not in conflict with each other. While their frameworks vary, they all have the same goal of dismantling a deficit approach to educating students of color and focusing instead on their strengths, assets, and communities in the classroom.

What does the research say about the effectiveness of these teaching frameworks?

A 2016 synthesis of decades of research on culturally responsive teaching and related frameworks found that engaging in culturally affirming practices across subject matters, including mathematics and science, led to positive increases in students' understanding and engagement with academic skills and concepts.  For instance, students in high school math class could learn about statistics by assessing the probabilities of racial profiling cases in various neighborhoods or using other datasets applicable to their communities that bring up questions about justice and injustice.

Culturally responsive teaching and similar approaches to teaching also increased students' motivation, interest in content, and the perception of themselves as capable students, among other benefits, the study found. Brittany Aronson, an associate professor in educational leadership at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio, and a co-author of the study, said, whenever teachers drew direct connections between classroom lessons and students' experiences outside of school, students could see greater value in the academic content as it applies to the real world. Such work helps students see themselves as knowledge producers and researchers.

Overall, teaching that makes school relevant to students helps them succeed both in terms of quantitative measures such as high test scores, and more qualitative measures such as becoming life-long learners able to ask critical questions about the world around them, both in and out of school, Aronson said.

What are some examples of culturally responsive teaching?

Teachers who practice culturally responsive teaching have a classroom full of books featuring characters and images that represent a variety of ages, genders, ethnicities, and other types of diversity. They share the achievements and expertise of people from different ethnic groups in every subject area. They include multiple perspectives when discussing historical and contemporary events, including those from oppressed groups who are often left out of the narrative. And they encourage students to draw on their prior knowledge and cultural experiences to make connections to the academic content.

Culturally responsive teaching also must have an element of critical consciousness, where students are empowered to critique and analyze societal inequities. For example, Teddi Beam-Conroy, an associate teaching professor at the University of Washington, was teaching the Declaration of Independence to a class of 5th graders. When they got to the line that said, "All men are created equal," Beam-Conroy asked her students, "Who were the men who were considered equal at that point?" To illustrate the point, she asked everyone to stand up-and then told them to sit down if they didn't identify as male, if they didn't identify as white, or if their parents rented instead of owned a home.

That exercise opened the door to a conversation about how Americans weren't all equal in the late 18th century. Beam-Conroy's students discussed when women and African Americans got the right to vote-and what implications that has had on the composition of U.S. Congress or the Supreme Court. The critical consciousness piece is "examining how historically, power has been distributed and guarded among particular folks who make the laws," Beam-Conroy said. "Fifth graders can understand that."

Culturally responsive teaching can also involve a deeper reimagining of classroom codes of conduct. For instance, in some students' culture, talking while someone else talks shows how invested and engaged they are in the conversation, said Hollie with the Center for Culturally Responsive Teaching and Learning. Culturally responsive teachers find ways to incorporate that verbal overlap into their lesson rather than seeing it as rude or worthy of discipline.

What isn't culturally responsive teaching?

Researchers note that some educators say they're practicing culturally responsive teaching, but it's an overly simplified version. For example, for some teachers, a multicultural school potluck meal or adding diverse books to their classroom library sufficiently counts as affirming students' culture in education. But culturally responsive teaching is deeper, more critical work.

"There's a tendency to truncate culturally responsive teaching to be about a whole myriad of things-it's about relationships, it's about anti-racist education, it's about diverse books," said Zaretta Hammond, the author of Culturally Responsive Teaching and the Brain. "It's like that old parable of the king who asks nine blind men to describe an elephant. Each one grabs a different part of the elephant. 'Oh, it's flat and wide'-he's got the ear. 'No, it's like a rope'-he's got the tail. No one has the whole picture."

Too often, she said, white progressive educators view culturally responsive teaching as an add-on to their regular instruction instead of a fundamental shift in their pedagogy. For example, a teacher might think students of color just need to see themselves in order to feel motivated and do the work, so she'll incorporate diverse books into her classroom or syllabus-but not change anything to the content or her way of instruction.

Another common misconception is that culturally responsive teaching is a way of addressing student trauma, which is a deficit-based ideology that assumes the universal experience of people of color is one of trauma, Hammond said.

How widespread is culturally responsive teaching?

Most teacher-preparation programs have also incorporated culturally responsive teaching into their courses. And some school districts, including New York City and Baltimore City, have adopted a culturally responsive and/or sustaining approach to education.

Still, experts say it's difficult to pinpoint exactly how many teachers have adopted these asset-based pedagogies because some may use only certain tenets. For instance, helping students develop a critical consciousness is often ignored.

What does all of this have to do with critical race theory?

Critical race theory, broadly speaking, is an academic concept with the core idea that race is a social construct, and racism is not only the product of individual bias or prejudice but is also embedded in policies and systems, such as a legal system-or as some scholars such as Ladson-Billings propose, an educational system.

Aspiring K-12 teachers in graduate level courses may study aspects of critical race theory to better understand how school systems are designed in ways that don't serve the needs of students of color. But critical race theory is not taught as a guide for classroom instruction, nor is it typically used as a culturally relevant or culturally responsive lesson plan for kids and teens, said Aronson with Miami University.

Asset-based pedagogies, like culturally relevant or culturally responsive teaching, are not the same thing as critical race theory. They have different theoretical bases and different goals. However, there might be some commonalities-for example, the questions students are encouraged to ask about social systems, including education, may ring close to the consciousness critical race theory is meant to evoke.

In an interview with Education Week, Ladson-Billings stressed that culturally relevant teaching, as she defined it, has nothing to do with critical race theory. But opponents to critical race theory have glossed over those nuances, she said, adding that deliberative public debate is hard when people don't know what they're talking about.

"The attack on anything that allows more participation and moves us toward equity is going full force," she said.

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Here's what it means to be a culturally responsive teacher and where critical race theory ties in-or not.

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Diversity Iceberg (Implicit Bias Aspect of Culture Competence)

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Diversity Iceberg (Implicit Bias Aspect of Culture Competence)

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This is a simple yet powerful infographic that I would like to use to illustrate how implicit bias influences the development of cultural competence and understanding. While, as educators, we must explore our own biases, we must also make an effort to see the student for who they are, regardless of our biases. This requires an active willingness to challenge our preconceptions about students, staff, and people in general. I thought this infographic was a great representation of just how little we know about someone, and how much there is to a human being, as well as the different biases we must challenge.

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This video not only explains cultural competence but also provides examples of how this school has implemented a culture-affirming curriculum and the benefits that result. I selected this video because it highlights how cultural competence can help develop strong relationships with students, which in turn leads to increased student achievement.

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Cultural Competence Example Scenarios (Implementation through Practice)

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Cultural Competence Example Scenarios (Implementation through Practice)

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These exercises are great for challenging your own implicit biases and offer a lot of information that I may not be aware of until I am in that situation. For instance, the first scenario involves a young girl who returns to school after break wearing a traditional Muslim headscarf. Other girls in the class make negative comments about her headscarf, and the scenario asks how you, the reader, would handle this situation. It raises excellent points, such as how one can't tell if someone is practicing their religion solely by the presence of a headscarf, and how this is likely a significant step for the young girl to wear this headscarf for the first time. These exercises are great for identifying the ways we perceive others and their interactions, while providing substantive answers to these questions.

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Exercise 5: Scenarios- Examples on how to deal with interculturally diverse positions in the classroom | PRACTICE

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Self-assessment is critical in developing cultural competence, and this resource is the best I have found for assessing implicit biases. After completing a couple of these assessments, I feel more assured of my biases; however, there are numerous types of bias assessments available through this resource, all of which can have a significant impact on students, especially as the student body becomes increasingly diverse.

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In the previous section, I provided an implicit bias test from Harvard. While I did want to include that in this section, I thought it was a better tool for developing cultural competence rather than how it impacts teacher perceptions. However, I'd like to reflect on my test scores from Harvard's Race IAT (Implicit Association Test). My results indicate that I have no automatic preference between African Americans and European Americans. It felt good to receive these results; however, it helped me realize that tests like these cannot always detect implicit biases. As I study to become a teacher, I understand that I must consistently stay aware of my actions and decisions, especially in those situations where biases may take hold. I think that even with a test like this, some may take it and assume they are free of biases, assumptions, or stereotypes, but that's not the case. This can be even more problematic, causing instructors to act with full confidence that they are not influenced by bias, when really, constant self-reflection is the only way to maintain a check on our biases.

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I selected this article for two reasons: it discusses addressing implicit bias through awareness and maintaining that awareness through practices such as journaling or practicing mindfulness, like meditation. Becoming aware of our biases is the first step and is crucial for getting our foot in the door when it comes to refuting them. Additionally, the article discusses several ways to develop consistent reflection, which I believe is essential for being a culturally competent educator.

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Whether or not a teacher "believes in" her students and expects them to succeed has been shown to affect how well that student does in school, particularly among disadvantaged students. But educators should be aware that those expectations can be influenced by their own implicit racial biases.

In a recent study that looked at interviews involving 16,000 U.S. teachers, Black and non-Black teachers were asked to predict their 10th-graders' future educational attainment. Would she graduate from high school? How about college? When asked about any specific Black student, White teachers were about 30 percent less likely than Black teachers to predict he or she would someday earn a college degree. For White students, the teachers' predictions, or expectations, were about the same.

"We cannot determine whether the black teachers are too optimistic, the non-black teachers are too pessimistic, or some combination of the two," wrote one of the study's authors, American University's Seth Gershenson, in an an August blog post. But, he noted, it is worrisome nonetheless, "as systematic biases in teachers' expectations for student success might contribute to persistent socio-demographic gaps in educational achievement and attainment."

The study also found that the racial mismatch of expectations was stronger for boys, and that the most optimistic group about Black male students was Black female teachers (even more so than Black male teachers.)

"These results are not meant to, nor should they, demonize or implicate teachers," wrote Gershenson. "Biases in expectations are generally unintentional and are an artifact of how humans categorize complex information." Hopefully, the authors suggest, the study's findings will lead to helpful discussions.

Although the U.S. public school system now has more non-White students than White students, White teachers still account for 84 percent of the teaching force.
What is Implicit Bias and Can it Be Fixed?
Implicit biases are defined by the Kirwin Institute as attitudes or stereotypes that are activated unconsciously and involuntarily. They are not the same as biases that a person might try to hide because they're unpopular or socially incorrect. Social scientists believe that implicit biases are learned as young as age 3, and may be fueled by stereotypes perpetrated in the media, or beliefs passed along by parents, peers, and other community members.

"Our belief here is that we all have implicit biases," said Maureen Costello, director of Teaching Tolerance, a project of the Southern Poverty Law Center working toward equity in schools. And it's not just teachers, she points out. Recent studies, prompted by police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have looked at implicit biases among law enforcement officers and found that both White and Black officers often have implicit biases about Black community members.

The consequences for Black communities policed by biased officers has been tragic, but it can be equally consequential in schools, points out Becki Cohn-Vargas, the co-author of Identity Safe Classrooms: Places to Belong and Learn. "This is not about blaming or pointing fingers," she said, but it clear that the decisions made by teachers also do affect children's life trajectories. Unequal discipline, for example, may fuel the school-to-prison pipeline that has disproportionately affected students of color.

But what's important to know about implicit biases is that, once people are made aware of them, those biases can be successfully addressed. "We can mitigate them. We can interrupt them. You can train your mind to catch yourself," said Costello. "It's like breaking a habit, but the first thing you have to do is become aware of the habit."

Awareness is the first, foundational step. (To take an Implicit Assessment Test (IAT) online, visit Teaching Tolerance's Test Yourself webpage.) The second step, suggests Costello, is developing a sense of reflectiveness. Ask yourself, "Is the way I'm approaching this student affecting outcomes?" And consider the data available in your classroom: Who do you call on, and how often? (Do you need to switch to a randomized technique, like pulling popsicle sticks?) How do you seat students, or group them? Are you treating everybody the same when it comes to homework, or are you giving a break to the kid you think has a bad home life or little chance of getting to college?

Researchers also suggest it's helpful to "refute" and "counter" the negative stereotypes that fuel biases, said Cohn-Vargas. That means recognizing these stereotypes really aren't true, and opposing them with ideas that are: for example, it's not true that all Black boys are loud and disruptive; it is true that students who talk a lot often are enthusiastic.

Cohn-Vargas suggests it's also important for educators to recognize their students as people who are individuals.

Much of this kind of work is done by culturally competent NEA members, trained by NEA trainers, through NEA's National Diversity Training Program. Additional resources to help NEA members work with students who may not look like them are available online, including NEA's Diversity Toolkit and Teaching Tolerance's "Culture in the Classroom" project.

"I'm actually encouraged by some of the things happening in positive psychology," said Costello. "If you end every day by journaling or writing down three things that were great in your class, and give yourself a little time for mindfulness and meditation, you can help retrain your mind to see the positive rather than the negative."
Photo: Associated Press

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When Implicit Bias Shapes Teacher Expectations | NEA

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"It's like breaking a habit, but the first thing you have to do is become aware of the habit," says expert.

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I selected this research paper because of its intriguing results. In this paper, they measure implicit biases among white and non-white educators and students, and their ability to solve mathematical problems. While there were signs of implicit bias against race, the results showed greater disparities among boys and girls, a type of bias I had not done much research on until this point. The study found that both male and female, white and non-white teachers, were more likely to rate a boy student's mathematical abilities higher than those of their female peers. This opened my eyes to a gender bias that I had not been aware of previously.

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History and Data of Biases Impact on Education

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History and Data of Biases Impact on Education

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I selected this article because it discusses the history of how implicit bias has become one of the most significant issues we face in education since Brown v. Board of Education. It provides detailed information about some of the measured biases among educators and students, as well as the ways those biases directly impact students' lives. Finally, the article suggests ways we can help students overcome these biases while addressing our own.

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How Implicit Bias Impacts Our Children in Education

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Implicit Bias Impact on Pre-Service Educators

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Implicit Bias Impact on Pre-Service Educators

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In this study, researchers discovered not only increased biases against asian American, African American, and low SES (socioeconomic status) students, but that the observed pre-service educators had no desire to change potentially biased perceptions. They found that most of these biases had developed through 'lived experience', and that some of the pre-service educators measured had intertwined implicit and explicit biases, being tested to reveal implicit biases and then reinforcing those beliefs with explicit bias. This was a strange study, not in the research but in the results. Most of the preservice educators had both implicit biases that they would vehemently deny, as well as admitting they had never attempted to challenge their biases until directly exposed to diversity or a problem-solving issue that included a factor of bias. This study has made me grateful that I am able to educate myself on such a complex and conflicting topic, and that I am challenged to observe and reflect on my own biases before they may affect my teaching.

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Examining Implicit Biases of Pre-Service Educators Within a Professional Development Context

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The opportunity gap, or conditions and barriers that impede the academic performance and school experience of minoritized students, may be exacerbated by educators’ implicit biases. The aim of this qualitative study was to understand preservice…